CHAPTER THREE

THE CIVIL WAR OF A.D. 68ñ69

The Civil War of 68ñ69 was a watershed moment in Roman history for many reasons. First and foremost, it brought about the extinction of the Julio-Claudians, who had ruled Rome for nearly a century. Second, it reacquainted Romans with the brashness of warlords and the privations of civil war, which they had been spared for several generations.

Late in the reign of Nero, governors in Gaul, Spain and North Africa revolted. Though the rebellions in Gaul and North Africa were ineffective, Galbas revolt in Spain was a success, and played no small part in causing Nero to be deposed in June of 68. Though Galba was the first to be proclaimed, it was the general Vespasian who emerged victorious late in 69. Vespasian was a cautious man of respectable Italian ancestry who established the ìFlavianî dynasty, which began on solid footing but ended in disgrace 27 years later.

Most shocking to the senate and praetorian guards in Rome was the realization that an emperor could be made outside the capital. A similar scenario had occurred in A.D. 14, when the Rhine and Danube legions rebelled against the fledgling regime of Tiberius, but the grievances of the soldiers were addressed by Germanicus and Drusus. This time Rome was not so fortunate, and the course of events demonstrated the great power of the frontier legions.

The civil war involved soldiers from almost every region of the Empire: Gaul, Spain, North Africa, the Balkans, Syria, Judaea and Egypt. The standards of rebellion were raised by both the common soldier and commander alike. Indeed, the murder of Galba and his replacement by Otho was made possible by the rank and file (of the praetorian guards in Rome), as was the rebellion of Vitellius, which was sparked by the German legionaries who were frustrated for not having been paid a bonus.

To the citizen, this was also a different kind of civil war from that which had previously occurred in Rome. A century before, when the civil war between Marc Antony and Octavian was raging, the citizens could find enough substance in the causes of the war to choose sides. However, by the end of this civil war (especially during the principate of Vitellius), it had become a surreal affair.

This was no war of ideology, but one of simple greed and anarchy within the ranks. The people were largely excluded, except when they were being victimized. As might be expected, the citizens of Rome displayed a ìbrutish indifferenceî to the outcome, for the candidates were not deemed worthy of being fought over, and the causes for the war were without substance.

Tacitus describes the atmosphere in haunting terms: ìClose by the fighting stood the people of Rome, like the audience at a show, cheering and clapping this side or that in turns as if this were a mock battle in the arena. Whenever one side gave way, men would hide in shops or take refuge in some great house. They were then dragged out and killed at the instance of the mob, who gained most of the loot, for the soldiers were bent on bloodshed and massacre, and the booty fell to the crowd. The whole city presented a frightful caricature of its normal self: fighting and casualties at one point, baths and restaurants at another Ö all of the vices associated with a life of idleness and pleasure, all the dreadful deeds typical of a pitiless sack. These were so intimately linked that an observer would have thought Rome in the grip of a simultaneous orgy of violence and dissipation.î

For numismatists, however, this period is among the most impressive in all Roman history. Not only was a remarkable series of ìanonymousî coinage struck, but on the Imperial issues, portraiture underwent a revolution. Though the portraits of Galba and Vitellius display none of the austere dignity of the Julio-Claudian age, they gained in return a gritty realism. The images of these two men are seldom flattering, and the best examples were struck at the Rome mint. The coins they struck at mints in Gaul, Spain and North Africa are also of interest for their style of engraving, which is less realistic, and often is curious to the modern eye.

INTRODUCTION TO THE CIVIL WAR AND ITS PARTICIPANTS

Person	as Imperator	as Augustus
Nero		(deposed and killed: June 9, 68)
Galba	April 2 ñ June 9, 68	June 9, 68 ñ January 15, 69
Otho		January 15 ñ April 16/17, 69
Vitellius	January 1/3 ñ April 19, 69	April 19 ñ December 20, 69
Vespasian		hailed by legions: July 1, 69 hailed by senate: December 21, 69

During the period 68 to 69, the title of Augustus was held by five men in quick succession. Troubles began in March of 68 with an uprising in Gaul led by a governor named Vindex, who quickly gained the support of the Spanish governor Galba. Almost simultaneously, a separate and shortlived revolt erupted in North Africa under the legate Clodius Macer. The reigning emperor, Nero, soon was deposed and forced to commit suicide, after which the senate confirmed Galbaís claim on the throne.

After reigning seven months, Galbaís regime collapsed under internal pressures, and he was replaced by Otho, the man who led the coup. But to complicate matters, only a few days earlier the German legions had proclaimed their governor, Vitellius, as a candidate for the throne. During the next three months Otho and Vitellius fought for supremacy; Otho as the sanctioned emperor and Vitellius as a rebel. In the end, Vitelliusí larger armies were victorious, though their leader proved unsuitable for the position.

Within six weeks of Vitelliusí accession, the frontier general Vespasian was proclaimed emperor by his soldiers in the East and set his own plan into motion. Vitelliusí reign lasted merely eight months, and during the final stages of his contest with Vespasian, another revolt erupted in the northernmost part of Roman Germany under a Batavian named Julius Civilis. This revolt was different from the earlier ones, for Civilis had no designs on Rome itself; rather, he intended to free Gaul of Roman control. After Vespasian ousted Vitellius, he turned his attention to Civilis, and was able to crush the revolt late in 70.

Although the above-mentioned men were the most important leaders of the era, many other people were instrumental in the flow of events. The biographies of six of these men are given below as a supplement to biographies of the three emperors and three rebels who issued coins. The biographies of Nero and Vespasian, who caused and ended the civil war, appear, respectively, in chapters two and four.

Lucius Verginius Rufus: Formerly a consul in 63, Verginius Rufus belonged to an elite group of North Italians who held sway in the government of Rome. He became governor of Upper Germany in 67, and, unlike Fonteius Capito, the indecisive governor of Lower Germany who controlled four legions, he came to the defense of Nero with his own three legions and auxiliaries.

Though it seems Rufus tried to negotiate with Vindex at first, the soldiers caused hostilities to escalate, the result being the battle at Vesontio late in May 68. Rufus denied the request of his own soldiers that he assume the purple, but none-the-less was slow to offer his support to Galba. Thus, Galba was justifiably suspicious of this capable governor. Just after Galba arrived in Rome in October of 68, Rufus was pressed once again by his German legions to revolt, this time with the additional support of the Danubian legions. But once again, Rufus refused.

Galba acted quickly, removing Rufus from his post and replacing him with a feeble man named Hordeonius Flaccus. Rufus returned to Rome, where Galba showed his gratitude by allowing him to be charged with a crime. In the meantime, Fonteius Capito (the governor of Lower Germany) was murdered by one of his own soldiers, Fabius Valens, and was replaced by the future emperor Aulus Vitellius.

A revolt against Galba was formed by the seven legions and auxiliary units of the two Germanies, and as their leader they chose Vitellius, who had been in command for only about a month. After the downfall of Galba in January, 69, Verginius Rufus (then in Rome) became suffect consul under the new emperor Otho, who hoped that by associating Rufus with his fledgling regime, he might loosen Vitelliusí grip on the German legions.

After the defeat and death of Otho the legions present at the First Battle of Bedriacum tried to compell Rufus ó for the third time ó to assume the purple. This time, however, the soldiers made it clear they were not willing to accept his humble refusal. Despite this threat, Rufus did refuse, and narrowly escaped murder by fleeing.

He survived long after the civil war ended, socializing in literary circles and even becoming guardian to Pliny the Younger, whose letters are famous. Later in his life Rufus would purposely cloud the matter of his support of Nero by defending his actions as resistance to a nationalistic movement in Gaul (which, indeed, Vindexís revolt was not). Rufus died soon after his third consulship (under Nerva in 97), with his funeral oration being delivered by none other than the historian Tacitus.

Gaius Nymphidius Sabinus: One of several men who had designs on the throne during the civil war, Nymphidius was raised from tribune to prefect in the praetorian guards by Nero in 65 for his role in suppressing the Pisonian conspiracy. He shared the post with Ofonius Tigellinus, who had been prefect since 62, and who much earlier in his career had been exiled for his adulterous affairs with Caligulaís sisters. But Tigellinus was by then elderly and ill, and so was easily ousted by Nymphidius, who took sole command of the guard in 68.

Nymphidius conspired with the senate to overthrow Nero, and in the process offered a bribe of at least 7,000 denarii (280 aurei) per man to the guards who were personally protecting Nero. During Galbaís march on Rome, Nymphidius lost support with the senate, and especially with the new emperor, who refused to honor the bribes the prefect had earlier promised. Nymphidiusí fate was sealed when Galba replaced him as praetorian prefect with one of his own close friends, Cornelius Laco.

Thus, before Galba arrived in Rome, Nymphidius staged a coup. He claimed to have been an illegitimate son of Caligula in hopes this would establish him as a Julio-Claudian, and thus make him the most legitimate candidate. Considering the nature of this claim, Nymphidius was probably in his late 30s at the time. But his revolt failed quickly, and Nymphidius was killed either by agents of Galba or by guards who were angered because the payments he had promised them were not going to be paid.

Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus: This unfortunate young nobleman came into the historical limelight during the most desperate hour of Galbaís faltering regime. He was chosen by Galba as his successor on January 10, 69, and was killed with him in the Forum at Rome only five days later, being only 30 years old at the time. Piso was descended from Crassus and was a great-great-grandson of Sextus Pompey on his motherís side.

However, this illustrious lineage had brought the family nothing but ill-fortune under the Julio-Claudians. One of Pisoís brothers was briefly married to Claudiusí daughter Claudia Antonia, but was executed along with his parents in 46. The subsequent reign of Nero proved no better, for another of his brothers, Gaius Calpurnius Piso, was the architect of the ìPisonian Conspiracyî which failed against Nero in 65 (with the Piso under discussion being exiled as a result). Alone, orphaned and exiled, Piso was recalled by Galba, who apparently had long intended to bequeath him his name and property. However, Piso proved to be an unsatisfactory candidate to the soldiers, and his adoption served the opposite of the intended effect, and only expedited Galbaís downfall.

Gaius Licinius Crassus Mucianus: Another accomplished soldier of his age, Mucianus distinguished himself during the reign of Nero as one of Corbuloís subordinates. He had been governor of Lycia-Pamphylia in 57, was consul suffectus in 64, and in 68 Nero had appointed him governor of Syria, the province he held when Vespasian staged his revolt against Vitellius. (Note: Coins were struck bearing Mucianusí name while governing Syria under Galba.) By mid-July of 69, Mucianus had been convinced by Vespasianís eldest son, Titus, to pledge his support to Vespasianís cause.

While Vespasian marched into Alexandria to control the grain supply destined for Rome, Mucianus led 20,000 of his soldiers on a purposely slow march across Anatolia, up through the Balkans, and into northern Italy. Indeed, it was Mucianusí advance that provoked the Balkan commander Antonius Primus to launch his own invasion of Italy before Mucianus arrived. Mucianusí advance in the Balkans was slowed when he had to repel a Dacian incursion, but he continued thereafter and seems to have arrived in Rome shortly after (estimates range from 1 to 20 days) Primus had entered the capital.

Though Primus had been given the insignia of a consul, Mucianus sent Primusí legions back to the Balkans and quickly wrested control from the upstart commander. Thereafter Mucianus, a consul in 70, held Rome six months for Vespasian as his praetorian prefect, awaiting his arrival via Brundisium. He used the troops to quell further rebellions, which occasionally erupted in the city. It also seems likely that Mucianus was responsible for the execution of Vitelliusí brother and son. A man of many accomplishments, Mucianus remained one of Vespasianís principal advisers, all the time profiting incredibly and reminding the emperor that he owed his office to him. When Mucianus died in 76 or 77 his duties were assumed by Titus.

Marcus Antonius Primus: A Gaul by birth and a partisan of Galba, Primus commanded Legio VII Gemina in Pannonia. In 69, shortly after the downfall of Galba, he won over the armies of Pannonia and Moesia with his eloquence and irrepressible drive. However, in his lust for glory he caused Rome great harm, opening the gateway for a Sarmatian invasion and the Gallic rebellion of Julius Civilis, both of which plagued the first year of Vespasianís principate.

Learning that the governor of Syria, Gaius Licinius Mucianus, was leading his legions on a slow march to Italy, Primus decided to act first, and with considerable bravery invaded Italy. With five legions under his command, some 30,000 men in total (we are told), he captured Aquileia and caused the defection of the fleet at Ravenna.

After numerous skirmishes, Primus won a major victory against the Vitellian armies on October 24 and 25 at the Second Battle of Bedriacum. Primus encountered the Vitellian armies at the ideal time, for their emperor had remained at Rome, and his generals were either ill or were behaving treacherously. In such a state, the Vitellian armies were demoralized, and fought poorly despite their larger numbers.

Tacitus offers us a haunting insight into the turning-point of the Second Battle of Bedriacum, which raged all day and into the night: ìNeither side had the advantage until, in the middle of the night, the moon rose, displaying and deceiving the combatants. But the light favored the army of Primus, being behind them; on their side the shadows of horses and men were exaggerated, and the enemy spears fell short, though those who were hurling them imagined they were on target. But the Vitellians were brilliantly illuminated by the light shining full in their faces, and therefore without realizing it provided an easy mark for an enemy aiming from what were virtually concealed positions.î

After his victory, Primus pursued the Vitellian soldiers to the nearby city of Cremona, where he captured them and then, in an act even more scurrilous than his earlier sack of Aquileia, allowed his Danubian soldiers to loot the city continuously from October 27 to 31. Next he made his way toward Rome, gaining the defection of soldiers sent against him on December 17 at Narnia, just outside the city. This caused chaos in Rome: street fighting broke out among rivals, Vitellius tried to abdicate but was dissuaded, and the city prefect Flavius Sabinus (the brother of Vespasian) was executed after being besieged in the temple of Capitoline Jupiter, which burned to the ground in the process.

Primus entered Rome on December 20 (or 21), received the insignia of a consul, and broke the Vitellian resistance. The terrified Vitellius was captured, tortured and executed. For an uncertain, but brief period, Primus was in control in the capital, but he was outmaneuvered politically by Gaius Licinius Mucianus, who arrived the following day with his army after the long trek from Antioch. The daring adventurer Primus then retired to Tolosa, where he lived perhaps three more decades.

Flavius Sabinus: The older brother of Vespasian, Titus Flavius Sabinus was a senator, and it was his status that enabled Vespasian to pursue a respectable career. Sabinus had served the Empire in numerous capacities, but throughout the civil war he was the prefect of Rome (praetor urbnanus), a post that he may have held for more than a decade prior.

Sabinus figured prominently into Othoís plan for survival, for that short-lived emperor kept Sabinus on good terms in hopes of gaining the support of Vespasian, who was then commanding the war in Judaea. Sabinus survived the collapse of Othoís regime in mid-April 69, and when the news of Othoís suicide reached Rome, Sabinus took the lead in gaining approval from the senate and praetorians for Vitellius, who was declared emperor on April 19. Not surprisingly, Sabinus continued to serve as prefect of Rome under Vitellius.

When Vespasian declared war against Vitellius, Sabinus was in a precarious position, which only worsened as the armies of Primus and Mucianus advanced on Rome. When Vitellius expressed his desire to abdicate after his armies defected at Narnia on December 17, it was the silver-tongued Sabinus who was able to negotiate the terms. However, Vitelliusí German praetorians ó some 16,000 strong ó joined with the public mobs and brought an end to the negotiations.

To make matters worse, a group of German auxiliaries pursued Sabinus and his supporters (including his nephew Domitian, the youngest son of Vespasian), forcing them to take refuge on the Capitoline Hill. They settled in the temple of Capitoline Jupiter, and were withstanding the siege when the temple ó the supreme symbol of Rome and its Empire ó burned to the ground around them in broad daylight.

Despite all of the obscene events that had occurred during this civil war, Tacitus considered this to be of particular importance. Indeed, he called it ìÖ the most lamentable and appalling disaster in the whole history of the Roman commonwealth.î Though Domitian, who was only about three months shy of his 18th birthday at the time, escaped in disguise, Sabinus was captured and callously executed, either on the spot or after being delivered to Vitellius.

VINDEX

REBEL, A.D. 68

Gaius Julius Vindex, c. A.D. 25ñ68. Descended from the kings of Aquitania (southeastern Gaul), and himself a senator, Vindex was the son of a Roman senator who seems to have been selected by Claudius. At the time of his revolt against Nero, Vindex was governor of Gallia Lugdunensis in Transalpine Gaul, a wealthy province in which no legions were stationed.

His revolt began early in March of 68, and seems to have been sparked in self defense. Nero had become increasingly hostile toward provincial governors, and furthermore, seems to have fallen behind in the payments normally sent to Gaul.

Vindex enjoyed widespread support among the oppressed citizenry, whom he made swear an oath to the senate and people of Rome. According to one (perhaps optimistic) estimate, he was able to raise 100,000 local troops. Although the legionary colony of Lugdunum was the capital of Vindexís province, its citizens did not support the cause of Vindex. So he besieged that city swiftly and successfully. Meanwhile, Vienne, further down the Rhone in Gallia Narbonensis, offered its support.

In Rome, Nero was branding Vindex as a Gallic nationalist so as to rally support. But the fact of the matter is that Vindex had no intention of seceding from the Empire. Indeed, that course of action was rejected by a Gallic council which met at Durocortorum (mod. Reims, about 90 miles northeast of Paris).

Despite the success of his revolt, Vindexís provincial background assured that he was not qualified to become emperor. So he sought the support of Galba, the elderly governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, in Spain. On April 2, at Carthago Nova, Galba assumed the title Imperator and agreed to spearhead the cause of Vindex. In the process he denounced an appeal from the governor of Aquitania for help, seemingly against the revolt of Vindex.

In that same month, another revolt ó equally pro-senatorial, it would seem ó was launched by Clodius Macer, the propraetor of North Africa. Despite overtures made by Galba, Clodius Macer did not join their cause and continued to act independently.

Although Vindex had an immense army and had easily taken Lugdunum, he now had to reckon with the legions under the command of Verginius Rufus, the governor of Upper Germany, who remained loyal to Nero. In May of 68, Vindex and Rufus both led their armies to Vesontio (mod. Besançon), some 115 miles to the north-east of Lugdunum, where the two commanders apparently discussed options to battle. But the Rhine legions were anxious to fight, and may have forced a confrontation before negotiations were finished. In any event, Vindexís armies were roundly defeated by the seasoned legionaries. Vindex died at the battle, though it is uncertain whether he died in combat, by execution or by his own hand.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Since neither the name nor the portrait of Vindex appears on coins, issues must be attributed to him based on their historical and geographical context. Opinions vary as to where his coinage was struck. Vienne seems the most likely location for the bulk of the issues, though Lugdunum or Nemausus may have contributed. A third Gallic mint, at Narbo, is suspected to have coined for his colleague Galba.

CLODIUS MACER

REBEL, A.D. 68

Lucius Clodius Macer, d. A.D. 68. Very few details are known about Clodius Macer, who was legatus Angusti propraetore Africae late in the reign of Nero, and staged a revolt that lasted perhaps six months. His grasp for power seems to have begun in April 68, at about the same time that Galba, in Spain, joined the cause of Vindex in Gaul. Just like Vindex and Galba, Macer was revolting against Nero, an emperor who was notorious for his ill-treatment of provincial governors.

Though his revolt undoubtedly began in Numidia, where he commanded the Legion III Augusta, it soon was headquartered in Carthage, the ancient capital of North Africa. Macer gained control of the fleet stationed at Carthage, and made use of its excellent seaport to control the North African grain supply that was destined for Rome.

Though Galba made overtures to Macer to join his revolt against Nero, Macer did not respond favorably, preferring to stay his course alone. The terms of Galbaís offer are unknown, and so it is difficult to gauge why he refused. However, it would not be out of line to presume that Galba wanted him to take a subordinate role, and that on those grounds alone Macer opted for independence. Furthermore, Macer had supporters in Rome, not the least of whom was Calvia Crispinilla, whom Tacitus describes as ìÖ the woman who had been Neroís tutor in vice.î

Macer tried to increase his chance of survival by raising a new legion, which he called Legion I Macriana. The numismatic evidence indicates that he had some interest in Sicily, which was less than 150 miles from the shores of Carthage, and he either made an abortive attempt to occupy the island or simply made overtures to its citizens and soldiers. Macer was executed in October, 68 by the local fiscal procurator, Trebonius Garutianus, just after Galba reached Rome and was able to arrange his murder.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: All of Clodius Macerís coins ó aurei and denarii ó bear the inscription SC, something usually not encountered on precious metal coins. His types are patriotic and commemorative in nature. They allude to the two legions under his control, to his main base of Carthage, to Africa in general, and in some cases to the island of Sicily. Denarii of Galba that are of identical style (and have the SC) no doubt were struck after Macerís downfall in October by partisans of Galba who took command in Carthage.

Macerís portrait coinage occurs in two main varieties, the rarer having his name in the genitive case (MACRI) and the more common with it in the nominative case (MACER). In any event, fewer than 20 specimens of his portrait coins are currently known, making them among the rarest in the Roman series. They are supplemented by six non-portrait types. It is of some interest that Macer borrowed his two most prominent designs from Marc Antonyís legionary denarii, utilizing both the obverse and reverse types. Researchers have noted it probably is no coincidence that Antonyís prototypes were struck almost exactly a century before.

GALBA A.D. 68ñ69

IMPERATOR, A.D. 68

Servius Sulpicius Galba, 3 B.C.ñA.D. 69. The first emperor of Rome to reign briefly, Galbaís 7-month principate was spent largely in the provinces. Indeed, he spent only about 100 days in Rome as emperor. His harsh discipline, aggressive reforms, and parsimonious nature caused him to be disliked by soldier, senator and citizen. In an earlier age, when Romans were not so fickle and greedy, he might have been a success, but Galba lacked the political instinct to see he was on a path of self-destruction.

Galba hailed from noble families on both his motherís and fatherís sides. Throughout his career he enjoyed the support of Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula and Claudius, and especially of the first Augusta, Livia. Indeed, she had bequeathed him 500,000 aurei in her will, but it was nullified by her bitter son, Tiberius, who instead seized the funds for himself. Galba was married to Aemilia Lepida, a granddaughter of the triumvir Lepidus. Together they had two sons, whose names are not known.

Despite having been shorted the fortune in gold bequeathed by Livia, Galba was immensely wealthy. So laudable were his qualities, and so extensive were his wealth and family connections, that upon the death of Caligula in 41, Galba was spoken of as a possible successor. Though he remained a private citizen during the principates of Claudius and Nero, Galbaís opportunity to become emperor occurred 27 years later.

He spent his early career as governor of Aquitania, then as consul in 33, followed by a military command in Upper Germany and, in 45, as a proconsul in Africa. He ended his regular career as the governor of His-pania Tarraconensis, in northern Spain. It was while he was serving in that capacity that the revolt of Vindex against Nero occurred early in March, 68. Although Vindexís revolt found immediate success in his own province of Gaul, it could not prevail until someone with the necessary credentials stepped up as Neroís replacement.

The 70-year-old Galba proved to be a man of considerable ambition, for on April 2, while at Carthago Nova on the south-eastern shore of Spain, he allied himself with Vindex and was hailed Imperator by his troops. In the same month, a revolt against Nero also broke out in North Africa under the leadership of Clodius Macer, the propraetor in command of Legion III Augusta in Numidia.

Though Galba and Clodius Macer each had only one legion under their command, each soon raised an additional legion and stayed the course of revolution. Macer had the additional benefit of a fleet and the potential to disrupt grain shipments to Rome. Though Galba attempted to gain his allegiance, Macer was unwilling to join his effort.

Just as the revolution under Galba and Vindex was taking shape, the latter was defeated north of Lugdunum at the end of May by German legions still loyal to Nero. Either at the end of May or in early June, Galba arrived at Clunia, a city in the center of Spain, and learned of Vindexís death. However, he also received a good omen from the local oracle, and thus was encouraged in his enterprise.

Meanwhile, in Rome, Neroís regime was faltering. His guards were sufficiently bribed (at nearly 300 aurei each) and abandoned him before he could make good his escape to Alexandria by ship. On June 9, Nero was deposed and condemned to death by flogging by the senate. Thus, he reluctantly took his own life on that day, and Galba was hailed emperor in his place, seemingly within 24 hours. No longer was Galba a self-proclaimed Imperator hoping to gain the approval of the senate, but was emperor.

About this time Galba was en route to Tarraco on the East coast of Spain and had been joined by the 33-year-old governor of Lusitania (mod, Portugal), Otho, a man who not only disdained Nero, but who also hoped to become Galbaís adopted successor. Invigorated with the support of the senate and the praetorian guard in Rome, Galba and Otho departed Tarraco late in the summer of 68, and led their modest army on a march directly for Rome. Galbaís status was confirmed by a deputation of the senate and the praetorian guard that met him in Narbo (mod. Narbonne) early in July.

Rome was far from stable during his approach, which required all of July and the first half of October. Galba, a man of stern temperament, sent word ahead that he had no intention of honoring the bribes promised by the praetorian prefect Nymphidius, by which he had secured the murder of Nero. Indeed, he replaced Nymphidius with Cornelius Laco, a candidate of his own choice. Nymphidius thus staged his own coup, but it failed quickly, and Nymphidius was killed.

In October of 68, Galba arrived in Rome, which by then had been purged of the revolutionary Nymphidius, but which still suffered from an anxious praetorian cohort, whose members feared they would be dismissed and reassigned to legions in the provinces. Though this did not happen, Galba dismissed the German bodyguards, disbanded a legion of marines, and ordered the Spanish legionaries that had accompanied him on his journey to remain outside Rome.

However, good news came from North Africa, where Galbaís rival at Carthage, Clodius Macer, was assassinated by the local Imperial procurator. Not surprisingly, Galbaís partisans in North Africa declared for him and even struck coins in his name that are identifiable by their style, which is identical to that of Macer.

Galbaís reforms were a combination of repaying favors owed to his main supporters and genuine attempts to restore morality and dignity. One of his more practical actions occurred in November or December, when he removed Verginius Rufus from his command in Upper Germany, and installed Aulus Vitellius in Lower Germany. Though these made sense at the time (for Rufus was immensely popular, and Vitellius was a dullard), it soon backfired because the former was loyal and the latter was treacherous.

Galbaís downfall in January of 69 was swift. On New Yearís Day, the legions of Upper Germany refused to recognize Galba; and by the 3rd, the armies of both Upper and Lower Germany had switched allegiance to the newly appointed governor Vitellius, even though he had virtually no military experience and had held his post only a month. Sparking the revolt of the seven German legions, it seems, was the anger they harbored for having been shorted a reward due for their defeat of Vindex.

News of the defection traveled the more than 800 miles from Trier to Rome, and reached Galba by the 8th or the 9th of January. Galbaís repressive regime was fast losing support, and so on January 10 he adopted Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus as his son, hoping that the presence of an heir would demonstrate stability and hope for the future. His candidate was a most noble young man descended from both Crassus and Pompey the Great, but was not to the liking of the soldiers or the common man. Making matters worse, he was also a brother of the Piso who had plotted against Nero in 65.

Worse still, the praetorian guards were not satisfied with this stingy emperor. Even a ìmere token act of generosity,î Tacitus reports, would have won the praetorian over to his cause. But even this Galba did not offer. While Galba was taking a hard line on the army and finances, his associate Otho was rallying support among the legionaries and praetorian guards. Othoís efforts were intensified after he was not chosen by Galba as his adopted son.

Through his many acts of monetary generosity, Otho hoped he would be the beneficiary of any revolt against Galba. Indeed, he most certainly needed to be, for his ìcampaign of generosityî had bankrupted him. Otho made one final bribe of 15,000 denarii to each of 12 key men in the praetorian guard, which inaugurated the plot for Galbaís overthrow. It was impeccably timed to coincide with the arrival of the news in Rome of Vitelliusí revolt in Germany. This not only worked against Galba, but caused the praetorians to rally about their own candidate, Otho, in opposition to Vitellius, whose armies were advancing on Italy.

Tacitus gives a dramatic, and probably accurate, description of the few minutes preceding Galbaís murder in the Forum on January 15: ìBy this time Galba was being carried hither and thither by the irregular impact of the surging multitude. Everywhere the public buildings and temples were crowded with a sea of faces. As far as the eye could see, the view was one of doom. Not a cry came from the mass of people. But their faces wore a frightened expression.î

The praetorian guards loyal to Otho charged into the crowd on foot and on horseback with their weapons drawn, trampling all between them and the sedan of Galba. The guards in Galbaís personal escort defected to the cause of Otho, after which the elderly emperor was dashed to the ground and hacked apart with swords. Thus was the inglorious end of Galba, who was decapitated and whose body was dragged through the streets on a hook and tossed into the Tiber.

The triumphant praetorians proceeded with Otho to the Senate House, where they displayed a variety of severed heads as proof of their foul deed. Terrified by the events in the Forum and by the revolt by Vitellius in Germany, the senate did not hesitate to vote Otho full powers.

Though Galbaís reign lasted from June 68 through January, 69, most of that time had been consumed by his arduous march from Spain to Rome.

The principate of Galba, it can be rightly said, was both sad and pathetic: sad because the once-high level of morality of Romans was no more, and pathetic because Galba was unable to believe the evidence before his eyes. His attempts to rule in an honorable manner more typical of the Republican or the Augustan age was a terrible failure. He tried to reform rapidly and in the process showed no political judgment, and in that respect his brief principate resembles that of Pertinax nearly 125 years later.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Galbaís coinage is among the most complex and diverse in the entire Roman series. Not only did he strike as Imperator (which includes many of the anonymous ìcivil war coinages,î notably including those on which his facial features are assimilated in the portrait of Divus Augustus), but he also struck as emperor. He coined in all three metals and at an uncertain number of mints in Spain, Gaul and North Africa, as well as in Rome itself. His bronzes alone were complicated enough to require treatment in a detailed monograph by Colin Kraay (The Aes Coinage of Galba, ANS Numismatic Notes and Monographs no. 133, New York, 1956).

Galbaís reverse types are varied, and many of them are historical in content. Most of his coinage as Imperator is propagandistic in nature, alluding to the provinces, the restoration of Rome and of liberty, and to his victory itself. One of his most common types as Augustus celebrates Livia, with whom he was closely acquainted. From this, Galba hoped to validate his principate (he was, after all, the first non-Julio-Claudian emperor) by demonstrating his ties to the Julio-Claudians. Beginning with his reign, Caesar and Augustus (which were personal names under the Julio-Claudians) became Imperial titles indicating rank. Partisans of Galba struck denarii on his behalf at Carthage after the downfall of Clodius Macer which are distinguished not only by the crude style which can be observed on Macerís denarii, but also by the fact that SC occurs on the reverse. This is a highly unusual feature for Roman silver, but was standard for the issues of Macer. The SC occurs on no other precious metal coins of Galba except for those which stylistically are attributable to Carthage.

OTHO A.D. 69

HUSBAND OF POPPAEA

Marcus Salvius Otho, A.D. 32ñ69. Hailing from an equestrian family of only recent renown, Otho holds the distinction of being the first emperor to have openly attained his office through the murder of his predecessor. Even if we believe the story of Caligula causing the suffocation of Tiberius, his act merely expedited an imminent, natural death. Such cannot be said of Otho.

Otho, who is described by Tacitus as an ìextravagant young man,î spent his youth in fashionable pursuits. He was renowned for his effeminacy and vanity, and was particular about his grooming. Suetonius tells us ìhe shaved every day, and since boyhood had always used a poultice of moist bread to prevent the growth of his beard.î He is famous to numismatists for his well-made toupee, which appears as a luxuriant head of hair on his Imperial coin portraits.

He chose as one of his companions the beautiful and depraved Sabina Poppaea, a woman nearly his age who hailed from a wealthy family and was married to the praetorian prefect Rufrius Crispinus. But Poppaea regularly engaged in adulterous affairs, and one of her bed companions was Otho, who later became her husband.

Being close friends with the new emperor Nero, and wishing to attain greater prominence, Otho boasted to Nero about the charms of Poppaea. He seems to have invited Nero to share their bed, but his plan of Imperial seduction backfired when Nero decided he wanted Poppaea to himself, and in 58 appointed Otho the governor of Lusitania (mod. Portugal) so that he would be far from Rome. Otho remained at that post until 68, when the standards of revolt was raised against Nero almost simultaneously in Gaul, Spain and North Africa.

Otho was quick to join the revolt headed by Galba, the governor of the neighboring province of Hispania Tarraconensis. Not surprisingly, Otho had his eye on the principate from the very outset of his alliance with Galba. Initially he hoped to be named Galbaís adoptive son, and thus successor. Since Galba was 70 years old, the wait may not have been too long.

However, it became clear to Otho that he would be passed up for this honor (which eventually was given to Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus). It was fortunate that Otho had hedged his bet by currying support among the soldiers and the praetorian guards. Indeed, his liberal bribery (during a time when Galba was behaving stingily) was potent, but also drove him deeply into debt.

At the turn of the New Year, 69, the armies of Germany revolted against Galba, hailing Vitellius, the governor of Lower Germany, as their leader. News of this development probably reached Rome shortly before Galba adopted Piso as his heir on January 10.

Othoís final overture was a bribe of 15,000 denarii to each of 12 key men in the praetorian guard. Through this act, Otho assured their support in his plot to overthrow Galba. On January 15, the plan was put into action, and Galba was murdered callously in the Forum by the very praetorian guards who were supposed to protect him. The frightened senators had little choice but to hail Otho emperor.

Suetonius tells us that although Otho was probably aware of Vitelliusí rebellion before he made his own attempt at the throne, he did not expect Vitellius to oppose his elevation. A series of negotiations and assassination attempts by both men were made subsequently but failed. It became clear that only more civil war would determine the outcome. Otho soon gained the support of the legions in Egypt, Africa, the Euphrates and the Danube, but they would not prove to be large enough or close enough to protect him from the legions advancing from Germany.

During Vitelliusí march, the environment was far from calm in Rome, where the praetorian guards were drunk with their renewed power. Conflicts with other soldiers and the senate were commonplace, and Otho restored order by executing a few particularly troublesome ìringleadersî in the camp, and by paying an additional bonus of 1,250 denarii per man. He also appealed to the legions outside Rome by introducing a favorable reform of the policy on annual leave. Otho was exhibiting the practicality and political prowess Galba had lacked.

He further improved his odds of survival by keeping Flavius Sabinus as prefect of Rome and Verginius Rufus as consul. The first appointment was meant to placate Sabinusí brother, Vespasian, who was commanding the war in Judaea (and who consequently recognized Othoís principate, which he had not done for Galba), and the second was supposed to undermine Vitelliusí credibility with the German legions, which had twice before beseached Verginius Rufus to lead their rebellions.

It must be remembered that Vitellius commanded seven legions and a great many auxiliaries, whereas Otho had only one legion, together with auxiliary infantry and cavalry hastily gathered locally. Some of the praetorian remained in Rome to keep order in the unruly capital, while Otho even raised an army of 2,000 gladiators to help in the effort. The three Balkan legions were expected, but most of the soldiers were still far from the point of action.

In February, Vitelliusí armies had already advanced deep into Gaul on their long march to Italy. Vitellius had not gone with the vanguard of his army, but instead remained behind to raise more troops for the upcoming war. In the process Vitellius gained the allegiance of the soldiers in Gaul and Britain. The fact that he had a completely different foe than he had when he began his revolt against Galba mattered little to Vitellius, for recalling his legions would certainly have had dire consequences.

The German legions were led by Aulus Caecina Alienus and Fabius Valens. Caecina led his legions through the Alps, and Valens along a more southerly route, and though the latter experienced a near mutiny en route, both armies marched rapidly, and joined in Italy near Cremona, a city on the north bank of the Po River.

In mid- or late March, after a few skirmishes had already occurred in southern Gaul and Italy (and it was clear that he had no more time to waste), Otho left Rome to march north and take command of the war. He established his headquarters at Brixellum (mod. Brescello), some 30 miles (and on the opposite side of the Po River) from where the decisive battle would be fought.

The skirmishes continued until early in April, finding Otho in a difficult position. Before he had received the full strength of his Danubian legions (of which only the Vanguard had entered Italy), Otho forced a pitched battle just after Vitellius had been reinforced. Historians believe he did this out of fear that with the passage of time he would lose the support of his army, and would be left without even the opportunity to fight.

The engagement, known as the First Battle of Bedriacum, took place on April 14. Othoís armies were defeated. It was an exceptionally bloody affair in which as many as 40,000 men died. The description of the aftermath given by Tacitus is grim. Neither Vitellius nor Otho were present when the engagement took place, for Vitellius was still marching in Gaul and Otho was at his headquarters south of the Po.

When Othoís armies were defeated, the emperor was disheartened. Even news that the bulk of the Moesian legions had reached Aquileia and the urging of his commanders could not lift Othoís spirits. It is possible, as some have suggested, that he was unwilling to engage in more civil war, and instead chose to commit suicide, which he did approximately two days later, on April 16 or 17 (opinions vary).

After the fact, Verginius Rufus was once again enjoined by the soldiers to become their candidate for emperor. This demand may have been made by soldiers from both armies, since Vitellius was still in Gaul marching south when the battle was fought. But Rufus, under threat of death should he refuse, did just that, and made a narrow escape back to Rome. Three days later, on April 19, Vitellius was hailed emperor by the senate.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: The coinage of Othoís reign is considerably different from that of Galba. Not only did Otho strike only as Augustus, but he struck Imperial coins only at Rome. Thus, we find none of the curious provincial styles so commonly observed on the issues of Galba. The relative brevity of his reign ó approximately three months ó also assured that there was no noticeable evolution of style. Also, his reign establishes a terminus ante quern for the transfer of precious metal coin production from Lugdunum to Rome, since no coins could have been struck for Otho had the facilities still been located at Lugdunum.

Othoís Imperial coinage consists entirely of aurei and denarii, for he did not strike any Imperial bronzes. Considering the vast output of asses, dupondii and sestertii by Galba and Nero, Othoís decision to not strike bronzes is understandable. However, the impressive issues of Galba must have been a persistent and disconcerting reminder of the man he had overthrown.

The issues can be divided into two major groups, depending on whether the office of Pontifex Maximus is indicated. Since he received that title on March 9, coins bearing PONT MAX (as the reverse inscription) must be dated to the period March 9 through mid-April. It is worth noting that Otho is never shown wearing a laurel wreath on his Imperial coinage, thus allowing us to fully appreciate the curly locks of his wig.

VITELLIUS A.D. 69

IMPERATOR, A. D. 69

SON OF LUCIUS VITELLIUS

FATHER OF PETRONIANUS, VITELLIUS GERMANICUS AND VLTELLIA

Aulus Vitellius, A.D., 15(?)ñ69. Few of Romeís emperors have been as unsuited for the demands of the office as Vitellius. What little importance he enjoyed in Rome before his principate was due entirely to the achievements of his father, the consul Lucius Vitellius. Indeed, even his rise to supreme power was due to his lack of redeeming qualities, combined with a quirk of fate.

The ancient biographers are quite hostile to Vitellius, and speak almost exclusively of his faults, which included a tendency to steal and embezzle when he held posts that allowed such opportunities. They also tell us much of his gluttony at the dinner table, suggesting he spent some nine million sestertii on banquets during his brief reign. At one such gathering, we are told, 2,000 fish and 7,000 birds were served to the guests.

Historians are uncertain when Vitellius was born, variously citing A.D. 12, 14 or 15. Suetonius tells us he was born only a month or two after Tiberius was hailed emperor in 14, but many historians prefer 15. Because his father was the most renowned politician in Rome, Vitellius enjoyed a decadent youth. However, the success of his equestrian family in recent decades was not without a price, for his father owed his success to his gilded tongue and his uncommon skill of flattery.

One consequence for his son, the future emperor Vitellius, was that during the better part of his teenage years he served in the troop of male prostitutes assembled by Tiberius for his enjoyment on Capri. While serving in that capacity, he earned the nickname spintria, meaning ìsexual invert,î or more accurately, a prostitute who practices sodomy. Suetonius tells us this nickname clung to him for the rest of his life.

Vitellius had inherited his fatherís skill for flattery, and was on friendly terms with Caligula, with whom he must have become acquainted on Capri. Later, Vitellius was crippled in one thigh when he was run down by a chariot driven by Caligula who, Suetonius tells us, admired Vitellius for his skills as a charioteer. Claudius admired Vitelliusí skill in dice ó an avocation that Claudius knew well, having himself penned a book on the subject. Claudius was especially favorable to Viteliusí family, for the father, Lucius Vitellius, received the highest possible honors, and the future emperor Vitellius and his brother (named Lucius Vitellius), served as co-consuls in 48.

After enjoying the favor of the previous three emperors, Vitellius had become quite addicted to vice and gluttony in the manner of those close to the Imperial household. As such, he became an admirer of Nero (whom he accompanied on his singing tours), who appointed him governor of Africa from 55 to 57.

After a relatively undistinguished career, Vitellius was appointed by Galba as governor of Lower Germany in November or December of 68. We are told he won this position not out of merit, but rather for his lack of it, for Galba did not want a man of substance in a position that could endanger his principate. However, fate intervened in a manner such that Galbaís caution proved to be his undoing.

When Vitellius had been headquartered at his new post in Cologne about a month, the legions under his command revolted against Galba, for they felt spurned for not having received a bonus for their earlier defeat of Vindex. The soldiers acknowledged that Vitellius did not have great courage or military experience, but he was convenient, and he had endeared himself to even the lowliest of soldier by readily offering a hearty embrace.

News of this revolt was dispatched from Trier and soon arrived in Rome. This contributed to the sequence of events that caused the murder of Galba on January 15. Galbaís successor, Otho, gained the allegiance of the legions in Egypt, Africa, the Euphrates and the Danube. However, Vitellius had his seven German legions, and they would prove sufficient to dislodge Otho. The fact that the circumstances of his soldiersís rebellion had changed (for the man against whom they rebelled, Galba, was dead) mattered little to the soldiers, and Vitellius had neither the courage nor the desire to bring his unlawful act to an end.

Vitellius sent the bulk of his army south under the joint command of Aulus Caecina Alienus and Fabius Valens, the flamboyant soldier who had gained his position by murdering his own commander Fonteius Capito, the feeble old man Galba had appointed governor of Upper Germany in place of Verginius Rufus. During this period a series of negotiations and assassination attempts were made by both rivals, and it became clear that more civil war would be required to determine the outcome.

In the meantime, Vitellius stayed behind to raise troops for the upcoming war, and managed to gain the support of legions in Gaul and Britain. Caecina and Valens led their legions across the Alps, the former via Switzerland, the latter through France. The two armies joined near Cremona on the north bank of the Po River

Since the two armies of Vitellius marched at such a rapid pace (seemingly in competition with each other to arrive first), Otho found himself in a difficult position. In late March and early April fighting between the Vitellians and Othonians occurred on numerous occasions in southern Gaul and in northern Italy. Meanwhile, Vitellius had only just made his way into northern Gaul as hostilities began to escalate.

On April 14, at Bedriacum, some 22 miles from the city of Cremona, Otho forced a pitched battle out of fear that his legions would defect before the bulk of his reinforcements arrived from the Balkans. As many as 40,000 soldiers were killed by their fellow Romans at Bedriacum, and Otho committed suicide two or three days later, leaving Vitellius the victor. In a repeat of earlier history, Verginius Rufus (who was then a consul under Otho) refused the purple for a third time. This time it angered the soldiers so greatly that he barely escaped with his life.

Three days after the battle, on April 19, Vitellius was hailed Augustus by the senate. He received the news while marching south through Gaul, and celebrated it when he arrived in Lugdunum. Some 40 days after the First Battle of Bedriacum, on or about May 24, Vitellius arrived at the battle site, and proudly showed it to the soldiers who had accompanied him on his march.

Vitellius was now at the head of an army of 60,000 men, which had attached to it several times as many camp followers. He next engaged in an undisciplined march along the eastern coast of Italy, which occupied the end of May, all of June and the first half of July. We are told that he stopped frequently to enjoy local hospitality, as if on vacation. Hostilities often broke out in the ranks, and disputes with locals were no less common.

Finally, Vitellius entered Rome in July and led a splendid legionary procession through the streets, which impressed the historian Tacitus, who tells us that Vitellius was formally presented title of Augustus by the senate on July 18. One of the new emperorís first acts was to replace the existing praetorian cohorts with men from his own German legions. In the process he increased the count from 12 cohorts to 16, and doubled the size of each cohort from 500 to 1,000 men.

Rivalry among the various legions, however, was to cause even more civil war. At the beginning of July, the general Vespasian (who had been conducting the war in Judaea since 67) was hailed emperor by the legions in Judaea and Alexandria; the Syrian legions did so by the middle of the month. The situation was becoming quite confused: just as Vitelliusí German legions had found a rival in Galbaís Spanish legion, so had the eastern armies with Vitelliusí Germans.

The eastern legions were quickly joined in their cause by the three Moesian legions that had been summoned by Otho but had not arrived in time to fight on his behalf at the First Battle of Bedriacum. Not only did they have a common bond with the eastern legions, but they had pillaged Aquileia before returning to their bases in the Balkans, and understandably feared reprisal. So, under the leadership of the commander Marcus Antonius Primus, they declared for Vespasian.

The end was already in sight for Vitellius before he had entered Rome: simultaneously, armies in the East and in the Balkans were preparing to move against the new emperor. The ìcoupî in the East enjoyed the support of the prefect of Egypt, Tiberius Julius Alexander and of the Syrian governor Gaius Licinius Mucianus, who had been persuaded by Vespasianís eldest son, Titus, to commit his legions to the cause.

Though Vespasian had not formally recognized Galbaís principate, he did so with Otho, and it seems he was proclaimed Augustus upon learning of the latterís death. Caught in the middle was Vespasianís brother, Flavius Sabinus (who had been confirmed as city prefect of Rome by Otho) and Vespasianís youngest son, Domitian, who, though also residing in Rome, was given the rank of Caesar.

Vespasianís plan was simple, and probably was intended to minimize further bloodshed. In August he left his son Titus to finish off the war in Judaea and he moved to Alexandria, where he could seize control of the grain shipments destined for Rome. At the same time, Mucianus led his 20,000 Syrian soldiers on a slow march across Asia and the Balkans to Italy. By the time Vespasian himself arrived, the Romans would most likely have ousted Vitellius, or at the very least would have been receptive to a liberating army.

Throwing a wrench into the works, however, was the Danubian commander Primus, who prepared his renegade armies for a preemptive invasion of Italy. By October Primus launched his offensive, clashing with Vitelliusí generals in northern Italy. In the end, Vitelliusí leaders proved too ill, incompetent or treacherous to defend Italy, and even the fleet at Ravenna defected. A pitched battle occurred at Bedriacum, the site of Vitelliusí earlier victory against Otho.

This time Vitelliusí forces (for he was not at this battle either) were defeated on October 24 and 25, at what is known as the Second Battle of Bedriacum. The remaining Vitellian armies fled to nearby Cremona, where they were captured. Even though Cremona was an Italian town, and had surrendered without offering resistance, it was sacked continuously from October 27ñ31 by the Danubian soldiers.

Meanwhile in Rome, the atmosphere was understandably chaotic. Even the army Vitellius had sent to protect the Appenine passes had defected to Primus at Narnia on December 17. Upon learning this, rival factions in the capital engaged in fierce street fighting, and Vitellius approached the city prefect Sabinus with an offer to abdicate in exchange for the staggering sum of one million aurei.

Though the deal was acceptable to Sabinus, it enraged the praetorian guards and the mob in Rome, which demanded Vitellius retract his offer. They took matters into their own hands, beseiging Sabinus and his supporters on the Capitoline Hill, which was set ablaze during the fight, claiming even the inviolable temple of Capitoline Jupiter. Though young Domitian escaped, his uncle Sabinus was executed.

On December 20, the Danubian legions led by Primus entered Rome, ostensibly in the name of Vespasian, and Vitellius was captured and dragged through the streets in an especially humiliating fashion. After considerable torture, he was murdered in the Forum and his corpse tossed into the Tiber. The senate then hailed Vespasian emperor in place of Vitellius. Primusí soldiers plundered the city and massacred their opponents before the arrival of Mucianus and his Syrian legions on the following day.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Coins were struck in the name of Vitellius at mints in Spain (probably Tarraco), Gaul (probably Lugdunum) and Rome. The first two began to strike while Vitellius was Imperator and opposed to Otho, who himself only used the Rome mint. As would be expected, Rome began to strike for Vitellius only after Otho was overthrown and Vitellius was hailed Augustus by the senate. Since Vitellius resumed coining bronzes at Rome, it perhaps comes as no surprise that some of Galbaís reverse dies were used by Vitellius.

The titulature in Vitelliusí coin inscriptions is useful for establishing an internal chronology for the Rome mint issues. The title Germanicus is shortened in three successive phases (GERMANICVS; GERMAN; and GERMA, GERM or GER), with the longer renderings being earlier in the sequence. Vitelliusí provincial coinage is limited to rare emissions for the federation (koinon) of Macedon and Alexandria.

LUCIUS VITELLIUS

FATHER OF VITELLIUS

GRANDFATHER OF PETRONIANUS, VITELLIUS

GERMANICUS AND VITELLIA

Lucius Vitellius, lifespan uncertain. Lucius Vitellius was one of four sons born to Publius Vitellius, a knight from Luceria (not Nuceria, as is often cited). His father had a successful career as a steward (procurator) of the emperor Augustus, which paved the way for his sons. The most famous of his sons was Lucius Vitellius, who is considered the most successful politician of the age.

Though during his lifetime Lucius Vitellius was hailed as a model of integrity, according to Tacitus he was held by later generations ìÖ to be an example of the ignominy that goes with sycophancy.î His career was advanced principally through his connection to the ruling house of Augustus, and by the reign of Claudius he had distinguished himself remarkably. The very fact that he was able to survive the tyranny of Caligula (for whom he instituted the practice of his worship as a god) and maintained good relations with Claudius ó an emperor who perceived senators as adversaries ó speaks volumes of his talents.

As a flatterer, Lucius Vitellius had no equal. He was especially careful to attend to the needs of the Imperial women, and seems to have pursued Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, Livilla and Claudius. Though some sources suggest he actually married Antonia, this is unlikely for other sources insist she refused to remarry after the death of Nero Claudius Drusus.

When entering the Imperial presence Lucius Vitellius would always uncover his head, avert his gaze, and prostrate himself. Suetonius also tells us he begged the indulgence of Messalina, the third wife of Claudius, to remove her shoes, after which he occasionally kissed them. Toward the end of his life and career, he was among the leading proponents of Claudiusí final marriage to Agrippina Junior.

Suetonius tells us that his sole embarrassment ó beyond the shameless flattery ó was a scandalous affair he had with a freedwoman ìÖ whose spittle he would actually mix with honey and use not just secretly or rarely, but every day, quite openly, as a lotion for his neck and throat.î

Of Lucius Vitelliusí three brothers, one was renowned for his luxurious manner of living, another for his talents as a gourmet, and a third for his friendship to Germanicus. This particular brother, Publius Vitellius, is credited by Suetonius with the arrest of Gnaeus Piso, who was later convicted of Germanicusí murder. However, his relationship with Germanicus cost him his own life, for in 32 he was forced to commit suicide by Tiberius, who implicated him in the coup planned by Sejanus.

Despite the fall of his brother Publius, Lucius Vitellius made great advances in the last few years of Tiberiusí reign. His progress was due not only to his own gift for flattery, but also because he volunteered one of his two sons, Aulus Vitellius (the future emperor) for the troop of male prostitutes that served Tiberius during his self-exile on Capri.

His career was varied, for he led the Roman armies in Armenia in 18, held a consulship in 34 and served as Legate of Syria from 35 to 37, during which he deposed Pontius Pilate in Judaea. His last two consulships occurred during the reign of Claudius, in 43 and 47. During the first of these, he virtually ran the government on behalf of Claudius (who was leading the invasion of Britain), and during the latter, Claudius chose him as his colleague in the censorship. An attempt to prosecute Lucius Vitellius in 51 failed, and it is believed that he died shortly thereafter.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: All coins depicting Lucius Vitellius were struck by his son, the emperor Vitellius, and bear his sonís portrait on the obverse. Three main reverse types were produced. Aurei and denarii show his portrait bust with an eagle-tipped scepter before, or depict Lucius Vitellius as a seated figure. Sestertii depict him seated on a platform, greeting togate figures. With the exception of an issue of dual-portrait aurei from a Spanish mint, all the remaining coins seem to have been struck at Rome. It would seem likely that issues were also struck at the Gallic mint at which denarii depicting Vitelliusí children were struck.

VITELLIUS GERMANICUS and VITELLIA

CHILDREN OF VITELLIUS

HALF-SIBLINGS OF PETRONIANUS

GRANDCHILDREN OF LUCIUS VITELLIUS

Vitellius Germanicus (c. A.D. 62ñ69/70), Vitellia (lifespan unknown). Of Vitelliusí two children, Vitellius Germanicus and Vitellia, little is known. They were both born of the same mother, Galeria Fundana, who was Vitelliusí second wife. The boy was supposedly 6 years old when his father became emperor, and according to Suetonius, ìÖ had so bad a stammer that he could hardly force out a word.î Nothing is heard of the girl until after her fatherís reign.

Vitellius was so far in debt at the time Galba appointed him governor of Lower Germany that in order to finance his journey he pawned the family jewelry and, after relocating his wife and children to an attic, rented out his villa. This, no doubt, was one of the reasons Galba appointed Vitellius, for he presumed he would be so preoccupied with gleaning money from every possible source (as he was well known for doing) that the prospect of staging a revolt would not cross his mind.

Vitellius left his family in Rome as he marched north to take up his new command. After Galba was overthrown and Vitellius himself had rebelled, his wife and children were treated well by the new emperor, Otho. When Otho died in mid-April 69, Vitellius was promptly recognized by the senate as the new emperor. His son was hurriedly taken to Lugdunum so he could be united with his father, who was still marching south from Germany. There the boy was shown to the legionaries as proof that a dynasty to replace the Julio-Claudians had been formed, and he was given the agnomen Germanicus.

But Vitelliusí regime was short-lived, and as a result of his downfall his son was killed. While Suetonius suggests the boy perished with his father and his uncle, other sources indicate he was executed in 70 on orders of the praetorian prefect Licinius Mucianus. The girl was more fortunate, for she not only survived the civil war, but Suetonius tells us Vespasian arranged a marriage for her that proved to be a ìsplendid match,î and provided her with a dowry and a wedding gown.

Vitellius also had another son, Petronianus, from his first wife, Petronia. The poor lad, who we are told had only one eye, died of poison long before his father ascended the throne. The poison was either voluntarily taken to cure his parricidal tendencies, or more likely, was administered by Vitellius. Suetonius makes his opinion on the matter clear: ìÖ most people believed simply that Vitellius had done away with the boy.î

NUMISMATIC NOTE: Though the coinage portraying Vitelliusí children is generally thought to be limited to denarii and aurei, an Imperial as must be added to the tally. Though in a poor state of preservation, its style identifies it as a product of a mint in Spain. Most of the commemorative aurei and denarii of Vitelliusí children were struck in Rome, although examples are known from mints in Spain and Gaul (presumably Tarraco and Lugdunum).

JULIUS CIVILIS

REBEL, A.D. 69

Gaius Julius Civilis, lifespan unknown. As the chief of the Batavians, a Germanic tribe that had been loosely allied with the Romans since the campaign of Nero Claudius Drusus in 12 B.C., Julius Civilis was also a Roman citizen. Civilis was lured into the civil war in the summer of 69 by Antonius Primus, who was preparing to lead his Danubian legions on an invasion of Italy. Primus encouraged Civilis to create a disturbance serious enough that Vitelliusí remaining legions in Germany would be too occupied to march on Italy after his own invasion of Italy had taken place.

The request was echoed by Hordeonius Flaccus, the feeble appointee of Galba who had replaced Verginius Rufus, and was still governing from his base in Mainz (Moguntiacum). In this capacity Civilis launched a nationalist revolt in Gaul. He gathered eight cohorts of Batavian regulars, enlisted Germans from north of the Rhine, and was ready to strike.

All of his actions occurred within about a 300-mile stretch along the Rhine, roughly between Mainz and where the river empties into the North Sea. Since this was the northernmost part of Roman Gaul, it was quite far from Rome, but would prove fatal to Romeís ability to control its provinces if it was not contained.

Civilisí first move, an unexpected attack on the legionary camp at Vetera, was a failure, principally because Hordeonius was able to dispatch two legions which came to their aid. However, in the meantime Hordeonius was murdered by his own soldiers, and news had reached Germany of the Vitellian defeat at the Second Battle of Bedriacum on October 24 and 25.

By early 70, many Gallic tribes had joined Civilisí cause. Foremost among these were the Treviri under Julius Classicus and Julius Tutor (who, like Civilis, had been in the service of the emperors), and the Lingones under Julius Sabinus. Tacitus tells us that the burning of the temple of Capitoline Jupiter was especially significant to the ìidle superstition of Druidism,î as it signaled the imminent collapse of the Empire.

Civilis, with the assistance of Classicus, then engineered the assassination of Dillius Vocula, the legionary commander who had foiled his first attempt to take Castra Vetera. This murder was perpetrated at Novaesium (mod. Neuss), where Civilis effortlessly gained the surrender of the two legions stationed there. After executing the commanders, he forced the legionaries to take an oath to the new Gallic Empire, which may have been headquartered at Noviomagus (mod. Nijmegen, in The Netherlands).

This was a seemingly unprecedented event in Roman history, and one which demonstrated how little integrity remained in the German legions: they surrendered without a fight, allowed their commanders to be executed or imprisoned, and then swore allegiance to the imperium Galliarum which had been established by the enemy.

Civilis made a second attempt to take Castra Vetera, this time unmistakeably in the name of his Gallic separatist movement. He success at Novaesium must have stricken sufficient fear into the members of Legion XV Primigenia that they quickly surrendered, only to be massacred by the German auxiliaries. Later in his campaign Civilis captured a flotilla of 24 ships, and in concert with his foot soldiers and cavalry, destroyed all legionary fortifications along the Rhine as far south as Mainz.

Most all of this transpired just after Vespasian secured power in Rome. In 70 troops were sent against Civilis first by Gaius Licinius Mucianus (who was holding Rome for Vespasian) and then by the emperor himself. Leading the war on Civilis were Quintus Petillius Cerialis and Annius Gallus, who were supported by Vespasianís youngest son, Domitian, then 18 years old. Cerialis and Domitian established themselves at Trier, after which they defeated Civilis at Rigodulum. A few minor setbacks then followed, but Civilis was finally defeated at Vetera, where the rebel was forced to surrender late in 70. Civilisí subsequent fate is unknown.

NUMISMATIC NOTE: The attribution of coinage to the revolt of Julius Civilis is based on several factors, including the assumption that he would require coinage to pay his soldiers. Determining which of the ìanonymousî coinages of this period belong to Civilis is a more difficult matter. The authors of RIC attribute five extremely rare issues ó four denarii and one aureus ó to Civilis.

Of the greatest interest are denarii honoring Legio XV Primigenia, which Civilis captured at Castra Vetera and then allowed his soldiers to butcher. (The legion was cashiered in 70.) It is possible that Civilis struck coins with the name of the legion in order to trumpet his accomplishment. However, other authorities believe the issue was struck earlier in support of Vitellius, for the auxiliaries of this dishonored legion were important to his victory at the First Battle of Bedriacum. Alternatively, it could have been struck to honor the heroes of the legion and its great leader Verginius Rufus, who had defeated Vindex at the outset of the civil war. The end of the war against Civilis is celebrated on a rare sestertius of Vespasian inscribed SIGNIS RECEPTIS and depicting a flying Victory offering to Vespasian a legionary eagle (aquila) ó presumably of the captured XV Primigenia.