CHAPTER TEN

TEN TETRARCHY C. A.D. 284ñ313

The Tetrarchy is comparable in many ways to the Age of Augustus three centuries before. In both cases, a leader of rare talent salvaged Rome from a shameful state of affairs and set it on a path of reform. Though this involved restrictions of freedom, higher taxes and bigger government, its results were significant: borders were safeguarded, legal and administrative reforms were enacted, and a level of dignity was restored to the greatest power the Mediterranean world had ever known.

When we speak of the Tetrarchy, we speak of its founder, Diocletian. The true Tetrarchy only occupied 12 of Diocletianís 21 years on the throne, for prior to his expansion to four rulers there were only two, and for a very brief period in the beginning, there was only Diocletian himself. Although he shared power with his colleagues, he retained the right to legislate and to veto, and in that sense he was the sole architect of his unique brand of government. His greatest moment, however, occurred at the end of his career, when he voluntarily abdicated his throne ó an act that had not occurred in Rome since the warlord Sulla did so in 79 B.C.

The form of government and the society created by Diocletian made a great impact on the future of Europe and the Near East. Indeed, the very foundations of Feudalism and of the serfdom of the peasant class can be traced directly to his social and economic reforms. It comes as no surprise that Diocletian (even more so than the Christian emperor Constantine the Great) represents the ideal king of Dark Age and Medieval Europe.

Diocletian went to great lengths to dignify the office of Augustus, for it had been severely debased in the previous decades by frequent usurpations. He wore richly woven robes and required anyone who approached him to perform adoratio by kneeling at his feet and kissing the hem of his robe. These measures also affected the future of the Empire, for subsequent emperors (including Constantine the Great, who abandoned the laurel wreath in favor of a Greek-style diadem) retained in their courts the dignity that Diocletian had re-established.

Diocletian also demonstrated, with great clarity, the need for division between East and West. He was not the first emperor to recognize this fact (Valerian I and Gallienus had also made it their policy), but he was the first to formalize it. No longer was it a matter of temporary convenience or of military necessity, but rather an organizational principle that came to be recognized as fact. After his reign, only the greediest of emperors who coveted the whole Empire for themselves could ignore Diocletianís model.

Throughout his more than two decades as Augustus, Diocletian attempted to unify all aspects of the Empire: political, military, administrative, economic, legal and religious. Indeed, with an Empire so large and diverse as his, this was a task worthy of men who chose Jupiter and Hercules as their patron deities. Diocletianís most important reforms were in the realms of politics and war. Only a few months after taking office, he shared his supreme authority with his comrade-in-arms Maximian. This allowed them to deal with invasions on the Rhine and the Danube, which not only happened with astonishing regularity, but quite often simultaneously. A few years later, in 293, they each adopted a Caesar with whom they shared their burden. This brought the number of rulers to four ó hence the reason historians have applied the name the Tetrarchy (rule of four) to Diocletianís great creation.

The best effect of this expansion from two members to four was the new-found freedom it gave Diolcetian and Maximian. With few exceptions, the Caesars attended to the seemingly endless requirements of defending the Rhine and the Danube, and the Augusti applied themselves to larger tasks, such as administration, reform and raising the money necessary to support the government and the army.

The second effect was military flexibility. On some occasions all four of the Tetrarchs were required to wage war. The best example of this occurred in the years 297 and 298, when all four members were either stamping out rebellions or repelling invasions.

Much like the Adoptive Emperors of the 2nd Century, we may presume that if Diocletian had had suitable heirs, he would have preferred to share his authority with them rather than with army colleagues. But this natural tendency hardly detracts from the genius of Diocletianís willingness to share authority, for he no doubt would have demanded the same degree of loyalty and competence from his heirs that he did of his colleagues.

Indeed, it was a stroke of good fortune that he chose such a friend as Maximian with whom to share the burden of supreme power. If he had shared his authority with a more ambitious or less loyal man, his grand design would have quickly degenerated into yet another civil war. Trust and loyalty proved to be the cornerstones of their uncommon form of government.

Diocletian was the most thorough organizer since Augustus. He divided the Empire into four administrative units that were further subdivided into 12 dioceses and finally into 101 provinces. Though authorities have often disputed the details, the number of dioceses seems eventually to have increased to 14, and the number of provinces to 117.

The four administrative units defined the regions for which the Caesars and Augusti had primary responsibility. The dioceses were administered by ìvicarsî who answered directly to the four praetorian prefects who were attached to the Caesars and the Augusti. The governments of individual provinces were run by governors, who collectively were responsible to the vicar of their diocese.

The dioceses initially were: Britanniae (south of Hadrianís Wall), Galliae (northern Gaul), Viennensis (southern Gaul), Hispaniae (Spain and the westernmost part of North Africa), Italia (Italy and the trans-Alpine regions of Raetia and Noricum), Africa (central portion of North Africa, including Carthage), Pannoniae (the Pannonias and Dalmatia), Moesiae (the Moesias, what remained of Dacia and all of Greece), Thraciae (all of Thrace), Asiana (western part of mod. Turkey, including Lycia, Pamphylia and Galatia), Pontica (most of the southern Black Sea coast and Cappadocia) and Oriens (the vast territory from Cilicia due east to Mesopotamia, as well as Syria, the Levant, Egypt and Cyrenaica).

Diocletian purposely segregated the authority for civil and military matters. In so doing, he could have administrators do what they did best and have military men ply their trade. Furthermore, since governors and vicars had no military authority, the likelihood of their sparking a revolt was greatly reduced. Even the military commanders were unlikely to be able to gain enough support for a revolution, for their areas of responsibility often overlapped into different provinces.

The arrangement was cunning, as it eliminated most of the circumstances that had made it possible ó even likely ó that frontier commanders would revolt against the emperor. The losers in this arrangement, undoubtedly, were those of the senatorial class. Not only were they forbidden to hold military offices (a policy that Gallienus had initiated), but soon they were prevented from holding provincial governorships except in the regions traditionally allocated to them since the reign of Augustus.

The other great casualties were Italy and the city of Rome. Diocletian was a practical man who was unmoved by sentimental attachment. Though Italy and Rome may once have been the center of the Empire, Diocletian and his Illyrian colleagues saw them for what they were at that point in history. Italy was reduced to a diocese in the course of Diocletianís reorganization and became subject to taxation to which it traditionally had been immune (indeed, this was one of the main catalysts for the revolt of Maxentius in 306).

The focus of government and the army shifted from Rome to more conveniently located cities. In the West, Trier and Milan were the court cities, and in the East, Thessalonica, Nicomedia, and at a later stage, Antioch, all became court cities. The most important of these was the Bithynian city of Nicomedia. Strategically located between the Danube and Syria, it became Diocletianís ìsecond Romeî and was the precursor to Constantineís monumental decision to found Constantinople on the European shore only 50 miles to the west.

The invasions across the Rhine and Danube that had become epidemic in the 3rd Century required that the army be nearly doubled in size and undergo an extensive reorganization. The Empire now supported perhaps as many as 75 legions. The expansionist emperor Trajan had required only 30 legions, and Caracalla had only 33 legions at the height of his power. Furthermore, the naval fleets were strengthened and the land armies were reinforced with heavily armored cavalry.

Costly though it was, so large an army was necessary to combat the increased pressures on the frontiers and the greater sophistication of the arsenals employed by Romeís enemies. The army was reorganized into two main components: the limitanei (or riparienses), which were stationed at fortifications permanently based along the borders, and the comitatenses (ìsoldiers of the retinueî), which were the mobile strike forces. The comitatenses were particularly strong in cavalry and were brought into action wherever the need arose.

Though estimates vary widely, a conservative view of the number of soldiers on the payroll would be about half a million, and there may well have been as many as 900,000. With so large an army to support, tax revenues became more important than ever before. Although Diocletian always managed to raise the money necessary, he had a sincere desire to limit the suffering of the citizens, so he introduced economic reforms by which he hoped to alleviate tax burdens and combat inflation. His two main tactics were a coinage reform in 294 and the establishment of maximum prices for goods and services in 301. Both failed miserably, for the economy was too complex to be controlled by laws.

Legal reform was equally far-reaching, and much more effective, as the Tetrarchs established a large bureaucracy to administer and enforce their revised laws. These reforms removed many of the incentives associated with a more liberal society and most citizens became trapped into their socio-economic roles. In this respect, Diocletian can rightly be considered the ìfather of Feudalism,î a system by which the poor became virtual slaves to landowners in the Dark Ages and the Medieval world.

At the heart of the matter were Diocletianís efforts to stabilize agricultural production and streamline the manner in which the practical arts were passed from one generation to the next. Indeed, farm hands were legally tied to the farms they worked, and required the permission of the landlords to leave and seek work elsewhere. Those with skills in a given field were virtually forced to pass their occupations onto their offspring. While these measures may have increased the efficiency of the economy in the short term, they critically reduced personal freedom.

The worship of the pagan gods was encouraged by Diocletian, who had adopted Jupiter as his personal patron deity. Since his colleague Maximian had similarly adopted Hercules, two ìhousesî or ìdynastiesî were founded within the Tetrarchic system: the Jovian (of Jupiter) and the Herculian (of Hercules). The two Augusti went so far as to declare themselves the sons of these deities, naming July 21, 287, as their divine birthdays. It is also significant that the solar worship promoted by previous emperors (notably Aurelian and Probus) was abandoned by Diocletian for a more traditional form of paganism. It was only after Diocletianís retirement that the worship of the sun-god Sol was once again popularized by Constantine the Great, who used that pagan solar deity to ease the conversion to Christianity within the ranks of his army.

Most especially affected by the religious fervor of Diocletian and his colleagues were the Christians, whose faith did not permit their worship of other gods, even if it was only a symbolic gesture. In 297 or 298 Diocletian required all soldiers and administrators to make sacrifices to the pagan gods; those who refused were expelled. A few years later, the Tetrarchs initiated a severe persecution of the Christians with the intent of destroying the religion.

Late in February of 303 Diocletian issued an edict calling for the destruction of churches and scriptures throughout the Empire, and later in the year, issued orders to imprison the entire Christian clergy. In April of 304 this was extended to all those professing the Christian faith, with death being the penalty. Constantius I in the West did not enforce many of the anti-Christian edicts, though Maximian did so with some vigor, seemingly out of loyalty to the wishes of Diocletian. In the East, however, it was pursued with great fervor by Diocletian; Galerius; his wife, Galeria Valeria; and their nephew, Maximinus Daia.

Diocletian must have been sorely disappointed when the Tetrarchy he had so carefully built collapsed. After all, the fail-safe of his system was its promise of smooth succession through the Caesars, who were destined to replace the Augusti. Soon enough this system was torn apart by dissatisfaction among heirs and potential heirs: obvious candidates were passed up for promotion while others were chosen because of their family ties or private agendas. If anything, this shows that it was Diocletian and the unquestioning loyalty he inspired in his colleagues that supported the system. Had the course of succession been determined with greater wisdom, the Tetrarchic system no doubt would have endured far longer. It was Galerius who succeeded Diocletian with the greatest authority, and he attempted to retain the facade of the Tetrarchy while maintaining absolute power. A similar effort had been made by Augustus, who was successful in his goal of consolidating his authority within a transparent framework of Republican government. Regrettably for the Empire, Galerius failed where Augustus and Diocletian had succeeded.

The Tetrarchic system collapsed entirely in 311, when the last of the original four, Galerius, died. Four men claiming the title of Augustus remained, but they were enemies of each other, entering into fair-weather alliances to prevent their own demise. By 312 the four were reduced to three, and by the summer of 313 only two remained ó Constantine the Great in the West and Licinius I in the East. It is at this point that most historians agree the Constantinian Era begins.

ABBREVIATIONS OF TITLES

a	Augustus	c	Caesar
sa	Senior Augustus	sc	Senior Caesar
ja	Junior Augustus	jc	Junior Caesar
s-pa	Self-Proclaimed Augustus	pc	Princeps and Caesar
fa	Filius Augustorum	us:	Usurper

Note: The geographic divisions are only approximate, as members of the Tetrarchy often operated in areas in which they did not have primary authority. The region of Thrace, though located in Europe, was often considered part of the Asiatic realm. For the purposes of this table, Thrace is not strictly considered to be in either the European or Asiatic categories. The western and central portions of North Africa were usually considered part of the territories allocated along with Italy, whereas the eastern portions (including Egypt) belonged to the Asiatic portion.

JOINT-RULE OF DIOCLETIAN AND MAXIMIAN (July 1, 285 to March 1, 293)
Date	West	East
285ñ286	Maximian (c) us: Amandus	Diocletian (a)
286ñ293	Maximian (ja) us: Carausius	Diocletian (sa)

FIRST TETRARCHY (March 1, 293 to May 1, 305)
Date	Western Europe	Central/Eastern Europe	Asia
293ñ305	Constantius I (sc) us: Allectus	Maximian (ja) Galerius (jc)	Diocletian (sa) us: Domit. Domitianus
SECOND TETRARCHY (May 1, 305 to July 25, 306)
Date	Western Europe	Central/Eastern Europe	Asia
305ñ306	Constantius I (sa)	Severus II (sc)	Galerius (ja) Maximinus Daia (jc)
THIRD TETRARCHY (July 25, or later, 306 to Spring, 307)
Date	Western Europe	Central Europe	Asia
306ñFeb.307	Constantine I (jc)	Severus II (ja) us: Maxentius (pc)	Galerius (sa) Maximinus Daia (sc)
307 (FebñSpring)	Constantine I (jc)	Severus II (ja) us: Maxentius (sa) us: Maximian (ja)	Galerius (sa) Maximinus Daia (sc)
PERIOD OF DISPUTE (Summer, 307 to November 11, 308)
Date	Western Europe	Central Europe	Eastern Europe/Asia
307	Constantine I (jc, s-pa)	us: Maxentius (sa) us: Maximian (ja)	Galerius (sa) Maximinus Daia (sc)
308	Constantine I (jc, s-pa) us: Alexander	us: Maxentius (sa) us: Maximian (ja) (after April ó in Gaul)	Galerius (sa) Maximinus Daia (sc)
FIRST REVISED TETRARCHY (November 11, 308 to mid-310)
Date	Western Europe	Central/Eastern Europe	Asia
308	Constantine I (jc, s-pa) us: Alexander	Licinius I (ja) us: Maxentius (a)	Galerius (sa) Maximinus Daia (sc)
309	Constantine I (jc then fa; throughout s-pa) us: Alexander	Licinius I (ja) us: Maxentius (a)	Galerius (sa) Maximinus Daia (sc, then fa)
310	Constantine I (fa, s-pa) us: Maximian (a) us: Alexander	Licinius I (ja) us: Maxentius (a)	Galerius (sa) Maximinus Daia (fa)
SECOND REVISED TETRARCHY (mid-310 to April, 313)
Date	Western Europe	Central /Eastern Europe	Asia
310ñMay 311	Constantine I (ja) us: Alexander (-310)	Licinius I (ja) us: Maxentius (a)	Galerius (sa) Maximinus Daia (ja)
May 311ñOct. 312	Constantine I (ja)	Licinius I (ja) us: Maxentius (a)	Maximinus Daia (sa)
Oct. 312ñ313	Constantine I (sa)	Licinius I (ja) shared w/Constantine I (sa)	Maximinus Daia (ja)

DIOCLETIAN A.D. 284ñ305

AUGUSTUS: A.D. 284ñ285

(IN OPPOSITION TO NUMERIAN)

A.D. 285ñ286 (SOLE REIGN; MAXIMIAN AS CAESAR)

A.D. 286ñ305 (WITH MAXIMIAN)

FATHER OF GALERIA VALERIA

FATHER-IN-LAW OF GALERIUS

Gaius Aurelius Valerius Diocletianus (earlier Diocles), c. A.D. 240/5ñ311/2(?). Of all the emperors of Rome, Diocletian stands second only to Augustus as a reformer and organizer. Indeed, he took command of an Empire shattered by revolution and invasion and introduced stability, as well as the novel concept that power could be willingly and loyally shared. He reorganized every aspect of Roman life ó the provinces, the army, taxation, the economy and much more ó in hope that his grand scheme would salvage his decaying Empire.

As if all that were not enough, when much of his dream was achieved and his health would no longer permit him to carry the burden of duty, he voluntarily retired from office. Ever conscientious, he forced his co-emperor, Maximian, to abdicate as well, and oversaw the orderly transfer of power to junior members of his command staff. Once he had accomplished all that, he believed he could retire to his palace along the shores of the Adriatic and tend his vegetable gardens knowing he had served his Empire well.

But it was not long before Diocletianís Utopian arrangement was shattered, and it is this simple fact that forces historians to realize that Diocletianís achievement was unique, and perhaps could have been achieved by none other than himself. Immediately there were strife, jealousy and selfish power struggles that had not occurred since Diocletian assumed control more than two decades before.

Diocletian was born sometime between 236 and 245 to a humble family from Dalmatia, perhaps near Spalato, where he eventually retired. Although his father may have been a freedman (a former slave), Diocletian rose from his obscure origins to become emperor. He fought in the armies of Aurelian and Probus and served as a commander in Moesia in the 270s. During the great Persian campaign originally mounted by Carus in 283, he was appointed commander of the protectores domestici by Numerian, the son who replaced Carus as emperor in the East upon his fatherís unexpected death.

Upon the murder of Numerian late in 284, the soldiers chose Diocletian as the most suitable replacement. He may have been hailed for no reason other than the sincere hatred the soldiers harbored for Numerian s older brother, Carinus, who still retained the title of Augustus in the West. Diocletianís first act was to execute Aper, the praetorian prefect who was considered responsible for the murders of both Carus and Numerian. Though it is not inconceivable that Diocletian had a hand in their murders, the ancient historians do not indicate this and there is no reason to suspect it.

Diocletian was installed at Nicomedia on November 20, 284, as a rival to Carinus. Civil war was now inevitable. Diocletian marched west into the Balkans and confronted his opponentís armies near Verona (or Margum) in the spring or summer of 285. It appeared as though the larger army of Carinus had gained the upper hand in this pitched battle when the hated Carinus was struck down by one of his own embittered officers, leaving Diocletian the fortunate victor.

Diocletian now commanded the entire Roman army and was sole Emperor from Britain to Mesopotamia. Despite the chaotic method of his accession, Diocletian soon brought stability to the Empire. He quickly realized the gravity of his responsibilities and he determined that he must share his burden if he was to succeed. Initially he shared power with only one colleague, his comrade-in-arms Maximian, upon whom he bestowed the rank of Caesar in July of 285.

Maximian was immediately sent to Gaul to settle the revolt of the Bagaudae, which had hailed two of their own men, Amandus and Aelianus, as emperors. Upon successfully concluding that campaign, Maximian was invested with the rank of Augustus on April 1, 286. This made Maximian equal in almost every respect, except that only Diocletian retained sole authority to legislate and held veto power. More importantly, there existed a tacit understanding that Diocletian was the senior Augustus.

Perhaps on July 21, 287, the two Augusti formally declared themselves the sons of the deities to whom they professed loyalty. Diocletian chose Jupiter (Jove), the supreme deity of the Roman pantheon, whereas Maximian chose Hercules, the mythological hero who was Jupiterís instrument in ridding the world of evil. A further separation of duty and devotion occurred on the geographic level, for Maximian was to operate in the western portion of the Empire (Italy and all points west), while Diocletian was to oversee the Balkans, Asia and Egypt.

Diocletian spent the first eight years of his reign pacifying his eastern portion of the Empire. Initially he fought on the Danubian front against the Sarmatians and others, earning the title Germanicus maximus. In 287, however, he went to Asia Minor, where he reorganized the Syrian frontier and installed Tiridates III as king of Armenia. This had practical application, but also was a show of force for the Sasanians and proved to be a diplomatic victory.

From 288 to 289 he returned to the European theater and in the first year combined forces with his Imperial colleague to attack the Alemanni ó Maximian crossing the Rhine and Diocletian crossing the Danube. In the following year, Diocletian renewed his campaign against the Sarmatians. At the same time, Maximian failed badly in his attempt to win back the isle of Britain, which in 286 or 287 had been lost to a piratic naval commander named Carausius. As a result, Carausius was able to seize the coastal regions of northern Gaul. For the moment, the two legitimate emperors had no choice but to suffer this territorial loss.

The year 290 is historically uncertain, for Diocletian may have remained in Europe, but more than likely he campaigned against the Saracens ó an Arab tribe of the Sinai who had invaded Syria. By the following year he had met with his colleague at Milan and had resumed residence at Sirmium, seemingly taking on the Sarmatians once again in 292 and devoting the greater part of 293 to settling the Danubian front.

By this time, when Diocletian was preparing to celebrate his tenth anniversary (decennalia), the co-Augusti realized that they needed help. Thus, on March 1, 293, they expanded their system of shared authority to include two new members, who would hold the rank of Caesars and would each be subordinate to one of the Augusti. Perhaps the most immediate need for this expansion was the attack they planned against Carausius and his separatist British Empire. To make administration easier, the Empire had been partitioned into 12 dioceses, with each Augustus and Caesar assuming responsibility for a specific geographic region.

As his Caesar Diocletian chose Galerius, a man who seems to have been his praetorian prefect. Galerius was installed at Diocletianís eastern capital of Nicomedia, and to seal the pact, divorced his first wife to marry Galeria Valeria, the only daughter of Diocletian. At the same time in Milan, Maximian installed as his Caesar his praetorian prefect and son-in-law, Constantius I. The new Caesar of the West was immediately sent to dislodge Carausius from his naval bases on the Continent, which he did with great success by the summer of 293.

With the new formula providing greater flexibility to handle military threats in the far corners of the Empire, Diocletian was able once again to battle the Sarmatians in 294, perhaps with his new Caesar at his side. To numismatists this was an important year, for Diocletian implemented a significant coinage reform (see the Numismatic Note below), almost exactly two decades after Aurelianís great reform of 274.

Although the details are not clear (for some historians suggest Diocletian continued to fight on the Danube) it appears as though Diocletian returned to Syria in 295 and 296. The Sasanians were under the leadership of a new, fierce king, Narses, who perhaps was the cause of a revolt in Egypt. The Tetrarchs were stretched to the limit during the next three years, fighting on all fronts simultaneously. Indeed, this was the moment of glory for Diocletian, for his system of rule shared among four proved to be of great value.

Diocletian was immediately occupied with restoring Egypt, which had revolted under the leadership of Domitius Domitianus, and, presumably, a shadowy usurper named Achilleus. The chronology is far from certain, although it seems Diocletian was fully occupied toward the end of 296, through 297 and possibly into 298. He had taken Alexandria by 297, when Domitius Domitianus was probably executed.

In the meantime, Constantius I had recovered Britain from Allectus in 296 (or possibly 295 or 297), and subsequently had defeated the Alemanni. Maximian had defeated the Carpi and subsequently the Quinque-gentiani, a Berber confederation that had revolted in Numidia. In the East, Galerius had initially faltered against the Sasanian king Narses, but by 298 had won an astounding victory, recovering Armenia, sacking the capital of Ctesiphon and claiming much of Mesopotamia for the Romans.

The remaining years of Diocletianís reign were relatively peaceful and he devoted himself to domestic reform. His first task, in 299, was to reorganize the eastern provinces, which had been the site of revolt and invasion in the preceding years. Meanwhile, the two Caesars were continuing to defend the Rhine and the Danube from a perpetual series of invasions by the Marcomanni, the Carpi, the Sarmatians, the Alemanni and other Germanic and nomadic invaders.

In 301, while still in the East at his headquarters in Antioch, Diocletian issued his ambitious Edict of Prices, which sought to restore stability to the economy. Maximum prices were set for a variety of goods and services in the hope that this would curb the ill effects of runaway inflation. Time proved, however, that this Edict was ineffective, as the economic forces at work could not be controlled even under the penalty of law.

In 302, Diocletian traveled throughout Asia Minor, and wintered in Nicomedia with his Caesar Galerius, who most historians believe was the motivating force behind the Edict of Persecution that Diocletian issued late in February, 303. This document called for the burning of Scriptures, the demolition of churches and the banning of meetings for worship. Later in the year, he issued edicts that went one step further by causing the imprisonment of clergymen.

During this same year, Diocletian traveled to Rome where he joined Maximian in a celebration of their vicennalia (20th anniversary in power) and their collective triumphs, which included the victory of Galerius against the Sasanians. This was the only time Diocletian visited Rome (which was now somewhat remote from the serious concerns of the Empire) during his tenure as Augustus.

Either late in 303 or early in 304, Diocletian took yet another of the many bold steps that characterized his principate, for he compelled his colleague Maximian to take an oath that they would retire from office simultaneously. Maximian was not pleased with the prospect of forfeiting his power, but he reluctantly agreed.

In mid-December, 303, Diocletian departed for Ravenna, and en route became so ill that he had to be carried in a litter. Despite his ill health, in 304 Diocletian joined Galerius on the Danubian front to inspect the fortifications. Perhaps once again under the influence of Galerius, he issued his final anti-Christian edict in April, after which he returned to Nicomedia. By yearís end his illness had become so severe as to nearly prove fatal.

The aged emperor announced that on March 1 he and Maximian would jointly abdicate the throne and would be succeeded as Augusti by their Caesars, Constantius I and Galerius. Diocletian did so at his Imperial residence at Nicomedia and Maximian did likewise at his own headquarters in Milan. Though Diocletianís unprecedented gesture is viewed as an admirable act, we can assume with some certainty that if his health had not been so poor he would not have been so eager to retire. Nevertheless, his health improved in the spring.

An arrangement identical to that created by Diocletian followed in suit. Two new Caesars, Severus II and Maximinus Daia, were raised in place of the newly promoted Augusti. Controlling this transfer of power was Galerius, who was able to convince Diocletian to elect Caesars who were loyal to himself rather than to Constantius I, whose health was failing. In the process, the two most qualified candidates, Maxentius (the son of Maximian) and Constantine I (the son of Constantius I) were passed up for promotion.

Greatly anticipating retirement, Diocletian went to the magnificent palace he had built on the Adriatic coast at Salonae (Split) to tend to his gardens. Maximian reluctantly retired to Lucania in Southern Italy. However, the selfish designs of Galerius bred discontent, and by the following year both Constantine I and Maxentius had staked their own claims.

Even Diocletian was not excluded, for Maximian attempted to lure him out of early retirement so that they could jointly return to restore order. Diocletian refused, but Maximian ended up joining the revolt his son had sparked in Rome. Sharing power with his own son was no easy task, and Maximian tried unsuccessfully to overthrow him in 308, after which he sought asylum with his son-in-law and cautious ally, Constantine the Great (against whom he revolted in 310).

Since the Empire was in a state of Chaos, Galerius also appealed to Diocletian by hailing him consul for the tenth time and by asking him to preside at a conference at Carnuntum in November, 308. At the conference, Diocletian refused to emerge from retirement, but backed a new arrangement that was as transparent as the one of 305. Galerius remained the most powerful man in the Empire and Diocletian returned to retirement, probably living into his 70s and dying of natural causes. The date of his death, probably 311, 312 or 316, is disputed among the ancient sources.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: With the exception of some impressive issues of gold medallions, little of interest occured in the realm of numismatics prior to 293 in the reign of Diocletian. However, as part of his ambitious attempt to reform the economy, Diocletian completely overhauled the coinage system, which had continued to degenerate since the reform of Aurelian in 274. Diocletianís reform had long been attributed to the year 296, but more recently it has been convincingly placed c. 293/4.

Diocletian reformed the gold aureus by standardizing its purity and weight: initially, aurei were struck at 70 to the pound (about 4.6 grams), but two years later he struck them at 60 to the pound, increasing their weight to about 5.25 grams. Perhaps surprisingly, the reform of gold was not universal, as some of his mints struck aurei of varying weights. Further, in the Maximal Edict he specified that a Roman pound (c. 327 grams) of gold should not cost more than 50,000 denarii communes (a ëdenominationí seemingly represented by the post-reform laureate).

He also re-introduced high-purity silver in the form of the argenteus, a coin which approximated the denarius issued by Nero more than two centuries before. However, this attempt failed as his argentei ó the first coins of good silver to have been struck Empire-wide in about 4 decades ó were quickly removed from the marketplace. Scholars have long suggested that they were exported in trade with the East and recoined into the Sasanian dirhems which are so common today.

Diocletian also reformed the bronze coinages by introducing massive ëlaureateí bronze coins which often weighed more than 10 grams (and which contained 2ñ3% silver). This coin is known to collectors incorrectly as a ëfollis,í but is better termed an argentiferous nummus, or simply a nummus, as is done in this catalog. Two smaller bronzes were also introduced: a ëradiateí of about 3.0 grams with less than 1% silver content (usually called a ëpost-reform radiateí), and a still-smaller ëlaureateí piece of half that weight and seemingly with no silver content which may have represented the denarius communis. Other small pieces, such as nummus fractions of uncertain value and the antiquated quinarius (now billon), were also struck for ceremonial purposes. But Diocletianís reforms went well beyond the weight and purity of his coins. He engaged in a massive recall of earlier coins (including stray provincial pieces), which were melted down. Furthermore, he nearly doubled the number of mints (from 8 to 14), and ceased the production of provincial coinage at Alexandria entirely.

MAXIMIAN A.D. 286ñC. 310

CAESAR: A.D. 285ñ286 (UNDER DIOCLETIAN)

AUGUSTUS, 1ST REIGN: A.D. 286ñ305 (WITH DIOCLETIAN)

2ND REIGN: A.D. 307ñ308 (WITH MAXENTIUS & CONSTANTINE I)

3RD REIGN: C. A.D. 310 (INDEPENDENT)

SON-IN-LAW OF DIOCLETIAN

FATHER OF MAXENTIUS AND FAUSTA

STEP-FATHER OF THEODORA

GRANDFATHER OF ROMULUS

Marcus Aurelius Valerius Maximianus (ëMaximian Herculiusí), c. A.D. 240/50ñc. 310. The first man to benefit from the rise of Diocletian was his comrade-in-arms Maximian. Like Diocletian, Maximian was of peasant Illyrian origin ó the son of a shopkeeper near Sirmium ó who had risen through the ranks of the army during the reigns of Aurelian, Probus and Carus. He seems to have been about five years younger than Diocletian, who not only had a healthy respect for Maximianís skills in the art of war, but must also have trusted him implicitly.

Maximian had two distinctly different careers as emperor ó the first being a noble affair, the second being tragic and disgraceful. During the 20 years he served as Augustus with Diocletian, he had assumed power legitimately, and was loyal and efficient. But his forced retirement in 305 caused this healthy and ambitious man to seek any possible route back to power. At first he tried to persuade Diocletian to return with him, then he joined the rebellion of his son, Maxentius; later, he allied himself with Constantine the Great; and finally, in 310, he stole an Imperial treasury to finance his final, brief career as a renegade.

Maximianís rise to power came quickly. Not only was Diocletian unexpectedly hailed emperor, but he took the bold step of offering to share his supreme power with Maximian. Diocletian always remained the senior Augustus, with veto power and the exclusive right to legislate, yet he entrusted Maximian with a great deal of responsibility and gave him considerable freedom of action.

About three months after Diocletian had defeated Carinus, he accorded Maximian the rank of Caesar. Most historians agree this occurred on July 21, 285, though some suggest it occurred in November. Indeed, since there are no coins known of Maximian as Caesar, some historians question whether he ever held that rank. From the very outset, the two men divided their responsibilities geographically, with Diocletian in the East and Maximian operating in Italy and all points West.

Maximianís first task was to quell a revolt staged by the Bagaudae, a band of oppressed peasantry in Gaul, who had named two of their own, Amandus and Aelianus, as Augusti. With the help of a naval commander named Carausius, Maximian crushed the rebellion easily, after which Maximian repelled an invasion by the Alemanni and Burgundians along the Rhine. Maximian was rewarded with the rank of Augustus on April 1, 286, and in the following year declared himself the son of Hercules, his choice for a celestial patron, just as Diocletian had done with Jupiter.

The next few years provided enough localized crises to keep Maximian in the West. After the victory over the Bagaudae, Maximian entrusted Carausius with command of the Channel fleet so he could rid the western coasts of Frankish and Saxon pirates. But this confident gesture backfired, for Carausius himself turned to piracy and, upon becoming aware that he was slated for execution, staged a sea-borne rebellion by which he was able to take control of the island of Britain. Since Maximian was beset by successive invasions of Alemanni and Burgundians, he could do little to oppose the pirate ruler. His sole attempt to oust Carausius probably occurred in 289, and ended in disaster. So badly was he beaten that Carausius was able to take control of ports along the northern coast of Gaul either by seizing them outright or by gaining them in negotiation.

By 291 Maximian was able to take leave of Gaul and go to Milan for a conference with Diocletian, who in the meantime had been occupied on the Danubian and Persian frontiers. They no doubt discussed strategies for making their government and frontier defenses more effective, and for reclaiming the territories lost to Carausius. The course of action they eventually adopted was adding two junior members, Caesars, to the Imperial fold.

Maximian adopted his son-in-law, Constantius I, and Diocletian chose his praetorian prefect, Galerius. The ceremonies took place concurrently on March 1, 293, with Constantius I being installed at Milan and Galerius receiving his title at Nicomedia. In the West, Maximian retained control of Italy, Sicily and North Africa, and handed over control of the troublesome province of Gaul to Constantius I, who established his court at Trier.

One of the urgent purposes of this Imperial expansion was to defeat Carausius. Constantius I attacked Carausiusí bases along the northern coast of Gaul, besieging and capturing Gesoriacum (Boulogne) in the summer, and soon thereafter seizing the remainder of Carausiusí coastal possessions from his Frankish allies in Batavia. Utterly defeated on the Continent, Carausius returned to Britain that summer only to be assassinated by his chief minister, Allectus. Constantius embarked on three years of careful preparations for the anticipated invasion of Britain.

In 294 and 295 the West was relatively peaceful, whereas Diocletian and Galerius were fully occupied on the Danubian front and in Asia Minor. By 296, however, trouble erupted in all quarters of the Empire, and each of the four leaders was simultaneously occupied with war: Diocletian in Egypt, Galerius on the Danube and in Asia Minor, and Constantius I in Gaul and Britain. While Constantius was occupied with the recovery of Britain, Maximian kept the peace in the rest of the western part of the Empire. He began by reinforcing the defenses on the Rhine and by repelling an invasion of the Carpi on the Danube.

In that same year, 296, after defending the Rhine and the Danube, Maximian advanced south into Spain, where he seems to have campaigned briefly before crossing over either late in that year or in 297, to Numidia, where he suppressed an uprising by a Berber confederation known as the Quinquegentiani. By 298 all the dust had settled and the victories were impressive. The Sasanians had been roundly defeated, the rebellion of Domitius Domitianus and Achileus in Egypt had been crushed and Britain had been recovered.

Maximian had singlehandedly restored peace to North Africa, establishing a mint in Carthage, bringing an end to the Berber and Numidian raiding parties, and strengthening frontier defenses from Mauretania to Libya. For this he held a triumph in Carthage either late in 297 or on March 10 of 298 (sources differ), and held a formal Triumph when he reached Rome in 299.

During the remainder of the joint-reign of Diocletian and Maximian, most of the frontier warfare was conducted by the two Caesars. Diocletian devoted most of his effort to re-organizing and legislating in the East, with Maximian most often administering affairs in the West from his headquarters in Milan.

The year 303 was eventful, for not only did the Great Persecution of the Christians begin, but Diocletian and Maximian traveled to Rome, where in November they celebrated their vicennalia (20th anniversary) and multiple triumphs for victories in Britain, North Africa, Persia and Egypt. However, Diocletianís health was worsening, and when he left Rome for Ravenna in mid-December, he was so ill that he had to be carried in a litter. Either prior to leaving Rome in 303 or at Ravenna early in 304, Diocletian persuaded Maximian to swear an oath jointly to abdicate at some unspecified time in the near future.

During the remainder of 304, Dioceltian struggled with his illness, and spent most of his time with Galerius, who was lobbying for his two main agendas ó the persecution of Christians and making certain that the next Tetrarchic arrangement would favor him exclusively. By the end of the year, Diocletianís illness was nearly fatal and he did not recover until the spring of 305. Having determined the time was right, he announced that on March 1, he and Maximian would abdicate and pass the titles of Augustus onto their Caesars, Galerius and Constantius I, who would in turn elect their own Caesars.

This was an especially difficult event for Maximian, who was not yet ready to abdicate, but felt obliged to keep his oath. To make matters worse, Galerius arranged affairs such that Maximianís own son, Maxentius, was passed over for promotion in favor of Galeriusí nephew, Maximinus Daia, and a comrade-in-arms, Severus II. Maximian had no choice but to retire humbly to a villa in southern Italy, perhaps in Lucania.

The death of the new senior Augustus, Constantius I, in July of 306 brought about a new turn of events, for his son, Constantine I, seized power in the West. Galerius once again passed up Maxentius by acknowledging Constantine I as Caesar and promoting Severus II from Caesar to Augustus. This second insult to Maxentius, combined with Galeriusí intention to eliminate the Praetorian camp in Rome and to impose new taxation on the city, caused a rebellion in the ancient capital. On October 28, 306, the citizens and the praetorian guards hailed Maxentius their leader, and he assumed the titles Princeps and Caesar. Joining Rome was all of southern Italy, the islands of Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica, and the important diocese of Africa.

Maxentius soon asked his father to join the revolt, which he did immediately, especially since his earlier efforts to lure Diocletian out of retirement had failed. He began by marshaling forces in Rome to oppose the expected invasion by Severus II, who was headquartered at Milan. Maximian and Maxentius abandoned any pretense of cooperation with Galerius and Severus II, and in February of 307 (or in April, at the latest) both assumed the title of Augustus. Despite his greater reputation, Maximian was considered the junior of the two, for the rebellion had been sparked by his son.

When Severus brought his armies to the walls of Rome in the spring of 307, Maximian put his decades of military experience to good use. Through both bribery and heartfelt appeals (he had formerly commanded the men in Severusí legions), he caused most of Severusí army to defect. Severus retreated north, being pursued the whole while by Maximian, who eventually besieged him at Ravenna. Severus was coaxed into surrendering and abdicating on the condition that his life would be spared.

Realizing his victory was only temporary, Maximian traveled to Gaul to form an alliance with Constantine I, whom Galerius had grudgingly hailed Caesar in the West. Both men realized that Galerius was their enemy in common, and so Constantine married Maximianís daughter, Fausta, and made a half-hearted pact. Furthermore, Constantine proclaimed himself Augustus, even though his official rank remained Caesar.

Galerius invaded Italy later in 307. Maxentius acted first by executing the captive Severus II and then by employing his fatherís tactic of bribery, which caused another mass defection of troops to his cause. Not wanting to suffer the same fate as his ill-fated colleague, Galerius quickly withdrew to Illyria before Constantine had the opportunity to advance on his rear.

Maximian returned to Rome early in 308 to join his son, whom he promptly attempted to overthrow at a meeting (probably) on April 20. He failed in this endeavor and fled Italy to seek asylum with his new son-in-law, Constantine I. In the meantime, Constantine had stirred the vicar of North Africa, Lucius Domitius Alexander, to revolt against Maxentius. Whether Alexander did this based on a secret pact with Maximian before he returned to Italy is uncertain. In any event, it was a master stroke that contributed much to Maxentiusí eventual downfall by starving Rome of most of its grain supply.

By now the Empire was in chaos, and Galerius was at a loss for a solution. So he called a conference at Carnuntum on November 11, 308, at which he hoped his opponents would be willing to make compromises. Galeriusí first hope was to lure Diocletian out of retirement, but instead he only managed to gain his attendance and his approval for a new arrangement sometimes called the First Revised Tetarchy.

In the new arrangement, Constantine was confirmed as Caesar (though he still openly claimed the title Augustus), Maximian was stripped of his self-proclaimed title of Augustus, and Maxentius remained a public enemy. Meanwhile, Galerius retained his nephew, Maximinus Daia, as Caesar, and raised another of his comrades, Licinius I, to the post of Augustus which had been vacated by Severus II. In the end, nothing had really changed and further unrest became unavoidable.

Maximian returned to Gaul in defeat, and could do little more than serve as an adviser to Constantine. But after more than a year in that capacity, he grew unsatisfied. In a fit of desperation, in the spring of 310, Maximian revolted against Constantine, who was battling the Franks on the Rhine. He seized the Imperial treasure in Aries, declared himself emperor and, upon learning of Constantineís unexpectedly fast pursuit, fled south.

The purpose of his rebellion remains uncertain. It may have been an abortive attempt to overthrow Constantine in Gaul or, from the south of Gaul, he may have hoped to launch a naval expedition against his son in Italy or, even more likely, to come to the defense of Alexander in Carthage.

But Maximianís third reign (which some historians, citing Lactantiusí De Mortibus Persecutorum, believe occured in 309) lasted only a few weeks. Indeed, his plans were foiled by his own daughter, Fausta, who betrayed his designs to her husband, Constantine. Constantineís fast pursuit from the Rhine ended in a siege of Massalia, where Maximian had taken refuge. By June or July of 310 (though some historians prefer 311), Constantine had executed his father-in-law or had allowed him to commit suicide.

The senate in Rome proclaimed Maximian divus, and Maxentius used this to the fullest political advantage, for not only did it stir up enmity against his sworn enemy Constantine, but it was well received by the army. Maximianís status changed late in 312 when Constantine took control of Rome and subjected him to damnatio memoriae. In an effort to rehabilitate Maximianís memory, his wife, Eutropia, later swore that he had not sired Maxentius.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: On the whole, Maximianís coinage follows the patterns established by Diocletian, and during the course of more than two decades as Augustus many interesting reverse types were created. Since Maximianís ëhouseí was devoted to Hercules, that hero makes frequent appearances on his coins. Sometimes Maximian appears in the guise of Hercules, donning a lionís skin and club about his shoulders (on aurelianiani), or wearing the lionís scalp on his head (on post-reform gold medallions and aurei).

Coins were struck for Maximian during every stage of his Imperial career except the first and the last. Though ancient literary sources inform us that Maximian began his career with the subordinate rank of Caesar (from 285 to 286), the title does not appear on any of his coins; likewise, we can be certain that no coins are attributable to Maximianís ephemeral third reign as Augustus. Between these, however, coins were struck for Maximian during his first reign and for his first abdication (both with Diocletian), during his second reign (by Maxentius and Constantine the Great), and after his second abdication. After his death he was honored with commemorative coinages struck by his estranged son Maxentius, his spurned son-in-law Constantine the Great and his comrade-in-arms and beneficiary Licinius I.

AMANDUS C. A.D. 285ñ286

Gnaeus Silvius Amandus, d. A.D. 286. Of Amandus we know virtually nothing except that he was a leader of the Bagaudae (Bacaudae), a group of oppressed Gaulish peasants and army deserters who banded together and turned to marauding while Carinus and Diocletian were occupied with their own struggle in the Balkans. The name Bagaudae is of Celtic origin and appears to have meant ìthe warriors.î

While this group was terrorizing Gaul, they apparently hailed two of their chieftains, Amandus and Aelianus, as emperors. Upon consolidating his own authority, Diocletian invested Maximian with the rank of Caesar and sent him west to end the marauding. Upon arrival, Maximian enlisted the assistance of the naval commander Carausius and was able swiftly to crush the revolt. Though some historians suggest the revolt was quelled late in 285, more likely it was not stamped out until the spring of 286.

As a consequence of this campaign, Maximian was raised to the rank of Augustus, and entrusted Carausius with supreme command of the Channel Fleet and the task of ridding the western coasts of Frankish and British pirates. As is related in his individual biography, Carausius soon carved out his own separatist Empire in Britain and coastal Gaul.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: No coins are known of Aelianus, and of Amandus the authors of RIC list three.

DOMITIUS DOMITIANUS C. A.D. 296ñ297/8

Lucius Domitius Domitianus, d. A.D. 297/8(?). Virtually nothing substantial is known of Domitius Domitianus, whose career as an Imperial thorn may have begun c. 271ñ272, when a man of that name challenged the emperor Aurelian in the Balkans. However, the revolt for which he is best known ó and for which he struck coinage ó occurred a quarter century later at Alexandria.

The years 296 and 297 were particularly troubled for the Tetrarchs, with wars developing simultaneously on several fronts. Constantius I was involved with reclaiming Britain from the usurper Allectus, Maximian was fighting the Quinquegentiani in North Africa, Galerius was struggling against the Sasanians (whom he would later defeat), and Diocletian had personally devoted himself to stamping out the revolt which had been ignited in Egypt.

Revolts in Egypt were especially dangerous, for not only was that province a steady source of monetary revenue, but it was also one of the Empireís three main sources of grain. During this time period, revolts had broken out simultaneously in two of these primary sources, Africa and Egypt, and the Tetrarchs were rightly concerned about securing them.

The chronology and circumstances of Domitianusí revolt are far from certain. Some scholars place its beginning in 295 and its ending as late as 298. Estimates of its duration range from only a few months to perhaps two years. Adding to the confusion is the uncertain interplay between Domitius Domitianus and Aurelius Achilleus, a man with whom Domitianus is often confused. Though Achilleus may have been the true source of Domitianusí power, no coins are known that bear his name or likeness. It is possible that these two men revolted simultaneously, with Domitianus in Lower Egypt and Achilleus in Upper Egypt.

Unfortunately, the ancient sources are scanty, misleading or contradictory. Historians tend to link the Egyptian uprising to activities of the Sasanian king Narses, who in 296 attacked Armenia and even threatened Syria. Diocletian summoned Galerius from the Danubian front to launch a counteroffensive, which he did with disastrous results in 297. He acted rashly and was severely defeated by Narses at a battle that occurred between Callinicum and Carrhae.

However, Galerius received reinforcements from the Danubian front and launched a surprise offensive, recovering Armenia (from which the puppet king Tiridates had been expelled), moving freely along the Tigris and Euphrates, and even sacking the capital of Ctesiphon. In 298 Narses was forced to agree to a humiliating treaty that gave Rome new territory along the Upper Tigris and considerable war booty. So severe was the defeat that the terms of the agreement remained largely intact for four decades.

Since the ancient sources are not consistent in accounting for Diocletianís whereabouts during the earlier part of this period, it is difficult to determine exactly when and why the Egyptian revolt began. It could have begun in 296 as the result of Sasanian aggressions, or in 297 in response to Galeriusí defeat. Some historians suggest that the Egyptian revolt occurred first (in 295 or 296) and thus provided Narses with the opportunity to attack Armenia and Syria.

In all probability, Domtianusí reign lasted about 18 months and occurred during the years 296 and 297. Most historians believe he was murdered either in the spring or the final weeks of 297, perhaps at the hand of Achilleus, who may no longer have considered him useful. Domitianusí death, however, seems not to have ended the revolt in Alexandria. It may have been continued well into 298 with Diocletian besieging Achilleus for perhaps eight months.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: All of Domitius Domitianusí coinage was struck at Alexandria. It consists of six denominations ó three each of Imperial and provincial coinage. The Imperial denominations are aurei, nummi and half-nummi, and provincial are octodrachms (or hexadrachms), tetradrachms and didrachms. With the latter pieces Domitianus earned the distinction of being the last man to strike Roman provincial coinage. Though all of his provincial coins are dated ëyear two,í this fact alone yields no important information about the date or even necessarily about the duration of his revolt. The largest of his provincial coins depicts him with a radiate crown, whereas the two smaller ones show him laureate. Each denomination has only one reverse type: the largest portrays Serapis advancing, the next features the bust of Serapis, and the smallest shows Nike advancing.

GALERIUS A.D. 305ñ311

CAESAR: A.D. 293ñ305 (UNDER DIOCLETIAN)

AUGUSTUS: A.D. 305ñ306 (WITH CONSTANTIUS I)

A.D. 306ñ311 (VARIOUS ARRANGEMENTS)

SON-IN-LAW OF DIOCLETIAN

HUSBAND OF GALERIA VALERIA

FATHER OF MAXIMILLA (w. OF MAXENTIUS)

FATHER-IN-LAW OF MAXENTIUS

UNCLE OF MAXIMINUS DAIA

Gaius Galerius Valerius Maximianus (originally Maximinus, sometimes called Armentarius), c. A.D. 250/60ñ311. Of the early life of Galerius little is known, except that he was a peasant herdsman from a village on the banks of the Danube, not far from Serdica, in Dacia Ripensis (Upper Moesia). We are told that Galerius later renamed this village Romulianum in honor of his mother, Romula, who had emigrated from the far side of the Danube.

His personal life is a mystery, except that we are informed he had a daughter, Valeria Maximillia, by his first wife (whose name is not known), and a son, Candidianus, by a concubine. Like the other members of the First Tetrarchy, Galerius made his way up the ranks in the Army under Aurelian and Probus, and seems to have risen to become Diocletianís praetorian prefect.

Galerius came to power at the Imperial palace in Nicomedia on March 1, 293, when Diocletian appointed him as his Caesar in the eastern portion of the Empire. Concurrently, at a ceremony in Milan, Diocletianís colleague, Maximian, installed his own Caesar, Constantius I. With the addition of the two Caesars, the Tetrarchy was formed.

To strengthen his ties to Diocletian, Galerius was compelled to marry Diocletianís daughter, Galeria Valeria, shortly after his investiture ó perhaps in June of 293. Galerius established his court at Thessalonica, for the territories under his care were Illyria, the Balkans and seemingly parts of western Asia Minor. Sources disagree about where the new Caesar spent his first three years in office, though most likely it was the Danubian front, keeping the Goths, Sarmatians, Marcomanni and Carpi in check while overseeing fort construction and civilian projects.

In 296 trouble erupted in two places in Asia: the Sasanian king Narses invaded Armenia and ousted the Roman puppet king Tiridates, and a revolt was sparked in Egypt under the usurper Domitius Domtianus. Diocletian devoted his attention to the Egyptian revolt and summoned Galerius to abandon his campaign against the Carpi and Sarmatians along the Danubian and instead to prevent Narses from advancing into the wealthy Roman province of Syria.

Galeriusí first encounter with the Sasanian army was a disaster, for he attacked with an inferior force, and was severely defeated at a battle between Callinicum and Carrhae. By early in the following year Galerius had recovered and replenished his army with units from the Danubian front. He launched a surprise offensive into Armenia and recovered that region. Next he marched into Mesopotamia and even captured the capital city of Ctesiphon. Thoroughly beaten, Narses sued for peace, and agreed to unfavorable terms which not only ceded much of northern Mesopotamia to the Romans, but which initiated a peace that remained more or less intact for 40 years.

After so impressive a victory, Galerius proceeded to Antioch, whose citizens no doubt received him warmly as the man who had prevented Narses from sacking their city. He was joined there late in 298 by Diocletian, who had quelled the rebellion in Egypt with great difficulty after a long siege. Together, they celebrated a triumph apparently wintered in the capital city. From this point onward, Diocletian devoted himself principally to re-organizing Asia, while Galerius seems to have returned to the Danubian front, where he gained more victories against the Marcomanni, the Carpi and the Sarmatians.

Over these years, Galeriusí impact upon Diocletian grew immensely, and he is believed to be the principal inspiration for Edicts that Diocletian issued in 303 and 304 calling for the persecution of Christians and the destruction of their temples and Scriptures. His influence over the senior Augustus, however, only came to its full realization on March 1, 305, when Diocletian abdicated his throne, taking with him his reluctant colleague, Maximian. The selection of the two Caesars approved by Diocletian was made strongly in favor of Galerius, who now had his comrade, Severus II, and his nephew, Maximinus Daia, as junior colleagues. His unfortunate co-Augustus, Constantius I (the senior member of this Second Tetrarchy) was not only in ill health but had been politically outmaneuvered.

One of the better-qualified candidates who had been passed over was Constantine I, the eldest son of Constantius I. Ever since 293 the young man had served as an officer in the East. While he gained valuable experience, he was also something of a political hostage to help ensure the loyalty of Constantius I in Gaul. Also neglected for promotion was Maxentius, the son of Maximian. Both of these young men would prove troublesome to Galerius in the near future as they pursued, with force of arms, what they considered to be their rightful inheritances.

Now the most powerful man in the Roman government, Galerius moved his court from Thessalonica to Nicomedia and took command of Asia Minor as well as the Danubian provinces. His nephew, Maximinus Daia, was given command of Syria and Egypt, and Severus II was given Italy and North Africa. However, Galeriusí house of cards began to collapse about 17 months later, when the senior emperor, Constantius I, died on July 25, 306, during a campaign against the Picts. Constantiusí son, Constantine I, who had been released earlier that year by Galerius, had earned the affection of the soldiers and was hailed Augustus in his fatherís place. Since the young man held no rank at all, his assumption of the purple was a usurpation. He and Galerius finally agreed upon his assuming the title of Caesar, at which time Galerius raised Severus II from Caesar to the vacated title of Augustus.

Galerius was not particularly happy with this arrangement, even though at least it prevented an open war between East and West. But trouble was brewing elsewhere ó this time in Rome itself. The greatly expanded army and bureaucracy created by Diocletian was effective, but costly. In order to raise revenue, new taxes were being imposed on Italy and on the city of Rome. This imposition combined with the intention of eliminating the praetorian guards in the capital, sparked a revolt. On October 28, 306, the Romans installed as their leader Maxentius, the son of Maximian, whom Galerius had passed up for promotion in 305.

Maxentius had only a small army, but he called his father out of retirement and together they assumed the titles of Augusti early in 307. They repelled the invasion of Severus II, who himself was captured and later executed. Galerius invaded later in 307, while Maximian was in Gaul seeking an alliance with Constantine I. But Galeriusí luck was no better, and he quickly withdrew to Illyria to avoid capture. In the meantime, Constantine I had appointed himself Augustus, and a new revolt arose in North Africa under the leadership of Lucius Domitius Alexander.

The Empire was in civil war, and Galerius invited Diocletian to emerge from retirement, which he refused to do. Instead, Diocletian agreed to attend a conference that Galerius held on November 11, 308, at Carnuntum, where he hoped to resolve the disputes. The results, however, were unsatisfactory. Nothing of substance changed except that the title of Augustus, vacated by Severus II upon his surrender at Ravenna in the spring of 307, was filled by another of Galeriusí comrades, Licinius I.

Constantine remained officially only a Caesar, though he still proclaimed himself to be Augustus. Maximian was forced to abdicate and retire, while Maxentius was confirmed as a public enemy. Indeed, Galerius not only failed to make amends with these three men, but he also infuriated his nephew, Maximinus Daia, who was passed over for what he must have assumed would be a guaranteed promotion from Caesar to Augustus.

The conference was a failure, and the struggle continued Empire-wide. Galerius had little choice but to give Maximinus Daia and Constantine I each the title Filius Augustorum (ìson of the Augustiî) in 309 and Augustus in 310. Two other claimants, Maximian and Alexander of Carthage, perished in 310, but now Galeriusí power was eroding and his health was failing. Indeed, by the summer of 310 Galerius had succumbed to an illness that would plague him for the year that remained of his life.

Galeriusí final act was to issue an edict of religious toleration. He promulgated this on April 30, 311, at Serdica, just five days before he died. After his death, the Balkan territories were quickly occupied by Licinius I and Galeriusí territories in Asia Minor were claimed by Maximinus Daia. Four men were now left to govern the Roman Empire ó but this was no Tetrarchy as Diocletian had envisioned, for each man held the title of Augustus and each coveted the possessions of his rivals.

The death of Galerius was recorded in excruciating detail by the Christian writer Eusebius, and it remains one of the literary highlights of the era: ìWithout warning, suppurative inflammation broke out round the middle of his genitals, then a deep-seated fistular ulcer: these ate their way incurably into his inmost bowels. From them came a teeming indescribable mass of worms, and a sickening smell was given off; for the whole of his hulking body, thanks to over-eating, had been transformed even before his illness into a huge lump of flabby fat, which then decomposed and presented to those who came near with a revolting and horrifying sight.î

NUMISMATIC NOTE: In addition to his regular Imperial coinage, Galerius authorized a series of ëautonomousí coins at Antioch, Nicomedia and Alexandria as part of his persecution of Christians. These are listed in a separate section entitled Pagan Coinage of The Great Persecution, which follows the catalog entry of Maximinus Daia. After a most painful death, Galerius was consecrated and was honored by Maximinus Daia and Licinius I. Though these two Augusti would be expected to honor him (for they were his beneficiaries), Galerius was also honored by his nephew and bitter enemy Maxentius, who was willing to put aside his personal hatred to reap the benefits of associating his own outlawed regime with that of his deceased uncle.

GALERIA VALERIA

AUGUSTA, A.D. 293(?)ñ311

WIFE OF GALERIUS

DAUGHTER OF DIOCLETIAN

Galeria Valeria, d. A.D. 314/5. Galeria Valeria, the daughter of Diocletian and his wife Prisca, led an interesting life, though precious few details survive. Her life as Augusta was no doubt a comfortable existence in the Imperial courts of Thessalonica and Nicomedia, but good fortune abandoned her when her husband fell ill and died in 311.

She married Galerius either in 292 or in June of 293 (or perhaps around the time he was installed as Caesar on March 1, 293). Early in his reign, Galerius honored his wife by assigning the name Valeria to a new province that had been carved from Lower Pannonia. Valeria had no children of her own, so she adopted her husbandís bastard son, Candidianus, whom he had sired with a concubine. The royal couple seems to have been compatible, for she supported Galerius in his endeavors, especially the persecution of Christians. We have no solid evidence of when Galeria was hailed Augusta. It may have been when Galerius was made Caesar in 293, when he was hailed Augustus in 305, or at the conference of Carnuntum in 308.

On his deathbed, Galerius asked Licinius I to ensure the welfare of his wife and his son, but Valeria feared for her safety, and fled to the court of Maximinus Daia, the nephew of her former husband. Regrettably, that arrangement did not work out either, for Maximinus Daia proposed marriage to her in 312. When she refused, he confiscated her estates and banished her and her mother to Syria, despite the protestations of her father, Diocletian. When Maximinus Daia neared death, Valeria and her mother escaped and wandered for many months in Syria until they were discovered (in Thessalonica, by some accounts) in September of 314 or in 315. Mother and daughter were beheaded by Licinius I, who earlier had executed Candidianus along with the sons of Severus II and Maximinus Daia.

CONSTANTIUS I ëCHLORUSí A.D. 305ñ306

CAESAR: A.D. 293ñ305 (UNDER MAXIMIAN)

AUGUSTUS: A.D. 305ñ306 (WITH GALERIUS)

HUSBAND OF HELENA AND THEODORA

FATHER OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT (BY HELENA) AND CONSTANTIA (w. OF LICINIUS I; BY THEODORA)

SON-IN-LAW OF MAXIMIAN

GRANDFATHER OF CRISPUS, CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANTIUS II, CONSTANS, CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II, DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, LICINIUS II AND NEPOTIAN

Flavius Valerius (or Julius) Constantius, c. A.D. 250ñ306. The shortest-lived of the original Tetrarchs, Constantius I was of humble Danubian origin and rose through the ranks of the army to become governor of Damiatia, and seemingly the praetorian prefect of the emperor Maximian. Constantiusí nickname Chlorus (ìthe paleî) was applied posthumously, not before the 6th Century, and his supposed Dardanian nobility and kinship to the emperor Claudius II ìGothicusî are a later invention of his eldest son.

In addition to his military and political career, Constantius (who was reputedly generous and capable) had a rich family life. One of his earliest associations was with a barmaid named Helena, whose father owned the tavern in Naíissus at which she worked. Although it is disputed whether he and Helena ever married, she did bear him a son, who later came to be known as Constantine the Great.

Constantius severed his relations with Helena sometime in the 280s so he could marry Theodora, the step-daughter of the emperor Maximian, under whom he was serving. He and Theodora were presumably a happy couple, for they had six children together. Though none of these children attained imperial rank, the second generation proved to be both prominent and ill-fated in that respect.

On March 1, 293, Constantius was promoted to the rank of Caesar by Maximian. After his investiture at Milan, he immediately departed for Trier, where he established his court. He had been allocated the province of Gaul, which at the time was not an enviable assignment, for Britain and parts of coastal Gaul were in the possession of the usurper Carausius, and Germans frequently launched invasions across the Rhine. Indeed, Constantius spent almost all of his career as Caesar and Augustus fighting on the Rhine and in Britain.

Constantiusí first task was to expel Carausius from his land bases in Gaul so he would be confined to the island of Britain. In the summer of 293, fresh from his investiture, Constantius besieged Gesoriacum (Boulogne) in a risky campaign. After a siege that caused starvation, the city was captured. A palisade that Constantius had built across the mouth of the harbor prevented Carausiusí navy from interfering with the siege.

The remaining portions of coastal Gaul held by Carausius were reclaimed from his Frankish allies in Batavia. Roundly defeated, Carausius returned to his island kingdom only to be assassinated by one of his ministers, Allectus, upon landing. Constantius next turned his attention to the Rhine frontier while the shipyards at Gesoriacum and Rotomagus (Rouen) began constructing vessels for an invasion of Britain.

By 296 (though some suggest 295 or 297) the navy was ready and the long-anticipated invasion commenced. Constantius led his fleet from Gesoriacum to the coast of Kent, and his praetorian prefect, Asclepiodotus, sailed from Rotomagus to the southern shores of Hampshire, where he narrowly missed Allectusí fleet in the fog near the Isle of Wight.

Asclepiodotus disembarked his army and set his vessels ablaze before he led his legions on the nearly 100-mile journey to London. The Romans were met en route by Allectusí army, and in the ensuing battle the Romans were not only victorious, but killed Allectus as well. The remaining soldiers fled back to London, but were prevented from sacking the city by the timely arrival of Constantiusí fleet, which could be seen sailing up the Thames at the very moment. The invasion was a resounding success, but Constantius did not have the luxury of time, for hostilities had renewed on the Rhine. The other members of the Tetrarchy were occupied with wars elsewhere (Maximian in Africa, Diocletian in Egypt and Galerius in Persia). But all these had had been concluded successfully by 298.

Constantius, however, faced a fresh invasion by the Alemanni, who had been forced across the Rhine by the Burgundians. This was a difficult yearís-end campaign in which he was wounded, but he eventually gained the upper hand before a new wave of various Germans swept across the frozen Rhine early in 299. In 302 Constantius defeated the Alemanni at Langres in the most spectacular victory he had earned since expelling Carausius from Gaul and reclaiming Britain from Allectus.

Constantiusí health began to deteriorate in the succeeding years, and by the time Diocletian and Maximian abdicated in May of 305 (which made Constantius the Senior Augustus), his health was quite poor. In the arrangements made for the succession, the two new Caesars, Severus II and Maximinus Daia, were both allies of Galerius, who consequently was the most powerful man in the Empire. The Caesar appointed to Constantius in the West was Severus II, who was given what seemed to be the safer command in Italy.

Shockingly passed over for promotion were the capable sons of the two western members of the Tetrarchy: Maximianís son, Maxentius, and Constantiusí own son, Constantine I. During the dozen years his father had commanded in the West, Constantine I had served as an officer for Diocletian. Though he was educated and trained in the art of war, he was also a ìhostageî by which Diocletian could assure that Constantius would remain loyal.

After his promotion to Augustus, Constantius requested that Constantine I be sent west so they could be united. Constantiusí health was now seriously faltering and the request seemed legitimate. None-the-less, when Constantine departed Nicomedia, he traveled as quickly and quietly as possible, for he suspected Galerius or Severus II might attempt to murder him en route. After journeying from the Propontis to Boulogne, young Constantine was finally reunited with his father in 306.

Father and son jointly campaigned against the Picts with such success that Constantius earned the title ìBritannicus Maximus,î and his son earned the admiration and affection of the soldiers under his fatherís command. However, this new arrangement ended on July 25, 306, when Constantius died of natural causes at Eburacum (York) after having served his Empire for a dozen years as Caesar and less than 15 months as Augustus.

Constantiusí deathbed act was the transferal of imperium to his son, an event witnessed by the soldiers, we are told. Initially, Constantine took the title Augustus, but after some consideration he settled for the rank of Caesar, which Galerius was willing to grant him under the circumstances. In his fatherís place as Augustus in the west, Galerius promoted Severus II from his previous rank of Caesar.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Coinage was struck in the name of Constantius I for a dozen years as Caesar, and for about 15 months as Senior Augustus. With the exception of some spectacular gold medallions, these issues are virtually identical to the issues of the other Tetrarchs. However, he was honored with large posthumous coinages struck by the rebel Maxentius and by his eldest son, Constantine the Great. Maxentiusí most interesting commemoratives refer to Constantius I as a cousin or blood relative with the inscriptions COGN and ADFINI. This claim was a stretch, but was essentially true, for Constantius had married Maxentiusí step-sister, Theodora.

On some of the coins struck by his own son, Constantius is praised as reposing with the greatest honor (REQVIES OPTIMORVM MERITORVM). These issues, struck c. 317ñ318, not only honor Constantius, but also two other deceased emperors: Constantineís father-in-law, Maximian, and Claudius II (268ñ270). The latter was an important part of Constantineís propaganda, in which he claimed descent from that beloved emperor based on a fictional kinship between Claudius II and his own father.

HELENA

NOBLISSIMA FEMINA, A.D. 317(?)ñ324

AUGUSTA, A.D. 324ñ328/30

FIRST WIFE OF CONSTANTIUS I

MOTHER OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT

STEP-MOTHER OF CONSTANTIA AND LICINIUS I

GRANDMOTHER OF CRISPUS, CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANTIUS II, CONSTANS, CONSTANTINA (W. OF HANNIBALLIANUS & CONSTANTIUS GALLUS) AND HELENA THE YOUNGER

GREAT-GRANDMOTHER OF CONSTANTIA (W. OF GRATIAN)

Flavia Julia Helena (Saint Helena), c. A.D. 248/50 (or c. 257?)ñc. 328/330. Helena figures into the early life of the emperor Constantius I, whom she met while working at her fatherís tavern in Naïssus. She was a Bithynian by birth, and the city in which she was born, Drepanon (Drepana), was later renamed Helenopolis in her honor. Her life was most extraordinary, for not only was she the mother of Constantine the Great, but she began life as a barmaid and ended it as a Christian saint.

The details of her relationship with Constantius I are not certain. At the very least she was his mistress, but more than likely she was his wife, for they seem to have been married in about 270. This discrepancy may have been invented by the opponents of Constantine the Great, who wished to portray him as a bastard son by suggesting Helena was nothing more than a concubine.

Whether it was a legitimate marriage or something less formal, Helenaís association with Constantius I ended in the 280s, when she was put aside so he could advance his career by marrying Theodora, the stepdaughter of the emperor Maximian. The exact date of the separation is unknown, though sometime between 287 and 289 seems likely.

Thereafter Helena remained somewhat anonymous, working behind the scenes to suppress the larger branch of the family that resulted from Constantiusí subsequent marriage to Theodora. Considering her less-than-exalted behavior as a barmaid and her vicious behavior toward her stepchildren, her suitability for sainthood seems dubious at best. Both she and her daughter-in-law, Fausta, were given the title Nobilissima Femina, perhaps around 317, and were jointly hailed Augustae on November 8, 324.

By the time she was hailed Augusta, Helena had converted to Christianity. About two years later, perhaps in an effort to distance herself from the tragic deaths of Crispus and Fausta in 326, Helena embarked on a Christian pilgrimage to Holy Places, upon which she gathered numerous holy relics (the True Cross said to be among them) and constructed churches in Bethlehem and Jerusalem. Sources differ on the date of her death, which seems to have occurred when she was about 80 years old, sometime between 328 and 330 while en route to Rome.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Helenas lifetime issues as Nobilissima Femina and Augusta parallel those struck by Constantine the Great for his wife Fausta, whereas her posthumous coinage was struck simultaneously with the issue honoring Theodora, the woman who in the late 280s replaced her as the wife of Constantius I.

As late as the 19th Century, many numismatists believed that each of the three coin types bearing the name Helena were struck for a different royal lady. They alloted the coinage as follows: those inscribed SECVRITAS REIPVBLICE were attributed to the wife of Constantius I, those struck with the title Nobilissima Femina were given to the wife of Crispus (however, these coins predate Crispusí wedding in 321), and the type inscribed PAX PVBLICA was given to the wife of Julian II ëthe Apostate.í Such views have long since been abandoned based on hoard evidence and other indications which establish the dating criteria.

THEODORA

AUGUSTA, POSTHUMOUSLY(?)

SECOND WIFE OF CONSTANTIUS I

STEP-DAUGHTER OF MAXIMIAN

STEP-SISTER OF MAXENTIUS AND FAUSTA

MOTHER OF CONSTANTIA (W. OF LICINIUS I)

GRANDMOTHER OF DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II, LICINIUS II AND NEPOTIAN

Flavia Maximiana Theodora, lifespan unknown. Theodora was the daughter of Afranius Hanniballianus (the consul of 292 and praetorian prefect of Diocletian) and Eutropia, a lady who married the emperor Maximian, seemingly after Theodora was born. Sometime in the 280s (perhaps in 288) she entered into a dynastic marriage with Constantius I, a soldier who may have been her step-fatherís praetorian prefect. However, to marry her, Constantius I had to sever his ties to his former wife (or companion), Helena. A few years after they married, Constantius was raised to the rank of Caesar by his father-in-law.

Unlike most dynastic marriages, theirs flourished and in the process produced three daughters and three sons. Although none of these six children attained Imperial rank, Theodoraís grandchildren figured prominently in the history of the Empire as the hapless victims of a dynastic cleansing in 337 which nearly made her branch of the family extinct.

Coinage was struck for six of her grandchildren, all but one of whom died under unpleasant circumstances. Delmatius and Hanniballianus were given prominent places in Constantine the Greatís plan of succession, only to be promptly slaughtered by the grandchildren of Helena; Nepotian sparked a revolt in Rome which lasted only a month; and the three-year rule of Constantius Gallus is remembered only for his astonishing cruelty. Indeed, Julian II, ìthe Apostate,î was the only one of her grandsons who served the Empire with distinction.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Restricted to a single type of the smallest bronzes struck at Trier, Rome and Constantinople, Theodoraís posthumous coinage was struck side-by-side with the posthumous commemoratives of Helena, the woman with whom Constantius I severed relations so he could marry Theodora. The very existence of Theodoraís coinage is somewhat ironic, for it was struck by her step-grandchildren Constantine II, Constans and Constantius II, the three emperors who were responsible for the virtual extinction of Theodoraís branch of the family in 337. Her title Augusta is unattested during her lifetime, and may have been awarded posthumously.

SEVERUS II, A.D. 306ñ307

CAESAR: A.D. 305ñ306 (UNDER GALERIUS)

AUGUSTUS: A.D. 306ñ307 (WITH GALERIUS)

Flavius Valerius Severus, d. A.D. 307. Although of humble Illyrian origin and not related to any of the Tetrarchs, Severus II was a close friend of Galerius, who hailed him Caesar upon his own promotion to Augustus when Diocletian and Maximian retired on May 1, 305. Of all the men who legitimately held titles in the Tetrarchy, Severus had the shortest and certainly the most unfortunate career.

Severus was installed as the Caesar for the western portion of the Empire, and technically served under the western Augustus, Constantius I. Since Constantius I was the Senior Augustus, Severus was senior in status to the other new Caesar, Maximinus Daia, who was the nephew of Galerius.

The new arrangement was stacked against Constantius I, for not only was his health failing, but both of the new Caesars were loyal to Galerius in the East. Theoretically, Severus should have been loyal to Constantius I, for not only was he the Senior Augustus, but he also was the Augustus under whom Severus (a Herculian) had been assigned to serve.

But Severus owed his position to his friend Galerius, so that is where his loyalty rested. The fact that Galerius willingly gave Severus Pannonia to add to his realm (which at that point was limited to Italy and North Africa) demonstrates that he was quite trusting of his comrade-in-arms.

On July 25 of 306, some 15 months after Severus had been hailed Caesar, Constantius I died at York while campaigning against the Picts. On his deathbed, he bequeathed his throne to his eldest son, Constantine I, who recently had joined him on the British front. Constantine and Galerius compromised, and finally agreed that the young man would be hailed Caesar in the West. Since that was Severusí job description, he was duly promoted to western Augustus.

However, this fortuitous turn of events brought no good luck to Severus, who was required about this time to enforce Galeriusí new policies in southern Italy. Since this region had become less important with the passage of time, Galerius now intended to tax all of south Italy (including Rome), a region that had been exempt for centuries. He also intended to eliminate Romeís praetorian guard, which had already been reduced to a city garrison, and which he believed was an unnecessary expense.

Not surprisingly, the policy was immensely unpopular, and it was Severus who suffered the consequences. The citizens and soldiers in Rome favored revolt to submission. The praetorian guards spearheaded this movement, for they were slated for extinction. They chose as their leader Maxentius, the son of Maximian, the emperor who had been forced to retire in 305. Maxentius was also unhappy with the tide of events, for he had been passed over for promotion twice and was eager to stake his claim.

On November 28, 306, the rebellion became official, as Maxentius illegally assumed the titles Caesar and Princeps. He controlled Rome and all of southern Italy, and managed to gain the allegiance of Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica and North Africa, and later still, Spain. Over the winter, Maxentius had lured his father out of retirement and asked him to organize the defense of Rome, which had relatively few soldiers.

It seems as though Maxentius and Maximian had assumed the titles of Augustus by February 307, which left Severus with no option but to lead an army from his headquarters in Milan to Rome and crush the revolt. He set out late in February or early in March and arrived at the walls of Rome early in the spring (though some authorities prefer the fall of 307).

Since most of the soldiers under Severusí command had formerly served under Maximian, Severus was at a great disadvantage. There was a mass defection among Severusí soldiers when they heard the old emperorís pleas and were sufficiently tempted by his bribes. Severus was now on the defensive, and his retreat up the Italian peninsula was not swift enough to avoid being forced to take refuge at Ravenna.

In a matter of days Severus had abdicated his throne and surrendered (March or April) on the condition that his life be spared. Severus was escorted back to Rome and Maximian immediately set out for Gaul, where he hoped to make an alliance with Constantine the Great.

Galerius was furious at the turn of events and launched his own invasion of Italy, probably in April. This caused Maxentius to execute Severus sometime during the summer of 307. Not surprisingly, Galeriusí soldiers began to defect in large numbers, for they were just as easily enticed by the liberal bribes of Maxentius. Not wishing to meet the same fate as his old friend Severus, Galerius quickly retreated to Illyria, burning everything in his path so as to prevent Maxentius from pursuing him.

MAXIMINUS II DAIA A.D. 310ñ313

CAESAR: A.D. 305ñ309 (UNDER GALERIUS)

FILIUS AUGUSTORUM: A.D. 309ñ310 (UNDER GALERIUS)

AUGUSTUS: A.D. 310ñ313 (VARIOUS ARRANGEMENTS)

NEPHEW OF GALERIUS

Gaius Galerius Valerius Maximinus (earlier ìDaiaî), c. A.D. 270 (or 284?)ñ313. Maximinus Daia was born in Illyria, probably in 270, though some authorities suggest he was born on November 20, 284, the same day Diocletian was hailed emperor. He was the son of a sister of Galerius, and thus found rapid promotion in the army until he became a member of the Imperial bodyguard.

Pagan historians found little grounds upon which to fault Daiaís character, except that he was of rustic origin and upbringing, and was ìrather greedy for wine.î However, Christian historians saw him as a force of evil equal to his uncle Galerius.

When the two founders of the Tetrarchy, Diocletian and Maximian, abdicated on May 1, 305, the previous two Caesars, Constantius I and Galerius, were promoted to Augusti. Though Galerius technically was the junior of the two new Augusti, he held sway over Diocletian and was able to secure appointments of two Caesars who were loyal to him. These new Caesars were Maximinus Daia, his nephew, and an old comrade-in-arms, Severus II. In one fell swoop, Galerius had effectively gained control of all but the westernmost territories that were governed by Constantius I. Clearly, Galerius aimed to replace Diocletian in every respect.

On the occasion of his appointment, Maximinus Daia was adopted by Galerius. To further cement their ties, Maximinusí own daughter (who may have just been born) was betrothed to his uncleís son, Candidianus. But what began as an ideal relationship soon turned into a bitter disappointment for Maximinus Daia, for he was twice overlooked for promotion by his uncle Galerius.

Maximinus Daia immediately departed for his provinces of Syria and Egypt, and made his headquarters at Antioch. Though extremely important, Syria and Egypt were remote from Europe, which proved to be the main theater of action during the post-abdication period. There, in 306, power was seized in the West by Constantine I and in Italy by Maxentius. Thrown into the mix were Maximian (who joined his sonís revolt in Italy, later took refuge with Constantine in Gaul and eventually rebelled on his own account), and Alexander of Carthage, the vicar in the western part of North Africa who revolted against the rebel Maxentius.

Daia suffered his first disappointment late in the summer of 306, when he learned that the Senior Augustus Constantius I had died on campaign in Britain. His death left vacant the position of Junior Augustus (as Galerius thus became Senior Augustus), which Galerius chose to fill with Severus II rather than his nephew. The fact that Severus II was already established in Europe (for in the process his territory did not change) must have entered into the decision, but that did little to soothe Daiaís bruised ego. Even so, Daia did move up in rank, for he was now the Senior Caesar, with Constantine I becoming Junior Caesar.

His second disappointment occurred in the spring of 307, when Severus II was captured and subsequently killed by the rebels Maxentius and Maximian. Instead of promoting his nephew from Caesar to the now-vacant post of Junior Augustus, Galerius did nothing at all for about 20 months, at which point he held a conference at Carnuntum on November 11, 308. Only one thing of substance was accomplished there: Galerius appointed another of his comrade-in-arms, Licinius I, to the post vacated by Severus II.

Maximinus Daia was understandably upset. Not only had the office remained vacant for nearly two years, but when his uncle did fill it, he chose one of his friends ó a man who had never even held the office of Caesar. Maximinus Daia had probably just assumed the promotion would be his and that someone new would be appointed Caesar in his place. When Galerius gave the position to Licinius, it must have come as a far greater shock to Daia than when he was overlooked earlier on account of Severus II.

Galeriusí actions proved to be foolhardy for disappointment was not limited to his nephew, but spread to the legions he commanded. The Empire was in a state of chaos, and the last thing Galerius could risk was a rebellion in Syria or Egypt. Thus, later in 309, he raised both Maximinus Daia and Constantine I from Caesar to Filius Augustorum (ìson of the Augustiî), a ìpromotionî that both young men realized was meaningless. By mid-310, the soldiers of Maximinus Daia hailed him Augustus; they had grown tired of waiting for Galerius (who was now terribly ill) to do this voluntarily. Upon being informed of this development, Galerius conferred the rank of Augustus on his nephew on May 1, 310, and reluctantly did the same for Constantine, who demanded equal billing.

When Galerius finally succumbed to his terminal disease in May, 311, his territories were seemingly bequeathed to Licinius, but effectively were up for grabs. The two Augusti in a position to seize them were Licinius I and Maximinus Daia, both of whom aggressively staked their claims. Licinius was only able to claim Thrace, for Maximinus Daia had reacted more quickly, and was able to claim all of Asia. The two men encountered each other at the Propontis and narrowly averted battle by negotiation.

Maximinus Daia wintered in Nicomedia and abolished the edict of religious toleration (Edict of Serdica) that Galerius had put into effect less than a week before he died. With great personal conviction, Maximinus Daia stepped up his anti-Christian activities in the east, determined to destroy Christianity and to establish a pagan church with the organizational efficiency which the Christians had created. To support his goals, Daia falsified petitions from cities and forged documents, such as the Acts (or Memoirs) of Pilate.

The Roman world was once again in a state of chaos, as four hostile Augusti ruled over a divided Empire. Maximinus Daia was seemingly in a position of strength, occupying all of the wealthy East and possessing a large, loyal army. Since all four Augusti were concerned about potential aggressions by their neighbors, pacts were made early in 312. The first to unite were Constantine I and Licinius I, which caused Maximinus Daia and Maxentius to follow suit. In the aftermath, Daia declared war on Constantine.

Before Galerius died, he not only bequeathed his territories to his old friend Licinius I, but also requested that he care for his wife, Galeria Valeria, and his son, Candidianus. Licinius may have been willing in this respect, but Valeria was not, and so she fled to the court of her nephew, Maximinus Daia. But there Valeria found trouble, for Daia (who, we are told by Christian writers, had always fancied his aunt), insisted on marrying her. When she refused, Daia treated her poorly, confiscating her estates and banishing her to Syria. Not even the protestations of Valeriaís father, Diocletian, prevented the outrage.

In the end, the alliance between Constantine I and Licinius I proved the stronger of the two, for it is they who survived the civil war that followed. Late in 312, Constantine invaded Italy and defeated Maxentius at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge This victory brought all of the Western Empire under his command. Now only three Augusti remained, with Constantine having been named Senior Augustus by the senate. Maximinus Daia had little choice but to recognize Constantine s leading role, revoke his declaration of war and reluctantly to obey his demand that Christian persecutions in the East must end.

Daia ceded so much to Constantine out of necessity, for in that same year, 312, much of his own territory suffered from a poor harvest, and thus famine. This caused widespread civil unrest and increased brigandage and piracy, especially in Armenia, where there was violent opposition to Maximinus Daiaís insistence on the worship of the pagan gods.

Daiaís problems were not limited to his own realm, however, as his co-Augusti met for a conference in Milan in the beginning of 313. Determined to oppose any stronger alliance between Constantine and Licinius than already existed, Maximinus Daia led his army on a long march from Syria to Thrace. With the cruelty of a taskmaster, he drove his armies at great speed across Asia Minor during the height of winter. What had so alarmed Maximinus Daia was the planned marriage of Constantineís half-sister, Constantia, to Licinius I. Furthermore, the two European Augusti shared support of the edict of religious toleration known as the Edict of Milan. Though the marriage occurred on schedule in February, the conference was interrupted by Daiaís surprise invasion of Thrace, the easternmost territory belonging to Licinius I. Daia crossed the Hellespont late in March and laid siege to Byzantium (which he may or may not have captured), after which he seems to have captured Heraclea.

Constantine returned to his capital of Trier as Licinius sped east to confront Maximinus Daia. This could hardly have been better news for Constantine, who, bent on sole domination of the Empire, figured this conflict would eliminate one of his two rivals. The numerical advantage was with Maximinus Daia, whose 70,000 soldiers more than doubled the 30,000 men Licinius could muster to oppose him. However, Daiaís soldiers were exhausted and were frustrated by their forced march from Syria.

The opposing armies met late in April in south-eastern Thrace, and the demoralized armies of Maximinus Daia were easily defeated by Licinius, who proved himself the more capable general. Historians disagree not only on the date, but also on the location of this watershed battle. It most likely occurred on April 30, 313, at Tzirallum (near Heraclea). Alternatively, it may have taken place on May 1 at Tzirallum, or nearby Byzantium, or even further inland at Adrianople.

Though later history shows that Licinius was no convert to Christianity, at this stage in time he was a supporter of the religion based on his new alliance with Constantine. Thus, the battle was not merely one of East against West, but one of Christianity against paganism. Just as had occurred with Constantineís Christian armies against Maxentiusí pagan armies a few months earlier in Italy, Liciniusí outnumbered ìChristianî armies were victorious.

During the course of the battle, Maximinus Daia escaped and, dressed as a slave, fled toward the Propontis and the city of Nicomedia, after which he headed due south to Cilicia. He survived some three to six months thereafter, eventually being discovered and besieged, sometime between July and September, in Tarsus, where he either died of natural causes or committed suicide.

His death was probably a quick and practical affair, albeit Christian writers of the day described it in the most horrific of terms. He is said to have become blind and reduced to a virtual skeleton, and to have taken a poison which, unbeknownst to him, required four excruciating days to prove fatal. Of the poisonís effects we are told: ìÖ amid groans which he uttered as if he were being burnt, he breathed out his guilty spirit in a death of detestable horror.î All of this is certainly fiction, for it bears too convenient a parallel to the excruciating death of his uncle Galerius, who was his equal in Christian persecutions.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Coinage for Maximinus Daia was struck in all three phases of his reign, as Caesar, as Filius Augustorum and as Augustus. His issues as Caesar and as Filius Augustorum largely follow the pattern established by his uncle Galerius, with coins of the latter category not only being quite rare, but limited to nummi of Siscia and Thessalonica. His issues as Augustus ó although not as interesting as those of Maxentius or Constantine ó did include noteworthy types. As a Jovian (the ìhouseî founded by Diocletian), he frequently depicted Jupiter. As a devout eastern pagan, he favored the sun-god Sol, showing him in a facing quadriga on billon argentei, and on his reduced nummi standing, holding either a globe or the head of the Greco-Egyptian god Serapis.

MAXENTIUS A.D. 307ñ312

PRINCEPS AND CAESAR: A.D. 306ñ307

AUGUSTUS: A.D. 307ñ308 (WITH MAXIMIAN AND CONSTANTINE I)

A.D. 308ñ312 (SOLE REIGN)

SON OF MAXIMIAN AND EUTROPIA

BROTHER OF FAUSTA

HUSBAND OF VALERIA MAXIMILLA

FATHER OF ROMULUS

SON-IN-LAW OF GALERIUS AND GALERIA VALERIA

BROTHER-IN-LAW OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT

STEP-BROTHER-IN-LAW OF CONSTANTIUS I

STEP-BROTHER OF THEODORA

UNCLE OF CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANTIUS II AND CONSTANS

Marcus Aurelius Valerius Maxentius, c. A.D. 279 or 283ñ312. Maxentius was probably born in Syria in about 283, seemingly while his father was participating in the Persian campaign under Carus and Numerian. Alternatively, he could have been born four years earlier, in 279. He had a wife, Valeria Maximilla, who bore him two sons, the name of only one of whom, Romulus, is known.

In genealogical terms, he was better qualified for promotion than anyone else in the Empire, for he was the only son of Maximian (who had abdicated with Diocletian) and was the son-in-law of Galerius (who had just been promoted to Augustus in Diocletianís place). Despite these relations, Maxentius had not been given any serious responsibilities, such as military commands or consulships.

When Diocletian and Maximian retired in 305, and two new Caesars were added to the Tetrarchy, it must have come as a shock to Maxentius that he was passed up for promotion. This occurred again in August of 306, when the western Augustus, Constantius I, died. Instead of pushing hard to have his son-in-law promoted, Galerius acquiesced to the demands of young Constantine I by hailing him Caesar.

Fewer than a hundred days later, the new emperor Severus II announced that South Italy and the city of Rome would be subjected to certain taxes to which they had been immune since time immemorial. Furthermore, he announced that the praetorian guard in Rome (which by then was little more than a city garrison) was to be eliminated altogether. To the citizens this was an outrage and to the guards it spelled doom, so a rebellion was formed. As their leader the Romans chose Maxentius, who was then living on the outskirts of Rome.

It was a desperate move, for Rome had only a small civic army in the praetorian guards, whereas Severus II had a large force stationed at Milan, in the north of Italy. But at least one important aspect was considered before the revolt began: the compliance of North Africa was assured. This meant the Romans and South Italians would have an abundance of grain during their struggle. Furthermore, Sicily had also joined their revolt, providing a much smaller but important source of food.

On October 28, 306, Maxentius assumed the titles of Caesar and Princeps. At this stage he was proceeding cautiously and respectfully, hoping that his father-in-law would formally recognize not only the plight of the Romans, but also his desire to be included in the Imperial power structure. But Maxentius did not get the response for which he had hoped; instead, Galerius had his junior colleague, Severus II, prepare for war.

Maxentius did likewise over the winter of 306/7 by luring his father, Maximian, out of his unwanted retirement in Southern Italy. Initially, his inclusion in the revolt was perhaps the only thing that saved it from instant failure. Maximian hurriedly organized the army and the cityís defense, and marshaled the funds necessary to wage war. Though the circumstances were hardly ideal, he was eager to emerge from a dull, forced retirement.

By February of 307 (though some authorities suggest April), Maxentius and Maximian had assumed the titles of Augustus, and braced themselves for invasion by Severus II, whom the rebels had deprived of the vast majority of the territory allotted to him. The only areas still under Severusí authority were Northern Italy and Pannonia; he intended to recover Southern Italy, Sicily, Corsica, Sardinia and the diocese of Africa.

Late in February or early in March, Severus II led his army the 300 miles from Milan to Rome, where he confronted the rebels. But even before he reached the walls of Rome (which had been built by Aurelian and Probus some three decades ago), his campaign was faltering. Maximian undermined the loyalty of Severusí soldiers by offering generous bribes and by appealing to their former loyalties, since they had previously been under his command.

One of the first to take up the cause of the rebels was Severusí own praetorian prefect, Anullinus, who publicized the bribes in Severusí camp. The combination of sentimentality and gold proved too powerful, and most of Severusí army defected to the cause of the rebels in Rome. Severus was now on the defensive, and he decided to withdraw before his losses increased.

But events were happening too rapidly. Maximian struck while the circumstances weighed in his favor. He immediately pursued Severus up the Italian peninsula, nearly overtaking him before he obtained refuge within the walls of Ravenna, some 180 miles north of Rome. Within a matter of days Severus was compelled to abdicate his throne and surrender in exchange for his life.

Maximian and his son had won the first contest, but they knew the stakes would now be raised, so Severus II was delivered back to Rome (in the summer of 307) while Maximian headed to Gaul, where he hoped to make a pact with Constantine I, the Caesar in the West. In the meantime, Galerius ó now the only man in the Empire to legitimately hold the title Augustus ó prepared to exact his revenge. By April 1, 307, the rebels no longer were recognizing his authority.

When Galerius invaded, Severus II was either executed or forced to commit suicide. Galeriusí attempt to unseat Maxentius was no more successful than his predecessorís, and he soon retreated before his own entire army defected. Recalling the fate of Severus, Galerius burned the land as he traveled so that any pursuit would be hindered. He managed to leave Italy and take up a defensive position in Illyria.

Meanwhile, Maximian had been successful in Gaul, for he had made a defensive pact with Constantine, which was sealed by the marriage of his own daughter Fausta and Constantine. No longer content with the title of Caesar, by July 25, 307, Constantine felt confident enough to assume unlawfully the title of Augustus. Maximian supported the self-promotion, as both he and his son Maxentius had taken that same step about six months earlier.

This arrangement among the Augusti surely was no more than a fair-weather pact. Not only did Constantine resist Maximianís request that he cut off Galeriusí departure from Italy, but later in 307, it would seem, Spain pledged its allegiance to Maxentius. Constantine could hardly view this as anything other than a betrayal, since it probably was instigated by agents of Maxentius. Thereafter, the pact between Constantine and Maxentius rapidly deteriorated. Maximian returned to Rome later in that year to join his son, who, despite his relative youth and inexperience, was considered the senior of the two Italian Augusti.

The first ten months of 308 were relatively uneventful in the East, but much happened in the West, where fortune abandoned the Italian rebels. The basis of their failure was their inability to share authority. At a meeting of military officers in Rome, probably on April 20, Maximian attempted to overthrow his son but failed to gain support, and fled to Gaul, where he sought asylum with his new son-in-law, Constantine.

This shift was to have a devastating effect on Maxentiusí regime. Later in the year (though possibly in 309) his father, with the support of Constantine, convinced Lucius Domitius Alexander, the vicar of the diocese of Africa, to abandon Maxentius. Not only had Alexander probably been appointed to his post by Maximian, when he was a legitimate emperor, but Maximian was considered something of a hero in the region, where a decade before he had led the campaign that quelled the revolt of the Quinquegentiani.

Maximian knew only too well that without grain from this fertile region, Rome would soon be in the grips of famine, and that his sonís regime would be endangered. Perhaps then he would consider sharing power with his father. Maxentius seems to have been at a loss for what to do; he did not retaliate against Alexander, Maximian or Constantine for at least one year.

With so many contenders for authority, Galerius was equally concerned about the future, and later in 308, on November 11, he hosted a conference at Carnuntum, a legionary camp and city on the Danube in Upper Pannonia. At the conference, nothing was truly resolved. Diocletian refused to emerge from retirement, Maximian was formally stripped of all titles, Maxentius was declared a public enemy and Constantine I was confirmed as Caesar in the West, but the only actual change was the appointment of Licinius I, a comrade-in-arms of Galerius, to replace the recently slain Severus II.

But this insubstantial change was to have a negative consequence: it enraged Galeriusí nephew, Maximinus Daia, who inexplicably had been ìleap-froggedî and remained at the rank of Caesar. Galerius would pay for this in the near future, as both Maximinus Daia and Constantine demanded greater titles. In 309 he officially raised both of them from Caesar to the meaningless rank of Filius Augustorum (ìson of the Augustiî), and in 310 to the rank of Augusti.

The year 309 was remarkably bad for Maxentius. On the personal level, he was still stinging from his fatherís attempt to overthrow him, his sister was residing in Gaul with his enemy Constantine and the vicar Alexander had betrayed his trust. To this, he could add the tragic death of his young son Romulus, who in 309 had been made consul for the second time. Maxentius honored his son with consecration, temples and a coinage. In terms of his domain, it was also a difficult year for Maxentius. Not only had he lost the diocese of Africa in the previous year, but in the present year he seems to have lost Spain (which was reclaimed by Constantine I). To make matters worse, much of Northern Italy was lost to Licinius I, the new Augustus whom Galerius had stationed in Pannonia.

Amid this dissension, the Romans were rioting, for they were suffering from a great famine without the African grain. Maxentius was wise enough to feed his praetorian guards and soldiers well, and used them to crush the riots without mercy. We are told some 6,000 citizens died as a result. Ancient historians also inform us that Maxentiusí harsh financial exactions and tireless pursuit of other menís wives also caused dissent.

Maxentius realized that without the grain it was simply a matter of time before his regime toppled. Thus, by the end of 309 (or equally likely, early in 310), he sent his praetorian prefect, Rufius Volusianus, on an expedition to Carthage. The campaign was incredibly destructive and effective. The rebellious vicar Alexander was forced to hang himself (probably late in the summer or in the fall of 310) and the diocese of Africa was restored to Maxentius.

Constantine remained silent throughout the whole affair. He had purposely distanced himself from Italian affairs, hoping that Maxentius would be overthrown in the natural course of events. Back in 307 Constantine had not cut off Galeriusí retreat from Italy, and now, in 310/11, he did not come to the aid of Carthage, even though he was an ally and he stood to suffer if Maxentius recovered that important diocese.

Maximian was in the most difficult position of all, for he had grown tired of simply being an adviser to Constantine, without a title and without serious responsibilities. Constantine, who was busy fighting the Franks on the Rhine, did not want Maximian to interfere, so he insisted that Maximian remain in Aries, far from harmís way.

In a move that must have surprised everyone, Maximian staged a revolt of his own, seemingly in the spring of 310. He seized the Imperial treasury at Aries, hailed himself Augustus and fled south to Massalia. However, Constantine was in very close pursuit. His father-in-lawís plan had been betrayed by his daughter, Fausta (Constantineís wife). Maximian was captured within weeks of his betrayal and was either forced to commit suicide or was executed. The reason for his ill-fated revolt is open to speculation. One strong possibility is that he intended to sail for Carthage and help Alexander resist the invasion of Maxentiusí prefect.

Thus in 310 the horizons were brightening considerably for Maxentius: Rome was no longer in famine and, for better or for worse, his father was out of the picture. Maxentius immediately had the senate consecrate his father, perhaps out of familial devotion but certainly for the political advantage it offered in celebrating the memory of a man who had been killed by Constantine.

While all these major developments were occurring in the western portion of the Empire, trouble was quietly brewing in the East. Galerius, the senior Augustus, was critically ill and died early in May 311 of a disease that had been plaguing him for a year. A mad scramble ensued, as his territories were consumed by Licinius I and Maximinus Daia ó the former gaining Thrace and the latter the remainder of Asia Minor. War was averted through negotiation when the rivals met at the crossroads of Europe and Asia.

The Roman world was now divided into four geographic regions, each ruled by a hostile Augustus. Constantine had the western provinces, Maxentius occupied Italy and Africa, Licinius had all of the Balkans, Pannonia and Illyria, and Maximinus Daia controlled all of Asia and Egypt. With all four men feeling threatened by their neighbors, two alliances resulted: Licinius I joined Constantine I and Maxentius joined Maximinus Daia.

With civil war inevitable, and after six years of residency in Gaul (principally fighting on the Rhine), Constantine led an army of approximately 40,000 men to the north of Italy, where he invaded the territories of Maxentius. All the while, he kept an uneasy eye on Illyria, where his new ally Licinius I commanded a large army. This was a risky venture for the traditionally cautious Constantine, for we are told that he was outnumbered greatly by Maxentius, who had 150,000 or more men stationed in northern Italy.

But numerical superiority did not prevent Constantine from invading, nor did it prevent him from succeeding, for Maxentiusí legions were undisciplined. Constantine captured Segusio, Turin, Milan and Verona, near which Maxentiusí prefect, Rufius Volusianus, perished. After capturing Brescia and Aquileia, Constantine had secured the north; in the meantime, his partisans were hard at work undermining Maxentiusí sagging popularity in Rome.

As Constantineís armies camped outside Rome on the eve of the pitched battle that would take place at the Milvian Bridge, Constantine (who thus far had been under the exclusive protection of Sol-Apollo) is alleged to have had a vision and a dream that caused him to convert to Christianity. He instructed his men to paint a cross or a Christogram (a monogram of Christís name) on their shields, and to go into battle in the morning under the protection of the Christian god.

That next morning, October 28, 312, precisely six years after he had illegally assumed power there, Maxentius led his army outside Rome to engage Constantine. Maxentius dared not risk a prolonged siege, for he was already unpopular in the city and the likelihood of a palace coup increased with each passing day. The armies met in a skirmish on the Via Flaminia, after which Maxentius forced a pitched battle at the Milvian Bridge. In the course of the fight, Maxentiusí army was thrown into retreat and the bridge of boats over which the men were retreating collapsed. Maxentius drowned along with thousands of his men in the waters of the Tiber.

Constantine was victorious, and assuming he could trust Licinius not to attack, he had become master of the entire Western Empire. The citizens of Rome received him well and the senate declared him the Senior Augustus in the Empire (titulus primi ordinis). Much to the joy of the citizens, he disbanded the praetorian guard. Maxentiusí body was fished out of the Tiber, his head severed and placed on a pike and, after sufficient display in Rome, was sent to Carthage as proof of his demise.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Perhaps the most impressive coinage of the Tetrarchic period was produced by Maxentius at five cities in Italy and at Carthage. Though his silver coins are extremely rare, he struck many types of gold aurei and medallions and a large quantity of aes coinage. His nummi are especially diverse in their designs (both obverse and reverse), and they are supplemented with regular issues of fractional pieces. In these two respects, his aes issues are quite unlike other coinages of the period.

The overriding theme on Maxentiusí coinage is patriotism. He went to great lengths to show that he was the only leader who would champion Romeís old privileges and customs. One of his most telling types bears the inscription CONSERVATOR VRBIS SVAE, meaning ìprotector of his city.î Maxentiusí desire to show family links (which he believed entitled him to hold power legitimately) resulted in his striking honorary coinages for his father Maximian and for his in-laws, Constantius I and Galerius.

His gold is unusually impressive, for it includes a series of medallions typically of 2ñ, 4ñ and 8ñaurei weight. Most examples of these medallions are from a single cache (known as the ìParthenico Hoardî) reportedly recovered from a Mediterranean shipwreck. His gold medallions were almost certainly struck to pay army officers, including those who had defected from the defeated armies of Severus II and Galerius.

In terms of his regular gold, the most significant issues are aurei from Ostia which depict on their obverses the emperorís full-facing head. This form of portraiture was later used by Licinius and Constantine, but was abandoned until it was reintroduced on a large scale by Constantius II (337ñ361) in a militant form commonly known as three-quarter facing. By the 5th Century this style of bust (depicting the emperor wearing a helmet and armor, and holding a shield and spear) assumed popularity once again, and subsequently was the standard design for gold solidi in the Byzantine Empire.

ROMULUS

SON OF MAXENTIUS

GRANDSON OF MAXIMIAN AND GALERIUS

NEPHEW OF FAUSTA

Marcus Valerius (or Marcus Aurelius) Romulus, c. A.D. 292/4 (or 306)ñ309. Named after the legendary eponymous founder and first king of Rome, Romulus was one of two sons born to the rebel Maxentius and his wife Maximilla (the daughter of Galerius, who does not appear on coinage). The name of his brother is not known. Romulus held the unusual distinction of being the grandson of two emperors.

Romulus never held the rank of Caesar, but was appointed consul in 308 and in 309. His extreme youth rendered the appointments purely ceremonial. In the year of his second consulship Romulus died, dashing Maxentiusí hope of having an heir to the Empire he was attempting to build. The boy was consecrated and was honored with buildings and an impressive coinage. Estimates of the boyís age vary considerably: some historians suggest he was about 15 years old, and others only about 3 years old.

The death of Romulus was a severe blow to Maxentius, just when the last thing he needed was more bad news. In 309, Rome was in the grips of a famine, with shipments from Carthage withheld by the rebellious vicar Alexander. The starving population frequently rioted, and Maxentiusí efforts to suppress them resulted in the deaths of 6,000 citizens. Making the famine even worse was the fact that Alexander had been coaxed to rebellion by Maxentiusí own father, Maximian, who had failed in an attempt to overthrow him in the previous year. With his father in exile, his son dead, and his sister married to Constantine I, Maxentius had only his wife left as a close family member.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: All of Romulusí coins were struck at Rome or Ostia by his father after the boy died. Maxentius introduced some of the more interesting inscriptions to ever appear on Roman coins, and those he struck for his deified son are no exception. The NV represents Nobilissimus Vir (ìmost noble manî) and BIS CONS indicates that he was twice consul.

The standard reverse type for Romulusí coins is architectural, with two structures of similar form being represented. Both are circular, have a domed roof surmounted by an eagle and have two ornamented doors, one of which is shown ajar. The fact that the building is sometimes shown with an unadorned brick exterior, and other times with four or six columns adorning the facade, indicates they are meant to represent two different structures (see Hill, The Monuments of Ancient Rome as Coin Types, pp. 13ñ15).

The unadorned building is considered to be the Sepulchre of Divus Romulus, originally located on the Appian Way but since destroyed, and the one bearing four or six Corinthian columns represents the Temple of Divus Romulus. Maxentius began to construct the latter building in honor of his son and in the name of Romulus, the legendary founder of Rome, but he died before it was completed. Constantine the Great completed its construction, and most of the original structure is still intact and can be seen in the Forum.

ALEXANDER OF CARTHAGE A.D. 308ñ310

Lucius Domitius Alexander (Valerius Alexander), d. A.D. 310. Sources differ on the origin of Alexander, but he seems to have come from peasant stock either in Phrygia or Pannonia. The chronology of his rebellion is also debatable, with some scholars preferring c. 308ñ309, and others 308ñ310 or 308ñ311. Although elderly and timid, Alexander had served as governor of the diocese of Africa since 303, no doubt as an appointee of the western Augustus, Maximian.

When Maxentius revolted against Galerius and Severus II late in 306, an important part of his ìEmpireî was the province of Africa, whose vicar Alexander had sworn allegiance to Maxentiusí cause. However, by the summer or fall of 308 (most likely in June or July), Alexander had declared himself Augustus at the encouragement of Constantine I and Maximian.

Constantine had established his rule in Gaul as a self-proclaimed Augustus and an officially recognized Caesar. At his side was his father-in-law, Maximian, who had been stripped of all titles and had sought asylum with Constantine after he failed to overthrow his son, Maxentius, in April of 308. By this point in time, both Constantine and Maximian considered Maxentius an enemy, not only because of his treatment of Maximian, but also because in 307 he had seized Spain, a region which Constantine regarded as being within his own realm. Thus it comes as no surprise that Constantine and Maximian encouraged Alexander to revolt against Maxentius.

Alexander and the citizens of North Africa were quite willing to support the designs of Maximian. A decade earlier he (as a legitimate emperor) had freed that region from the scourge of piratic raids made by Numidian outlaws and the members of a Berber confederation known as the Quinquegentiani.

While there from c. 296/7 to 297/8, Maximian had established a mint in Carthage, strengthened frontier defenses from Mauretiania to Libya, and had held a Triumph in Carthage either late in 297 or in the spring of 298. More recently, the anti-Christian elements thought highly of Maximian for his enforcement of Diocletianís Edict of 303, which was upheld with particular severity in North Africa.

Because he was based in Carthage, Alexander controlled one of the three sources of grain most important to Europe and to Rome. Since Maxentius could not feed his people with grain from Egypt (then securely in the hands of Maximinus Daia, the nephew of the emperor Galerius), the harvests from western North Africa were essential to his survival. Without grain from Carthage, it was only a matter of time before the Romans overthrew Maxentius. Indeed, Romeís citizens succumbed to near-starvation in 309, resulting in terrible riots that Maxentius had to crush without mercy, causing the deaths of some 6,000 citizens. Either late in 309 or early in 310, Maxentius sent his praetorian prefect, Rufius Volusianus, on an expedition to recover North Africa and to overthrow Alexander. The operation was a great success, and after a reign of perhaps 18 months, Alexander was strangled to death, seemingly late in the summer or in the fall of 310. Some scholars, citing Zosimusí Nea Historia (penned c. 500), suggest Alexander remained in power until 311, but this idea has been abandoned by most scholars.

The expedition had severe consequences for the people of North Africa because Constantine the Great and Maximian (the two men who had prompted Alexander to revolt) did not come to come to their defense. The campaign was so destructive that Constantine later devoted many years to rehabilitating the region.

At this point an interesting, but purely speculative possibility arises. If Volusianusí expedition against Carthage was launched early in 310 (as many historians believe), Maximian may have revolted against Constantine with the intention of aiding Alexander (and, in the process, establishing his own regime at Carthage). After all, Maximian headed directly for Massalia after he seized the treasury at Aries, and this port city was an ideal staging point for such an expedition. We cannot be certain, however, that that was his purpose for taking refuge there. He was being pursued by Constantine and may have entered that city for lack of any better options.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Alexander issued aurei and nummi from the mint at Carthage, which Maximian had established in 296 or 297. Not surprisingly, the reverse types of his coinage largely celebrate the city of Carthage and his province of Africa, and allude to his desire for recognition from the legitimate authorities of the Empire. His coins are among the noted rarities in the Imperial series, and excellent forgeries of his aes (of the type commonly called ëThe Geneva Forgeriesí) exist. Many of the known examples are illustrated and described by R. A. G. Carson in the 1958 Numismatic Chronicle, pp. 47ñ58, pis. VñVI. The article was also published in 1977 as an offprint.