Notes

  1 Alan and Averil Cameron, “Christianity and tradition in the historiography of the late empire,” CQ 14 (1964), 312–28.  2 Patricia Cox, Biography in Late Antiquity. A Quest for the Holy Man (Berkeley, 1983); G. Fowden, “The pagan holy man in late antique society,” JHS 102 (1982), 33–59; Mark Edwards, Neoplatonic Saints. The Lives of Plotinus and Proclus by their Students (Liverpool, 2000); G. Clark, Iamblichus, On the Pythagorean Life (Liverpool, 1989).  3 The translation and commentary of Averil Cameron and Stuart Hall (Oxford, 1999). For the hybrid nature of the work see T. D. Barnes, “Panegyric, history and hagiography in Eusebius' Life of Constantine,” in R. Williams (ed.), The Making of Orthodoxy; Essays in Honour of Henry Chadwick (Cambridge, 1989), 94–123.  4 T. D. Barnes, Early Christian Hagiography and Roman History (Stuttgart, 2010) analyses the development of the genre and identifies a key moment around AD 360, when transparent fictions replaced historical verisimilitude in the literary evolution of saints' lives.  5 R. Doran, The Lives of Simeon Stylites (Michigan, 1992); R. Lane Fox, “The Life of Daniel,” in M. J. Edwards and S. Swain (eds.), Portraits: Biographical Representation in the Greek and Latin Literature of the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1995), 175–225; C. Foss, “Cities and villages of Lycia in the life of St Nicholas of Sion,” Greek Orthodox Theological Review 36 (1991), 303–37; Theodore: S. Mitchell, Anatolia II (Oxford, 1995), 122–50.  6 B. Rodgers and C. E. V. Nixon, In Praise of Later Roman Emperors. The Panegyrici Latini (California, 1994). There are translations of II (Theodosius) and III (Julian) by Nixon and S. Lieu respectively in the Liverpool Translated Texts series.  7 Translation and commentary by J. L. Creed (Oxford, 1984).  8 J. Vanderspoel, Themistius and the Imperial Court. Oratory, Civic Duty and Paideia from Constantius to Theodosius (Michigan, 1995); P. Heather and D. Moncur, Politics, Philosophy and Empire in the Fourth Century. Select Orations of Themistius (Liverpool, 2001); P. Heather and J. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century (Liverpool, 1991), 13–50.  9 S. Lieu, Select Letters of Libanius (Liverpool, 2003).10 A. F. Norman, Libanius vol. 1 (Loeb Classical Library) contains the speeches for Julian. Vols. 2 and 3 include a selection of his other important speeches.11 N. Baker-Brian and S. Tougher (eds.), Emperor and Author. The writings of Julian the apostate (Swansea, 2012) contains a collection of new essays on the corpus of Julian's writings. See also the major study of Susanna Elm, Sons of Hellenism, Fathers of the Church. Emperor Julian, Gregory of Nazianzus, and the vision of Rome (Berkeley, 2012).12 L. Van Hoof and P. Van Nuffelen, “Monarchy and mass communication: Antioch AD 362/3 revisited,” JRS 101 (2011), 166–84; Maud Gleason, “Festive satire: Julian's Misopogon and the new year at Antioch,” JRS 76 (1986), 106–19 argues that the work was itself an attempt to resolve the differences between the ruler and the city.13 Alan Cameron, Claudian: Poetry and Propaganda at the Court of Honorius (Oxford, 1970); M. Roberts, The Jewelled Style. Poetry and Poetics in Late Antiquity (Ithaca NY, 1989).14 J. Harries, Sidonius Apollinaris and the Fall of Rome (Oxford, 1994); C. E. Stevens, Sidonius Apollinaris and his Age (Oxford, 1934).15 Both are edited in one volume by Alain Chauvot, Procope de Gaza, Priscien de Césarée. Panégyriques de l'empéreur Anastase 1e (Bonn, 1986).16 See W. Rohrbacher, The Historians of Late Antiquity (London and New York, 2002); G. Marasco (ed.), Greek and Roman Historiography in Late Antiquity, 4th–6th century AD (Leiden, 2003); Warren Treadgold, The Early Byzantine Historians (London, 2010).17 Alan Cameron, “The Roman friends of Ammianus,” JRS 54 (1964), 15–28.18 E. D. Hunt, “Christians and Christianity in Ammianus Marcellinus,” CQ 35 (1985), 186–200; “Christianity in Ammianus Marcellinus revisited,” Studia Patristica 24 (1993), 108–13; and especially, T. D. Barnes, Ammianus Marcellinus (Cornell, 1998), 79–94.19 For the structure of the history, see Barnes, Ammianus Marcellinus, 20–31, who argues that what is preserved may in fact be the second half of a work in 36 books, which covered the period up to Constantine in brief, before launching into the expansive treatment of the surviving books.20 A recent study, M. Kulikowski, “Coded polemic in Ammianus book 31 and the date and place of its composition,” JRS 102 (2012),79–102, which has implications for the overall structure of Ammianus' work, argues that the account of the Adrianople disaster was written as a separate monograph in Greek soon after the battle, when the historian was resident in Rome, and formed part of a major discussion among intellectual and political figures, who included Libanius and Themistius, about the reasons for Rome's failure.21 He is thus both the subject and the inspiration for J. F. Matthews, The Roman Empire of Ammianus Marcellinus (London, 1989).22 C. D. Gordon, The Age of Attila. Fifth-Century Byzantium and the Barbarians (Michigan, 1960), is an attempt to remedy the deficiency by producing a patchwork narrative based on translations of the surviving historical fragments.23 R. P. C. Blockley, East Roman Foreign Policy: Formation and Conduct from Diocletian to Anastasius (Leeds, 1992); A. D. Lee, Information and Frontiers: Roman Foreign Relations in Late Antiquity (Cambridge, 1993).24 The extent of Zosimus' dependence on earlier writers (Dexippus of Athens, Eunapius, and Olympiodorus) is controversial and the subject of much discussion. See especially F. Paschoud's commentary on Zosimus for analysis at all levels. W. Liebeschuetz, “Pagan historiography and the decline of the empire,” in G. Marasco, Greek and Roman Historiography in Late Antiquity (Leiden, 2003), 187–218, argues that Zosimus contributed more than is generally supposed to his history.25 R. P. C. Blockley, “The development of Greek historiography: Priscus, Malchus and Candidus,” in G. Marasco, Greek and Roman Historiography in Late Antiquity, 289–315. At 312 he incomprehensibly criticizes Priscus for “vagueness, lack of interest in detail, over moralizing, poor strategic analysis, weak causation.”26 Evagrius 5.24 confirms that Zosimus' narrative ended in the reigns of Arcadius and Honorius.27 For the issues see Wolfram Brandes, “Anastasios o dikoros, Endzeiterwartungen und Kaiserkritik in Byzanz um 500,” Byz. Zeitschr. 90 (1997), 24–63; M. Meier, Justinian. Herrschaft, Reich und Religion (Munich, 2004), 25–8.28 It has been conjectured that he had access to official war bulletins on the Roman side (Howard-Johnston) or reports on the campaigns that were made public by Anastasius at Edessa (Trombley). But Ps-Joshua makes no mention of these, and this would not explain the quality of information which he had from the Persian side.29 A. Kaldellis, Procopius of Caesarea. Tyranny, History, and Philosophy at the End of Antiquity (Philadelphia, 2004).30 B. Croke and J. Crow, “Procopius and Dara,” JRS 63 (1983), 143–59. See the volume of Antiquité Tardive 8 (2000) devoted to a reappraisal of Buildings.31 For Jordanes, see J. J. O'Donnell, “The aims of Jordanes,” Historia 31 (1982), 223–40. The historian may be identical with Bishop Jordanes of Croton, who accompanied Pope Vigilius to Constantinople in 551 (one class of manuscripts of the Getica call the author episcopus). He would have been based near the monastery of Vivarium where Cassiodorus had retired and thus had access to Cassiodorus' work at that time. A. Momigliano, “Cassiodorus and the Italian culture of his time” PBA 41 (1955), 207–45, accepts the identification, but this is contested by P. Heather, Goths and Romans (Oxford, 1991), 34–67.32 P. Heather. “Cassiodorus and the rise of the Amals: Genealogy and the Goths under Hun domination,” JRS 79 (1988), 103–28.33 Michael Whitby, “Greek historical writing after Procopius: Variety and vitality,” in Averil Cameron and Lawrence Conrad (eds.), The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East I. Problems in the Literary Source Material (Princeton, 1992), 25–80.34 A. Kaldellis, “The historical and religious views of Agathias: a reinterpretation,” Byzantion 69 (1999), 206–52.35 Averil Cameron, Agathias (Oxford, 1970); “Agathias on the early Merovingians,” Annali della scuola normale di Pisa 37 (1968), 95–140; “Agathias on the Sassanians,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 23–4 (1969–70), 1–150.36 M. Meier, Das andere Zeitalter Justinians (Göttingen, 2004), 235–45, 405–12.37 Michael and Mary Whitby, The History of Theophylact Simocatta (Oxford, 1986).38 A. H. M. Jones, “Notes on the genuineness of the Constantinian documents in Eusebius' Life of Constantine,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 5 (1954), 196–200 (reprinted in The Roman Economy. Studies in Ancient Economic and Administrative History, ed. P. A. Brunt, 1974, 257–62); S. Mitchell, “Maximinus and the Christians: a new inscription from Pisidia,” JRS 78 (1988), 105–24.39 T. D. Barnes, “The editions of Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History,” GRBS 21 (1980), 191–201; cf. Constantine and Eusebius, 126–47. For later composition see R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (London, 1985), 633–4, 774 n. 33; A. Louth, “The date of Eusebius' Historia Ecclesiastica,” JTS 41 (1990), 111–23; D. S. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay (London, 2004), 655 n. 59.40 P. R. Amidon, The Church History of Rufinus of Aquileia Books 10 and 11 (Oxford, 1997).41 D. Rohrbacher, The Historians of Late Antiquity (London and New York, 2002), 135–49.42 A. T. Fear, Orosius. Seven Books of History against the Pagans (Liverpool, 2010); Peter Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (Oxford, 2012).43 For the complex problems concerning the composition of this work see the exemplary translation, edition, and commentary by G. Greatrex, Robert Phenix and Cornelia Horn, The Chronicle of Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor (Liverpool, 2011).44 W. Treadgold, “The Byzantine world histories of John Malalas and Eustathius of Epiphania,” International History Review 29 (2007), 709–45.45 Michael and Mary Whitby, Chronicon Paschale 284–628 AD. Translation with Notes and Introduction (Liverpool, 1989), xvii; for Malalas see W. Liebeschuetz, “Malalas on Antioch,” in Decline and Change in Late Antiquity (London, 2006) ch. V.46 R. W. Burgess, The Chronicle of Hydatius and the Consularia Constantinopolitana. (Oxford, 1993).47 B. Croke, The Chronicle of Marcellinus: A Translation and Commentary (Sydney, 1995); B. Croke, Count Marcellinus and His Chronicle (Oxford, 2001).48 C. Mango and R. Scott, Theophanes Confessor, Chronicle of Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284–813 (Oxford, 1997).49 Fergus Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World (London, 1977).50 T. Honoré, “The making of the Theodosian Code,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung, Römische Abteilung 103 (1986), 133–222; J. Harries, “The Roman imperial quaestor from Constantine to Theodosius II,” JRS 78 (1988), 148–72; J. Harries and I Wood (eds.), The Theodosian Code (London, 1993); J. F. Matthews, Laying Down the Law. A Study of the Theodosian Code (New Haven, 2000); T. D. Barnes, “The Theodosian Code,” in G. W. Bowersock et al. (eds.), Late Antiquity (Cambridge Mass., 1999), 721–2; “Foregrounding the Theodosian Code,” JRA 14 (2001), 671–85.51 R. MacMullen, “Judicial savagery in the later Roman empire,” Chiron 16 (1986), 43–62, reprinted in MacMullen, Changes in the Roman Empire (Princeton, 1990).52 The English translation of S. P. Scott is available online at http://www.constitution.org/sps/sps.htm.53 T. Honoré, Tribonian (London, 1978).54 T. M. Charles-Edwards, “Laws in the western kingdoms between the fifth and the seventh centuries,” CAH 14, 260–87.55 R. H. Barrow, Prefect and Emperor. The Relationes of Symmachus AD 384 (Oxford, 1973).56 For Cassiodorus see J. J. O'Donnell, Cassiodorus (Berkeley, 1979) available online at http://www9.georgetown.edu/faculty/jod/texts/cassbook/toc.html (accessed February 27, 2014) with a “Postprint” (1995); M. Shane Bjornlie, Politics and Tradition between Rome, Ravenna and Constantinople. A study of Cassiodorus and the Variae, 527–554 (Cambridge 2013). A selection has been translated by S. J. B. Barnish, Cassiodorus: Variae (Liverpool, 1992).57 T. D. Barnes, The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine (Cambridge Mass., 1982).58 O. Seeck, Notitia Dignitatum (Berlin, 1876) also includes texts of the two urban notitiae and the provincial gazetteers. R. Goodburn and P. Bartholomew (eds.), Aspects of the Notitia Dignitatum (Oxford, 1986). R. Grigg, “Inconsistency and lassitude: The shield emblems of the Notitia Dignitatum,” JRS 73 (1983), 132–42, argues that the blazons are largely artistic inventions. For the date of the eastern section, see C. Zuckerman, Antiquité Tardive 6 (1998), 137–47.59 See especially A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire II (Oxford, 1964), 1417–50.60 R. MacMullen, Corruption and the Decline of Rome (Yale, 1988), 174.61 R. W. Price and R. Gaddis, The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon (3 vols., Liverpool, 2005); R. W. Price, The Acts of the Council of Constantinople of 553: With related texts on the three chapters controversy (2 vols., Liverpool, 2009–12).62 Fergus Millar, A Greek Roman Empire: Power, Belief and Reason under Theodosius II, 408–50 (Berkeley, 2006).63 S. Lancel, Actes de la Conférence de Carthage (4 vols. Paris, Sources Chrétiennes 194 [1972], 195 [1972], 224 [1975] and 373 [1991]).64 W. Mathisen, People, Personal Expression, and Social Relations in Late Antiquity (2 vols., Ann Arbor, 2003).65 S. Mitchell, Anatolia II (Oxford, 1993), 73–84.66 Y. Azéma, Théodoret de Cyr. Correspondance I (Paris, 1982), 44–56.67 See N. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan (Berkeley, 1994), 308 for a specific example.68 M. R. Salzman, The Christianization of the Roman Aristocracy (2003).69 C. Lepelley, Les cités de l'Afrique romaine au bas-empire I. La permanence d'une civilisation municipale (Paris, 1979).70 E. Sironen, The Late Roman and Early Byzantine Inscriptions of Athens and Attica (Helsinki, 1997); C. Roueché, Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity (JRS monograph, London, 1989).71 L. Robert, Epigrammes du bas-empire, Hellenica IV (1948); C. Roueché, “Benefactors of the late Roman period,” Actes du Xe Congrès international d'épigraphie grecque et latine (Nimes, 1992, publ. Paris 1997), 353–68.72 Simon Corcoran, The Empire of the Tetrarchs (Oxford, 2000); Michael Crawford, “Discovery, autopsy and progress: Diocletian's jigsaw puzzles,” in T. P. Wiseman (ed.), Classics in Progress. Essays in Ancient Greece and Rome (British Academy/Oxford, 2002), 145–63.73 Fergus Millar, The Roman Near East 31 BC–AD 337 (Harvard, 1993), 190–4.74 D. Feissel, “Les inscriptions des premiers siècles byzantins (330–641),” in Atti del XI congresso internazionale di epigrafia greca e latina (Rome, 1997, publ. 1999), 577–89; see now D. Feissel, Documents, droit, diplomatique de l'empire romain tardif (Paris, 2010).75 C. Roueché, “Acclamations in the later Roman empire: New evidence from Aphrodisias,” JRS 74 (1984), 181–99. Other bibliography in Feissel's article (see previous note). For the phenomenon as a whole see now H.-U. Wiemer, “Akklamationen im spätrömischen Reich. Zur Typologie und Funktion eines Kommunikationsrituals,” Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 86 (2004), 27–73.76 D. Howlett, Insular Inscriptions (Dublin, 2004).77 M. Handley, “Inscribing time and identity in the kingdom of Burgundy,” in S. Mitchell and G. Greatrex, Ethnicity and Culture in Late Antiquity (Wales and London, 2000), 83–102.78 S. Mitchell, Anatolia II (Oxford, 1993), 91–108; W. Tabbernee, Montanist Inscriptions and Testimonia. Epigraphic Sources Illustrating the History of Montanism (Macon, 1997); S. Mitchell, “An apostle to Ankara from the New Jerusalem. Montanists and Jews in late Roman Asia Minor,” Scripta Classica Israelica 24 (2005), 207–23. For Jewish inscriptions see the excellent regional collections of W. Horbury and D. Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt (Tübingen, 1992); D. Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe I. Italy (Tübingen, 1993); D. Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe II. Rome (Tübingen, 1995); and D. Noy et al. (eds.) Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis I. Eastern Europe (Tübingen, 2004); W. Ameling (ed.) II. Kleinasien (Tübingen, 2004); D. Noy and H. Bloedhorn (eds.) III. Syria and Cyprus (Tübingen, 2004).79 F. R. Trombley, Hellenic Religion and Christianization II (Leiden, 1994), 247–373; “Christian demography in the territorium of Antioch (4th–5th c.): Observations on the epigraphy,” in I. Sandwell and J. Huskinson (eds.), Culture and Society in Later Roman Antioch (Oxford, 2004), 59–85.80 P.-L. Gatier, “Les inscriptions grecques d'époque islamique (VII^e VIII^e siècles) en Syrie du Sud,” in P. Canivet and J.-P. Rey-Coquais (eds.), La Syrie de Byzance à l'Islam (Damascus, 1992), 145–57.81 F. Kolb, Herrscherideologie in der Spätantike (Berlin, 2001); S. MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (1981).82 R. R. R. Smith, “The public image of Licinius I: portrait sculpture and imperial ideology in the early fourth century,” JRS 87 (1997), 170–202.83 R. R. R. Smith, “Late antique portraits in a public context: honorific statuary at Aphrodisias in Caria,” JRS 89 (1999), 155–89; R. Chenault, “Statues of senators in the Forum of Trajan and the Roman forum in late antiquity,” JRS 102 (2012), 103–12.84 R. R. R. Smith, “Late Roman philosopher portraits from Aphrodisias,” JRS 80 (1990), 127–55; Alan Cameron, Porphyrius the Charioteer (Oxford, 1971).85 A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire (Oxford, 1964), 712–66.86 W. Liebeschuetz, The Decline and Fall of the Ancient City (Oxford, 2001).87 B. Ward-Perkins, The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization (Oxford, 2005).

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