CHAPTER ELEVEN

THE CONSTANTINIAN ERA, C. A.D. 313ñ364

Named after Constantine the Great, this era was the most important in late Roman history. During the half century from 313 to 363, the foundations of the post-pagan world were laid by Constantine and his descendants. Within the Imperial government, Christianity found its first and greatest supporter in Constantine, who transformed a once-persecuted, fringe religion into the crown jewel of Western civilization.

More so than at any other point in Roman history, here western civilization took a turn from its past. For that reason, the Constantinian Era represents a watershed moment in the world of Late Antiquity. In this 50-year period, a new civilization was born as pagan Rome forfeited its storied past to the post-Classical world. So monumental a change, however, was not immediate, and in some respects is barely recognizable without careful study.

Though there were many causes for discord within the Empire, three emerge as the principal sources of strife in the Constantinian Era. First, the ruling family founded by Constantius I (Caesar, 293ñ305; Augustus, 305ñ306) was divided into two rival branches formed by the offspring of two different women ó Fausta and Theodora, the former branch being in power and the latter being persecuted. Second, the long-standing rivalry between East and West was given focus by the fact that there were now two capitals, Rome and Constantinople. Third, the Christian faith came to be divided principally along the lines of Arianism (strongly supported in the East) and Orthodox Catholicism (promoted mainly in the West).

The history of this era is intricate, tedious and in many ways unfulfilling to the student more in tune with the old ways of paganism. No longer are horrific acts motivated purely by the age-old faults in human nature, but instead are often tied to religion. Initially this war was waged between paganism and Christianity, but soon thereafter it came to be fought by the various factions of Christianity. Energetic theologians and bishops offered differing interpretations of the religion they shared in common, causing the fragmentation of church and society.

The religious life of pagan Rome was far from passionate. Satisfaction was derived from ritual and tradition rather than from the spirituality of blind faith. Christianity inspired passionate debate ó this is the aspect of the Constantinian Era that is often difficult to appreciate. Few in the modern western world can imagine going to war over the schism between Orthodoxy and Arianism, but the fact remains that this was sufficient cause for war, or at the very least, civil strife.

The fact that Constantine founded a city to defend his Christian state was of paramount importance to the history of the western world. Constantinople was built on the site of the Greek colony Byzantium, and its location (on the European shore of the narrows that divided Europe from Asia) was hand-picked for its strategic importance. We learn something of Constantineís reformist nature in his decision not to further develop Diocletianís capital of Nicomedia (slightly more than 50 miles away on the Asiatic shore), nor to stay in his earlier Thracian capitals of Sirmium and Serdica (which he had called ìmy Romeî).

In two very important respects Byzantium was hardly an ideal site for a city: it was deficient in drinking water and was prone to attack from its hinterland. But Constantine and his successors overcame these disadvantages by building defensive walls (first by Constantine, and subsequently by Anthemius, the prefect of Theodosius II) and aqueducts.

Overall, Constantinopleís advantages far outweighed its disadvantages. Constantine became impressed with the strategic importance of the ìgolden hornî when in this vicinity he defeated his rival Licinius I in September, 324. Its location and magnificent harbor gave it ready access to grain shipments from Egypt and the Cimmerian Bosporus. It was also an ideal staging point for naval expeditions, or for land armies destined for the Danube or the Euphrates.

Seemingly from about 326, when it was inaugurated, Constantinople was styled as the ìNew Rome,î or altera Roma (ìsecond Romeî). Eventually, like Rome, it was divided into 14 regions (though with limited space one was located outside its wall and another on the Asian side of the strait). That Constantine named the city in his own honor (ìcity of Constantineî) comes as no surprise, for much like Romulus, the legendary eponymous founder of Rome, Constantine believed he was founding a capital for a new Empire of his own design.

Like Constantineís other visionary projects, however, the importance of Constantinople was not immediately felt. It has been estimated that a dozen years after construction had begun, no more than about 50,000 people lived there (and even they were lured in by incentives, such as free grain distributions). But within a few generations the city of Constantine changed the world. It was formally dedicated in 330, and from the name of the Greek city upon which it had been built the term Byzantine was derived 14 centuries later to refer to the new cultural milieu.

Despite the potency of his vision, and the success of his many plans, Constantine was no model man. He was suspicious, envious, murderous, hypocritical, treacherous and a war-monger. His crimes against humanity were manifold, and his actions rarely fell into a category that would be embraced by the Christian faith he so staunchly defended.

His transgressions were often of the most sinister kind ó such as his hasty decisions to execute his wife and eldest son on charges he later came to doubt. Constantine was a typical Roman emperor: cruel out of necessity. For this reason many historians believe he did not morally convert to Christianity until he was on his deathbed, for he knew better than any other that as long as he reigned, he would have to be ready and willing to commit mortal sins.

It is justifiable to say that most of the Constantineís successes ó with the notable exception of embracing Christianity ó were built upon the achievements of Diocletian. Like that of the Tetrarchy, the Constantinian government was based on a rigid framework by which political and military stability could be achieved, no matter how bad the infighting or how serious the threat of invasion. The Empire weathered a great many problems, including the shameful fratricidal wars propagated by Constantineís sons.

The foundation of the Constantinian Era may, with good reason, be assigned to the year 313. In this year two men ó Constantine the Great and Licinius I ó emerged victorious from the collapse of the Tetrarchy. At first neither man was strong enough to dislodge the other, so they were forced to share the Empire. The fact that they were in-laws had no bearing on their desire to rid themselves of one another. The Empire was divided politically, religiously and geographically: Christian Constantine in the West, and pagan Licinius in the East. The break was too severe, and the rival emperors fought two costly civil wars between 313 and 324 in which Constantine overcame Licinius and emerged as sole ruler of a Roman Empire that had not been united for 40 years. Such civil wars were costly, not only in terms of life and currency, but also in less tangible ways.

Threats to Imperial security, however, were not strictly internal. The most formidable opponents of the Romans were located on the far sides of the Rhine, the Danube and on the eastern frontier. On the Rhine, the Romans were in constant warfare with the Germanic federation known as the Alemanni; on the Danube they fought back invasions by the Quadi and the Goths; and on their eastern frontier, they frequently came into conflict with the Sasanians. In subsequent years, after the Empire was formally divided, a host of new nomadic and semi-nomadic enemies, such as Huns, Vandals and Suevi arrived on the borders.

Not surprisingly, the Roman army grew alarmingly during this era, by some estimates reaching 75 legions under Constantine (a slight increase over Diocletianís 67 or more legions). Tiberius had had only 25 legions, Trajan conquered vast territories with 30 and Caracalla had only 33. Though many of Constantineís field army legions only contained 1,000 men, and others were below the traditional strength of about 5,400 men, it becomes clear how severe a burden the military had become during Constantineís age.

Furthermore, Constantineís legions were aided by field armies, Palatine and non-Palatine auxiliaries, light and heavy cavalry, the personal guardians of the emperor (numbering perhaps 15,000 alone) and the mercenaries among the foederati ó the immediate neighbors of the Romans who contracted to help protect the Empireís borders. All told, Constantine may have employed and outfitted about 900,000 soldiers during peak periods ó a force considerably larger than the typical level of 300,000 to 550,000 maintained from the time of the Julio-Claudians to the fall of the West.

Beyond the costs of maintaining a large army, Constantine also had to pay for a formidable Imperial bureaucracy, yet another institution he had adopted directly from Diocletian. Revenue was critical and the collection of the taxes necessary to support these costly institutions was efficient and relentless. Penalties for illegal activities were far more severe during the Late Roman period than in previous ages. Indeed, life was regimented and costly, but the reward was a greater level of security from brigands and barbarians.

In adopting Christianity, Constantine initially saw political advantage in his struggle to defeat his opponents in the Tetrarchy. Later it became a more consuming passion as Constantine saw it as a tool for unifying and controlling his subjects. However, his desire to use Christianity as a rallying point, through which his subjects would become loyal citizens and taxpayers, failed.

The fragmentation of the Christian church was the greatest threat to Constantineís carefully laid plans, and he devoted an enormous amount of his energy trying to rectify ideological differences. The most important of the early Christian heretics was Arius, the Presbyter of Alexandria. His teachings were condemned by Constantine at the Council of Nicaea in 325, but then rehabilitated in about 335, due in large part to lobbying by the moderate theologian Eusebius of Nicomedia (the bishop by whom Constantine was later baptized).

Ariusí rehabilitation only worsened matters in the long term, for the Empire came to be sharply divided between Orthordoxy and Arianism during the reigns of Constantineís sons and beyond. Especially recalcitrant was Bishop Athanasius of Alexandria, whose political wrangling nearly caused a civil war in 346 between his Orthodox Catholic supporter Constans, in the West, and his heretic Arian opponent Constantius II, in the East. The pre-existing rivalry between East and West was only intensified by divisions within the Christian Church. By the time Constantius II came to power, most westerners had become Orthodox Catholics, and most easterners had come to support the teachings of the heretic Arian.

The main rift was as follows: the Alexandrian priest Arius (c. 250ñ336) preached the separateness of God and Christ, whereas Orthodox Catholics (led by the Bishop Athanasius) believed that Christ was part of God, only lesser. To Arians, Christ was a separate being who served as Godís representative in the physical universe. This view allowed Christianity to be truly monotheistic, unlike the polytheism of Graeco-Roman paganism.

Though Constantine was successful in defeating his opponents on the battlefield and in administering his Empire, he failed to secure a peace beyond his own lifetime. Historians have long been vexed by his decision to divide the Empire he had fought so hard to unite. In 335 he named five heirs to his throne ó three being his own sons by Fausta, and two others being half-nephews from the branch of the family descended from his stepmother, Theodora.

It is impossible to believe that a deeply suspicious and warlike man such as Constantine could have thought this arrangement would work. In a sense, it was a return to Diocletianís Tetrarchy: the three sons and one half-nephew, Delmatius, were given the titles Caesar and responsibilities for territories that did not overlap. However, it also was quite different: there was no clear-cut order of seniority such as had been arranged by Diocletian (two Augusti and two Caesars, one being senior in each case). Additionally, Constantine added to Diocletianís formula a half-nephew, Hanniballianus, who was given the un-Roman title Rex and stationed on the eastern border. Clearly, his role as ìkingî was to provoke the Sasanians and then to defend his territories against them.

Not only was the Empire now divided among five young men who essentially held equal rank, but collectively they represented two rival branches of the family, which was a guarantee of infighting. The only possible explanation is that Constantine viewed this as temporary, and that he planned on altering the arrangement later ó perhaps after he could observe how his potential heirs handled their responsibilities. If that was Constantineís plan, he did not live long enough to see it through. Just as he was setting out on his much-anticipated Persian campaign in the early summer of 337 (the enemy had been sufficiently provoked to break the peace treaty of 40 years), he died in the outskirts of Nicomedia. Before he passed away, Constantine was baptized and cleansed of a lifetime of sin.

What followed could hardly have surprised Constantine, for his offspring had inherited his instinct for survival. Within a couple of months his three sons had arranged the murders of their half-cousins along with other descendants of Theodora and their partisans. Only the three sons of Constantine remained in power, each assuming the title of Augustus and claiming his share of the Empire.

According to Julian II, who wrote retrospectively as a survivor of the brothersí murderous purge in 337, the names of those specifically responsible were kept a well-guarded secret (though historians tend to credit Constantius II as being the ring-leader). Some two decades after Julian IPs death, the murders were defended by St. Gregory of Nazianzus, who briefly served as Bishop of Constantinople in 381. Gregory ó a quarrelsome man who disliked Julian II ó explained that the army would have supported only the true sons of Constantine as their leaders, and that the murders were a preemptive strike against a revolt that would have resulted. Though the barbarity of the act can hardly be defended, it did come to pass that the three grandsons of Theodora who were spared on account of their youth or frail health later haunted the sons of Constantine: two staged rebellions and one behaved savagely when given authority.

With events such as these clouding Constantineís legacy, it is difficult to call his reign or ìdynastyî a resounding success in its own time. It is best, perhaps, to view him as a visionary, for he acted decisively upon his belief in the decline of the West and of paganism. His foundation of Constantinople (shifting of the Imperial focus eastward) and his adoption of Christianity proved over the slow course of time to have been landmark decisions. Historians have not overstepped their bounds by crediting him with saving Western civilization from the Moslem horde.

With the exception of Procopius (usurper, 365ñ366) and Anthemius (467ñ472), both of whom claimed a distant kinship to the Constantinian line, the last reigning member of the family was Julian II, a half-nephew from Theodoraís side of the family. Considering that Julian II was a devout pagan, he provides an ironic conclusion to the Empireís first Christian dynasty.

After briefly being ruled by the former comes domesticorum (count, or companion of the household body guards) Jovian (363ñ364), the Empire had its unity shattered permanently by discord within the army. From February, 364, the two capitals, Rome and Constantinople, would manage their affairs separately. On the rare occasion when they had reason to interact, it was in hostility as often as it was in cooperation. The fact that their emperors were often of the same families seemed not to have affected matters decisively in one direction or the other.

Forcing the division of the Empire were the armies of Gaul (which were loyal to the memory of Julian II) and the eastern armies that had formerly served under Constantius II. Their cultural and political differences were so insurmountable that they decided civil war was avoidable only if two emperors reigned ó one in Rome and one in Constantinople. The brothers Valentinian I and Valens took command, and except for two very brief periods after the deaths of Gratian (378/9) and Theodosius I (394/5), and a few later periods (which were as brief as they were inconsequential), East and West were never without separate emperors again.

For the reasons detailed above, after this chapter (which ends with the death of Jovian in 364) the biographies and value listings are divided between the Eastern Roman Empire and the Western Roman Empire.

Aug. = Augustus

Caes. = Caesar

us: = Usurper

beg. = beginning

THE CONSTANTINIAN ERA

Period	West	East
The Licinian Wars
313ñ324	Constantine I (Aug., beg. 307) Crispus (Caes., beg. 316) Constantine II (Caes., beg. 316)	Licinius I (Aug., beg. 308) Val. Valens (co-Aug., 316ñ317) Licinius II (Caes., 317ñ324) Martinian (co-Aug., 324)
Constantine as Sole-Augustus
324ñ335	Constantine I (Aug.) Crispus (Caes., d. 326) Constantine II (Caes.) Constans (Caes., beg. 333)	Constantine I (Aug.) Constantius II (Caes.)
335ñ337	Constantine I (Aug.) Constantine II (Caes.) Constans (Caes.) Delmatius (Caes.)	Constantine I (Aug.) Constantius II (Caes.) Hanniballianus (Rex Regum)
The Sons of Constantine
337ñ340	Constantine II (Aug.) Constans (Aug.)	Constantius II (Aug.)
340ñ350	Constans (Aug.)	Constantius II (Aug.)
Civil War and Decline
350ñ360	Constantius II (Aug.) us: Magnentius (Aug., 350ñ353) us: Decentius (Caes., 350ñ353) Vetranio (co-Aug., 350) us: Nepotian (Aug., 350) Julian II (Caes., 355ñ360)	Constantius II (Aug.) Const. Gallus (Caes., 351ñ354)
360ñ361	us: Julian II (Aug.)	Constantius II (Aug.)
361ñ363	Julian II (Aug.)
363ñ364	Jovian (Aug.)

LICINIUS I A.D. 308ñ324

HUSBAND OF CONSTANTIA

FATHER OF LICINIUS II

SON-IN-LAW OF THEODORA AND (POSTHUMOUSLY) CONSTANTIUS I

UNCLE OF DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II AND NEPOTIAN

HALF-BROTHER-IN-LAW OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT

Gaius Valerius Licinianus Licinius, c. A.D. 250 or c. 263/5ñ325. Making the fastest rise in the Tetrarchy was Licinius I, a soldier who was hailed Augustus by his comrade Galerius even though he had not previously held the rank of Caesar. Licinius survived the turmoil of the age to become sole rival to Constantine the Great, against whom he waged and lost two costly civil wars.

Little is known of Liciniusí origins except that he was born of peasant stock in Dacia Ripensis (Upper Moesia) sometime around 250 or in the early 260s. Early in his career in the army, Licinius came to know Galerius, the man whom Diocletian made his Caesar in 293 and eventually, in 305, chose as his replacement as Augustus.

As an officer in the army, Licinius served with distinction on Galeriusí campaign against the Sasanians in 297 and 298. This was one of the great Roman successes of the age, and no doubt established Liciniusí credibility. Thereafter, he took up a command in the Danube and was a lieutenant on Galeriusí failed expedition into Italy in 307.

Because of this association with Galerius (who was Diocletianís Caesar), Licinius was adopted by Diocletian. After having proved his competence and loyalty several times over, Licinius was promoted to the rank of Junior Augustus at the Conference of Carnuntum on November 11, 308. While Galerius no doubt viewed Licinius as the best man for the job, his choice infuriated other claimants, such as Constantine I, who at the same conference was reduced from self-proclaimed Augustus to Caesar. Equally upset was Galeriusí own nephew, Maximinus Daia, was had been ìleapfroggedî and remained a Caesar.

Licinius settled into his headquarters in Pannonia, and instead of trying to oust his various enemies (Maxentius in Italy, Alexander in Carthage or Constantine I in Gaul), he took on a defensive posture. When Galerius died of illness in 311, a contest began between Licinius and Maximinus Daia (whose soldiers had already proclaimed him Augustus in 310). The bitter rivals quickly partitioned Galeriusí former territories, with Maximinus Daia getting all of the Asiatic territories and Licinius having to settle for the smaller European portion.

The two men narrowly avoided a war when they confronted each other at the Bosporus. They declared a truce, but each prepared for the war they knew was inevitable. Liciniusí first preparation was to make an alliance with Constantine I in early in 312 ó a measure countered by Maximinus Daia, who entered into an alliance with the rebel Maxentius. Battle lines had been formally drawn.

Within the year Constantine himself invaded Italy and deposed Maxentius, leaving the Empire with only three emperors: Constantine the Great, Licinius I and Maximinus Daia. The former two met at Milan in 313, where their alliance was formalized with Liciniusí marriage to Constantineís half-sister, Constantia, and the joint issuance the Edict of Milan, which established religious tolerance in the Empire.

Meanwhile, all was not well with Maximinus Daia in the East. His realm was suffering from a famine induced by bad harvests, he had lost his ally Maxentius, and he had grown concerned over the alliance of Licinius and Constantine. Therefore, while his two opponents were occupied with their meeting in Milan, Daia took the initiative and invaded Thrace, the easternmost portion of Liciniusí territory. Licinius hastily departed Milan before all issues had been settled and marched east to defend his territories.

The armies of Licinius and Maximinus Daia clashed late in April, 313, near Adrianople, where Daiaís larger force (which was exhausted and demoralized by its fast march across Anatolia in winter) was roundly defeated. During the battle, Maximinus Daia managed to escape in disguise and flee back to Asia, where he died in the fall of that same year at Tarsus. Licinius wasted no time in executing a great many of Daiaís supporters and in taking command of all Asia and Egypt, which he happily added to his Balkan holdings. The remainder of the Empire in the West belonged to his ally and in-law, Constantine the Great.

For the first time since the foundation of the Tetrarchy, only two men ruled. In the beginning the two Augusti tried to cooperate. Licinius enforced the Edict of Milan in his eastern realm, for Christians had suffered greatly under the successive regimes of Galerius and Maximinus Daia. Licinius insisted that all property confiscated from Christians during the earlier ìGreat Persecutionî should be restored.

This and other actions (such as claiming to be a descendant of Philip I, who was thought of by some to be the first Christian emperor), led writers of the day to conclude that Licinius was a Christian. But his later actions against Christians proved that he was no convert from paganism.

The alliance of Constantine and Licinius I soon proved to be merely one of convenience, and the men inevitably came into conflict. It was clear to all that the Empire was divided by rivals in the East and West. During the next 11 years, Constantine and Licinius brought their children into the Imperial fold and engaged in two costly civil wars.

In an effort to prevent conflict, the two emperors installed a man named Bassianus as a quasi-independent ruler in Rhaetia and Pannonia, regions that together formed a ìbuffer stateî along the northern and eastern borders of Italy. Bassianus was related by marriage to both men: he was Constantineís half-brother-in-law and he was the husband of the sister of Liciniusí wife. Theoretically, he would have no greater loyalty to either of the emperors.

However, Licinius convinced Bassianus to revolt in his favor. Constantine learned of the treachery late in July, 315, and rushed from the Rhine front to Italy. However, he did not consider it prudent to act immediately. Tensions escalated over the next year and the so-called First Licinian War erupted in August or September of 316. Licinius quickly lost ground to Constantine, who advanced into the Balkans and defeated him in two battles, first on October 8 at Cibalae (about 50 miles west of Sirmium), and then further south-east at Campus Adriensis.

During the course of these battles, Licinius officially deposed Constantine for what he considered to be unlawful aggressions. In place of the now ìillegalî emperor Constantine, Licinius raised his frontier commander Valerius Valens to the rank of Augustus in the West.

Though in military terms the defeats were not complete, Licinius and Valerius Valens decided to sue for peace, which they gained through negotiations held very early in 317. In the settlement, Constantine gained the title of Senior Augustus (formerly held by Licinius I), took control of all Balkan territories except Thrace and half of Moesia, and had Valerius Valens deposed. Licinius agreed to all of these terms and also executed Valerius Valens as an added measure of security.

The reconciliation resulted in more territory for Constantine, who controlled most of the western portion of the Empire. The acquisition of the Balkans was especially important because it was a prime region for recruiting soldiers. On March 1, 317, not long after their agreement had been forged, the sons of both emperors were formally raised to the rank of Caesar: Licinius II by his father and the half-brothers Crispus and Constantine II by their father.

Several years passed in which the rival emperors tolerated each other, but Licinius realized that Constantine would not be content until he had conquered the whole Empire. Licinius suspected that Christians in Asia Minor were conspiring against him on behalf of Constantine, and so he expelled all Christian officers from his army and began to persecute them in 320 and 321. For Constantine, who had adopted Christianity about a decade earlier, this was not only an affront to his own agenda, but it also constituted a breach of the Edict of Milan, to which both men had agreed in 313.

Hostilities between East and West continued to escalate, and in the summer of 322 (or possibly in 323) Constantine entered Liciniusí territory of Thrace on the pretext that he was protecting the region from encroachment by the Goths. Technically, this was a legal act, but Licinius perceived it (perhaps rightly so) as an unwarranted aggression. By mid-324 the Second Licinian War had begun. This time, however, the results would not be as indecisive as they had been in the first contest.

Constantine won an important battle against Licinius at Adrianople on July 3, 324. By now Constantineís eldest son, Crispus, was old enough to participate, and he was entrusted with the fleet. In a brilliant maneuver, Crispus captured the fleet of Licinius, which was considerably larger than his own.

Facing defeat on land and at sea, Licinius retreated to Byzantium, where he was besieged and was forced to return to Asian soil. At some point during his retreat ó in a virtual replay of the final days of the First Licinian War ó Licinius hailed his magister officiorum Martinian as emperor of the West in place of Constantine. Martinianís task was to get reinforcements from Asia and organize what remained of their fleet so as to prevent Constantine from crossing over from Europe. Regrettably for Licinius and for himself, he was not successful.

In this second war the stakes were high, and Constantine would settle for nothing less than total victory. The combined forces of East and West exceeded 250,000 men and 500 ships. Not surprisingly, the casualties (which may have exceeded 60,000 in Liciniusí army alone) were substantial.

After crossing over to Asian soil, the Licinians were routed at Chrysopolis on September 18, 324. Licinius abandoned his plan to establish himself at Calchedon and instead led the remainder of his army about 45 miles east to Nicomedia, where he prepared to make a last stand. His ranks once had numbered about 150,000, but by this stage they were reduced to one-fifth that amount by casualties and defections.

Clearly this ìlast standî could have no good outcome for Licinius. But a final battle was avoided when Constantia, the wife of Licinius and half-sister of Constantine, negotiated terms of surrender in which the lives of Licinius I and Martinian were to be spared. Constantine had now gained control over the whole Roman Empire, and he placed Licinius and Martinian under house arrest ó the former at Thessalonica and the latter in Cappadocia.

The men, however, did not long survive. Constantine failed to keep his promise and executed both former emperors, presumably in the spring of 325. In defense of Constantineís act, two Christian historians inform us that Licinius earned his death through his treacherous behavior. The 5th Century historian and lawyer Scholasticus records that Licinius secretly conspired with the Goths to overthrow Constantine. The 12th Century historian Zonaras offers a slightly different version, in which Licinius actually escaped to the Carpathian mountains, where his would-be allies, the Visigoths, executed him.

CONSTANTIA

AUGUSTA, A.D. 313ñ324

NOBLISSIMA FEMINA, A.D. 324ñC. 330

WIFE OF LICINIUS I

MOTHER(?) OF LICINIUS II

DAUGHTER OF CONSTANTIUS I AND THEODORA

HALF-SISTER OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT

STEPDAUGHTER OF HELENA

AUNT OF DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II AND NEPOTIAN

Flavia Julia Constantia, c. A.D, 295(?)ñc. 330. Constantia was one of two daughters of the emperor Constantius I and his second wife, Theodora. As such, she was a half-sister of Constantine the Great, who had been born to Constantius Iís first wife (or concubine), Helena. Constantia led a tragic life ó initially because her branch of the family was persecuted as rivals to Constantine the Great and later because of her arranged marriage to Constantineís rival, Licinius I.

Constantia came to the political forefront in 313, when she entered into a political marriage with Constantineís co-emperor, Licinius I, to whom she had been betrothed in 310 or 312. The wedding took place in February, 313 at Milan, where Constantine and Licinius had met to formalize their alliance and issue the famous Edict of Milan.

Though Constantine and Licinius I began their careers as comrades in arms under Galerius and grew to become luke-warm allies after they had achieved Imperial rank, they came to be bitter enemies. This development placed Constantia in a difficult position. A parallel may be drawn with Fausta, the second wife of Constantine the Great, whose loyalty was likewise tested between her husband and her father, Maximian.

In 313 Constantia was hailed Augusta, and within the next two years gave birth to a son. Whether this son was the one raised to the rank of Caesar in 317 is not entirely certain (see the biography of Licinius II for details). Family bliss, however, was interrupted late in 316 when her husband and Constantine went to war. The so-called First Licinian War ended in stalemate and a new truce that favored Constantine.

The Second Licinian War erupted in 324 and came to a more conclusive end than had the first. Constantiaís husband was roundly defeated in a quick campaign and had it not been for her intervention, Licinius I no doubt would have been killed in a ìlast standî he was preparing to take at Nicomedia. However, in a single night at the palace in Nicomedia, Constantia convinced her husband to surrender to Constantine. The next day she negotiated terms of surrender on her husbandís behalf, which included a promise that the lives of Licinius I and his son, the Caesar, would be spared. That same evening the three dined together, after which Licinius was taken to Thessalonica under house arrest. The fact that Constantine went back on his promise a few months later and executed Licinius I is hardly a discredit to Constantia.

Constantia retained favorable status with her half-brother. However, because her husband had been deposed, Constantia was demoted in 324 from Augusta to Nobilissima Femina. At the same time, Constantine raised both his mother, Helena, and his wife, Fausta, to the rank of Augusta. Constantia spent the remainder of her life in Constantineís court, involving herself in the heated debates of Christian dogma that raged at the time. In particular, she seems to have devoted herself to restoring the Christian heretic Arius, who had been condemned at the Council of Nicaea in 325.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: It is curious that Licinius I did not strike coins for Constantia when she was hailed Augusta, especially since she soon gave birth to a son. Coins were struck in her name only after her demotion from Augusta. On these excessively rare bronzes, Constantia is styled as both Nobilissima Femina and the sister of Constantine (SOROR CONSTANTINI AVG).

LICINIUS II

CAESAR, A.D. 317ñ324

SON OF LICINIUS I AND(?) CONSTANTIA

GRANDSON OF CONSTANTIUS I AND THEODORA

COUSIN OF DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II AND NEPOTIAN

HALF-NEPHEW OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT

HALF-COUSIN OF CRISPUS, CONSTANTINE II,

CONSTANTIUS II, CONSTANS, CONSTANTINA

(W. OF HANNIBALLIANUS & CONSTANTIUS GALLUS)

AND HELENA THE YOUNGER (W. OF JULIAN II)

Flavius Valerius Constantinus Licinianus Licinius (ìLicinius Juniorî), c. A.D. 313/4 or c. 315ñ326. As a son of Licinius I, the Augustus in the East from 313 to 324, Licinius II was destined to inherit his fatherís Empire. To that effect, he was raised to the rank of Caesar on March 1, 317, while still a small child. His investiture occurred at Serdica in a formal ceremony shared with Crispus and Constantine II, the two eldest sons of his fatherís rival, Constantine the Great.

We know little of Licinius II other than the circumstances of his achieving that rank, and the fact that he was deposed in 324 and executed in 326. Beyond this, the sources become muddied, for Licinius I had two sons: one who was born to his wife, Constantia, and another who was born a bastard to his Syrian concubine, Mamertina. Determining which of these two boys was the one hailed Caesar (and depicted on coins) may not be done with absolute certainty; therefore, their fates are discussed separately below.

As was called for in the surrender treaty of 324, the Caesar Licinius II was stripped of his rank and exiled with his father to Thessalonica, only to witness the latterís execution early in 325. Licinius II was eventually moved from Thessalonica to Pola, where in 326 (perhaps around the same time Constantine executed his son, Crispus, and his wife, Fausta) he too was executed.

The other young man, an illegitimate half-brother of Licinius II, had his status restored by rescript after the war and was given high rank. However, he was later implicated in the Cypriot revolt staged by Calocaerus in 334 (which was thwarted by the future Caesar Dematius), and as punishment was either executed or condemned to slavery at an Imperial weaving-mill in Carthage in 336.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Licinius II is perhaps more properly named Licinius Junior, as his name on coinage often appears as LICINIVS IVN (or IVNIOR on a medallion of Nicomedia). By far his most interesting issues are his facing-head solidi and the reduced nummi which show his bust confronted either with the bust of his father or of Constantine II. Other nummi of interest are those which show that Licinius I bestowed upon his own son the additional name Constantine as a show of good faith in the agreement made at Serdica on March 1,317. The inscriptions occur at Nicomedia in the form VA CO LICINIVS NOB (or N) CS, at Heraclea as D N VAL CONST LICINIVS NOB C, and at Alexandria in the expanded form Val CONSTANTINVS LICINIVS N CAES. The goodwill did not last long, however, for the coins are very rare and were probably restricted to 317.

VALERIUS VALENS A.D. 316ñ317

Gaius Aurelius Valerius Valens, d. A.D. 317. During the First Licinian War, when Licinius I was losing ground in the Balkans to Constantine I, he officially deposed Constantine for his unlawful aggressions. He then optimistically replaced Constantine with Valerius Valens, one of his own frontier generals (dux limitatis) who was destined to hold the title of Augustus for only three months before being executed.

Like most details of the period, exactly when Valerius Valens was hailed Augustus is not certain. It may have occurred at the battle at Cibalae on October 8, 316, or shortly thereafter when the Licinian armies were conducting a fighting retreat. In response to his being hailed co-Augustus, Constantine seems to have raised his two eldest sons, Crispus and the infant Constantine II, to the rank of Caesar (though they were not formally installed until the spring of 317).

In either case, Licinius and Valerius Valens were on the defensive and shortly into the New Year sued for peace. Constantine assumed the title of Senior Augustus, took control of all Balkan territories except Thrace (and half of Moesia) and demanded that Valerius Valens be deposed. Licinius agreed to the terms and went one step further by executing Valerius Valens, probably in January (perhaps on the 8th) of 317. The execution was not merely an act of good faith toward Constantine, but also removed a potential rival within Liciniusí own realm.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Deceptive 20th Century forgeries (commonly known by the name ìThe Geneva Forgeriesî) exist of the nummi of Valerius Valens and of four other issuers. Many of the known examples are illustrated and described by R. A. G. Carson in the 1958 Numismatic Chronicle, pp. 47ñ58, pis. VñVI. An offprint of Carsonís article was published in 1977.

MARTINIAN A.D. 324

Sextus Marcius(?) Martinianus, d. A.D. 325. The fate of Martinian was virtually identical to that of Valerius Valens ó both men briefly served as the co-emperor of Licinius I in the final months of his civil wars with Constantine the Great. Martinian did not reign as long (about two months) as Valerius Valens, but he survived a few months longer after being deposed, for he was not executed until the following year.

During the final stage of the Second Licinian War, Licinius officially deposed Constantine for his military aggressions into Thrace, which along with half of Moesia was Liciniusí only European possession. In Constantineís place, Licinius made his Master of Offices (magister officiorum), Martinian, emperor of the West. Martinian was the second-highest-ranking officer in Liciniusí administration and though the Imperial bodyguards were under his command, the magister officiorum was not a military post.

The First Licinian War (316ñ317) had been relatively nondestructive in comparison with the second. This time the combined land forces exceeded 250,000 men and some 500 ships. With such large armies and navies, it is not surprising that the casualties and defections were enormous.

By mid-324 the war had begun, and Licinius immediately began to lose ground to Constantine. He engaged in a fighting retreat toward the Bosporus and late in July he instructed Martinian to muster whatever soldiers and vessels he could to prevent Constantine from crossing onto Asian soil. Martinian, however, was unable to prevent the enemyís advance, for Constantineís eldest son, Crispus, made a flotilla of light transport ships, and Constantineís legions entered Asia Minor virtually unopposed.

Licinius was routed yet again at Chrysopolis on September 18, 323, by which point the deaths in his army exceeded 60,000 and defections numbered 50,000 or more. The Licinian army (now reduced from 150,000 to about 30,000) abandoned its defensive position at Calchedon and retreated further east to Nicomedia, where they hoped to make one last stand. However, the lives of the two emperors and their army were spared by Constantia, the wife of Licinius I and a half-sister of Constantine, who intervened and negotiated an honorable surrender in late September or early October.

In exchange for their abdications, Constantine promised to spare the lives of Licinius, his son Licinius II, and the co-emperor, Martinian. The royal captives were placed under house arrest: Licinius I and Licinius II at Thessalonica, and Martinian in Cappadocia. True to form, Constantine soon went back on his word and executed both former emperors in the spring of 325, followed by the execution of Licinius II in 326.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Counterfeits of the nummi of Martinian were produced by the same forger who produced certain coins of Valerius Valens (for details see the note for the latterís coinage).

CONSTANTINE I ëTHE GREATí A.D. 307ñ337

CAESAR (RECOGNIZED): A.D. 306ñ309

FILIUS AUGUSTORUM (RECOGNIZED): A.D. 309ñ310

AUGUSTUS (SELF-PROCLAIMED): A.D. 307ñ310

AUGUSTUS (RECOGNIZED): A.D. 310ñ337

SON OF CONSTANTIUS I AND HELENA

HUSBAND OF MINERVINA AND FAUSTA

FATHER (BY MINERVINA) OF CRISPUS AND (BY FAUSTA) OF CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANTIUS II, CONSTANS, CONSTANTINA (w. OF HANNIBALLIANUS & CONSTANTIUS GALLUS) AND HELENA THE YOUNGER (w. OF JULIAN II)

SON-IN-LAW OF MAXIMIAN AND EUTROPIA

BROTHER-IN-LAW OF MAXENTIUS

HALF-BROTHER OF CONSTANTIA (w. OF LICINIUS I)

HALF-UNCLE OF DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II, LICINIUS II AND NEPOTIAN

GRANDFATHER OF CONSTANTIA (w. OF GRATIAN)

Flavius Valerius Constantinus, c. A.D. 272/3, 274 (alternately, early 280s)ñ337. The importance of Constantine the Great to western history cannot be underestimated. Only two other Roman emperors ó Augustus and Diocletian ó had so great an impact on the future of his world. For Constantine is inextricably tied to the emergence of Christianity as the chief religion of the Western world, and thus with the introduction of Europe into the post-Classical world.

Constantine was born at Naíissus to Helena, a Bithynian barmaid, and Constantius I, a Danubian soldier whose origins were humble but who achieved the ranks of Caesar and Augustus in the course of his duty. It is not known if Constantineís parents were married, but we can be certain that Constantine was not ashamed about his origins, for he extensively honored his parents in coinage and on other media. Historians sharply disagree on the subject of Constantineís birth year, though most favor sometime between 272 and 274. Some of his panegyrists suggest he was born in the early 280s, but these almost certainly are attempts to falsify his youth.

By all accounts Constantine was a violent, suspicious, temperamental and intimidating man. The historian Eusebius reports that as a young man Constantine was tall, graceful, and so completely surpassed ìhis contemporaries in personal strength that he struck terror into them.î Indeed, this man (who later in life gained the nickname ìbull neckî) must have been a frightening adversary, either in armor on the battlefield or in jewel-encrusted robes in the royal court.

Throughout his lifetime, Constantineís behavior was opportunistic and inconsistent, for he followed policies that served his immediate needs. Foremost was his adoption of Christianity, the teachings of which he failed to embrace. His impious personal behavior and his retention of the pagan title Pontifex Maximus until his death demonstrate his hypocrisy on a policy that was the cornerstone of his reign.

When Constantineís father began to rise to the highest levels of the government, he was forced to end his association with Constantineís mother, Helena, so he could marry Theodora, the step-daughter of the emperor Maximian. Constantius I and Theodora subsequently had several children, thus creating a separate branch of the ìConstantinianî family. Because the first generation of this rival branch was persecuted by Helena and Fausta, its members were fairly innocuous. However, the second generation figured tragically into the Imperial politics of Constantine and his three surviving sons.

The story of the first Christian emperor is especially complex because his treatment by Christian writers of the Late Roman and Byzantine eras is excessively flattering. At the same time they praise Constantine, these same historians unfairly vilify his many opponents. For scholars, this is a task not unlike trying to determine the point of view of the Germans or Sasanians through histories written by Romans.

In truth, Constantine was an enigma. On the one hand he was a self-assured emissary of God, and on the other he was an utterly ruthless murderer and a single-minded aggressor who would go to any length to become sole emperor. This balance of qualities, seemingly in opposition, did not prevent kings of the Middle Ages from viewing him as the archetype of the European Christian king.

His major failures were few, but important. For example, it is hard to imagine that a man of his worldly character would have believed that his three sons and two half-nephews would share the Empire cooperatively after he died. But whatever his failings, the achievements of Constantine were numerous. He was a brilliant general, administrator and statesman who not only led Europeís conversion from paganism to Christianity, but began construction of Constantinople (a ìnew Romeî) on the Golden Horn, an act that proved to be Europeís salvation for a millennium after his death.

He chose the location of his new city for the strategic importance it played in the two wars he waged against Licinius I. Indeed, the foundation of Constantinople (on a Greek settlement named Byzantium) ranks as one of the great events of late antiquity. For this and other important reasons, many historians consider him to be the first of the so-called Byzantine emperors.

Because Constantineís father was Caesar in the West, the Eastern Augustus Diocletian retained Constantine as a ìhostageî in his court at Nicomedia to ensure the good behavior of the boyís father. While serving in Diocletianís court, Constantine came to know his eventual rival, Licinius I, for both of them served with distinction in Galeriusí campaign against the Sasanians from 297 to 298.

By the time Diocletian and Maximian abdicated in May of 305, the health of Constantius I had begun to fail, so he petitioned that his son, Constantine, should be released to join him in the West. The new Augustus in the East, Galerius, granted the request, and in 306 Constantine embarked on the long journey from Nicomedia to Boulogne, where he met his father. Wary of possible assassination by Galerius or the Caesar Severus II, Constantine traveled swiftly and discreetly.

Both Constantine and his father were in dangerous positions, for even though Constantius I was technically the Senior Augustus, he had been politically outmaneuvered by Galerius, who had been Diocletianís confidant. Indeed, Galerius was so intent on installing his own candidates Severus II and Maximinus Daia in the vacant offices of Caesar that he bypassed two prime candidates: Constantine (who was the son of the current Senior Augustus) and Maxentius, the son of the retired emperor Maximian.

In that same year (306) Constantine and his father sailed to Britain, where they shared command in the war against the Picts. In the process Constantine came to be admired by the soldiers under his fatherís command, and they supported his cause when Constantius I transferred his imperium to Constantine while on his deathbed at York on July 25, 306. The event is said to have been witnessed by soldiers, and in one swift action, Constantine commandeered authority in Gaul, Britain and Spain.

Initially, Constantine took the title Augustus, for he was determined to be a direct replacement for his deceased father. Upon further reflection, however, he changed his mind. Not only was it an ìillegalî act (for the title of Augustus would naturally go to one of the two men who already held the rank of Caesar), but Galerius grudgingly offered him the legitimate title of Caesar. Constantine accepted, and Galerius promoted the Caesar Severus II to Augustus.

Constantine cautiously remained in the West during this early part of his reign, devoting himself to defending the Rhine. He waged war on the Franks from 306 to 307, and made sorties into the territory of the Bructeri. In 308 he even bridged the Rhine near Cologne to lead a punitive expedition. With few breaks from frontier warfare, he remained more or less occupied with the Rhine until he left Gaul in 312.

Because Constantine had essentially forced Galerius to hail him Caesar in 306, Maxentius (the son of Maximian, who had no rank) viewed Constantine as the man who had robbed him of the new opening in the Tetrarchy created by the death of Constantius I. As a result, Constantine and Maxentius would never see eye-to-eye, and this was just the beginning of their personal conflict.

Believing he never would be offered a legitimate chance for authority, Maxentius rebelled in Rome on October 28, 306, claiming the titles Princeps and Caesar. Maxentius soon added to his renegade government his own father, Maximian, who had unwillingly retired in 305 with Diocletian.

The father and son rebels proclaimed themselves Augusti early in 307 as they braced in the spring for an invasion of Italy led by the newly appointed Augustus, Severus II. The invasion was easily repelled by Maximian, who bribed the invaderís soldiers. Severus II was captured and forced to abdicate, and by the summer had been executed. The Tetrarchy now numbered only three ó an insufficiency that was not remedied until November, 308.

Immediately after the victory over Severus II, Maximian left his son, Maxentius, in Italy and traveled to Gaul to see Constantine. The two men ó seeing Galerius as their enemy-in-common ó made a pact that was sealed on March 31 with Constantineís marriage to Fausta, the daughter of Maximian and sister of Maxentius. Now fully committed to opposing Galerius, Constantine did not hesitate to accept the title of Augustus that Maximian offered him in July, 307 (though he remained a Caesar in the mind of Galerius).

As these events were occurring in Gaul, Italy was invaded a second time, later in 307. This incursion was led by Galerius himself, but it proved no more successful than the effort led earlier by Severus II. Forewarned by the fate of his predecessor, Galerius hastily withdrew to Illyria before his retreat could be cut off, either by Maxentius or by his Gallic ally Constantine. About this time, perhaps, Spain switched its allegiance from Constantine to Maxentius ó an event that Constantine no doubt attributed to treachery on the part of Maxentius.

Having achieved his mission in Gaul, Maximian returned to Rome early in 308 to join his son, only to discover that they were unable to share authority. Maximian tried to overthrow his son in April of 308 but failed and fled to Gaul to take refuge with his new son-in-law, Constantine. Together, in the summer or fall of 308, they convinced the vicar of North Africa, Lucius Domitius Alexander, to revolt against Maxentius.

By denying Rome most of its grain supply, Domitius Alexander had the potential to starve the Romans, and thus to topple Maxentiusí regime (presumably so that his benefactor Maximian could step in and take command). Short food supplies caused civil unrest in Rome, and Maxentius used his well-fed Praetorian guardsmen to quell civilian riots in which some 6,000 died.

Realizing his peril, either late in 309 or early in 310 Maxentius outfitted an expedition against Carthage that was extraordinarily destructive, but which restored North Africa to his domain and caused the death of Alexander. Though some historians (following Zosimusí Nea Historia) suggest the African revolt ended in 311, it more likely ended late in the summer or in the fall of 310.

Since the Empire now had six claimants (one legitimate Augustus, two legitimate Caesars and three rebels), Galerius held a conference at Carnuntum on November 11, 308. At this meeting he hoped to find a solution to the problems the Empire faced ó one that would still work in his own favor. However, Galeriusí inflexibility assured that nothing was resolved, and though a new member was added to round out the Tetrarchy, none of the parties (save Galerius and the new member, Licinius I) emerged satisfied.

Installed at Carnuntum as the replacement for the slain Severus II was Galeriusí comrade Licinius I, who was appointed Junior Augustus even though he had not previously held the rank of Caesar. As for the other participants: Maximinus Daia remained Caesar and was enraged for being ìleapfroggedî by Licinius I; Constantine was confirmed as Caesar (though he still claimed to be Augustus); Maximian was forced to abdicate a second time; and Maxentius and Alexander remained condemned as public enemies.

The civil war reached a new level of crisis in 309 when the Syrian and Egyptian soldiers of Galeriusí nephew, Maximinus Daia, threatened to declare him Augustus. This concerned Galerius, who had thus far counted on the cooperation of his nephew. Fearing the consequences of inaction, Galerius gave to both Daia and Constantine the nebulous title Filius Augustorum (ìSon of the Augustiî) so as to keep the rivals satisfied. However, both recipients realized it was an empty promotion that had no more authority than did their old rank of Caesar.

Constantine did not attend the conference at Carnuntum in person, but rather sent his father-in-law, Maximian, as his representative. Thus, when Maximian returned to Gaul without a title, he was allowed to serve as an adviser to Constantine. But that arrangement did not last long, and in a fit of desperation in the spring of 310 (though this date is debated among scholars), Maximian revolted while Constantine was waging war on the Rhine.

Maximianís ìthird reignî was not only ephemeral, but its purpose is unknown. Maximian was hotly pursued by Constantine, who abandoned his campaign on the Rhine and chased Maximian to Marseilles, where the downtrodden ex-emperor either committed suicide or was executed. It is about this time that Constantine adopted into his propaganda the emperor Claudius II (268ñ270), a hero whom he claimed was a relative of his father, Constantius I. Though Constantine invented the claim in 310, he did not promote it on coinage until 316, during the First Licinian War.

Meanwhile, in 310, events in the East took a fortuitous turn for Constantine: Maximinus Daia was hailed Augustus by his own soldiers, leaving Galerius no choice but to ratify the promotion. Since Constantine had received promotions in-step with Daia, Galerius likewise raised him from Filius Augustorum to Augustus to avoid similar problems in the West. At long last, Constantine was officially an emperor. Moreover, he seems to have regained possession of Spain from Maxentius.

Early in May, 311, the scenario was simplified when the Senior Augustus Galerius died of disease. His territories were quickly claimed by Licinius I (in Europe) and Maximinus Daia (in Asia), who drew their territorial line at the Bosporus. Now only four claimants remained ó though it was no Tetrarchy, for the Empire was ruled by four de facto emperors: Maximinus Daia, Licinius I, Maxentius and Constantine ó each of whom was a rival to the other.

Each of the participants was insecure about his position, and so two alliances emerged. Constantine and Licinius I made a pact of mutual defense and sealed it with the marriage of Constantineís half-sister, Constantia, to Licinius I. In response, Maximinus Daia and Maxentius subsequently joined forces, though theirs quickly proved to be the weaker of the two alliances.

After six years spent defending his own borders in Gaul, Constantine went on the offensive in the fall of 312 and invaded Italy to oust his rival Maxentius. Surprisingly, Constantine launched his campaign with considerably fewer soldiers than his opponent, but that did not prevent a series of victories in Northern Italy that led to the final confrontation just outside Rome.

This was perhaps the pivotal event in the reign of Constantine. It branded him an aggressor, and it proved to be the moment at which he shed his patronage of Apollo and Sol, and instead embraced the Christian faith. On the eve of the battle, while camped in the outskirts of Rome, Constantine is said to have dreamed and to have experienced a celestial vision, causing him to convert to Christianity. As a result of his transformation, Constantine instructed his men to paint a cross or a Christogram (a monogram of Christís name) upon their shields prior to the battle on October 28, 312. The civil war between Maxentius and Constantine had now taken on a religious dimension: paganism vs. Christianity.

After six years of less-than-competent rule in Italy, Maxentius had become so unpopular in Rome that he decided to force a pitched battle before his support eroded any further. The two armies initially engaged one another on the Via Flaminia, and finally at the Milvian Bridge. Despite his numerical superiority and urgency, Maxentius did not fare well, and his army was thrown into retreat. Thousands of Maxentiusí soldiers, along with Maxentius himself, died in the waters of the Tiber as they hurriedly tried to cross to the river on a bridge of boats that collapsed.

Constantine was now the uncontested emperor in most of Europe. He was welcomed by the senate, which unhesitatingly declared him the Senior Augustus in the Empire (titulus primi ordinis). Constantine dismantled the long-lived institution of the praetorian guards and introduced new top military offices known collectively as magistri militum. The two main officers were now the magister peditum, who was in charge of the infantry or foot soldiers, and the magister equitum, who led the cavalry. The title of the overall military commander in the later Empire came to be known as the magister militum (ìMaster of Soldiersî).

Now only three men ruled the Empire, and Maximinus Daia (who occupied all of Asia and Egypt) clearly was the odd man out. Thus when Constantine and Licinius I met at Milan in February, 313, to formalize their alliance, Daia sensed that he must strike swiftly if he was to survive. As his two enemies were conducting the marriage of Licinius I and Constantia and were issuing the Edict of Milan (which established tolerance for all religions), Daia led his soldiers from Syria to Thrace on a winter march.

Early in the spring, Daia invaded Liciniusí European territory of Thrace. Daiaís journey was so swift that Licinius I had to leave Milan before all of his business had been concluded so he could repel the invasion. Constantine no doubt savored the moment, for one of his two competitors would certainly perish in this campaign.

Daiaís army was larger than Liciniusí, but his soldiers were exhausted and demoralized. Not surprisingly, they fought poorly and were defeated late in April, 313, seemingly near Heraclea. Though Daia himself escaped dressed as a slave, he died as a fugitive before the year was out. Liciniusí victory was quite profitable; not only did he rid himself of a dangerous foe, but he also took possession of all Asiatic territories. In the meantime (by late May), Constantine had returned to his traditional capital of Trier.

The Empire was now ruled by only two men, Constantine and Licinius I, who were linked by a dynastic marriage and a political alliance. Theoretically, this was an ideal point at which a new Tetrarchy could be established, with each Augustus adopting a Caesar. But that was not to be, for the two men inherently distrusted one other, and each ultimately desired supreme power. The peace they shared was uneasy from the start ó so much so that they installed a man named Bassianus in Rhaetia and Pannona, two provinces that together constituted a ìbuffer stateî along the Italian border. Since Bassianus was related to both men by marriage (he was Constantineís half-brother-in-law, and was the husband of Liciniusí wifeís sister), he might have been able to carry out his duties with impartiality. However, while Constantine was occupied with problems associated with the Donatist schism in North Africa, Bassianus seems to have been enticed by Licinius to revolt on his behalf.

Late in July of 315, Constantine responded to the treachery of Bassianus by rushing to Italy to prevent any westward spread of the rebellion. Tensions rose over the course of the next year, and the First Licinian War began in August or September of 316.

Constantine acted swiftly and Licinius retreated eastward, suffering defeats on October 8 at Cibalae and subsequently at Campus Adriensis. Licinius officially ìdeposedî Constantine for his aggressions, and replaced him as emperor in the West with his own frontier commander Valerius Valens. The addition of Valerius Valens did not change the outcome for Licinius, who sued for peace very early in 317.

The spoils of Constantineís victory (luke-warm though it was) included the undisputed title of Senior Augustus, the execution of Valerius Valens and control of most of the Balkan territories (except Thrace and half of Moesia). On March 1, 317, both emperors held formal ceremonies at which their sons (Crispus, Constantine II and Licinius II) were raised to the rank of Caesar.

During the next six years, Constantine remained in the Balkans to keep an eye on Licinius. His family also began to grow: already born were Constantine II (at Aries, in 316) and Constantius II (in Illyria, in 317) and soon to follow was Constans (at Constantinople, in 320 or 323). In addition, Constantineís eldest son, Crispus, who was born to the wife (or consort) of his youth, Minervina, was fast maturing.

Constantine and Licinius remained cautious allies until Constantine entered Thrace at the head of an army in the summer of 322 (or possibly 323) on the pretext that he was defending the region from encroachment by Goths. Though this was a legal act, Licinius saw it for what it was ó an unwarranted aggression into his own sovereign territory. Just as in the previous war, the hostilities escalated until, by mid-324, the Second Licinian War had begun.

Constantine achieved an important victory against Licinius at Adrian-ople on July 3, 324, and Liciniusí navy was captured by Constantineís eldest son, Crispus (who did so with a much smaller fleet). Licinius retreated to Byzantium, where he was besieged and opted to cross over to Asia. In a virtual repeat of his actions in the First Licinian War, Licinius hailed his magister officiorum Martinian as emperor in place of Constantine. Martinian and Licinius, however, were defeated badly at Chrysopolis on September 18, 324 and soon prepared to make a last stand at Calchedon.

Liciniusí original army of about 150,000 men had been reduced by casualty and desertion to only about 30,000. Neither side desired a final battle, for it would be Roman against Roman. The surrender of Licinius and Martinian was arranged by Constantia, the wife of Licinius and half-sister of Constantine. Both Licinius and Martinian were deposed, though Constantia arranged that their lives should be spared, and they should be allowed to live in exile.

Licinius was placed under house arrest in Thessalonica together with his young son, Licinius II, and Martinian was sent to Cappadocia. Contrary to the promises he had made at the time of surrender, Constantine ordered the executions of the men in the spring of the following year (325), ostensibly because they had conspired to overthrow his regime, but more likely because they represented a potential threat.

A round of promotions within Constantineís family followed the victory: on November 8, 324, the day he founded the city of Constantinople (his ìNew Romeî on the Bosporus), both his mother, Helena, and wife, Fausta, were promoted from Nobilissima Femina (ìmost noble womanî) to Augusta, and Constantius II, his middle son by Fausta, was formally hailed Caesar.

After nearly two decades of warfare from Gaul to the Bosporus, Constantine had taken command of the whole Empire. At this point Constantine began the projects that would shape the future of the western world. Chief among these was his greatest architectural accomplishment, Constantinople, but also included were many other religious and secular buildings throughout his Empire.

Constantine also worked tirelessly to unify the factions of the Christian church. His most significant act (since failing to solve the Donatist schism at Aries in 314) was the Council of Nicaea, which he hosted in 325. Here, Christian orthodoxy was defined in the Creed, and an illusory victory was won over Arianism (which was condemned as heresy). Constantine also developed a framework by which he could bequeath the Empire to family members, and planned extensively for the conquest of Persia, which was cut short by his own death.

By far the darkest year of Constantineís reign was 326, for within a short span he ordered the execution of his eldest son, Crispus, his wife, Fausta, and his exiled half-nephew Licinius II. Not only did these tragic murders damage his legacy among pagans and Christians alike, but they caused some of his leading advisers and theologians (as well as his mother, Helena, who conveniently embarked on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land) to leave his court, apparently in protest of his behavior.

Constantineís family was large and complex. Both he and his father had sired children with two different women, thus creating three branches to the Constantinian family. Most remote to Constantine was the step-family created by his father, and most immediate were the two branches of direct descendants he had sired. Needless to say, this created hostile rivalries.

Constantineís step-family was persecuted by his own mother, Helena, and his wife, Fausta. His eldest son, Crispus, was also targeted by Fausta, who saw him as a rival to her own three sons by Constantine. The rivalry between Fausta and Crispus came to a head in 326, when Fausta leveled charges of an uncertain nature against Crispus. So serious and convincing were these charges that Constantine executed his eldest son in August or September, 326.

Crispus was the emperorís only son by Minervina, the woman with whom he had had a long-term relationship prior to his political marriage to Fausta. (Though Constantine most likely was married to Minervina, hostile Christian historians ó who attempted to contrast the ëpaganí and ëChristianí phases of his life ó considered her to be nothing more than a concubine.) Because of his impressive naval victory against Licinius I in 324, Crispus had achieved a hero status among the Romans. Indeed, his rise and fall is comparable to that of the equally heroic Germanicus, who had fallen victim to a family plot orchestrated by Tiberius some three centuries earlier.

One can hardly condemn Faustaís motives (she was either concerned for the welfare of her children or was smarting from rejection, as it was rumored that Crispus refused her amorous advances), but her actions constituted treachery of the highest order. Constantine believed the charges made by Fausta and seems to have behaved rashly by ordering the execution of Crispus; he soon regretted this decision so greatly that he tried to clear his conscience by ordering the execution of Fausta a month or two later. In a state of mourning, Constantine erected a golden statue in honor of the martyred Crispus, the son whom he had ìunjustly condemned.î

Perhaps lending credence to the rumors that amorous rejection caused the fiasco is the punitive legislation Constantine drafted. Constantineís most severe laws concerned sexual nurses who assisted eloping girls were to have molten lead poured down their throats; parents were deported if they concealed a seduction of their daughter; and girls who were raped while far from home were punished for having wandered so far astray. Considering that Constantineís paranoia was equaled only by his prudery, his reasons for this legislation must remain a mystery.

The round of murders in 326 greatly simplified the Constantinian family structure: Helena, Constantineís elderly mother, had taken leave; his wife, Fausta, was dead, as was his eldest and most promising son, Crispus. He did, however, have three sons and two daughters (by Fausta) as well as the members of his step-family (who were able to emerge from their exile now that both Helena and Fausta were removed from the political scene).

The next great event in the reign of Constantine occurred in the summer of 330, when he officially dedicated his eponymous eastern capital on May 11. This grand event was followed two weeks later with a celebration of his 25th anniversary in power. Clearly, he had emerged from the tragic executions of 326 by focusing his efforts on the substantive affairs of church and state.

In 328 he had campaigned against the Alemanni on the Rhine with his young son Constantine II at his side. Later still, in 332, he began a major campaign against the Goths, which he continued in 334 against the Sarmatians. Constantine II, at that time about 16 years old, left Trier to join his father for the Gothic campaign. Together they won great victories, including one against the Visigothic king Alaric I, who suffered nearly 100,000 deaths among his followers.

In the succeeding years, Constantineís other heirs were given greater responsibilities: in 333 his middle son, Constantius II, was installed at Antioch, and his youngest son, Constans (who was then either 9 or 12 years old), was hailed Caesar on Christmas day. Toward the end of 335, Constantine formalized his plan for succession by dividing the Empire among his three sons (who already were Caesars) and two of his half-nephews (who were brothers).

Though there were five heirs, only four were confirmed as Caesars (the fifth, Hanniballianus, had a non-Roman title and peripheral duties). Constantine had created his own junior Tetrarchy that was loosely based on the one Diocletian had created more than four decades before. Throughout the two years that remained of his life, however, Constantine never relinquished sole proprietorship of the title of Augustus.

Since Constantine II was most familiar with the western provinces, he was allotted Gaul, Britain and Spain (and seemingly the westernmost part of North Africa, either as part of the original allotment or as a later addition). The rest of the Empire was divided between the four other heirs: Constantius II received Asia Minor; Constans received Italy and Illyria (and eventually the lower Danubian provinces and North Africa); the half-cousin Delmatius received the lower Danubian provinces (and seemingly the city of Constantinople); and the other half-cousin, Hanniballianus, inherited the Pontus and Armenia (with the title ìKing of Kingsî).

By 336, Constantine (then probably in his early 60s) had recaptured much of the Dacian lands that Trajan had conquered but which long ago had fallen back into barbarian hands. Now he was able to focus on his last important goal: conquering Persia. He had purposely installed Hanniballianus on the Persian frontier with the boastful title ìKing of Kingsî to antagonize the Sasanian king Shapur II. His presumptions were correct, and Shapur II invaded Armenia ó breaking the treaty the Sasanians had agreed to under Diocletian, and thus giving Constantine an ideal opportunity to retaliate.

In the very midst of preparations ó indeed, while he was en route to the eastern front ó Constantine died on May 22, 337. While on his deathbed at Achyrona (an Imperial residence outside Nicomedia) Eusebius, the Arian bishop of Nicimedia, baptized Constantine, cleansing him of a lifetime of mortal sins.

Soon thereafter, Constantius II, Constantineís 20-year-old son, presided over his funeral in Constantinople. The ceremony was held at the Church of the Twelve Apostles, where the emperor was proclaimed the 13th Apostle. Later still, he was declared a Christian saint, just as had been done for his mother, Helena.

Following Constantineís death, there was an interregnum of 110 days during which his heirs kept the titles they had been given, and Constantineís idealistic formula (in which power was shared by the two branches of the family) was put to the test. It failed immediately and miserably. In less than three months many of Constantineís half-brothers and half-nephews (including Delmatius and Hanniballianus) were murdered, virtually exterminating the rival branch of the Constantinian family. The path for the three sons of Fausta finally had been cleared of immediate obstacles.

The three brothers absorbed the territories once ruled by Delmatius and Hanniballianus and hailed themselves Augusti on September 9, 337. Religious and territorial squabbles began among the three brothers even before the half-cousins were murdered. This was a tragic beginning to a fratricidal contest in which only one of the three surviving heirs would die a natural death.

CHRONOLOGICAL NOTE: Much is disputed about the chronology of Constantineís reign. The Theodosian Code, which records the travels of the emperor by listing the date and place of Imperial constitutions, is our most complete source, but its accuracy has been challenged. Of particular importance is the date of Constantineís victory over Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge. Though traditionally given to the year 312, Patrick Bruun, in his Studies in Constantinian Chronology (ANS NNM 146, 1961), citing numismatic and historical evidence, suggests it occurred exactly one year earlier, in 311. Though his view may be correct, it has not been adopted in standard references.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Like Diocletian, Constantine was an avid reformer of coinage in all metals. Thus, his coinage is complex and diverse, incorporating many denominations and a considerable variety of reverse types. At different stages in his reign Constantine abandoned Diocletianís denominations, and thus established a path for coinage which would survive the remainder of the Roman Empire and serve as the foundation for the succeeding ìByzantineî series.

In gold Constantine replaced the reformed Tetrarchic gold aureus (struck at 60 to the pound) with the lighter solidus, which was struck at 72 to the pound. The transition began in 309, but overlapped through 324, after which gold coins of aureus weight make only occasional appearances as ceremonial pieces. Constantine complimented his new solidus with two half-denominations: a semissis or semis (struck at 144 to the pound) and the 1ñ1/2 scripulum or nine-siliqua piece (typically c. 1.6ñ1.7 grams). Both seem to have begun as ceremonial coins, with the former becoming part of the regular system of the Byzantine Empire, and the latter being phased out and replaced by the smaller, more practical gold tremissis (one-third solidus) introduced in the 380s and struck at 216 to the pound.

Silver coin production in the form of the Tetrarchic argenteus (of high purity, 96 to the pound) had ceased by c. 312, though this denomination briefly re-emerged in billon form (perhaps 25% silver). Constantine resurrected silver coinage in two entirely new forms of high purity silver: the miliarensis and the siliqua. The first was probably a ceremonial piece and was struck in two varieties: at 60 and 72 to the pound (imitating the gold standards, respectively, of the aureus and the solidus). The so-called siliqua (which was probably called an argenteus) was introduced in 324 and was struck at 96 to the pound. Intrinsically this was an exact duplication of Diocletianís argenteus, but its thin, broad fabric and low relief gave it a markedly different appearance. Principally for this reason, the term siliqua is used to describe this coin in this catalog, even though it is probably incorrect. Late in the reign of Constantius II (337ñ361), Constantineís longest-surviving son, the siliqua was reduced to 144 to the pound, thus giving rise to the concept of heavy and light siliquae (though ìpre-reformî and ìpost-reformî are, perhaps, more accurate designations).

Base metal and billon coinage also underwent considerable change during the three decades of Constantineís reign. From a large nummus of about 27ñ31mm (which Constantine struck as Caesar), the denomination was continually reduced in size and weight. The first drop occured c. 307/8 and and the second c. 311/3; the nummus was eventually reduced in size to what numismatists call an Æ3 (c. 17ñ22mm). In 335/6 this once-impressive coin was further reduced to a size category most often called Æ4 (15ñ18mm), and finally, around the time of Constantineís death, it was reduced again to the Æ4 module (10ñ12mm). The nummus continued to be reduced in weight, purity (the small traces of silver being replaced with lead) and value, eventually becoming what was called a nummus minimus. Constantine struck various ëfractionalí nummi denominations in the base metal and billon series, most of which are not understood fully, but seemingly are half- or quarter-nummi, or are late examples of the antiquated quinarius.

The development of Constantineís bust types is also of interest. These began with a relatively crude image with laurel wreath and short-cropped hair (in the ëpaganí phase of his reign). Gradually his effigy was transformed into a less-militant image with longer hair, curling at the nape of the neck. The portrait on some of Constantineís final issues is ëupward gazing,í which, when combined with the royal diadem (in place of the laurel wreath), is remniscent of the ancient Greek portraiture of six centuries before. In terms of their general treatment, Constantineís portraits are uniformly youthful, harking back to the Augustan ideal.

Also noteworthy is the shift in emphasis of reverse types from pagan to Christian. Constantineís earliest issues primarily honor the sun-god Sol, and Jupiter, the chief pagan deity. Later, these two deities were abandoned in favor of personifications (and deities-turned-personifications, such as Victory).

Constantine made the best use of his coins for propaganda, paying careful attention to the historical events of his reign. Although most of his commemorative types bear portraits of himself or his sons on the obverse, there was a rather large series of coins and medallions which featured the busts of ëRomaí and ëConstantinopolisí ó the personifications of the Empireís two capitals. These issues were so popular that they were perpetuated under Constantineís sons, and in the case of the small silver pieces (c. 1.0g.), even into the 5th and 6th Centuries.

Unfortunately, the remarkable variety of reverse types largely ended with Constantineís reign. Although his sons issued coins of some iconographic interest and variety, there was a homogenization of design which would only increase with the passage of time. The once-vibrant Roman coinage fast became standardized in appearance and lost most of its artistic merit ó setbacks from which it never recovered.

The commemorative coins struck after Constantineís death are limited to the smallest and least-valuable denomination, the reduced nummus of the /E4 module. As a perfect reflection of his institutionalization of Christianity through a gradual transition from paganism, the most common piece shows Constantine driving a quadriga of horses (in the manner of the sun-god Sol) skyward toward the hand of God (the marius Dei), which emerges from clouds to receive him into heaven.

FAUSTA

NOBLISSIMA FEMINA, A.D. 317(?)ñ324

AUGUSTA, A.D. 324ñ326

SECOND WIFE OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT

MOTHER OF CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANTIUS II,

CONSTANS, CONSTANTINA (w. OF HANNIBALLIANUS

& CONSTANTIUS GALLUS) AND HELENA THE

YOUNGER (w. OF JULIAN II)

DAUGHTER OF MAXIMIAN AND EUTROPIA

SISTER OF MAXENTIUS

STEPMOTHER OF CRISPUS

DAUGHTER-IN-LAW OF HELENA AND (POSTHUMOUSLY) OF CONSTANTIUS I

AUNT OF ROMULUS

Flavia Maxima Fausta, d. A.D. 326. Fausta was wed to Constantine the Great on March 31, 307, perhaps at Aries or Lugdunum. The union cemented a political alliance that had just been established between the rebel governments of Constantine in Gaul, and Maxentius and Maximian in Italy. Constantineís marital status prior to his marriage with Fausta is uncertain, but whether or not he was married to Minervina (the woman by whom earlier he had sired Crispus), he ceased having relations with her.

The father and son rebels in Italy, Maximian and Maxentius, began on friendly terms, sharing their authority. After Maximian had returned to Italy from Gaul (where he made the alliance with Constantine), he had a falling out with his son in April, 308, and fled back to Gaul as a fugitive. There he took refuge with his daughter and new son-in-law, Constantine. Determined to oust Maxentius from Italy, Constantine and Maximian instigated the North African vicar Alexander to rebel against Maxentius.

Maximian, who still held the outlaw title of Augustus, represented Constantine at the Conference of Carnuntum in November 308, where he was stripped of his self-proclaimed title and returned to Gaul in despair. Thereafter he took on an advisory role in his son-in-lawís Gallic government. This turn of events allowed Fausta to spend more time with her father while her husband was fighting Germans on the Rhine.

This situation was unsatisfactory for Maximian, who grew restless. Either late in 309 or in the spring of 310, he declared himself emperor and seized the treasury at Aries. Unfortunately for Maximian, Fausta betrayed him to Constantine, who departed hastily from the German front and pursued his father-in-law, who fled south and was eventually captured and killed.

Clearly, Fausta had to choose sides once she became privy to her fatherís plot. The fact that she chose to betray her father and inform Constantine perhaps indicates that her relationship with her father was poor. In the succeeding years the marriage of Fausta and Constantine produced five children, each of whom was destined to play an important role in state affairs. The births of three sons demonstrate the extent of Faustaís travels, for Constantine II was born at Aries in 316, Constantius II in Illyria in 317 and Constans at Constantinople in 320 or 323. Her two daughters each married half-cousins: the eldest, Constantina, married the short-lived heirs Hanniballianus and Constantius Gallus; Helena the Younger married Julian II, the last emperor of the Constantinian dynasty.

Beginning with her betrayal of her own father and later with her treacherous efforts to ensure the succession of her three sons, Fausta proved her loyalty. She earned in parallel with her mother-in-law, Helena, the titles Nobilissima Femina (ìmost noble womanî), presumably in 317, and Augusta on November 8, 324, after the conclusion of the Second Licinian War. Though Fausta was the wife of Romeís first Christian emperor, she remained a pagan throughout her life.

The one act for which she will forever be known is the framing of her stepson, Crispus, in mid-326. The charges she leveled against him are not certainly known, but they were compelling enough that Constantine ordered his own sonís execution. Most historians agree that Fausta falsified the charges in an effort to clear the path of succession for her own three sons.

But in this act of treachery, Fausta sealed her own fate. In the fall of that same year, perhaps in September or October, Fausta was condemned by her husband in what seems to have been the reaction of a father whose guilty conscience had gotten the better of him. She was suffocated to death in a hot bath either at Trier or in Rome (opinions vary). However, it was also rumored that Fausta was executed for having an adulterous affair with a palace official ó a slave, or perhaps even the stepson whom she had betrayed. In any case, the deaths of Crispus and Fausta are inextricably linked, either by fact or by effect.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Coins issued in the name of Fausta (as Augusta) were struck in parallel with those of her mother-in-law Helena, except that Faustaís ended with her death in 326 and those of Helena continued to be struck at some mints.

CRISPUS

CAESAR, A.D. 316ñ326

SON OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT AND MINERVINA

STEPSON OF FAUSTA

HALF-BROTHER OF CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANTIUS II,

CONSTANS, CONSTANTINA (w. OF HANNIBALLIANUS & CONSTANTIUS GALLUS) AND HELENA THE YOUNGER (w. OF JULIAN II)

HALF-COUSIN OF DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II, LICINIUS II AND NEPOTIAN

GRANDSON OF CONSTANTIUS I AND HELENA

Flavius Julius (or Valerius) Crispus, c. A.D. 300 or 303/5ñ326. The eldest son of Constantine the Great, Crispus was born while his father was a political hostage in the courts of Diocletian and Galerius. He was the only child born of his fatherís union with Minervina, a woman who more than likely was his first wife, but who may have been a concubine. Later in his life, detractors rumored that Crispus was a bastard child, and had no blood connection to Constantine. However, this is best regarded as hostile propaganda spread by his stepmother, Fausta.

Crispus was awarded the rank of Caesar along with his infant half-brother Constantine II late in 316, perhaps on October 8. The investiture was probably informal, for it seems to have been a response to the raising of the general Valerius Valens to the rank of Augustus by Constantineís rival in the East, Licinius I. The First Licinian War, which occasioned these appointments, was concluded by treaty on February 17, 317, greatly to the advantage of Constantine, who gained much of the Balkans as a result.

Less than two weeks after the truce, Constantine and Licinius I confirmed their agreement on March 1, at Serdica. There, a ceremony was held at which Crispus, Constantine II and Liciniusí son, Licinius II, were formally hailed Caesar. Thereafter, Crispus (then a young teenager) was sent to Trier to hone his skills in war and administration. Among his educators was Lactantius, author of De Mortibus Persecutorum.

In 320 Crispus served with distinction in campaigns against the Alemmani and Franks, making it plain that he possessed talent in the art of war. Family life was also good for Crispus: he enjoyed the full confidence of his father, had been adopted by his stepmother, and on March 1, 321, had married a woman named Helena (not Helena the Younger, wife of Julian II). Though Helena bore him a son in 322, no coins were struck for her or her child.

Crispusí greatest hour came late in 324 during the Second Licinian War. The young Caesar was placed in charge of the Constantinian fleet and during the course of his maneuvers he captured the considerably larger fleet of Licinius. Not long after, he used the transport vessels under his command to make a flotilla, over which his fatherís soldiers marched onto Asian soil to complete their victory. As a consequence of these actions, Crispus achieved hero status, for his naval victory was compared to that achieved off Salamis 630 years earlier by the Macedonian king Demetrius Poliorcetes. Christian historians, such as Eusebius, were not shy about heaping praise upon him and comparing him to his father.

But Crispusí glory was short-lived, perhaps because his achievements were too impressive. Crispus accompanied his father and stepmother, Fausta, to Italy, where he soon was accused of potentially treasonous charges, the exact nature of which are not known. The approximately 21-year-old Crispus was convicted and executed at Pola, seemingly in August or September of 326.

The episode of Crispusí downfall remains a mystery to historians. Some suspect the charges were treason and that they stemmed from Crispusí rumored request that his father abdicate on the 20th anniversary of his reign (which occurred in that very year, or in 327, depending on how it is reckoned). A more fanciful rumor then in circulation was that Fausta had fallen in love with him and that she came to detest him when he rebuffed her amorous advances.

The overwhelming likelihood is that Fausta implicated her son-in-law and that regardless of the nature of the charges, her aim was to remove him as a rival to her own three sons (who were then quite young, and no competition for the hero Crispus). Constantine soon realized the magnitude of his error and commemorated his promising son with a golden statue in honor of ìthe son whom I unjustly condemned.î The grief-stricken emperor soon executed Fausta on charges that most historians believe were linked to the death of Crispus.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: The date traditionally cited for Crispusí being hailed Caesar, March 1, 317, seems only to have been the formal date of investiture. Coins dated to late 316 were struck in Crispusí name at Trier, Aries and Ticinum.

DELMATIUS

CAESAR, A.D. 335ñ337

GRANDSON OF CONSTANTIUS I AND THEODORA

BROTHER OF HANNIBALLIANUS

BROTHER-IN-LAW AND HALF-COUSIN OF CONSTANTINA (W. OF HANNIBALLIANUS & CONSTANTIUS GALLUS)

NEPHEW OF LICINIUS I AND CONSTANTIA

COUSIN OF CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II, LICINIUS II AND NEPOTIAN

HALF-NEPHEW OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT

HALF-COUSIN OF CRISPUS, CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANTIUS II, CONSTANS AND HELENA THE YOUNGER (W. OF JULIAN II)

Flavius Julius Delmatius (or Dalmatius), c. A.D. 313 (or c. 315?)ñ337. Perhaps the most tragic tale of the Constantinian Era is that of the descendants of Theodora and the emperor Constantius I, for their branch of the family was at odds with Constantine the Great and his sons. As one of several grandchildren of Theodora, Delmatius was persecuted throughout his childhood and eventually was murdered because his bloodlines established him as a rival to the throne.

Delmatius spent his early years in quiet exile, studying in Toulouse with his brother, Hanniballianus, who was a year or two his junior. As Delmatius matured, Constantine the Great must have considered the boys father (also named Delmatius) a capable leader, for in 333 his father was consul and in 334 was entrusted with the task of suppressing the revolt of Calocaerus in Cyprus (some historians, perhaps rightly, attribute this action to his homonymous father, however).

The father Delmatius ó a half-brother of Constantine ó not only stamped out the revolt, but also burned the usurper alive as punishment. Furthermore, he gathered sufficient evidence of the involvement of Licinius Is bastard son (who had survived his fatherís downfall and held high rank) so that he too was killed, or at the very least was condemned to slavery.

When Constantine the Great announced his plan of succession on September 18, 335, he included the younger Delmatius. The honors fell upon Constantineís three remaining sons (Constantine II, Constantius II and Constans) and his two eldest half-nephews from Theodoraís branch of the family, the brothers Delmatius and Hanniballianus.

Hanniballianus was installed on the Persian border with the un-Roman titles Rex regum et Pontiacarum gentium, so there were in essence only four members of the regular rulership (all of whom were Caesars). As such, Delmatius may have been added to the mix so that a new Tetrarchy (hereditary though it was) would be created.

Delmatius was given the lower Danube territories (the eastern and southern Balkans), consisting of Thrace, Macedon and Achaea. This region at the time was peaceful, but it included the Danube frontier (sometimes called the ìGothic bankî) and was a prime region for recruiting soldiers. His territory did not extend into Illyria (Pannonia), which we are told was occupied by Constans. Historians have rightly suspected that Constantine the Great purposely gave Delmatius the city of Constantinople (in Thrace) in hopes that the capital would not become a focus for dispute among his three sons.

Following Constantineís death on May 22, 337, there was an interregnum of 110 days during which each of the successors retained their titles and theoretically ruled in the name of the deceased Constantine. However, sometime during this period the brothers Delmatius and Hanniballianus were executed along with their father and other members of their lineage, thus leaving Constantineís three sons to carve up the Empire. Spared in the purge because of their youth or sickliness were three of Delmatiusí cousins: Nepotian, Constantius Gallus and Julian II, each of whom would later play a role in Imperial politics.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: The amount of coinage struck for Delmatius is considerably larger than that for his brother Hanniballianus. He coined at nine Imperial mints from Gaul to the Bosporus whereas his brother struck only at Constantinople. Just as with his brother, Delmatiusí name is not spelled consistently, sometimes occuring as Dalmatius (both on coins and in literary sources), though on coinage this variant occurs most often on issues of Thessalonica and Nicimedia.

HANNIBALLIANUS

REX REGUM, A.D. 335ñ337

GRANDSON OF CONSTANTIUS I AND THEODORA

BROTHER OF DELMATIUS

HUSBAND AND HALF-COUSIN OF CONSTANTINA (FUTURE W. OF CONSTANTIUS GALLUS)

NEPHEW OF LICINIUS I AND CONSTANTIA

COUSIN OF CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II, LICINIUS II AND NEPOTIAN

HALF-NEPHEW OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT

HALF-COUSIN OF CRISPUS, CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANTIUS II, CONSTANS AND HELENA THE YOUNGER (W. OF JULIAN II)

Flavius Claudius Hanniballianus (or Hannibalianus) c. A.D. 314/5(?)ñ337. Hanniballianus was the younger son of Flavius Delmatius, son of Constantius I (emperor, 305ñ306) and his second wife, Theodora. Although the elder Dematius never achieved office higher than consul (in 333), his sons Delmatius and Hanniballianus shared in the plan of succession enacted by his half-brother, Constantine the Great, in 335.

Since Constantine the Great was born to Constantius Is first companion, Helena, the descendants of that emperors subsequent wife, Theodora, were considered rivals to a throne that was jealously guarded by Constantine, his mother Helena, and his wife Fausta. Thus, the descendants of Theodora, including Hanniballianus, lived in semi-exile until about 326, when Fausta was executed and Helena embarked on her pilgrimage to the Holy Land.

Hanniballianus was later styled Nobilissimus (ìmost nobleî) by Constantine, and in November of 335, when he was perhaps 20 years old, he was brought into the Imperial fold. Constantine gave him titular control over the massive region of Pontus and the buffer-state Armenia. Instead of the rank of Caesar (which was accorded to the other four heirs), he was given the extra-Imperial title Rex regum et Pontiacarum gentium (ìKing of kings and of the Pontic peoplesî).

In addition to governing responsibilities, Constantine further honored Hanniballianus by arranging that his eldest daughter, Constantina, become his wife. Even though this marriage of half-cousins linked the rival family branches of Helena and Theodora, it failed to prevent inter-family warfare (as Constantine, no doubt, had hoped it might).

By giving Hanniballianus the boastful title ìKing of Kingsî (Rex regum), Constantine not only established the nature of his authority in Armenia, but also made it clear that one day he was to take the place of Shapur II (309ñ379) within his own kingdom. Further antagonizing the Sasanians was Hanniballianusí coin type, which features the river-god Euphrates reclining.

Hanniballianus made his headquarters at Caesarea in Cappadocia, which was an important military hub in the Roman East but was not particularly central to his appointed territories. Because of this, many historians have come to view his role in the administration as overseer of the eastern front rather than strictly as governor of Armenia and Pontus.

Armenia was particularly troubled at this point in time. The Sasanians invaded it sometime in 335 or 336, and in so doing broke a treaty which had stood for nearly 40 years. The surprise attack was provoked by Constantineís military buildup on the frontier, and though the Armenians were able to oust Shapurís armies with Roman help, they appear to have lost their Christian king Tigranes in the process.

The Persian campaign was now Constantineís driving ambition and he could justify his mission by the fact that Shapur II had broken their peace treaty. Indeed, leading his armies beyond Romeís eastern border was perhaps the only important goal Constantine had not yet achieved. But the emperor of 30 years died just as he was embarking on his monumental invasion, and within three months of that tragic event Hanniballianus himself was murdered along with his brother Delmatius and many of his family members and partisans.

The murders occurred sometime between May 22 and September 9, 337, and were engineered by the three sons of Constantine, who had no desire to share their inheritance with descendants of Theodora. Hanniballianusí widow, Constantina (herself the eldest sister of the murderers), disappeared from the political scene after the purge, only to re-emerge powerfully in 350, when she supported the Pannonian Master of the Infantry Vetranio, and later still, in 351, when she was married to another of her half-cousins, Constantius Gallus.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: All of Hanniballianusí coins were struck at Constantinople. The first issue in silver is extremely rare and is dated by scholars to 335. His second was in base metal and is dated to 336ñ7, and is part of the GLORIA EXERCITVS issues struck for the other members of Constantineís family after the module had been reduced yet again (making them what are usually called Æ4ís). Both issues have a similar reverse scene of the river-god Euphrates reclining (on silver) or seated (on æs), with the former being inscribed FELICITAS PVBLICA and the latter SECVRITAS PVBLICA. His name is spelled Annibalianus on the silver coins and on some of his base metal issue.

CONSTANTINE II A.D. 337ñ340

CAESAR, A.D. 316ñ337

SON OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT AND FAUSTA

BROTHER OF CONSTANTIUS II, CONSTANS, CONSTANTINA (W. OF HANNIBALLIANUS & CONSTANTIUS GALLUS) AND HELENA THE YOUNGER (W. OF JULIAN II)

HALF-BROTHER OF CRISPUS

HALF-COUSIN OF DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II, LICINIUS II AND NEPOTIAN

GRANDSON OF CONSTANTIUS I, HELENA, MAXIMIAN AND EUTROPIA

UNCLE OF CONSTANTIA (W. OF GRATIAN)

Flavius Claudius (or Julius) Constantinus (ìConstantine Juniorî), c. A.D. 316ó340. Surprisingly little is known about Constantine II, the eldest son of Constantine the Great and Fausta. His personality is largely a mystery except that we know he was so fanatical about Orthodox Christianity that he threatened civil war in defense of his faith. Of his two wives, nothing of substance is known, not even their names.

Although his parentage was questioned in ancient times, we may be certain that Constantine the Great was his father, and that Fausta ó not a concubine ó was his mother. He was born at Aries, a city in southern Gaul about 20 miles from the Mediterranean coast, and spent most of his life in the western provinces.

Sometime late in 316, before he had reached his first year, Constantine II was given the extraordinary rank of Caesar alongside his much older half-brother, Crispus. About half a year later (after the First Licinian War had ended), Constantine II and Crispus were formally invested with that rank together with the child Licinius II, who was the heir of Constantine the Greatís rival, Licinius I. The ceremony was held on March 1, 317, at Serdica. Constantine II was elected consul four times (320, 321, 324 and 329) during the two decades he held the rank of Caesar.

Constantine IIís formative years were eventful. In 323, though only about 7 years old, he accompanied his half-brother, Crispus, on campaign in Germany and in the following year, 324, the Empire came entirely under the control of their father, Constantine I. In September of that year Constantine I deposed Licinius I. In 326, Constantine II lost two close relatives: his mother, Fausta, and his beloved half-brother, Crispus. Both were executed on orders of his father in a confused atmosphere of suspected treason and infidelity.

The round of family executions certainly made it clear to Constantine II that no one was indispensable in his fatherís regime and that being a family member in and of itself offered no protection. Constantine II, though motherless and only about 10 years old, was now the senior heir in the Roman Empire. Consequently, he was sent to Trier to take over Crispusí Gallic command.

Perhaps to acknowledge this important promotion, in 328 Constantine IPs birthplace, Aries, was renamed Constantina in his honor. The young heir wasted no time in taking military action, and is credited with defeating the Alemanni about this time, though he was merely at his fatherís side. In 332, he temporarily left the Rhine frontier and joined his fatherís campaign against the Goths and Sarmatians in Thrace and Moesia. Their campaign was so successful was that they reportedly caused one of their opponents, the Visigothic king Alaric I, to sustain nearly 100,000 deaths among his followers. Constantine II subsequently returned to Trier.

Toward the end of 335, Constantine the Great announced a plan for succession. The Empire was divided among his three sons, who already were Caesars, and two half-nephews (themselves brothers), who were brought into the Imperial fold. Since Constantine II was so familiar with the western provinces, he was allotted Gaul, Britain and Spain, and seemingly the westernmost part of North Africa (south of Spain), either as part of the original allotment or as a later addition.

The rest of the Empire was divided between the four other relatives: Constantius II, Constantine IPs younger brother, received Asia Minor; his youngest brother, Constans, received Italy and Illyria (and eventually the lower Danubian provinces and North Africa); a half-cousin, Hanniballianus, inherited Pontus and Armenia; and another half-cousin, Delmatius, received the lower Danubian provinces and (seemingly) Constantinople.

This arrangement survived the nearly two years left in the life of Constantine the Great, who throughout retained supreme power as Augustus. However, when Constantine died on May 22, 337, his idealistic allotment (in which power was shared by two branches of the family) was put to the test.

Constantine II wasted no time in exerting his ëseniorityí over his two brothers and two half-cousins, for on June 17, 337 (only 26 days after his father had died. Indeed, perhaps immediately after the news had traveled the 1,200 miles from Nicomedia to Trier), he issued a document which released Bishop Athanasius from his exile in Trier. This involved a particularly thorny religious matter, and one which would haunt Constantineís legacy.

The anti-Arian Bishop Athanasius had been exiled from his see in Alexandria, and had sought refuge with Constantine II at Trier. Now that Constantine II was attempting to test his authority, he ordered that Athanasius be allowed to return safely to Alexandria, even though that city was not within his own realm. This infuriated Constantius II, a fanatical Arian, who took exception to this proposal both politically and religiously. However, with more than enough on his own agenda, Constantius II tolerated Athanasiusí return on November 23, 337.

Sometime during the 110 days after Constantineís death, the three sons of Constantine conspired to murder Delmatius and Hanniballianus together with most of their family members and partisans. That Constantius II took the lead in this purge is acknowledged by most historians. The brothers then carved up the territories once occupied by their half-cousins, and on September 9, 337, each assumed the title of Augustus.

As the Senior Augustus, Constantine II was theoretically in the position of greatest responsibility, but he was the loser in the aftermath. His alloted territories in the West were remote, troubled and impoverished compared with those given to his two younger brothers. Furthermore, he was the only one who did not benefit from the murder of his half-cousins, because he was geographically isolated from the territories which came up for grabs. Angered by all of this, Constantine II antagonized his nearest neighbor, Constans, by demanding that he forfeit Italy and North Africa. The demand was refused.

Tensions among the brothers rose, and in June of 338, only nine months into their independent reigns, they met in the Balkans (perhaps at Viminacium) to settle their territorial disputes. If anything, this made matters worse for Constantine II, for all of his demands were refused by his two younger brothers, who themselves had formed a loose alliance of mutual protection from Constantine II.

Having gained no satisfaction from negotiation, Constantine II turned to force of arms. In the spring of 340 he launched a surprise offensive against his youngest brother, leading a large land and naval force into Italy while Constans was away in the Balkans. If he assumed there would be an element of surprise, he was sorely disappointed when a large army that Constans had left behind ambushed him near Aquileia. The war was over almost as soon as it had begun, for in March or April of 340, the 24-year-old Constantine II was killed in a pitched battle. His corpse was thrown into the Alsa river by Constansí soldiers, but later was salvaged and sent to Constantinople for an honorable burial.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: On many of Constantine IPs coins, his name appears in the form CONSTANTINVS IVN., with the abbreviation IVN being expanded to IVNIOR on a gold medallion from Thessalonica. The date traditionally cited for Constantine II being hailed Caesar (March 1, 317) must be considered only as the formal date, for his earliest coinage at Trier, Aries and Ticinum demonstrates he achieved the rank late in 316.

CONSTANS A.D. 337ñ350

CAESAR, A.D. 333ñ337

SON OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT AND FAUSTA

BROTHER OF CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANTIUS II, CONSTANTINA (W. OF HANNIBALLIANUS & CONSTANTIUS GALLUS) AND HELENA THE YOUNGER (W. OF JULIAN II)

HALF-BROTHER OF CRISPUS

HALF-COUSIN OF DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II, LICINIUS II AND NEPOTIAN

GRANDSON OF CONSTANTIUS I, HELENA, MAXIMIAN AND EUTROPIA

UNCLE OF CONSTANTIA (W. OF GRATIAN)

Flavius Julius Constans, A.D. 320 or 323ñ350. The youngest son of Constantine the Great, Constans was born into the opulent court of Constantinople, where he studied under Christian tutors and was prepared for a leading role in state affairs. Though none of the three sons of Constantine and Fausta receive good reviews from the ancient historians, Constansí may be the worst. Indeed, in his case it was his caustic personality that proved to be his undoing.

Historians are sharply divided on his date of birth, but Constans was either 9 or 12 years old when he was hailed Caesar on Christmas day, 333. An arranged marriage to the daughter of the Cretan minister Ablabius was planned for him, but it did not materialize, and his would-be bride later married the Sasanian king Shapur II.

Nearly two years later, late in 335, Constans was installed in Italy as the ruling Caesar. Though his father remained the only Augustus, he had divided the Empire among five heirs, two being Constansí brothers (Constantine II in the western provinces, and Constantius II in Asia Minor), and two being his half-cousins (Delmatius in the lower Balkans, and Hanniballianus on the Persian front).

When Constantine I died in May, 337, Constans was baptized and soon thereafter conspired with his brothers to murder their half-cousins, Delmatius and Hanniballianus. The purge complete, the three brothers absorbed the now-vacant territories and hailed themselves Augusti on September 9, 337.

Because of his relative youth, Constans reigned with the help of advisers and was technically subordinate to his eldest brother, Constantine II, who had established his own court at Trier. Within months a conflict emerged, for despite his seniority, Constantine II ruled the relatively unrewarding provinces of Gaul, Britain and Spain. To make matters worse, his geographic isolation prevented him from benefiting from the ìland rushî that followed the murder of the half-cousins.

Constans and Constantius II benefited enormously from the purge: the former nominally took control of the Balkan territories once ruled by Delmatius, and Constantius II gained Hanniballianusí former territories of Pontus and Armenia. Constantine II was understandably jealous, for his seniority was not reflected in the division of spoils, and he demanded of Constans that he forfeit Italy and North Africa. But the request was roundly rejected.

With the specter of war looming, the brothers held a conference in June of 338 in the Balkans, perhaps at the military hub of Viminacium. Here, no doubt, Constantine II hoped to acquire more territory and assert himself over his younger brothers. But nothing of the sort occurred. In fact, the exact opposite transpired, for Constans and Constantius II entered into an informal alliance, each confirming the othersí territories. Young Constans now had an impressive realm that stretched from Constantinople in the East to the borders of Italy and North Africa in the West

Later in 338 and into 339 tensions continued to mount, and Constans became increasingly concerned that he and his elder brother would go to war. The alliance between the two younger brothers strengthened, and Constans proved his sincerity by offering to recruit an army to help Constantius II fight the Sasanians. In 339, he may also have given the city of Constantinople and its Thracian hinterland to his brother. It seems he also assuaged another of Constantius IPs concerns by accepting into Rome the Alexandrian Bishop Anathasius, whom the Arian Constantius II had exiled as a trouble-maker.

Meanwhile, Constantine II was still dissatisfied, and no doubt feared the consequences of his younger brothers becoming too closely allied. War could no longer be avoided and in the spring of 340 Constantine II invaded Italy, only to die in an ambush outside Aquileia. Constans, who was at the time in the Balkans recruiting soldiers for Constantius II, gained total victory without even being present for the battle.

The political environment had changed a great deal in three short years: of the original six rulers, only two remained, and the Empire was divided between Europe and Asia. Domination of the Balkans remained yet uncertain, for in the settlement that followed the death of Constantine II, Constans may have forfeited all or part of the Lower Balkans to Constantius II (who already had Constantinople).

Nearly a decade remained of the reign of Constans, then a young man of 17 or 20. He does not receive good reviews from historians such as Aurelius Victor and Eutropius, who berate him for his avarice, meanness, contempt, depravity and flagrant homosexuality. Constans can hardly be credited with much common sense either, for he behaved contemptuously toward his soldiers, who came to despise him. He is known to have waged war against the Franks in the latter half of 341, successfully concluding this campaign in the spring of 342. Either later in that year, or in the early part of 343, Constans sailed to Britain, for which voyage he gained the historical distinction of being the last legitimate emperor to visit that island. We know virtually nothing of his operations there, except that they occurred in the vicinity of Hadrianís Wall.

In the realm of religion Constans was something of a hero to many in the West, for he crusaded fanatically on behalf of Catholic Orthodoxy and strongly opposed the Arianism espoused by eastern ìhereticsî (such as his brother Constantius II). Religious infighting was only enfiamed at the Council of Serdica and almost came to blows in 346, when Constans threatened war against Constantius II if the Bishop Athanasius (a defender of the Nicene faith against Arianism) was not allowed to return to his see at Alexandria on October 21, 346. Constans was also hailed for his persecutions of non-Catholic Donatists in Africa in 347.

The 12-year reign of Constans ended swiftly and by surprise on January 18, 350, at Augustodunum, where he was deposed by his own field commander (comes rex militaris) Magnentius. The coup took place at a party hosted by Constansí finance minister, Marcellinus, and from there, news spread to the army, which wasted little time in supporting Magnentius. Constans fled toward the Spanish border but was overtaken by soldiers near the Pyrenees and killed by Gaiso, one of Magnentiusí officers.

CONSTANTIUS II A.D. 337ñ361

CAESAR, A.D. 324ñ337

SON OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT AND FAUSTA

BROTHER OF CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANS, CONSTANTINA (w. OF HANNIBALLIANUS & CONSTANTIUS GALLUS) AND HELENA THE YOUNGER (w. OF JULIAN II)

HALF-BROTHER OF CRISPUS

HALF-COUSIN OF DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II, LICINIUS II AND NEPOTIAN

GRANDSON OF CONSTANTIUS I, HELENA, MAXIMIAN AND EUTROPIA

FATHER OF CONSTANTIA (w. OF GRATIAN)

Flavius Julius Valerius Constantius, A.D. 317ñ361. The middle son of Constantine the Great and Fausta, Constantius II was destined to be the longest-surviving of Constantineís heirs, and the one who would most convincingly promote the policies of his father. But his 34 years on the throne were not glorious and peaceful. Constantius II was tormented by religious conflict, rebellion, fratricidal warfare, civil strife and fearsome invasions across the Rhine, Danube and Euphrates.

Constantius II proved very much to be his fatherís son. He was cautious, strategic, suspicious and prone to cruelty. He was also brave in the face of danger, and seemed never to shy away from the unenviable tasks that faced men who held his office. Some of his contemporaries considered him stupid, dull-witted and unduly influenced by palace eunuchs. Despite these handicaps, on most occasions Constantius II found the most efficient solutions to his many problems.

Constantius II was born in Illyria, perhaps at the provincial capital of Sirmium, in 317, only a few months after his father had won a luke-warm victory in the First Licinian War. Some six years later, just after his father defeated Licinius I at Adrianople (the first important battle of the Second Licinian War), Constantius II was nominated Caesar in July or August of 324. He was officially invested on November 8, 324, seemingly at the ceremony where his mother, Fausta, and grandmother Helena were hailed Augustae.

By defeating Licinius I for the second time, Constantine had taken control of the entire Roman world. However, tragedy struck late in 326, when Constantine executed both his eldest son, Crispus, and his wife, Fausta. Since Crispus had formerly been situated in Gaul, Constantius II was sent there to take command in his place. However, he was soon relieved by his older brother, Constantine II, and was able to return to the East.

In 333, a decade after he was hailed Caesar (then about age 16), Constantius II was installed at Antioch to take on serious responsibilities. In 335, Constantineís plan for succession was formalized, and he divided the Empire among his three sons (Constantine II, Constantius II and Constans) and his two eldest half-nephews (Delmatius and Hanniballianus).

In 336, Constantius II journeyed to Constantinople, where in July he celebrated his fatherís tricennalia (30th year in power) and his own marriage to a half-cousin whose name is not recorded, but who was the sister of Julian II.

Constantius II had been allotted the wealthy East, to which he had become acclimated over the previous nine years. His domain stretched from the Bosporus to Cyrenaica, and included the important regions of Syria and Egypt. The eastern front (technically Armenia and Pontus), however, was given to his half-cousin Hanniballianus, to whom Constantine had accorded the title ìKing of Kingsî (Rex regum).

For most of his reign Constantius II used Antioch as his base of operations. Not only was it more affluent than Constantinople (which, newly founded, had not yet come to prominence), but it was ideally located for responding to the frequent Sasanian invasions of Northern Mesopotamia.

Constantine had left his children two grave problems: he had stirred up the Sasanians into a warlike state, and he had divided his Empire among five heirs who were unlikely to share. Of Constantine the Greatís three sons, Constantius II proved the most capable in dealing with these problems, not merely because he was perhaps the most competent, but also because he was based in Asia Minor, the region most immediately and directly affected. When his father died in May, 337, Constantius II presided over the funeral in Constantinople, and at age 20 wasted no time in recruiting the army to execute the leading members and partisans of the rival family branch founded two generations earlier by the emperor Constantius I and his wife, Theodora. Among those to fall were the Caesar Delmatius and the Rex regum Hanniballianus, the two half-cousins with whom the sons of Constantine shared their inheritance.

Though Delmatius and Hanniballianus shared the same grandfather as the sons of Constantine, that is where their similarities ended. Even though Constantius II was not the eldest of the three sons of Constantine, historians rightly have surmised that he took the leading role in the purge. Though Constans was nearby, he was perhaps too young to be of much assistance, and his eldest brother, Constantine II, at Trier, was too far away.

The purge was quick and efficient, but not entirely ruthless, for the brothers spared the three youngest and sickliest of their half-cousins. These were Constantius Gallus, Nepotian and Julian II, each of whom later proved to be a thorn in the side of Constantius II (who no doubt regretted that he had shown any mercy at all). Many saw the murders as a necessary evil, for seldom (if ever) had two rival branches of a family ruled together peacefully.

Once the murders had occurred, the three sons of Constantine each assumed the title of Augustus on September 9, 337, 110 days after their father had died. Each ruled in his appointed provinces, but the least satisfied of the heirs was the eldest son, Constantine II, who had been given the remote and relatively impoverished western provinces of Gaul, Spain and Britain (and seemingly the westernmost part of North Africa).

Trouble began to brew almost immediately ó first on the religious front, and then on the territorial front. Less than a month after their fatherís death ó even before the half-cousins were murdered, and fully 12 weeks before the brothers hailed themselves Augusti ó Constantine II (a devout Orthodox Catholic) antagonized Constantius II (an Arian) by releasing the controversial bishop Athanasius from his exile at Trier and restoring him to his see in Alexandria.

Since Athanasiusí Orthodox views opposed those held by Constantius II, in whose realm Alexandria was situated, this became a major diplomatic conflict. However, Constantius II found it expedient to appease his elder brother. Only in 339 did he grow so incensed at the activities of Athanasius that he exiled him to Rome, where the bishop was offered refuge by Constantius IIís younger brother, Constans (who was not only an Orthodox Catholic but who, by this time, was a staunch ally of Constantius II).

After the three became Augusti, Constantine II flexed his illusory authority as Senior Augustus over the youngest brother, Constans, by demanding that he forfeit Italy and the remainder of North Africa, and thus make the land distribution more equitable. Though the demand seems fair (Constans had all of the Balkans, which at that point in time included Constantinople, and Constantius II had all of Asia, the Holy Land and Egypt), it was rejected.

In June, 338, the three brothers held a conference in the Balkans, probably at Viminacium, to find a solution. But the results did not favor Constantine II, whose territorial demands were again refused. The two younger siblings banded together: they confirmed each othersí territorial acquisitions from Delmatius and Hanniballianus, and agreed to support each other in the event Constantine II became aggressive. After the conference, Constantius II hurried back to Antioch, whence he led a counter-offensive against the Sasanian king Shapur II (309ñ379), who had invaded Roman territory in the meantime.

In many ways the conference of June, 338 was a repeat of the one hosted at Carnuntum 30 years earlier by Galerius, then the Senior Augustus of the revised Tetrarchy. Galerius invited all claimants to participate in negotiations, but in the end he forced his own agenda. All of Galeriusí rivals left the Balkans dissatisfied and prepared for the civil war that would follow.

With nothing resolved, trouble continued to brew between the brothers Constantine II and Constans. Constantius II, however, remained aloof because of the wars he fought against the Sasanians each and every summer from 338 to 350. In the spring of 340, less than two years after the failed conference, Constantine II invaded Italy in an attempt to take it from his brother forcibly. However, he died in the process, leaving only two emperors to rule: Constans in Europe and Constantius II in Asia.

During the tense period between the conference of June, 338 and the invasion of Italy in the spring of 340, Constans seems to have given Constantius II control of Constantinople and its Thracian hinterland. Though found on European soil, Constantinople was already ìeasternî in character. Its inclusion in the Asian territories of Constantius II only made this aspect of its culture all the more prevalent.

Constantius II and Constans co-existed for the next decade (340 to 350), but were never on particularly good terms. The fact that Constantius II was usually occupied with Sasanian invasions of Northern Mesopotamia no doubt improved relations between the brothers, for there was less idle time for controversies to emerge. Constans had fewer problems in the West. This was perhaps fortunate, for he seemed less competent to deal with them.

The Orthodox Catholic Constans, however, was fully occupied by religion, which was the only cause for a serious conflict between him and Constantius II. Their inherent opposition as supporters of Orthodoxy and Arianism was intensified at the Council of Serdica, and in 345 their differences were brought to the forefront with the death of Bishop Gregory of Alexandria (who had replaced the exiled Athanasius).

In 346, Constans threatened war against his older brother if he did not allow Athanasius to reclaim his now-vacant see at Alexandria. It was an uncanny return to the conflict Constantius II had earlier experienced with his older brother Constantine II, for the restoration of Athanasius ó the champion of the anti-Arian Nicene doctrine ó to Alexandria was the focus of debate.

The problem was resolved when Constantius II conceded, and allowed Athanasius to return to Alexandria in October 346. Constantius II no doubt viewed the compromise as a matter of the utmost practicality, for in the spring of that year the Sasanians had besieged the city of Nisibis on Romeís eastern frontier. Indeed, amid all the religious controversy, Constantius II was preparing for a campaign (against Shapur II), which he led personally in 347.

In January of 350, the western emperor Constans fell victim to a coup led by his field commander Magnentius. The Gallic armies, who despised Constans, immediately supported the coup, and hailed Magnentius as their new emperor. In some respects this was a fortunate development for Constantius II, for he now had an entirely legitimate reason to wage war in the West, and to take command of the whole of the Empire, just as his father had done a quarter century before. For the meantime, however, he was still too occupied with Shapur II to visit the Balkans in person.

Instead, he was fortunate to have his eldest sister, Constantina, in Pannonia (Illyria). She prevented the spread of Magnentiusí revolt beyond the borders of Italy by convincing Vetranio, the Pannonian Master of the Infantry (magister peditum), to side with Constantius II (for his loyalty was wavering). With her blessings (and perhaps at her insistence), Vetranio was hailed emperor at Sirmium on March 1, 350.

Vetranio held the Balkans for Constantius II, allowing him to finish his war with the Sasanians. In the meantime, Magnentius lost Cologne to the Frankish turncoat Silvanus, and suffered a usurpation in Rome in June, 350 by Nepotian, one of Constantius IPs three surviving half-cousins. While Nepotianís revolt alarmed Magnentius, it ended within a month.

The real threat to Magnentiusí immediate safety was posed by Germans along the Rhine, whom Constantius II had stirred up to harass Magnentiusí rear. In response, Magnentius raised his relative Decentius to the rank of Caesar in July or August, 350 and left him in Gaul to defend the Rhine. Though both Constantius II and Magnentius now each had two fronts to concern them, the problems in Mesopotamia were coming temporarily to an end, and Constantius II was able to travel to Europe to deal with Magnentius in person.

Constantius II departed Antioch at the head of an army and crossed onto European soil late in the fall of 350. He had traveled barely more than 50 miles in Thrace when, at Heraclea, he was met by embassies from both Vetranio and Magnentius ó the former to assure loyalty, the latter to discuss options to war. The eastern emperor continued his westward trek for more than 350 miles until he arrived at Naïssus (mod. Nis), and oversaw the abdication of Vetranio on Christmas day, 350.

While wintering in the Balkans, Constantius II awaited his chance to confront Magnentius in the spring. When additional diplomatic efforts failed early in 351, Constantius II realized he was going to be in Europe for the foreseeable future, and enlisted the help of one of his two remaining half-cousins, Constantius Gallus, whom he raised to the rank of Caesar on March 15.

In addition to receiving rank, Gallus was also married to Constantina (the emperorís sister, who had earlier supported Vetranio), and was sent to Antioch with a praetorian prefect, Thalassius, to rule Asia in the emperorís name. Gallusí task seemed relatively easy, for Shapur II was behaving peacefully.

Now feeling confident in the security of Asia, Constantius II invaded Italy in the summer of 351. His army was smaller than that commanded by Magnentius, who defeated him at Atrans. Now uncertain as to how he would fare in the war, Constantius II offered to make peace with the rebel, but Magnentius refused, and instead invaded Pannonia that same summer.

Constantius II back-pedaled as Magnentius advanced more than 75 miles into Pannonia and captured the capital Siscia. The rebel pushed more than 150 miles further, to the vicinity of Sirmium (which was beyond Constantius IPs rear), and then doubled back to the northwest another 70 miles or so, where he established himself at Mursa (mod. Osijek). It was at this village, about 10 miles from the Danube, that the two armies met on September 28, 351, in one of the bloodiest battles of the century.

Though the enormous casualties (about 55,000) were suffered almost equally, Constantius II won the day with his cavalry and archers, who picked apart Magnentiusí infantry. The victory of cavalry over infantry was a watershed moment in military history, and greatly influenced the future composition of the Imperial armies. It was now Magnentiusí turn to retreat, which he did slowly back to Aquileia in Italy. Both armies had suffered so terribly that neither was anxious to confront the other.

However, by the summer of 352, Constantius II was in a position to launch a second invasion of Italy, only to discover upon arrival that his opponent had fled and taken refuge in Gaul. Thus, Italy and Sicily were taken almost without a fight, as were North Africa and Spain (both of which appear to have sided with Constantius II about this time). In one fell swoop Magnentius had lost the greater part of his rebel Empire, which was now reduced principally to Gaul. Constantius II pursued his enemy, and in August of 353, both Magnentius and his relative, the Caesar Decentius, committed suicide.

Now that he had gained control over the whole Empire, Constantius II was destined to face new and equally menacing tasks. The first was to remove his cruel and unpopular half-cousin Gallus from his Caesarship in Antioch. Gallus had been ruling viciously and incompetently ever since he had been installed. Until this point, Constantius II could do little to remedy the situation, for he could hardly confront a usurpation in Asia Minor before he had resolved his problems in the West.

Constantius II recalled Gallus to Milan in 354, certain he would not resist, for he seems to have misled his young colleague into believing he would be re-assigned in the West. However, when Gallus arrived at Istra (not far from the Italian border) in the winter of 354, he was arrested, tried and beheaded.

Now Constantius II ruled the whole Empire alone. He was far too suspicious a man to elect a colleague who was not a family member (as Diocletian had done), yet he had no children of his own. There was only one eligible relative: his half-cousin Julian II. Considering the poor experiences he had had with his brothers and other half-cousins, Constantius II no doubt would have brought Julian into power only when he decided it was absolutely necessary.

Developments in the West, however, did not afford Constantius II a momentís rest. Both in the summer of 354 and in the spring of 355, he campaigned in Raetia against the Alemanni. Just as these campaigns finished, he was faced with a revolt at Cologne by Silvanus, the Frankish Master of Infantry (magister peditum) who had defected to Constantius II early in the campaign against Magnentius. Silvanus was hailed Augustus by his soldiers on August 11, just four days after he had distributed their long-overdue pay.

Silvanusí revolt was symptomatic of the overly suspicious nature of Constantius II, for he usurped out of fear he would be executed for treason based on documents that were forged by his rivals (and that since had been proven false). Silvanus, however, was murdered on September 7 by the emperorís Master of Cavalry (magister equitum), Ursicinus. The rebellion had ended, but Cologne paid the price, for in the aftermath it was sacked by Germans who had opportunistically crossed the Rhine.

This event, as well as other threats on the Rhine and Danube, convinced Constantius II that he could not rule his vast Empire alone. He thus called upon his only remaining young relative, Julian II (who was the half-brother of the recently executed Gallus). Although Julian had been summoned shortly after Gallusí death and charitably excused to resume his studies in Athens, this time the emperor was certain he needed Julian.

Then a young man in his early 20s, Julian was hailed Caesar at Milan on November 6, 355. Just as Constantius II had done with Gallus, he gave Julian one of his sisters (this time his youngest sister, Helena the Younger) as a bride on the occasion of his investiture. The emperor and the Caesar were destined to share the consulship three times, in 356, 357 and 360, but were eventually to become rivals.

The eastern front was peaceful at this time, seemingly because Shapur IPs own eastern borders were threatened by nomadic Chionites, presumably the first Hunnic peoples to arrive in the Middle East. This was fortunate for the Romans, for throughout the next five years there was continual trouble on both the Rhine and the Danube. Constantius II gave Julian the task of defending Gaul from the Germans, while he himself mainly saw to defending the Danube.

Julianís task was made more difficult by Constantius II, who did not offer him the support he required. Not only did Julian have a minuscule army but, to make matters worse he was given no money to pay his soldiers for at least the first three years he reigned as Caesar. Through all these hardships, Julian proved to be a strong leader and a capable administrator who greatly reduced the local tax burdens. Not surprisingly, over the course of five years he earned the undying loyalty of his men.

Constantius II had his hands full in the meantime. In 356 he fought the Alemanni in concert with Julian, and in April and May of 357 took a well-earned break to visit Rome to celebrate his 35th anniversary in power (though he had been Caesar only since 324). The procession and ceremony that accompanied his triumphal entry into Rome is recorded in detail by the historian Ammianus.

At the end of May, Constantius II left Rome and headed for Pannonia (Illyria), where in the spring of 358 he waged a quick and successful campaign against the Sarmatians and Quadi, and entered Sirmium in triumph. The war against the Sarmatians, Quadi and Suevi was waged successfully into the spring of 359, after which Constantius II learned that Shapur II had invaded Northern Mesopotamia after protracted negotiations had failed. Constantius II closed out his affairs in the Balkans and left for Constantinople, where he wintered.

He learned of the first loss before he even reached Constantinople: the fortress-city Amida (on the Tigris) had fallen in October despite 73 days of stubborn resistance by Ursicinus, the officer who had murdered the usurper Silvanus in 355 and who was now the emperorís Master of Infantry (magister peditum).

Early in 360, while journeying through Cappadocia, the emperor demanded of Julian II that a large portion of his Gallic army be sent to participate in the Persian war. The Gallic armies refused to obey Constantius IPs command and instead mutinied in February, bestowing the rank of Augustus on Julian II at Paris. Constantius II was so concerned with Shapur IPs invasion that he did not immediately oppose his rival half-cousin. Instead, during the summer, fall and winter of 360 he traveled extensively in Cappadocia, Northern Mesopotamia and Syria. The Sasanians made impressive gains in the war, and the emperorís presence did not prevent the Mesopotamian cities of Singara and Bezabde from falling into enemy hands. After the campaigning season ended, Constantius II returned to winter at his old capital of Antioch, which he had not visited since he had departed in the spring of 349.

Constantius II contemplated how he would deal simultaneously with the Sasanians and the Roman armies in Gaul, for he could not be in both places at the same time. In the meantime, Julian had fought hard in 360 to pacify the Rhine front so as to free himself to head east early in 361.

Much to the surprise of Constantius II, all was quiet on the Persian front when he visited it in the summer of 361. Shapur II had sustained such heavy losses in his campaigns of the previous year that he had ceased hostilities. This gave Constantius II the opportunity to turn his attention to Julian, who had by then advanced into Italy and Pannonia. In the fall of 361, Constantius II left Antioch to march on Europe, but less than 100 miles into his journey he fell ill and died on November 3 at Mopsuestia in Cilicia.

Constantius II was baptized on his deathbed by Euzoius, the Arian Bishop of Antioch, and is said to have named Julian II his successor at the same time. The latter act prevented the civil war that no doubt would have erupted between Constantiusí own eastern legions and the Gallic army commanded by Julian, who reached Constantinople early in December, 361 and entered Antioch by June, 362.

The transfer of power was peaceful, but it did not prevent rivalry within the army, which was united by Julian for a campaign against the Sasanians. Less than 28 months later, after the deaths of Julian II and his successor, Jovian, the army would cause the Empire to be permanently divided between East and West.

Though few ancient or modern historians consider Constantius II a dynamic leader, his achievements must not be underestimated. Not only did he keep the Empire whole on the occasions when it could have more seriously disintegrated, but he also supported the two important institutions his father had built: Christianity and the city of Constantinople. Indeed, it was his loyalty to his fatherís legacy that assured that the pagan Julian II did not unduly disturb Imperial Christendom.

Constantius II was intensely interested in religion, and assumed a high role in church affairs as a ìbishop extraordinary.î Unlike his two brothers, he opted for the conservative route offered by the Alexandrian priest Arius (c. 250ñ336), who preached the separateness of God and Christ. Arius represented one side of a major schism in the church, with his main rival being Bishop Athanasius (his superior at the see of Alexandria), who insisted that Christ was part of God, only lesser.

Arius followed the teachings of the Christian Apologists of the previous generation who espoused that Christ was not only younger and inferior to God, but was a separate entity. By professing that God was of one essence, was whole and was transcendent, Arius believed Christ was merely Godís manifestation in the physical universe who acted as his intermediary in the earthly world.

To divide the essence of God between himself and Christ, Arius suggested, was to take a dangerous step toward polytheism. After all, the ìvictoryî of Christianity over paganism was seen by many as one of monotheism over polytheism; if God shared his essence with Christ, Christianity was little more than a polytheistic faith. But the opposition led by Athanasius had many supporters, especially among the monks of Egypt and the Christian population in the Latin West.

Athanasiusí Orthodox Catholicism was at odds with the majority of Christians in the Greek East, who did not enjoy being subservient to the Papacy and who were suspicious of Athanasiusí new piety. This religious conflict dovetailed with the existing political and social differences between East and West, which were so easily defined along geographical lines. Despite Constantius IIís intentions, Arianism did not long survive him as the view taken by the government, suffering defeat only a generation after he died.

Of the emperorís personal life we know a considerable amount from the frank writings of the eye-witness historian Ammianus. All told, Constantius took three wives, the first of whom, in 335, was a step-cousin whose name is unknown. The second was named Eusebia, and the third Faustina. It was only the latter by whom Constantius II sired a child, a daughter named Constantia who was born soon after her father died, and who at age 16 married the emperor Gratian (in 378).

Constantius II was extraordinarily reserved, a poor public speaker and was considered dim-witted. For this reason, he relied heavily on his grand chamberlain, the Arian eunuch Eusebius. This influential courtier became all-powerful in the East and caused the downfall of Constantius Gallus in 354. Though Eusebius oversaw affairs in the East while Constantius II was fighting in Europe, his ìreignî ended in 361 when he fell victim to Julian II at the Calchedon Tribunal.

In the realm of athleticism, Ammianus tells us Constantius II was more accomplished than he was in mental pursuits. His short, bowed legs seem to have made him a good runner and jumper. Constantly campaigning, and not without natural talent, the emperor became highly skilled in all arts of war, such as riding, javelin-throwing and, especially, archery.

The paranoia for which Constantius II became notorious is revealed in two passage from Ammianus: ìÖ if he discovered any ground, however false or slight, for suspecting an attempt upon the throne he showed Ö a cruelty which easily surpassed that of Caligula (Gaius) and Domitian and Commodus.î He continues: ìHe enclosed the little building in which he used to sleep with a deep ditch crossed by a collapsible bridge; when he went to bed he dismantled the planks and pins, which he reassembled when he was going out at daybreak.î

NUMISMATIC NOTE: In addition to the coins Constantius II struck on his own account, issues bearing his name were also minted by Constantine the Great, Magnentius, Vetranio, Nepotian and by the citizens of Trier, who revolted in his favor against Magnentius and Decentius.

Two important numismatic developments occurred in his reign: In 355/6 he reduced by one-third the weight of the silver siliqua (the successor of Diocletianís argenteus), and c. 348 he introduced two new base metal denominations, seemingly in conjunction with the 1,100th anniversary of the foundation of Rome.

Much confusion has surrounded the latter two coins, and various names have been applied, with the most common one being centenionalis. Though the name centenionalis occurs in ancient inscriptions and refers to coins, one of the two recorded citations considerably post-dates the era of these denominations. The most recognizable feature of the new aes coins is the reverse inscription FEL TEMP REPARATIO (loosely translated: ìhappy days are here againî). The larger of the two coins (called a Billon Æ2 in this catalog), is most often called a centenionalis, and the smaller (called a Billon Æ3 in this catalog) a half-centenionalis. Circulating alongside these two new denominations was the Æ4, which was a further-reduced descendant of Diocletianís argentiferous nummus.

The reign of Constantius II is also notable for the frequent use of ornate busts, especially on gold. Though some of the facing busts produced by Constantius II qualify as fully frontal, most are oriented slightly to the right (a style commonly called ìthree-quarter facingî). Constantius II had a particular liking for this portrait type and he adorned his bust in a militant fashion, with cuirass, decorated shield, helmet and spear. This presentation became commonplace a generation or two later, and was the standard format used by most of the early Byzantine emperors.

MAGNENTIUS A.D. 350ñ353

BROTHER OR COUSIN OF DECENTIUS

HUSBAND OF JUSTINA (FUTURE W. OF VALENTINIAN I)

Flavius Magnus Magnentius, c. A.D. 303ñ353. Probably born in 303 at Amiens (Ambianum) to a Frankish mother and British father, Magnentius seems originally to have been a slave of the emperor Constantine the Great. He pursued a career in the Roman army, at first in a barbarian contingent but later in the army of Constans, becoming a field commander (comes rei militaris) in charge of the senior palatine units of the western army, called the Herculiani and Joviani.

Constans, the Augustus in the West, was hated by his soldiers who, after suffering under him for a decade, eagerly supported Magnentiusí coup. Magnentiusí rebellion did not begin on the battlefield or the Imperial palace, but rather at a birthday party held on January 18, 350, at Augustodunum (mod. Autun) by the emperors finance minister, Marcellinus. Into this festive occasion walked Magnentius, donning the purple. The soldiers rapidly pledged allegiance to Magnentius, and Constans fled to the south, only to be overtaken and executed near the Pyrenees.

The revolt was a quick success and Magnentius had become sole emperor in the west. However, his easternmost territories, such as Italy and Illyria, were as yet out of reach, and in truth he only controlled Gaul, to which he soon added Britain and Spain. Not long thereafter, however, Italy and North Africa also pledged their allegiance to Magnentius. But the revolt did not spread further east, as the Pannonian Master of Infantry (magister peditum) Vetranio, who initially was wavering in his loyalty, remained loyal to the house of Constantine ó then represented only by Constantius II, who was battling the Sasanians in the East. In the absence of a rightful emperor in the Balkans, Vetranio was hailed emperor on March 1, on the insistence of the emperorís eldest sister, Constantina.

Not long after Vetranio sided with Constantius II, Magnentius also suffered a setback in Rome, where Nepotian, a half-nephew of Constantine the Great, staged a counter revolution on June 3. In the process, most of Magnentiusí supporters in the western capital were killed, including the prefect Anicius. Nepotianís revolt, however, was quelled within the month.

All the while, Magnentius was trying to make peace with Constantius II, with whom he was quite willing to share the Empire. In one of his more creative strategies, he tried to marry the emperorís sister, Constantina. But this, too, failed. In the meantime, Constantius II had stirred up the Germans along the Rhine so they would create a distraction at Magnentiusí rear. This sinister development, as well as the revolt of Nepotian in Rome, convinced Magnentius that he needed help in his struggle. In the summer of 350 he raised his relative Decentius to the rank of Caesar and left him in Gaul to defend it from invasion across the Rhine.

When Constantius II arrived in the Balkans, Magnentius realized that war was inevitable. In a last-ditch effort to achieve a peaceful outcome, Magnentius sent an embassy to meet Constantius II at Heraclea late in the fall of 350, but the rivals could not come to terms. On Christmas day, 350, Constantius II oversaw the abdication of Vetranio and determined to finish off Magnentius himself.

Diplomatic efforts in 351 failed miserably, largely due to the tribulations of the envoys, all of whom were taken captive by the opposition. The rival emperors were in difficult positions: each realized this struggle would end no time soon, and yet they both had to keep their eyes on two fronts. Magnentius had given rank to Decentius so he could defend the Rhine, and now, in the spring of 351, Constantius II raised his own half-cousin, Constantius Gallus, to the rank of Caesar to manage affairs in Asia.

The war between Magnentius and Constantius II could now begin. The first attack was launched by Constantius II, whose smaller armies were defeated on the border of Italy at Atrans in the summer of 351. Encouraged by this, Magnentius refused an offer from Constantius II to settle and went on the offensive, leading his armies from Aquileia into Illyria in the summer of 351. The usurper quickly gained the upper-hand, took Siscia and advanced as far as Sirmium beyond which he slipped past Constantius IPs rear and established himself at Mursa (mod. Osijek).

Not long thereafter, on September 28, 351, the two armies clashed at Mursa for one of the costliest battles of the entire 4th Century. Constantius II had superior cavalry and archers, but Magnentius commanded a much stronger infantry, composed of both legionaries and German and Frankish auxiliaries. The auxiliary infantrymen were unarmored, however, and they proved easy targets for the eastern archers. Eventually, Magnentiusí auxiliaries had suffered so greatly that Constantius IIís cavalry and lancemen were able to force the Gallic legions to break formation.

About 55,000 men died that day, and though the casualties were fairly evenly distributed, the battle proved ruinous for Magnentius, who was clearly the loser. It was a particularly costly battle that weakened Roman military power in the West at a time when this could least be afforded. The Germans whom Constantius II had aroused along the Rhine were raiding deep into Roman territory.

Magnentius made a slow retreat to Italy, taking refuge at Aquileia, where he continued to make religious concessions to the pagan senatorial aristocracy. This policy served him well at this critical stage, for his supporters were numerous in Italy. Those who openly opposed his regime escaped across the Adriatic to join the cause of Constantius II.

By the summer of 352, Constantius II was poised for an invasion of Italy. Aware of his own vulnerability, Magnentius decided to flee to Gaul, allowing his rival to take possession of Italy and Sicily in the fall of 352 without a struggle. North Africa and Spain seem also to have declared against Magnentius about this time, thus reducing the rebelís territory to Gaul and, perhaps, Britain.

It seemed only a matter of time before Magnentius would have to offer battle to Constantius II. However, even this opportunity was not afforded the rebel. In the summer of 353, Magnentius became separated from his army and was forced to take refuge at Lugdunum, while at the same time his relative Decentius was faring badly in Germany. Germanic raids were taking their toll and the city of Trier had revolted in favor of Constantius II. Though the two had planned to join their forces, it was not possible.

Each of the rebels met separate fates: Magnentius committed suicide at Lugdunum on August 10, 353, rather than surrendering, and Decentius committed suicide eight days later while encamped near Sens. Though Magnentius also forced suicide on his own mother and youngest brother, he was survived by his wife, Justina, who some 15 years later married the western emperor Valentinian I. After a long struggle, Constantinian rule was restored in the West, and for the first time in 16 years the Empire was under the command of one emperor.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: In addition to striking coins in his own name, Magnentius also struck for Constantius II (early in his rebellion, when he still hoped to reconcile), and for his relative Decentius, whom he later associated with his regime. Magnentiusí coinage is quite complex and is treated in detail by Pierre Bastien in his Le Monnayage de Magnence (350ñ353), first published in 1964 and revised in 1983. Magnentiusí coinage policy varied depending on the mint. At Rome, for example, he sometimes divided production equally among the six officinae: coins in the name of Constantius II were struck at the first three officinae (P, B and T), and those in the name of Magnentius himself were struck at the latter three (Q, E and S).

His most remarkable reverse type shows the Christogram (Chi-Rho) flanked by A and co (Alpha being the first letter of the Greek alphabet, and Omega the last). This issue shows that Magnentius was a policy opportunist, for it was intended to incite the Orthodox Catholics of the West against the invading eastern emperor Constantius II, who was a devout Arian. The type, which bears the inscriptions SALVS AVG NOSTRI or SALVS DD NN AVG ET CAES, occurs either unadorned or within a wreath.

DECENTIUS

CAESAR, A.D. 350ñ353

BROTHER OR COUSIN OF MAGNENTIUS

Flavius Magnus Decentius, d. A.D. 353. Little is known of Decentius, other than that he was a close relative of the western usurper Magnentius, variously regarded as his brother or cousin. Decentius was hailed Caesar by Magnentius while the latter was preparing to oppose the invasion of the eastern emperor, Constantius II.

Magnentius had good reason to elevate Decentius, for Constantius II had stirred up Germans along the Rhine, who began to invade Roman territory. Since Magnentius was occupied on the eastern border of Italy awaiting Constantius II, he was particularly vulnerable on the Rhine front.

Researchers disagree about when Decentius achieved his rank. Though most suggest it occurred sometime between March and July of 351 (seemingly in response to Constantius Gallusí being hailed Caesar by Constantius II), it likely occurred in July or August of 350, shortly after Nepotian was deposed in Rome and the Germans along the Rhine became active. This opinion seems more in line with the numismatic evidence.

After being hailed Caesar, Decentius was given a small army and instructed to defend Gaul while Magnentius remained in Italy to confront Constantius II, who was encamped in Pannonia. With such scanty resources, however, Decentius could do little more than scramble from one emergency to another.

Early in their struggle (prior to the Battle of Mursa) the usurpers lost the important city of Cologne to a Frankish officer named Silvanus, who defected to Constantius II. (Silvanus was rewarded in 352/3 with the office of Master of Infantry [magister peditum] in Gaul, but in 355 he rebelled against his benefactor upon being confronted with false charges of treason.) The rebelsí collective fate suffered greatly in the summer of 352 when Magnentius was forced to abandon Italy and he lost the allegiance of Spain and North Africa.

Meanwhile, Decentius had come into conflict with hostile Germans, including Chnodomarius, a leader of the Alemanni. Indeed, it may have been his lack of success against Chnodomarius that caused the city of Trier (then under the leadership of a certain Poemenius) to defect to the cause of Constantius II. Exactly when the revolt at Trier occurred is uncertain, though 353 is probable. Equally uncertain is whether the city was recaptured by Decentius. This seems unlikely, however, since the historian Ammianus tells us Poemenius was still alive in 355, some two years after the death of Decentius.

As Magnentius continued his westward retreat, the Gallic kinsmen planned to unite their armies in Gaul and offer battle to Constantius II. Before they could meet, however, Magnentius became separated from his army and took refuge at Lugdunum, where he was besieged and soon took his own life. Eight days elapsed before news of Magnentiusí suicide reached Decentius, who was encamped almost 200 miles away, near Sens. Certain that his fate also was sealed, Decentius killed himself on August 18, 353.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: The regular coinage of Decentius follows the pattern of his senior partner, Magnentius. When Poemenius closed Trierís gates to Decentius, his counter-revolutionary government struck gold solidi and base-metal Æ2ís in the name of Constantius II, the emperor to whom they had defected. Each denomination seemingly had only one reverse design, and each was curious in a surprisingly different way: the solidi are unusually heavy for that period in the West, and the Æ2ís are underweight, crudely produced, and show no palpable silver content. The Æ2ís bear the reverse type of the Christogram flanked by A and co, a design originated by Magnentius as anti-Arian propaganda against Constantius II. The fact that the people of Trier chose this familiar type is not only ironic, but seems to show that Magnentiusí propaganda failed to have the necessary impact. For descriptions of these emergency issues from Trier, see the listings of Constantius II.

VETRANIO A.D. 350

Vetranio, died c. A.D. 356. An elderly soldier who had served under Constantine the Great, Vetranio had achieved the rank of Master of Infantry (magister peditum) in Pannonia when Magnentius overthrew the legitimate western emperor, Constans, early in 350. Vetranioís loyalty wavered initially, but within two months he chose to oppose Magnentius, who was then advancing eastward.

Vetranio was hailed emperor by his troops at Mursa on March 1, 350, seemingly because there was a need for an emperor on-site, and Constantius II was then unable to leave the Persian front. This bold maneuver probably was not Vetranioís idea, but rather that of Constantina, the eldest daughter of Constantine the Great and a sister of Constantius II. It is generally accepted that Vetranio had no personal designs on the throne and that he agreed to assume the title of Augustus out of necessity.

Having failed to recruit Vetranio, Magnentius tried another route to undermining Constantius IPs authority in the Balkans: he sought the hand of Constantina in marriage. But in this he failed as well, and Constantina remained unmarried for another year until her brother arranged a marriage for her with a half-cousin named Constantius Gallus.

Another setback for Magnentius occurred early in June, when another of Constantius IPs half-cousins, Nepotian, revolted against Magnentius in Rome. Fortunately for Magnentius, the rebellion ended in 27 days, and he was able to take command once again in the western capital (this was probably the occasion upon which Magnentius named his relative Decentius as his Caesar).

Vetranioís 10 months as Augustus were relatively uneventful, for he seems to have done little more than maintain a defensive position and sustain the loyalty of the Balkan legions until Constantius II arrived late in the fall of 350. Just after crossing onto European soil, Constantius II met at Heraclea with embassies sent by Magnentius and Vetranio, after which he traveled more than 350 miles to meet personally with Vetranio at Naiíssus (mod. Nis). He praised Vetranioís loyalty, and on Christmas day he formally accepted his abdication and provided him with an opulent estate at Prusa in Bithynia, where he retired and eventually died c. 356.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Vetranio struck coins at Siscia and Thessalonica both in his own name and in that of Constantius II, the emperor to whom he pledged his loyalty. His most interesting reverse type bears the inscription Hoc Signo Victor Eris (loosely translated: ìby this sign you shall conquerî) and depicts an emperor being crowned by Victory and holding a labarum (a banner inscribed with the monogram of Christ). The type refers to the vision experienced by Constantine the Great prior to the Battle of the Milvian Bridge on October 28, 312, and for this reason some researchers believe it is Constantine himself who is being crowned, not Vetranio as might otherwise be assumed. Vetranio uses the identical scene on solidi inscribed Salvator Reipvblicae (ìsavior of the stateî), a combination which may allude to Constantine the Great having been the savior of the Empire.

NEPOTIAN A.D. 350

GRANDSON OF CONSTANTIUS I AND THEODORA

NEPHEW OF LICINIUS I AND CONSTANTIA

COUSIN OF DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, CONSTANTIUS GALLUS, JULIAN II AND LICINIUS II

HALF-NEPHEW OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT

HALF-COUSIN OF CRISPUS, CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANTIUS II, CONSTANS, CONSTANTINA (W. OF HANNIBALLIANUS & CONSTANTIUS GALLUS) AND HELENA THE YOUNGER (W. OF JULIAN II)

Constantinus Flavius Popilius Nepotianus (earlier Julius Nepotianus), d. A.D. 350. Nepotioan was one of the ill-fated grandchildren of Theodora who survived (on account of his youth) the dynastic purge by the sons of Constantine the Great in the summer of 337. Like his two surviving cousins, Constantius Gallus and Julian II, Nepotian lived in semi-exile in his youth, but emerged after the execution of Fausta in 326.

Though Nepotianís homonymous father served as consul in 336 (the year before he died in the massacre of Theodoraís family) we hear nothing of Nepotian until June 3, 350, when, in the heat of the moment, he was hailed emperor in Rome by a mob. The rebel government of Magnentius had assumed control in Rome nearly 20 weeks earlier, after having overthrown the regime of the legitimate emperor Constans. Nepotian and his ruffians confronted and killed Anicius, Magnentiusí praetorian prefect of Italy. A more thorough purge of Magnentiusí partisans occurred in the days that followed.

It is impossible to determine whether Nepotian revolted on his own behalf or on behalf of his half-cousin, Constantius II (for whom he issued coins). No doubt time would have made this clear, but his regime ended so quickly that we are forced to speculate on that point. Perhaps Nepotian should have devoted less time to his meticulous coinage and more to securing his counter-revolutionary regime, for all that which good fortune delivered to him was taken away on the 30th day of the same month.

Leading the counter-counter-re volution in Rome was Marcellinus, the man at whose party Magnentius had been hailed emperor (and who had since become his magister officiorum, or chief administrator). Predictably, a vengeful purge followed, one in which Nepotian, his mother and his ringleaders were killed.

Numismatic Note: Nepotianís coinage was struck only at Rome, and was limited to two denominations (solidi and Billon Æ2ís) and to two basic reverse types. His production mode was virtually identical to that which Magnentius had established at Rome, for he too struck coins in the name of Constantius II. On his billon coinage of the GLORIA ROMANORVM type, Nepotian follows Magnentiusí formula by dividing production equally among the six officinae at Rome. However, Nepotian may have used all six officinae at Rome to coin the gold and billon issues in his own name with the reverse inscription VRBS ROMA. There is no satisfactory explanation for Nepotianís curious use of three different obverse inscriptions, one of which was used exclusively for gold and the other two for billon.

When Rome was recovered by Magnentius, he may have celebrated the event by raising his kinsman Decentius to the rank of Caesar and certainly did so by striking coins at Rome with the inscriptions BIS RESTITVTA LIBERTAS AND RENOBATIO VRBIS ROME. The former inscription denotes that Rome was ìtwice liberatedî by Magnentius (first from Constans, then from Nepotian), and the second (more properly RENOVATIO VRBIS ROMAE) is more generic in application. Though the first type was struck only in the name of Magnentius, the second was struck in the names of both Magnentius and Decentius.

CONSTANTIUS GALLUS

CAESAR, A.D. 351ñ354

GRANDSON OF CONSTANTIUS I AND THEODORA

HALF-BROTHER OF JULIAN II

HUSBAND AND COUSIN OF CONSTANTINA (FORMER W. OF HANNIBALLIANUS)

NEPHEW OF LICINIUS I AND CONSTANTIA

COUSIN OF DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, LICINIUS II AND NEPOTIAN

HALF-NEPHEW OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT

HALF-COUSIN OF CRISPUS, CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANTIUS II, CONSTANS, AND HELENA THE YOUNGER (W. OF JULIAN II)

Flavius Claudius Constantius Gallus (earlier Flavius Claudius Gallus), c. A.D. 325/6ñ354. Born at the obscure city of Massa Veternensis in Etruria, Constantius Gallus was one of the three grandsons of Theodora who survived extermination by the grandsons of Helena in 337. Though Gallusí father and brother were killed in the family massacre, Gallus was permitted to live because he was sickly and was expected to die. Also surviving the purge was his younger half-brother, Julian II, with whom he shared the same father, Julius Constantius (consul in 335). The two boys spent six years of their childhood together at the fortress of Macellum in Cappadocia, where they received a strict Christian education.

Little else is known of Gallus until he came to power in 351. It was a time of extreme crisis, for the East was under threat of invasion by the Sasanians and the West had recently fallen to the usurper Magnentius. The only legitimate emperor remaining was Constantius II, who up until this point had ruled in Asia Minor, while his brothers (both now dead) had ruled in Europe. However, Constantius II was anticipating an extended stay in Europe to defeat Magnentius and recover the western provinces. So he decided to share his Imperial burden with his eldest half-cousin, Gallus, who was then in his mid-20s.

Gallus was hailed Caesar at Sirmium on March 15, 351, at which point he added Constantius to his given name and married his emperorís sister, Constantina (who had formerly been married to Gallusí cousin Hanniballianus). To aid Gallus as his praetorian prefect, Constantius II appointed the officer Thalassius. Constantius II remained in the Balkans as Gallus and Thalassius traveled hastily to Antioch, where they established their court by mid-May.

The Asiatic provinces of the Empire were relatively peaceful at the time, but Gallus overreacted to the few problems that arose, including several conspiracies ó real and imagined ó which he brutally suppressed. He also quelled a rebellion in Isauria, and crushed with great ferocity a revolt in Syria Palestina in 352 and a civilian riot at Antioch late in 353. His cruel and cavalier behavior made him unpopular with the public, the army and the palace eunuchs who had long held sway in the courts of the East.

Inspiring him to behave so irresponsibly, we are told, was his wife, Constantina, whom the historian Ammianus describes as a ìmortal fury.î Regrettably, no coins were struck in her name. After about two years of abuse, a plot was launched by the chamberlain Eusebius, who had flooded Constantius II with complaints of his half-cousinís behavior. The emperor responded by sending the prefect Domitianus and the quaestor Montius to divine the truth of the matter. During the course of the investigation, however, Gallus so incensed the soldiers and the populace against the intrusion that the two men were lynched.

Constantius II was now in a difficult position, for if forced into a corner, Gallus might rebel ó and Constantius II already had his hands full with the Gallic revolt. Thus he recalled Gallus to Milan in 354, seemingly under the pretense that he was to be re-assigned in the West. During the course of the arduous journey from Antioch, Gallus suffered the loss of his wife, Constantina, who died in Bithynia. Gallus was arrested late in 354 not far from the Italian border, at Istra, and was tried for various crimes against the state. Found guilty, the 29-year-old Caesar was beheaded on the Emperorís orders.

JULIAN II ëTHE APOSTATEí A.D. 360ñ363

CAESAR: A.D. 355ñ360 (UNDER CONSTANTIUS II)

AUGUSTUS: A.D. 360ñ361 (RIVAL OF CONSTANTIUS II) A.D. 361ñ363 (SOLE REIGN)

GRANDSON OF CONSTANTIUS I AND THEODORA

HALF-BROTHER OF CONSTANTIUS GALLUS

HUSBAND AND HALF-COUSIN OF HELENA THE YOUNGER

NEPHEW OF LICINIUS I AND CONSTANTIA

COUSIN OF DELMATIUS, HANNIBALLIANUS, LICINIUS II AND NEPOTIAN

HALF-NEPHEW OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT

HALF-COUSIN OF CRISPUS, CONSTANTINE II, CONSTANTIUS II, CONSTANS AND CONSTANTINA (W. OF HANNIBALLIANUS & CONSTANTIUS GALLUS)

Flavius Claudius Julianus, A.D. 331/2ñ363. Few 4th century emperors are as well known as Julian 11, a remarkably talented man whose attempt to restore pagan worship not only earned him the appellation ìthe Apostate,î but also made his reign an uncanny conclusion to the Constantinian legacy. By anyoneís reckoning, Julianís reign was an anachronism; his effort to revive paganism proved too little and too late to withstand the rushing tide of Christendom.

Julianís religious policy as emperor was rooted in his childhood experience, of which the defining moment had been his narrow escape from the massacre of his branch of the family in 337. We are told Julian was spared because of his extreme youth (as were his cousin Nepotian, and his half-brother, Constantius Gallus, who was sickly). The murderous behavior of the three sons of Constantine proved beyond a doubt to Julian that Christians often did not practice what they preached.

Because his branch of the Constantinian family was out of favor, young Julian and his half-brother maintained a low profile. Julian was educated in Constantinople, where at an early age he was introduced to Classical learning. After the death of his tutor Bishop Eusebius of Nicomdia in 341, Julian and Gallus were sent to the remote fortress of Macellum in Cappadocia. There they spent six years in quiet isolation and received a formal Christian education. Julian was a scholarly child whose interest in Classical learning was not eliminated by his Christian indoctrination.

By about 347 Julian and Gallus were able to emerge from their exile, and in 351 Gallus was given the rank of Caesar by his half-cousin, the emperor Constantius II. While Constantius waged war in Europe, Gallus reigned in the east. During Gallusí three years of cruel and poor administration, Julian renewed his studies of Classical subjects at Ephesus, Pergamum and other centers of learning. Under the tutelage of leading Neoplatonist philosophers, such as Maximus of Ephesus, Julian quietly converted to paganism.

In 354 Gallus was stripped of his title and executed, leaving Constantius II and Julian as the only surviving males of the Constantinian line. As a consequence, Julian, then in his early 20s, had to abandon his studies in Athens so he could join his Imperial relatives in Milan. While there he found an ally in Constantius IPs wife, Eusebia, who not only protected him from mortal danger on more than one occasion, but also arranged for him to return to Athens and resume his studies. However, the emperorís problems were too great to allow Julian the luxury of being a student, and he was ordered to return to Milan, where, on November 6, 355, he was appointed Caesar. As routinely transpired, a dynastic marriage complemented the giving of rank, and Julian was wed to one of the emperorís sisters, Helena the Younger.

Although the usurpers Magnentius and Decentius had been defeated in August of 353, Constantius II was forced to stay in Europe because of the problems on the Rhine. Therefore, he passed on to Julian the unenviable task of defending Gaul from Germanic invasion, which freed the emperor to attend to the troubled Danube. Julian spent most of the next five years campaigning on the Danubian front, and afterward returned to Asia to repel a Sasanian invasion.

Julian quickly proved that his talents transcended scholarship. The fact that he was a skilled soldier and administrator came as an unwelcome surprise to Constantius II, who had hoped he would perform adequately enough to defend Gaul, but not so well as to win the undying loyalty of his soldiers. To thwart Julianís success, Constantius II ordered his own commander stationed in modern Switzerland to deny Julian the help he desperately needed.

As a relative newcomer to the art of war, Julianís first years were especially difficult. Not only were the Franks and Alemanni a perennial threat, but just three months prior to his investiture in 355 the armies stationed north of the Seine rebelled at Cologne under Master of the Infantry (magister peditum) Silvanus. The rebellion ended within a month, but Silvanusí armies (which had just been paid), were still in a rebellious frame of mind.

In 356 Julian drove marauding Germans out of Gaul (seemingly in concert with Constantius II), but paid a heavy price when he lost two legions to an ambush. Though he subsequently pushed northward and recovered the important city of Cologne, he was unable to keep it and was forced to retreated to Sens, where he was besieged during the winter by the Alemanni.

In the succeeding years, from 357 to 359, Julian faced a great many challenges, not the least of which was the treachery of Constantiusí commanders who, under orders, failed to help him in his campaigns. Julianís army often was remarkably small, perhaps 13,000 men. Even so, he had the courage to use his men offensively against barbarian armies of three times his strength.

On some occasions (even though Julian preferred caution over aggression) he had to give in to his armyís desire to attack. In one such case, at Strasbourg in 357, his army demanded that they be allowed to launch a risky evening offensive. The results were impressive: 6,000 enemy fell on the battlefield and thousands more drowned in their attempt to escape across the Rhine. The Romans lost only 243 soldiers and four officers.

Not only did Julian campaign with success against the Franks and the Alemanni, but he also reformed the taxation system, cutting out waste and corruption, and as a result reducing the tax burden in Gaul by more than two-thirds. His task was especially difficult because his soldiers had not been paid or been given bonuses since before he had arrived. Somehow, though, Julian managed to quell rebellions, retain the loyalty of the soldiers and earn their patience on the fiscal front.

Constantius II ó then marching into Asia Minor to repel an invasion by Shapur II ó was alarmed by the enormous popularity of his junior colleague, who in 359 was proving his bravado by crossing the Rhine and ravaging the lands occupied by the Alemanni. Constantius II tried to reduce Julianís authority by ordering him to send a large part of his army for the campaign against the Sasanians. But the western armies saw through the ruse and refused to obey. In a rebellious spirit, the soldiers promoted the reluctant Julian to the rank of Augustus at Paris in February, 360. Once again the Empire was divided, with rival Augusti ruling in the East and West. Though Julian tried to gain the approval of Constantius II through diplomacy, his efforts failed, for his rise was understandably viewed as a usurpation.

Julian campaigned in Gaul during the remainder of 360, suffering the death of his wife, Helena, who expired childless. The new emperor headed east early in 361 to confront Constantius II, by now openly accusing the emperor of being the leading conspirator in the purge of Julianís family nearly a quarter-century before. In the meantime, Constantius II was finishing his Persian campaign and preparing to deal with his rebellious half-cousin.

A decade earlier, when Magnentius had similarly revolted, Constantius successfully distracted his rival by stirring up the Germans along the Rhine. It comes as no surprise, then, that he followed the same strategy in his campaign against Julian. But his attempt to arouse Vadomar, a king of the Alemanni, failed. Having pacified the Rhine front in advance, Julian was able to make his journey to the Balkans unhindered. He arrived by the summer of 361 and had nearly crossed over to Asian soil when Constantius II fell fatally ill. On his deathbed, Constantius II named Julian as his successor, and it was he who inherited the whole Empire upon the death of his half-cousin on November 3, 361.

Fortunately for both armies, the expected battle never occurred, but the East versus West rhetoric with which the rival emperors had inspired their armies was fresh in their minds. As sole emperor, Julian had to oversee the integration of his loyal Gallic legions and the hostile eastern legions who had formerly served under Constantius II and who, only a few weeks earlier, had been intent on killing him. On December 11, 361, Julian entered Constantinople, the city in which he had been born and baptized nearly three decades before.

Julian inaugurated his reign in poor fashion, for only a few days after arriving at Constantinople he set up a court in which adherents to his former rival (most notably the grand chamberlain Eusebius) were prosecuted in what is known as the Calchedon tribunal. After wintering in Constantinople, Julian departed in mid-May 362, crossing over to Asia.

He made his way across the heart of Anatolia and arrived in Antioch by June, where he established his court in the palace formerly occupied by Constantius II. Within weeks of his arrival, Julian made public his intentions to restore observance of the pagan cults throughout the Empire; this could hardly have come as a surprise, for Julian had declared his loyalty to paganism months earlier while encamped at Naíissus. However, Antioch proved to be the city which most vehemently opposed his attempt to restore paganism.

The end of 362 was quite eventful, for late in October the famous Temple of Apollo at Daphne (on the outskirts of Antioch) was destroyed by fire. This was shortly after Julian had failed to observe the festival of Apollo traditionally held there (this rite had pagan origins, but had since become largely Christian). He devoted the first part of 363 to preparing for a Persian campaign that he intended to lead personally. Like so many emperors before, Julian was seeking glory, hoping perhaps to duplicate the achievements of Trajan or Alexander the Great.

At this stage the conflicts between the Gallic commanders and the eastern commanders were becoming more serious. At about 65,000 men, the expedition was perhaps the largest ever mounted against the Persians, but a division within the command could only have disastrous results. Nonetheless, Julian set out from Antioch on March 5, and by the 18th he had reached Carrhae, an outpost which often changed hands during conflicts between the Romans and Sasanians. From Carrhae Julian led his armies south to the Euphrates and advanced deep into enemy territory, defeating the Sasanian armies at every engagement during the next three months.

Riding the tide of victory, Julian next besieged the capital of Ctesiphon. This proved an impossible task for his armies, however, and Julian decided to abandon his siege and return to Roman territory along the Tigris river. Only 10 days later, the 31-year-old emperor was killed during a skirmish in the heart of Mesopotamia, near a place named Phrygia. The details of the event are uncertain: it most likely occurred on June 26 (though some historians suggest July), and it is not certain whether he was killed by the enemy or, as was rumored, by of one of the Christian soldiers under his command.

Upon Julianís death, the two factions of the army finally agreed to hail Jovian, the comes domesticorum, as the new emperor. To spare his starving army from certain defeat, the new emperor agreed to a disgraceful treaty and returned to Antioch, where he immediately revoked Julianís pro-pagan legislation. Thus ended Julianís anachronistic attempt to restore pagan worship in the Empire.

Julian reformed many aspects of his Empire, proving that his earlier efforts in Gaul were not merely populist, but were a reflection of his desire to improve the conditions of his subjects. Julian was especially opposed to bureaucratic waste and was a great patron of literature. In addition to founding a library in the Basilica in Constantinople (which came to house some 120,000 volumes), Julian himself was a prolific and gifted writer. Indeed, more of his writings survive than do those of any other emperor, including Marcus Aurelius. His compositions run the literary gamut from spiritual investigations to biting satire.

Though Julianís religious policy certainly was pro-pagan, it was not necessarily repressive of other religions. With characteristic clarity, Julian realized that Christianity was a threat to paganism primarily because it was supported by the government. Thus, he starved Christianity of the government subsidies it had come to enjoy under previous regimes. In implementing his ìaffirmative actionî policy toward paganism, Julian prohibited many pro-Christian activities, excluded Christians from certain teaching posts and supported the struggling faith of Judaism (and seemingly planned to rebuild the Temple in Jerusalem).

For these actions and especially his personal conversion to paganism, Julian came to be known as ìthe Apostate.î Unlike ardent persecutors such as Galerius and Maximinus Daia, Julian did not attempt the wholesale destruction of Christianity, but rather tried to discourage it subtly by repealing its favored status and ridiculing it. Had he reigned a few decades, Julianís light-handed approach might have been far more dangerous to the survival of Christianity than were any of the horrific persecutions of the Tetrarchs.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Julian struck coinage both as Caesar and as Augustus. His portraits are among the most interesting in the Late Roman Empire because significantly different styles of engraving can be observed. His beard must have been a refreshing change for die cutters, as no heavily bearded effigies had appeared on Roman coins for more than 125 years. Much like that of the emperor Macrinus (217ñ218), Julianís beard is shown both short and long.

Julianís most intriguing reverse type occurs on his billon Æ1ís struck as Augustus. A humped bull is shown beneath two stars and the inscription SECVRITAS REIPVBLICAE (ìthe safety of the stateî). Not only is the type unusual and enigmatic, but it is discussed in surviving ancient literature. In his own writings, Julian berates the people of Antioch for mocking his coinage, and though Julian does not provide the specifics, the historian Socrates Scholasticus in his Historia Ecclesiastica tells us that Julian was referring to his coinage with the bull. The type was struck throughout the Empire, with a particularly large output in Antioch itself.

Differing views exist of the meaning of Julianís bull. The idea most widely accepted among scholars is that it is a symbol of his leadership or guardianship of the people, and that as such it has no pagan connotation. Others suggest it represents a sacrificial animal, or that the bull offers proof that Julianís natal sign was Taurus (his birthdate is not recorded in ancient texts). Still others suggest it represents an actual object ó a statue of the Egyptian Apis bull that was unearthed in Egypt late in 362 and was later delivered to the emperor in Antioch. If the latter provides the explanation, the bull would symbolize the re-emergence of paganism; but many scholars reject this enticing theory. It may be of some consequence that of the 13 mints that struck aes for Julian, only Rome and Alexandria ó perhaps the two most likely centers for production of a ìpaganî issue ó did not strike the type.

JOVIAN A.D. 363ñ364

Flavius Jovianus, c. a.d. 330/1ñ364. The son of the general Varronianus, who commanded the officers corps as comes domesticorum for Constantius II, Jovian was born at Singidunum (mod. Belgrade) late in the reign of Constantine the Great. By 363 Jovian had filled his fatherís shoes and was commanding that élite corps for Julian II during that emperorís ill-fated expedition against Persia.

The historian Ammianus tells us Jovian was uncommonly tall ó so much so that ìÖ for some time no royal robe could be found to fit him.î Of his qualifications for office, Ammianus offers terse disapproval by speaking of his moderate education and his greed, and of the excessive time he spent ìjesting in publicî and pursuing wine and women. On the positive side, he acknowledges that Jovian made his appointments with great care.

One day after Julianís death in June 363, the soldiers offered the emperorship to the praetorian prefect Saturninius Secundus Salutius, who declined on account of his advanced age. The soldiersí next choice was Jovian, one of the few qualified men who was satisfactory to the commanders of both rival factions in the army ó those from the eastern army formerly commanded by Constantius II and the Gauls who had accompanied Julian II on his trek to the East. Since the rivalry was not only cultural but political, the opposing officers had a difficult time agreeing on candidates. In the meantime, the Roman army (which had penetrated deeply into enemy territory) was facing starvation and was suffering increasingly hostile attacks by the Sasanians. Jovian had little choice but to sign an unfavorable treaty with the Sasanian king Shapur II.

The Romans forfeited all territory east of the Tigris, parts of Armenia (which was essentially abandoned by the Romans) and the cities of Nisibis and Singara, both of which were west of the Tigris. The loss was grave, for these lands had been acquired by the Romans during the campaigns of Galerius, in 298 to 299, and of Septimius Severus a century before that. In exchange, Jovian was permitted to withdraw his demoralized army unhindered.

The emperor led his soldiers on an exhausting march back to Antioch, where on October 22 he restored the anti-pagan laws that his predecessor, Julian II, had abolished. The new emperor stayed only briefly at his capital before embarking on a long journey to Illyria (Pannonia). He struck northward to Tarsus, where he visited Julian IPs temporary tomb, and from there journeyed north to Ancyra, the ancient capital of Phrygia, where he arrived a few days before the end of 363.

While residing at Ancyra, Jovian assumed the consulate in 364 with his son, Varronianus, on January 1. We are told that Varronianus (who was named after his grandfather) was very young and cried loudly when being placed on the curule chair. Understandably, this was taken as an ill-omen. Jovian soon was back on the road, heading toward Constantinople. However, on the evening of February 17, 364, while sleeping at Dadastana (on the border of Galatia and Bithynia), the 33-year-old emperor died.

We are told by ancient sources that his death was accidental, most likely caused by fumes emanating from a brazier in his sleeping quarters, although the noxious smell of fresh plaster in his quarters or indigestion are also mentioned as possibilities by Ammianus. Following Jovian s death, the two factions in the army clashed once again, causing the Empire to be divided between East and West ó an action that may have been motivated by recent unrest within the army then stationed in Gaul.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Jovian had neither the time nor the inclination to change the Imperial coinage. He was the last emperor to strike significant quantities of the Æ1, a large coin that was phased out by his successors. Jovian abandoned the ìbullî design Julian II had chosen for the Æ1; whether pagan or not, it had been in any case a highly personalized selection, and it comes as no surprise that Jovian changed it to the more generic type of a standing emperor holding a labarum and a Victory on globe. The portrait of Jovian ó clean-shaven and youthful ó harkens back to the Constantinian model which the pagan Julian II had temporarily abandoned.