INTRODUCTION
1.Killgrove 2018.
2.Killgrove 2018.
3.Thomsen 1931.
4.Oppenheim 1967, 82–83.
5.Woolley 1929.
6.Kramer 1959.
7.Jacobsen 1976.
8.In scholarly literature about the ancient Near East it is conventional to use italics when writing out words in Akkadian but not for Sumerian, but I am not making that distinction here. All untranslated ancient words are in italics.
9.This web of interconnections from approximately 2300 to 1300 BCE was the topic of one of my previous books: Podany 2010.
CHAPTER 1
1.http://www.catalhoyuk.com/site/rise_and_fall_of_a_neolithic_town.
2.Jotheri et al. 2018, 66.
3.These are known as crevasse splays: Jotheri et al. 2018, 67.
4.Jotheri et al. 2018, 67.
5.Nissen 2003, 12.
6.Selz 2020, 167.
7.Charvát 2002, 128.
8.Algaze 2013, 68.
9.Charvát 2002, 119.
10.Boehmer 1997, “Uruk-Warka,” 294.
11.See, for example, the plan of contemporary Habuba Kabira, which was an Uruk-period city: Kohlmeyer 1997, 446.
12.Sołtysiak 2017.
13.Eichmann 2019, 97–99.
14.Eichmann 2019, 102.
15.The mosaic on the enclosure wall was made of clay cones with glazed ends, whereas the cones on the temple itself were made of stone: Boehmer 1990, 64.
16.Charvát 2002, 121.
17.Charvát 2002, 121, 146–147.
18.This period of construction was referred to as Level VI; Charvát 2002, 121. A detailed and carefully researched 3D video about the construction of the Stone Cone Temple can be seen at “(Re-)Constructing the Stone-Cone building in Uruk—Exhibition Version”: https://vimeo.com/54015188. This was created by the company called Artefacts, with the guidance of R. Eichmann.
19.See Eichmann 2007 for architectural details about the Eanna during this period.
20.The plaster pots are known as “White Ware” and were made starting in the eighth millennium BCE, in the Levant: Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, 81. Plaster sculptures of human figures from the eighth and seventh millennia are particularly well known from the site of ‘Ain Ghazal in Jordan: Tubb 2001; Bahrani 2017, 33.
21.Selz 2020, 172; Charvát 2002, 121; Eichmann 2019, 102.
22.Hageneuer and Schmidt 2019, 295.
23.Sebastian Hageneuer and Sophie C. Schmidt conducted a detailed analysis of the building materials of Uruk Period temples: Hageneuer and Schmidt 2019.
24.Hageneuer and Schmidt 2019, 295.
25.Hageneuer and Schmidt 2019, 303.
26.Boehmer 1990, 64.
27.Boehmer 1990, 65.
28.These observations about the use of water in the temple, and possible rituals there, were made by Rainer Michael Boehmer: Boehmer 1990.
29.Boehmer 1990, 64–65.
30.Boehmer 1990, 61.
31.Boehmer 1990, 54–59.
32.Eichmann 2019, 102.
33.Boehmer 1990, 64 and plates 6a–c.
34.Selz 2020, 173.
35.Charvát 2002, 123–124.
36.This is known as the Riemchen building, from the German term for the bricks used in its construction: Selz 2020, 173.
37.A reconstruction of the building can be seen at “The Riemchen-Building” from the Uruk Visualization Project: http://www.artefacts-berlin.de/portfolio-item/the-riemchen-building/.
38.Charvát 2002, 123.
39.Hageneuer and Schmidt 2019, 300.
40.These calculations were made by Hageneuer and Schmidt: Hageneuer and Schmidt 2019.
41.Hageneuer and Schmidt 2019, 300.
42.Selz 2020, 173.
43.Hageneuer and Schmidt 2019, 293.
44.Steinkeller 2017, 347.
45.Charvát 2002, 121.
46.Selz 2020, 196.
47.Charvát 2002, 175.
48.Notably, sealings were found by the hundreds in the Burnt Village layer dating to around 6000 BCE at Tell Sabi Abyat: Bennison-Chapman 2018, 311.
49.Selz 2020, 180.
50.Selz 2020, 170.
51.Pollock 2017, 209–210.
52.Selz 2020, 170.
53.Wright, Miller, and Redding 1981, 273–274.
54.Damerow and Englund 1987, 153–154.
55.Charvát 2002, 148.
56.Selz, 2020, 170.
57.Charvát 2002, 120.
58.Charvát 2002, 147.
59.Though some blocks of a similar concrete were found at Ur: Charvát 2002, 147.
60.Selz 2020, 180; Topçuoğlu 2010, 30.
61.Topçuoğlu 2010, 32.
62.McMahon 2007, 29.
63.BM 116722: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1925-0110-20.
64.YPM BC 005552.
65.Topçuoğlu 2010, 30.
66.Steinkeller 2017, 88. E.g., BM 116721, https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1925-0110-19.
67.Steinkeller 2017, 82.
68.Topçuoğlu 2010, 31.
69.Piotr Steinkeller has been particularly responsible for increasing our understanding of this shadowy individual: Steinkeller 2017, 82–104.
70.Miller et al. 2017, 57.
71.Miller et al. convincingly argue for these identifications: Miller et al. 2017, 57–65.
72.Steinkeller 2017, 86–87.
73.This theory was proposed by Jason Ur: Ur 2014, 264.
CHAPTER 2
1.Kohlmeyer 1997, 446–448.
2.Selz 2020, 175.
3.Collins 2016, 28.
4.Algaze 1993, 15, Fig. 3.
5.E.g., at Hacinebi in southeastern Turkey: Stein 1999, 16–19.
6.Lawler 2006.
7.Lawler 2006, 1458.
8.Midant-Reynes 2000b, 219.
9.Midant-Reynes 2000a, 66–67.
10.Van de Mieroop 2016, 40.
11.Collins 2016.
12.This is now Level IV. C14 dates suggest it started around 3500 BCE: Boehmer 1997, 295.
13.Nissen 2013, 90.
14.Boehmer 1997, 294.
15.See Figures 2.1 and 2.2B in Salje 2019, 16–17.
16.Damerow 1999.
17.Woods 2010, 34.
18.Schmandt-Besserat 1992.
19.Bennison-Chapman 2018, 335.
20.Englund 2004, 26.
21.Englund 2004, 28–30.
22.See especially Nissen, Damerow, and Englund 1993.
23.Friberg 1999, 119–122; 134–135.
24.Friberg 1999, 125–126.
25.Johnson 2019.
26.Völling 2019, 242.
27.Pollock 2017, 217.
28.Pollock 2017, 217.
29.Engelbert Kämpfer: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/term/BIOG11220.
30.Woods 2010, 43.
31.Damerow 1999.
32.Damerow 1999.
33.Englund 2004, 32.
34.Englund 2004, 32–33.
35.Nissen, Damerow, and Englund 1993, 36–46.
36.Paulette 2020, 66.
37.Damerow 2012, 4.
38.Paulette 2020, 67.
39.Mittelman 2008, 9.
40.Damerow 2012, 18.
41.Paulette 2020, 68.
42.MSVO 3 29: Nissen, Damerow, and Englund 1993, 36.
43.Nissen, Damerow, and Englund 1993, 43.
44.Nissen, Damerow, and Englund 1993, 46.
45.Nissen 2019, 150–151.
46.Englund 2004, 28.
47.VAT 15003: Woods 2010, object 46, p. 74.
48.Woods 2010, 42.
49.Englund 2004, 28.
50.“The 10 Most Important Cuneiform Objects”: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=objects1to10.
51.Liverani 1996, 12.
52.MSVO 1, 2: https://cdli.ucla.edu/search/archival_view.php?ObjectID=P005069.
53.Pedde 2019, 270–271.
54.Frayne and Stuckey 2021, 143.
55.Steinkeller 2017, 92.
56.See, e.g., the discussion in Potts 2020.
57.See Chapter 18.
58.Potts 2020, 20.
CHAPTER 3
1.Bartash 2020, 539.
2.Jotheri et al. 2018, 67.
3.Hansen 2003, 22.
4.Woods 2010, 43.
5.Bartash 2020, 535.
6.Kingsbury 1963, 7–8, n. 28.
7.Stela of Ushumgal at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, object 58.29, https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/329079.
8.Gelb 1991, 44.
9.Gelb 1991, 46.
10.This suggestion was made by Irene Winter: Gelb 1991, 46.
11.Balke 2016, 90.
12.Aruz 2003, 78.
13.The cities of Umma were Gesha, Zabalam, and Umma: Bartash 2020, 540.
14.The “Figure aux Plumes” at the Louvre: AO 221, http://cartelfr.louvre.fr/cartelfr/visite?srv=car_not_frame&idNotice=11372.
15.Bartash 2020, 548.
16.The inscription was published and analyzed by Piotr Steinkeller: Steinkeller 2013a.
17.Steinkeller 2013a, 133. The inscription can be seen at https://cdli.ucla.edu/dl/photo/P453401.jpg.
18.For a discussion of the dispute between Umma and Lagash, see Cooper 1981.
19.Frayne 2008, RIME 1, 81.
20.Orthmann 1975, pl. 85.
21.Frayne 2008, RIME 1, 84.
22.Frayne 2008, RIME 1, 84.
23.Frayne 2008, RIME 1: 1.9.1.20, p. 107.
24.Frayne 2008, RIME 1: 1.9.1.17, p. 104.
25.Frayne 2008, RIME 1: E1.9.1.6b, p. 92.
26.Frayne 2008, RIME 1, 82.
27.Bartash 2020, 545.
28.Jerry Cooper was responsible for an influential analysis of the battles between Umma and Lagash: Cooper 1981.
29.Bartash 2020, 566.
30.“Sumerian King List” translated by Piotr Michalowski, in Chavalas 2006, 82.
31.“Sumerian King List” translated by Piotr Michalowski, in Chavalas 2006, 83.
32.See Chapter 12.
33.Frayne 2008, RIME 1: E1.9.1.6a, pp. 87–89.
34.Frayne 2008, 125.
35.Stela of the Vultures: Frayne 2008, RIME 1: E1.9.3. 1, p. 129.
36.Stela of the Vultures: Frayne 2008, RIME 1: E1.9.3. 1, p. 133.
37.“Enmetena” translated by Glenn Magid, in Chavalas 2006, 14.
38.“Enmetena” translated by Glenn Magid, in Chavalas 2006, 14.
39.“Enmetena” translated by Glenn Magid, in Chavalas 2006, 14.
40.Frayne 2008, RIME 1: E1.9.5.3, p. 200.
41.Frayne 2008, RIME 1: E1.9.5.4, p. 204.
42.Bartash 2020, 579.
43.Frayne 2008, RIME 1: E1.9.5.12, pp. 213–215.
44.Frayne 2008, RIME 1: E1.9.5.17, pp. 220–221. For an account of the discovery and modern history of the statue, see Collins 2021, 70.
45.Frayne 2008, RIME 1: E1.9.5.17, pp. 220–221. For the reading of Shul-utul’s name, see Ragavan 2010, 2–3.
46.See Chapter 20.
47.Iraq Museum IM 5; Evans 2012. The statue was looted from the Iraq Museum in Baghdad in 2003, discovered at Kennedy Airport in New York, and returned to Iraq from the United States in 2006.
48.Zettler and Horne 1998, 22.
49.Zettler and Horne 1998, 22.
50.See Marchesi 2004 for compelling arguments in favor of the royal nature of the tombs. He also includes a discussion of the alternate suggestions.
51.Zettler and Horne 1998, 30–31.
52.Tombs PG 779 and PG 1236. Woolley 1934, 58; Marchesi 2004, 181.
53.This was building PG 779.
54.“Standard of Ur”: Aruz 2003, 97–100.
55.Room A: Woolley 1934, 59.
56.Room C: Woolley 1934, 59.
57.Woolley 1934, 59.
58.Chamber C: Woolley 1934, 60.
59.Chamber D: Woolley 1934, 60.
60.Dietrich Sürenhagen noted the similarities to the Ur burials: Sürenhagen 2002.
61.Sürenhagen 2002, 331.
62.Sürenhagen 2002, 332.
63.PG 777, 789, 800, 1054, 1618, 1631, 1648, 1050.
64.The team of researchers was led by Aubrey Baadsgaard of the University of Pennsylvania Museum: Baadsgaard et al. 2011.
65.Baadsgaard et al. 2011, 38.
66.PG 337, 580, 1232, 1237, 1332: Marchesi 2004, 154.
67.E.g., PG 1237 in Ur Online: http://www.ur-online.org/location/931/.
68.This was PG 1237.
69.Hafford 2019a, 218.
70.Hafford 2019a, 218.
71.Min-bara-Abzu is depicted on a stela from the reign of Ur-Nanshe: Romano 2014, 185.The stratum that sealed the royal tombs included seal impressions of Mesannepada, who was probably contemporary with Eannatum of Lagash: Zettler and Horne 1998, 21. Puabi therefore lived before Eannatum.
72.Zettler and Horne 1998, 30.
73.PG 755: Zettler and Horne 1998, 24–25; Woolley 1934, 155–160. Marchesi reads his name as Mes-uge-idu and notes that he may have been the grandson of a better-known king with the same name: Marchesi 2004, 183–185. Ur Online: http://www.ur-online.org/location/1089/.
74.Woolley 1934, 156.
75.Woolley 1934, 158.
CHAPTER 4
1.Frayne 2008, 237.
2.Frayne 2008, 239.
3.E.g., Tablet VS 14 no. 30 was written in the first year that Lugalanda was king, but Dimtur was still the active queen: Lambert 1953, 60–61.
4.SARI 8.3; Louvre AO 13222.
5.Van de Mieroop 1989, 55.
6.Van de Mieroop 1989, 55.
7.Bartash 2020, 568–569.
8.Bartash 2020, 568–569.
9.Van de Mieroop 1989, 63.
10.Maekawa 1996, 171.
11.See Frayne 2008, 241.
12.Emelianov 2017, 292.
13.Emelianov 2017.
14.These diplomatic relationships have been studied by Rosemary Prentice: Prentice 2010.
15.Prentice 2010, 163. His name was Aneda-numea. His name never appears in the Lagash corpus except in this context.
16.One of these gift-giving moments was recorded on a clay tablet that may have originally been from the king’s palace archive rather than from the E-Mi: Prentice 2010, 171.
17.RTC 19, Lambert 1953, 58–59. For a detailed discussion of this tablet, see Prentice 2010, 162–164.
18.Prentice 2010, 162–163.
19.His name was Malga-sud or Malga, which was a fairly common name in Lagash.
20.Published in Marchesi 2011.
21.Prentice 2010, 164; Marchesi 2011, 194–195.
22.RTC 26.
23.VS 14 30; VS 14 194; VS 14 38. In DP 518 a different merchant took goods for Baranamtara to Dilmun: Lambert 1953, 62–63.
24.Tablets mentioning the trade done by Urenki: RTC 26; VS 14 no. 30; VS 14 no. 194: Lambert 1953, 60–61.
25.Boucharlat 1995, 1341.
26.Evans 2012, 146–178.
27.Evans 2012, 158.
28.DP 53, XIX, translated in Kobayashi 1983, 43.
29.Kobayashi 1984, 45; A. C. Cohen 2005, 109.
30.This description of the festival draws from a 1983 analysis by Toshiko Kobayashi: Kobayashi 1983.
31.DP 53 includes the details about the festival: Kobayashi 1983, 45–47.
32.A. C. Cohen 2005, 110.
33.The recently excavated site of Tell Zurghul was the site of ancient Nigin: Nadali and Verderame 2021.
34.DP 53 II, 13, in Kobayashi 1984, 45.
35.DP 54, XV 3–7, in Kobayashi 1984, 46.
36.A. C. Cohen 2005, 109.
37.A. C. Cohen 2005, 110.
38.These documents have been studied by Andrew C. Cohen: A C. Cohen 2005.
39.A. C. Cohen 2005, 54–55.
40.A. C. Cohen 2005, 54–55.
41.Cooper 1986, 88.
42.Feldman 2007, 313.
43.A. C. Cohen 2005, 56.
44.See Chapters 7 and 20.
45.A. C. Cohen 2005, 58.
46.DP 75, see A. C. Cohen 2005, 164–166, for a translation.
47.The first three are fairly common. Erekagina: Bartash 2020, 553; Eri’enimgennak: Marchesi 2011, 193.
48.Frayne 2008, 246.
49.Hallo and Younger 2003, 2:408.
50.Hallo and Younger 2003, 2:408.
51.Three scholars who have devoted considerable attention to the weaving women of Lagash are Rosemary Prentice (Prentice 2010), and Fumi Karahashi and Agnès Garcia-Ventura (Karahashi and Garcia-Ventura 2016).
52.Larsen 2015, 196. Vertical looms requiring loom weights were introduced later: Peyronel 2014: 130–132.
53.Prentice 2010, 57.
54.Prentice 2010, 68.
55.Postrel 2020, 49.
56.This may have been Queen Shasha’s first year running the palace.
57.Karahashi and Garcia-Ventura 2016, 10.
58.Text DP 442: Karahashi and Garcia-Ventura 2016, 10.
59.Karahashi and Garcia-Ventura 2016, 11.
60.Prentice 2010, 63.
61.Bartash 2020, 569.
62.Her name was Shasha: Prentice 2010, 55.
63.This was Shesh-eanak: Prentice 2010, 55.
64.Karahashi and Garcia-Ventura 2016, 7.
65.Prentice 2010, 56; Karahashi and Garcia-Ventura 2016, 7.
66.She held this role from the third year of King Lugalanda to the sixth year of Urukagina: Karahashi and Garcia-Ventura 2016, 9.
67.Karahashi and Garcia-Ventura 2016, 9; Karahashi 2016a, 67.
68.Karahashi and Garcia-Ventura 2016, 9.
69.Bartash 2020, 575.
70.Prentice 2010, 60–62.
71.Prentice 2010, 62.
72.Bartash 2015.
73.Bartash 2020, 578.
74.Hallo and Younger 2003, 2:407.
75.Hallo and Younger 2003, 2:408.
76.These are all attested among the personnel of the E-Mi: Karahashi 2016b.
CHAPTER 5
1.The excavations were let by Paolo Matthiae of the University of Rome, La Sapienza.
2.Room L 2769.
3.Matthiae 1997.
4.Archi 2012.
5.Bartash 2020, 541.
6.Biga 2011.
7.Maria Giovanna Biga and Alfonso Archi have devoted their careers to studying the Ebla texts. I am drawing a great deal from their analyses.
8.Archi 2017, 299.
9.Matthiae 1997.
10.Archi 2017, 304.
11.Archi 2017, 301, for name of the queen.
12.Archi 2018, ARET XX 6, p. 33.
13.Biga 2016, 74.
14.Biga 2016, 82.
15.Biga 2016, 74.
16.Biga 2016, 75.
17.Archi 2017, 304.
18.Biga 2016, 75.
19.Biga 2016, 77.
20.Biga 2016, 74.
21.Biga 2016, 75–76; Archi 2002, 177.
22.ARET XI 1.
23.ARET XI 2.
24.Ristvet 2011, 9.
25.Biga 2016, 72.
26.Biga 2016, 85.
27.Tonietti 2005, 246.
28.Biga 2016, 85; Archi 2018, 33.
29.The evidence concerning the wedding has been analyzed by Mario Bonechi: Bonechi 2016.
30.Bonechi 2016, 55–56.
31.Biga and Steinkeller 2021, 38.
32.Biga and Steinkeller 2021, 30.
33.ARET XX 16; Archi 2018, 116.
34.Archi 2018, 179.
35.ARET XX 24.
36.Bonechi 2016, 55.
37.Pasquali 2005, 175.
38.Bonechi 2016, 56; Pasquali 2005, 171–172.
39.Bonechi 2016, 56.
40.Bonechi 2016, 64.
41.Bonechi 2016, 57. Ristvet believes it was the southeast gate: Ristvet 2011, 9.
42.Bonechi 2016, 59.
43.Archi 2017, 304.
44.This was called a mashdabum mariatum: Archi 2017, 301.
45.Parentheses and square brackets removed; 1939+=XI2, obv IV:4–V:6, in Bonechi 2016, 58.
46.Pasquali 2005, 173.
47.Bonechi 2016, 59.
48.Ristvet 2011, 9; Bonechi 2016, 57.
49.Biga 2014, 99.
50.Biga 2016, 83.
51.Biga 1998, 20.
52.Biga 1998, 20, Archi 1993, text 4: TM.84.G.201.
53.Peyronel et al. 2014, 35.
54.Biga 1998, 19, Archi 2002, 172.
55.Ristvet 2011, 9.
56.Archi 2005, 82, 96; Matthiae 2009.
57.Ristvet 2011, 12.
58.Ristvet 2011, 9.
59.Possibly Nenash—it’s a little unclear how the first sign in the name was pronounced: Ristvet 2011, 9.
60.Archi 2017, 301.
61.Archi 2017, 301.
62.TM 74.G.120; Archi 2001; Matthiae 1997.
63.Biga 2010, 148; Biga 2016, 71.
64.Ristvet 2011, 9.
65.Archi 2001, 5.
66.Biga 2010, 148.
67.Archi 2002, 184.
68.ARET XI 1, in Ristvet 2011, 10.
69.Archi 2001, 5; Ristvet 2011, 10.
70.Parentheses and square brackets omitted, Archi 2005, 91 n. 34, from ARET XI 2.
71.TM.75.G.1730 (+) in Archi 2005, 91.
72.Ristvet 2011, 10.
73.Bonechi 2016, 69.
74.Archi 2017, 301.
75.MEE 7.34 in Archi 2017, 301.
76.Ristvet 2011, 11.
77.Archi 2001, 5.
78.ARET XX, Archi 2018, 164; ARET XI 2.
79.Biga 2016, 74.
80.Archi 2018, 45.
81.Matthiae 2009, 308.
82.Archi 2002, 174–184.
83.Archi 2017, 294.
84.Matthiae 2009.
85.Matthiae 2009, 311.
86.Pinnock 2015, 21.
87.Archi 2017, 304.
88.Biga 2010, 149.
89.Biga 2010, 152.
90.Biga 2010, 151, 152; Peyronel 2014, 128.
91.75.G/1741: Biga 2010, 152.
92.Breniquet 2010, 55.
93.Biga 2010, 55.
94.Biga 2010, 153.
95.“The Hamazi Letter,” Michalowski 1993, 13–14.
96.“The Hamazi Letter,” Michalowski 1993, 13–14.
97.TM 75.G.2040, Milano 1995, 1228.
98.Biga 2014, 98; Biga and Steinkeller 2021.
99.Biga and Steinkeller 2021, 31–45.
100.Biga 2014, 99.
101.Dugurasu may have been even farther away than Egypt. Thomas Schneider has argued that the name might be a variation of the Egyptian name for Kerma, which was a powerful kingdom to the south of Egypt during the Sixth Dynasty: Schneider 2015, 447.
102.Biga 2014, 99.
103.Schneider 2015, 440.
104.ARET XX, text 21, Archi 2018, 150, 154.
105.Biga and Steinkeller 2021, 14.
106.Biga and Steinkeller 2021, 13.
107.Biga and Steinkeller 2021, 15.
108.Archi 2018, 150, 154; Biga and Steinkeller 2021, 18.
109.Biga and Steinkeller 2021, 18.
110.Biga and Steinkeller 2021, 16.
111.Biga and Steinkeller 2021, 19.
112.Archi 2017, 305.
113.Biga 2010, 164.
114.Biga 2016, 73.
115.Archi 2017, 299.
116.Archi 2018, 45; Biga 2016, 79.
117.Archi 2017, 302, list in 75.2022.
118.Archi 2017, 299, 303.
119.Ristvet 2011, 11.
120.Archi 2017, 302.
121.Biga 2016, 76.
CHAPTER 6
1.His actual name was longer than this—a sign or two is missing at the beginning of the line where his name was written. The name was unusual; a man with a similar name lived in the later Ur III period and is known from one administrative tablet. His name started with the name of the city Ur; he was Ur-kitushdu: Marcel Sigrist, Documents from Tablet Collections in Rochester, New York (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 1991). No. 91, obv 3: PN Uri5 ki-ki-tuš-du10; https://cdli.ucla.edu/search/archival_view.php?ObjectID=P128196.
2.https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/image/1613190825.
3.CDLI, Seals 021025 (composite), https://cdli.ucla.edu/search/search_results.php?CompositeNumber=Q001411.
4.Michalowski 1993, 19.
5.“The Birth Legend of Sargon of Akkad,” trans. Benjamin R. Foster, in Hallo and Younger, vol. I, 2003, 461.
6.“The Birth Legend of Sargon of Akkad,” 461.
7.“The Birth Legend of Sargon of Akkad,” 461.
8.One of the later Sargons made it into the Bible (though not as a hero—he was one of the Assyrian kings who were much hated by the people of Israel and Judah) and, as a result, we have his name wrong. In their own language of Akkadian, both kings were named Sharru-ukin. The writers of the Bible called him Sargon. There was no “o” sound in Akkadian, so his name was certainly not pronounced Sargon. But it has stuck and therefore we continue to use it, even for the earlier Sharru-ukin, who wasn’t mentioned in the Bible at all.
9.Foster 2016, 245.
10.This was Nabonidus; we will return to him and his fascination with ancient objects in Chapter 20. Foster 2016, 271–272.
11.Wagensonner 2020, 40–41; https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1928-1009-55; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.2003, 38: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/corpus.
12.Westenholz 1989, 546; Wagensonner 2020, 41; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.2004, 38–39: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/corpus.
13.Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.2001, 36–37: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/etcsri/corpus.
14.Frayne 1993, RIME 2.01.01.2006 and RIME 2.01.01.2007.
15.Foster 2016, 317; Frayne 1993, 26–27.
16.Louvre, Sb 1: https://collections.louvre.fr/en/ark:/53355/cl010123451; Michalowski 2020, 708–709.
17.See Chapter 12.
18.Studevent-Hickman and Morgan 2006, 18, text 14.
19.ABW II, Luzag. 1 in Maeda 2005, 5–9.
20.ABW II, Luzag. 1 in Maeda 2005, 5–9.
21.Maeda 2005, 11–12.
22.Sargon inscriptions 1, 2, and 8, in Foster 2016, 321–322; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.1, 9–12; RIME 2.1.1.2; 13–15; RIME 2.1.1.13, 32.
23.Sargon inscription 1, in Foster 2016, 321; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.1, 9–12.
24.Sargon inscription 1, in Foster 2016, 321; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.1, 9–12.
25.Schrakamp 2020, 614.
26.Sargon inscription 2, in Foster 2016, 321; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.2, 13–15.
27.Sargon inscription 2, in Foster 2016, 321; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.2, 13–15.
28.Sargon inscription 7, in Foster 2016, 322; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.10, 27–29.
29.Sargon inscription 2, in Foster 2016, 322; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.2, 13–15.
30.Benjamin R. Foster makes a good case for this: Foster 2016, 3–6.
31.Sargon inscriptions 8 and 9, in Foster 2016, 322; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.13 and RIME 2.1.1.15, 32–34.
32.Sargon inscription 1, in Foster 2016, 321; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.1, 9–12.
33.Sargon inscription 7, in Foster 2016, 322; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.10, 27–29.
34.Sargon inscription 2, in Foster 2016, 321; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.2, 9–12.
35.“The Curse of Agade,” in Foster 2016, 351, from ETCSL 2.1.5.
36.“The Curse of Agade,” in Foster 2016, 351, from ETCSL 2.1.5.
37.Reade 2002, 269.
38.https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1903-1012-7.
39.Reade 2002, 265.
40.See Bahrani 2017, 133, Fig. 5.18, for a similar depiction of a water buffalo from later in the Akkadian period, also on a cylinder seal belonging to a scribe.
41.Collon 1987, 32.
42.Herrmann and Moorey 1980, 490.
43.Sargon inscription 7, in Foster 2016, 322; Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.1.10, 27–29.
44.Year-names of Sargon: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=sargon_year-names.
45.Year e: Year-names of Naram-Sin: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=naram-sin_year-names.
46.Year s: Year-names of Naram-Sin: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=naram-sin_year-names.
47.YBC 02191: Frayne 1993, RIME 2.01.01.2001, ex. 01: https://cdli.ucla.edu/search/archival_view.php?ObjectID=P217642.
48.E.g., “Biography of Sargon,” https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=biography_sargon, from Joannès 2001, 755.
49.“Creation of the Akkadian Empire,” Studevent-Hickman and Morgan (trans.), in Chavalas 2006, 18.
50.Year s, Year-Names of Naram-Sin, https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=naram-sin_year-names.
51.See Chapter 18.
52.Westenholz 1989, 544.
53.Westenholz 1989, 545.
54.Hafford 2019a, 218.
55.Konstantopoulos 2021, 58, based on Frayne 1993, 35, RIME 2.1.1.16, and Westenholz 1989, 540; Gadotti 2011, 197, writes, “The inscription on the disk is damaged but has been reconstructed from Old Babylonian parallels”; Frayne 1993, RIME 2, 35 f.
56.Westenholz 1989, 544; Konstantopoulos 2021, 59.
57.Stol 2016, 558.
58.Winter 2009, 69.
59.Ninmeshara 120, quoted in Stol 2016, 572.
60.Stol 2016, 564.
61.E.g., Gibson and McMahon 1997, 11.
62.Westenholz 1989, 545–546.
63.Gina Konstantopoulos notes that Enheduana’s popular acclaim arose only after the publication of a 1978 article by folklorist Marta Weigle: Weigle 1978. See Konstantopoulos 2021, 63–65.
64.Enheduana is, for example, the only Mesopotamian woman named in National Geographic’s special issue on “The Most Influential Figures of Ancient History” (though admittedly only in a sidebar to an article about her father, Sargon): National Geographic 2021, 12.
65.Westenholz 1989, 540.
66.Wagensonner 2020, 42.
67.Wagensonner 2020, 42.
68.See Zgoll 1997; Glassner 2009, 224.
69.YBC 4656, YBC 7169, YBC 7167: Wagensonner 2019, 58–59.
70.Konstantopoulos 2021, 62.
71.The exaltation of Inana: https://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section4/tr4072.htm.
72.The Great Revolt was recorded in an inscription from the time of Naram-Sin (Frayne 1993, RIME 2.1.4.6) and was elaborated in literary accounts from later centuries. See Tinney 1995 for an interpretation of these later Old Babylonian literary tales.
73.The rebel kings were Iphur-Kish of Kish and Amar-Girid of Uruk: Frayne 1993, 84. See also Foster 2016, 12; Schrakamp 2020, 632.
74.Frayne 1993 RIME 2.1.4.7; Foster 2016, 207.
75.The Exaltation of Inana: http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section4/b4072.htm.
76.Wagensonner 2020, 44; Haul 2009, 38.
77.The Exaltation of Inana: http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section4/b4072.htm.
78.Westbrook 2008, 318.
79.The Exaltation of Inana: http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section4/b4072.htm.
80.Schrakamp 2020, 632–633.
81.Frayne 1993 RIME 2.1.4.7; Foster 2016, 207.
82.Schrakamp 2020, 624.
83.Lassen 2020, 30–31.
84.Lassen 2020, 31.
85.Michalowski 2008, 34.
86.Michalowski 2008, 34; Schrakamp 2020, 633.
87.Schrakamp 2020, 667.
88.Feldman 2007, 315–317; https://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/victory-stele-naram-sin.
89.Kerr 1998.
CHAPTER 7
1.“Sumerian King List,” lines 266–296: https://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section2/tr211.htm.
2.Edzard 1997, RIME 3/1.1.7.StB, lines vii 49–54, p. 36.
3.Edzard 1997, RIME 3/1.1.7.StB, lines 56–57, p. 36.
4.Edzard 1997, RIME 3/1.1.7.StB lines vi 64–69, p. 35.
5.Edzard 1997, 26.
6.Edzard 1997, RIME 3/1.1.7.StB, p. 32.
7.Flückiger-Hawker 1999, 4.
8.Ur-Namma, year-name k: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=year_names_ur-namma.
9.See Canby 2001 for a detailed discussion of the stela.
10.Hafford 2019b, 93; Bahrani 2017, 164.
11.Bahrani 2017, 164.
12.Winter 2003, 404.
13.Bahrani 2017, 165.
14.Sauvage 1998, 49.
15.TMH NF I/II 311, cited by Sauvage 1998, 60.
16.These details come from texts from a different place, Garshana, which have also been analyzed by Sauvage, in Sauvage 2011, 3.1.2 “Bricks.”
17.See Richardson 2015, 305–311 for a detailed breakdown of the stages in brickmaking and building.
18.Sauvage 2011, 3.1.2 “Bricks.”
19.Sauvage 1998, 55.
20.Sauvage 1998, 56. Robson notes that mathematical problems pertaining to bricks also make a distinction between square baked bricks and rectangular sun-dried bricks: Robson 1996, 182.
21.Ur-Namma brick inscription: Frayne 1997, RIME 3/2.1.1.2, p. 24.
22.Ur-Namma brick inscription: Frayne 1997, RIME 3/2.1.1.4, p. 26.
23.Driscoll et al. 2009, 9972.
24.B16461: Tinney 2019, Fig. 4.8, p. 97.
25.These calculations represent the work of Martin Sauvage: Sauvage 1998, 56.
26.Kleinerman and Owen 2009; Heimpel 2009.
27.Kleinerman and Owen 2009, 423, 486, 551.
28.Adams 2010, 3; Heimpel 2009, 46–47.
29.Adams 2010, 3–4; Heimpel 2009, 67–70, 121.
30.Sauvage 1998, 60.
31.Adams 2010, 3–4.
32.Robson 1996.
33.Sauvage 1998, 60–61.
34.Sharlach 2017, 214.
35.Frayne 1997, notes to RIME 3/2.1.1.4, p. 26.
36.Lafont and Westbrook 2003, 183.
37.Civil 2011.
38.Laws of Ur-Namma, Roth 1997, 16.
39.Laws of Ur-Namma, Roth 1997, 15–16.
40.Laws of Ur-Namma, Roth 1997, 16.
41.Van de Mieroop 2013, 287.
42.Civil 2011, 246–252.
43.Civil 2011, 247.
44.Ur-Namma’s Law 20: Civil 2011, 247.
45.Ur-Namma’s Law 18: Civil 2011, 247.
46.Ur-Namma’s laws 1, 2, 6, and 34: Civil 2011, 246, 248.
47.Respectively, Ur-Namma’s laws E5, E6, and C6: Civil 2011, 252, 250.
48.Yang 1991, 243–244.
49.Van de Mieroop 2013, 278.
50.BM 106451: Molina 2010, text 1, pp. 201–203; Culbertson 2009, text 308, pp. 206–207.
51.Many of these records from Umma have been studied by Laura Culbertson (2009) and Manuel Molina (2010).
52.https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1913-0416-1283.
53.Englund 2012, 443.
54.Steinkeller 2013b, 370.
55.Lafont and Westbrook 2003, 213.
56.Molina 2010, 202.
57.Culbertson 2009, 129.
58.Culbertson 2009, 236.
59.Culbertson 2009, 130.
60.Molina 2010, 202.
61.Lafont and Westbrook 2003, 193; Van de Mieroop 2013, 279.
62.Molina 2010, 202.
63.These clauses are in the wrong order in the original text, perhaps because the oath had to be last.
64.Lafont and Westbrook 2003, 194.
65.Lafont and Westbrook 2003, 194.
66.Van de Mieroop 2013, 279.
67.Van de Mieroop 2013, 279.
68.Ur-Namma’s Law 38: Civil 2011, 248.
69.Lafont and Westbrook 2003, 194.
70.Ur-Namma’s Law 14: Civil 2011, 247.
71.Lafont and Westbrook 2003, 196.
72.NG 205: 27–42: Lafont and Westbrook 2003, 196.
73.John Nicholas Reid has studied Ur III fugitive slaves, including the record pertaining to Lu-Nanna: Reid 2015.
74.BM 110379: Reid 2015, 585.
75.Lafont and Westbrook 2003, 199.
76.Lafont and Westbrook 2003, 199.
77.There were surprisingly few such escapes in the documents, however, perhaps because they went unrecorded, rather than that they were rare: Snell 2001, 48, 54.
78.Local slaves were probably more likely to run away: Adams 2010, 2.
79.Reid 2015, 585.
80.Reid 2015, 584.
81.Ur-Namma’s Law 16: Civil 2011, 247.
82.Reid 2018, 84.
83.Reid 2015, 589, 600.
84.Ur-Namma’s Laws 3: Civil 2011, 246; Reid 2015, 595.
85.See the entry for “Manun-gal, Nun-gal, Magala, Manuna”: Frayne and Stuckey 2021, 200.
86.Sjöberg 1973, 19.
87.Miguel Civil published and analyzed this hymn: Civil 1993.
88.The Nungal Hymn, line 44: Civil 1993, 73.
89.The Nungal Hymn, line 52: Civil 1993, 73.
90.The Nungal Hymn, line 55: Civil 1993, 73.
91.The Nungal Hymn, lines 50–51: Civil 1993, 73.
92.The Nungal Hymn, line 56: Civil 1993, 73.
93.The Nungal Hymn, lines 104–105: Civil 1993, 74.
94.The Nungal Hymn, line 106: Civil 1993, 74.
95.The Nungal Hymn, line 109-111: Civil 1993, 74.
96.Reid 2015, 585.
97.Reid 2015, 585.
98.Adams 2010, 6.
99.Lafont and Westbrook 2003, 198.
100.Englund 1991, 257.
101.Reid 2015, 600.
102.Heimpel 2010, 159.
103.Wolfgang Heimpel analyzed the “waifs” in these texts: Heimpel 2010.
104.Heimpel 2010, 160.
105.Heimpel 2010, 160.
106.Heimpel 2010, 160.
107.BM 26191: Maekawa 1998, 81–88.
108.Klein 1995, 843; Flückiger-Hawker 1999, 7.
109.“Ur-Namma A,” lines 18–21: Flückiger-Hawker 1999, 104.
110.Melville 2007, 240.
111.Klein 1995, 846.
112.“About CDLI”: https://cdli.ucla.edu/?q=about. Michael P. Streck calculates that 533,800 cuneiform-inscribed objects have been found: Streck 2010, 58.
113.https://cdli.ucla.edu/.
114.Transliterations represent the values of the Sumerian and Akkadian signs written out in our script.
115.“About CDLI”: https://cdli.ucla.edu/?q=about.
116.For example, 308 tablets from the reign of Shulgi mention an official named Ur-e’e in Umma. These tablets have contributed to many studies, concerning, for example, the renting of fields (Steinkeller 1981), the structure and size of institutional arable agriculture (Van Driel 1999/2000, 88), and dairy productivity (Englund 1995, see especially 402, n. 52).
117.Diakonoff 1971, 20.
118.Cripps 2014, 206.
119.This research was done by Xiaoli Ouyang: Ouyang 2013, 94.
120.Garfinkle 2008, 56.
121.Garfinkle 2008, 60.
CHAPTER 8
1.“A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulgi A)”: https://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section2/tr24201.htm.
2.Banks 1904, 143.
3.Seri 2006, 33–34.
4.Ishbi-Erra year-names: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=year_names_ishbi-erra. Ishbi-Erra’s years in which priestesses were installed and the deities to whom they were dedicated 7: Ninurta; 11: Ishkur; 13: Inana; 22: An; 23a: Lugal-marda; 24a: Enlil; 30: Nin-kilim; 32: Lugal-girra.
5.Ishbi-Erra year 22: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=year_names_ishbi-erra.
6.Cohen 2019, 246.
7.These were Eshnunna and Der.
8.Liverani 2014, 187.
9.“Laws of Lipit-Ishtar”: Roth 1997, 23–35.
10.Beaulieu 2018, 63.
11.Abî-sarê year-names: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=year_names_abi-sare.
12.De Boer 2019a, 244.
13.“Kisurra,” in Bryce 2009, 391.
14.See the texts published in Goddeeris 2009 and Kienast 1978, along with analysis in Goddeeris 2007.
15.Goddeeris 2009, 72.
16.Tyborowski 2012; Goddeeris 2009, 72.
17.Charpin 1982, 157.
18.Goddeeris 2009, 72.
19.De Boer 2019a, 242
20.George 2018, CUSAS 36 text 1, p. 11.
21.George 2018, CUSAS 36 text 1, p. 11.
22.George 2018, CUSAS 36, texts 7, 11, 12, pp. 17, 21, 22.
23.George 2018, CUSAS 36, text 7, p. 17.
24.George 2018, CUSAS 36, text 11, p. 21.
25.George 2018, CUSAS 36, text 12, p. 22.
26.George 2018 CUSAS 36, text 26, p. 32.
27.George 2018, CUSAS 36, text 24, pp. 30–31.
28.George 2018, CUSAS 36, text 25, pp. 31–32
29.George 2018, CUSAS 36, text 6, p. 16.
30.Puzur-Numushda was one of the recipients of letters 22 (p. 29), 23 (p. 30), 24 (pp. 30–31), and 25 (pp. 31–32). He was also mentioned in letters 7 (p. 17), 10 (p. 20), and 12 (p. 22): George 2018, CUSAS 36.
31.E.g., George 2018, CUSAS 36, letter 7, p. 17.
32.De Boer 2019b, 313.
33.George 2018, CUSAS 36, text 8, p. 18.
34.De Boer 2019b, 310.
35.De Boer 2019b, 311.
36.Rost 2017, 11.
37.De Boer 2019b, 312.
38.George 2018, CUSAS 36, text 29, p. 34.
39.Charpin NABU 2002/39, 42. Sealing is found on two tablets, OECT 13: 7 and 12: https://cdli.ucla.edu/search/archival_view.php?ObjectID=P385537; https://cdli.ucla.edu/search/archival_view.php?ObjectID=P385542.
40.FAOS 2, 148: Goddeeris 2007, 60–61.
41.De Boer 2019a, 242.
42.Fitzgerald 2002, 64.
43.Frayne RIME 4, 107–109.
44.Fitzgerald 2002, 31.
45.Frayne RIME 4, 130–137.
46.Sûmû-El year-names: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=year_names_sumu-el.
47.Sumu-el, year 23: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=year_names_sumu-el.
48.Erra-imitti year-names: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=year_names_erra-imitti.
49.Goddeeris 2002, 316.
50.Goddeeris 2002, 317.
51.Sumulael year-names: http://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=sumulael.
52.Grayson 1975, 155, lines 31–36.
53.Grayson 1975, 155.
54.All quotes from this inscription: Frayne RIME 4, E4.1.10.1, p. 78.
55.Enlil-bani year-names aa and ab: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=year_names_enlil-bani.
56.Enlil-bani years m and p: https://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=year_names_enlil-bani.
57.“A praise poem of Enlil-bani (Enlil-bani A): https://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section2/tr2581.htm.
58.Frayne 1990, RIME 4.1.10.9, and E4.1.10.10, p. 85.
59.Frayne 1990, RIME 4.1.10.11, p. 86.
60.Sumu-El and the last Larsa king, Rim-Sin (1822–1763).
61.Michalowski, in Chavalas 2006, 81.
CHAPTER 9
1.Hallo 1964.
2.Hallo 1964, 64.
3.Larsen 2015, 197–199.
4.Frayne and Stuckey 2021, 34.
5.Palmisano 2018, 19.
6.Michel 2008, 78.
7.Palmisano 2018, 17.
8.Larsen 2002, xiii.
9.Michel 2008, 73.
10.“Ilu-šumma 2”: http://oracc.org/riao/Q005620/.
11.Michel 2008, 74.
12.Marchesi and Marchetti 2019, 15–16.
13.Larsen 2015, 196.
14.Derckson 2004, 26.
15.Palmisano 2018, 31.
16.LAPO 19 2: Michel 2008, 78.
17.Özgüç 1997, 266.
18.Özgüç 1997, 266.
19.Larsen 2015, 138.
20.Palmisano 2018, 20.
21.Larsen 2015, 137.
22.Larsen 2015, 141–145.
23.Waal 2012.
24.Larsen 2002, xv.
25.Larsen 2002.
26.Larsen 2002.
27.Hertel 2014, 37–38.
28.Their names were Ili-alum and Ashur-taklaku.
29.Larsen 2002, xxi.
30.Larsen 2002, xix.
31.Larsen erred on the side of caution and only included in his study documents that very clearly referred to the same family: Larsen 2002. See also Larsen 2015 for a detailed account of Kanesh and the Assyrian merchants who lived and worked there.
32.Michel 2010, 130, quoting Michel 2001, no. 303.
33.Larsen 2002, xxv.
34.CCT 3, 6b: Larsen 2002, text 22, pp. 35–36.
35.Larsen 2002, 147.
36.TC 3, 88: Larsen 2002, text 40, pp. 56–57.
37.Derckson 2004, 278.
38.Derckson 2004, 283.
39.Larsen 2002, xxi–xxii.
40.See Chapter 13.
41.Günbatti 2004.
42.Günbatti 2004.
43.Larsen, 2002, xxv.
44.Michel 2010, 125.
45.TC 1, 15: Larsen 2002, text 48, pp. 68–69.
46.Larsen 2002, 52.
47.Larsen 2002, xxii.
CHAPTER 10
1.Hallo 1964, 72; Villard 2013.
2.Hallo 1964, 86: Hallo proposes a date in the reign of Zimri-Lim of Mari.
3.Shamshi-Adad’s name might have been read in the language of Amorite, in which case it would have been Samsi-Addu, but he is better known by the Akkadian reading, as Shamshi-Adad, so I will use that here.
4.Westenholz 2004, 12 and n. 76.
5.Westenholz 2004, 12–13 and n. 76.
6.Veenhof 2017, 58–59.
7.Liverani 2014, 225–226.
8.This observation was made by Mario Liverani: Liverani 2014, 224.
9.Hallo 1964, map on 71.
10.Ristvet 2012, 37.
11.This is the modern site of Tell Leilan: Weiss 1997, 345.
12.The excavations were directed by Harvey Weiss, a professor at Yale University. Size of the tell: Weiss et al. 1990, 581.
13.Weiss 1985.
14.Grayson 1987 RIMA A.0.39.5, p. 57.
15.Tablets from Mari have been published in the series Archives royales de Mari. Dominique Charpin and Jean-Marie Durand, of the French team of Mari specialists, have written extensively on the Mari archives, as has Jack M. Sasson, who has made hundreds of the Mari letters more accessible to general readers by publishing them in a single volume called From the Mari Archives: Sasson 2015.
16.ARM 1 77: Sasson 2015, 104 n. 196; Charpin 2019, 226.
17.ARM 1 46: Sasson 2015, 104.
18.ARM 1 46: Sasson 2015, 104.
19.A. 3158: Sasson 2015, 104.
20.ARM 5 15: Sasson 2015, 105.
21.Uerpmann and Uerpmann 2002.
22.Sasson 2008, 97.
23.Sasson 2015, 105.
24.Sasson 2015, 106 n. 207.
25.ARM 26 298: Sasson 2015, 106.
26.ARM 26 298: Sasson 2015, 106.
27.Stol 2007; Sasson 2019, 935.
28.ARM 10 92: Sasson 2015, 320.
29.Margueron 1997, 415.
30.Parrot 1945, 158–159.
31.This description is based on the plan and narrative by Kohlmeyer 1985, 195–197 and Fig. 41.
32.Matthiae et al. 1995, 173.
33.Parrot 1945, 156.
34.Bahrani 2017, 188–189.
35.Parrot 1945, 164.
36.M. 10337: Sasson 2015, 306–307 n. 31.
37.ARM 5 13: Dalley 1984, 34.
38.Ziegler 2011, 295.
39.E.g., Grayson 1987 RIMA A.0.39.1
40.Zimri-Lim called himself the son of Yahdun-Lim, but his father was actually Yahdun-Lim’s brother: Ziegler 1999, 68.
41.Ziegler 2011, 292.
42.Ziegler 2011, 295.
43.Her name was Dam-hurasi.
44.See especially Ziegler 1999 and Ziegler 2007.
45.Ziegler 1999, 75 n. 488.
46.Ziegler 2016, 306.
47.Ziegler 1999, 6.
48.Ziegler 1999, 73.
49.The total number of women in the palace who were involved in some way in making music increased from around 175 at the start of Zimri-Lim’s reign to around 200 by the end: Ziegler 2011, 289–290.
50.Ziegler 1999, 94.
51.FM 4 3, discussed in Ziegler 1999, 94.
52.Ziegler 1999, 69.
53.Ziegler 1999, 58–59.
54.Stol 2016, 353
55.Stol 2016, 357.
56.Ziegler 2011, 290.
57.It was called the “mummu” in Akkadian.
58.All quotes from ARM 10 125 are from Sasson 2015, 44.
59.Ziegler 1999, 69.
60.ARM 10 129: Sasson 2015, 331.
61.ARM 10 130: Sasson 2015, 331 n. 112.
62.ARM 1 115: Sasson 2015, 330.
63.Dialog between Enkihegal and Enkitalu, lines 94–99: Michalowski 2010, 201.
64.This was a school exercise, not an actual contract, but Michalowski notes that it probably represented some real aspects of music education: Michalowski 2010, 204–205.
65.Michalowski 2010, 223.
66.Frayne 1990, RIME E4.6.12.3, p. 625.
67.Sasson 2015, 309–310.
68.Bahrani 2017, 165, Fig. 7. 9.
69.This was true in the reigns of Old Babylonian kings of King Yawium in Kish and King Manana in Sippar: Shehata 2014, 110.
70.Shehata 2014, 109.
71.Old Babylonian kings of Isin, Kish, Kisurra, and Sippar all named years after the dedication of kettledrums, called lilissum drums: Shehata 2014, 115–116.
72.A. 3165, translated in Sasson 2015, 243–245; discussed in Ziegler 2011, 300–301.
73.The instrument was called a “balag.” Sasson 2015, 243, calls Ninigizibara “the Lyre goddess,” as does Ziegler 2011, 300, but Shehata 2014, 121, describes the balag as being a membranophone.
74.E.g., Tuttul, Sippar, Isin, and Larsa: Shehata 2014, 118.
75.A. 3165. All quotes from the ritual are from the translation in Sasson 2015, 243–254. The Dingirgubbu gods seem only known from this ritual; their name means “deities of the left”: Frayne and Stuckey 2021, 73.
76.Sasson 2015, 244 n. 26.
77.Ziegler 2011, 299.
78.Ziegler 1999, 58–59.
79.Ziegler 1999, 75 n. 488.
80.Sasson 2012, 530.
81.Sasson 2012, 530 n. 13.
82.Sasson 1993, 43.
83.Van Koppen 2002, 295.
84.The town in which they lived was called Zurubban.
85.ARM 9 97: Van Koppen 2002, 296; Michel 2016, 6–7.
86.Reculeau 2010, 205.
87.Stol 2016, 165.
88.M. 8555, ARM 25, 748; ARM 32, 467–468. Transliteration available on Archibab: http://www.archibab.fr/4DCGI/recherche1.htm.
89.Ziegler 1999, 75 n. 488.
90.The archive at Mari didn’t keep letters sent to the lower-ranking wives of the king.
91.ARM 25 353: Ziegler 1999, 75; Van Koppen 2002, 296.
92.ARM 26 276: Van Koppen 2002, 296.
93.ARM 26 277: Sasson 2015, 336.
94.Van Koppen 2002, 303–305.
95.Van Koppen 2002, 313.
96.Van Koppen 2002, 296, 302.
97.Van Koppen 2002, 312.
98.Van Koppen 2002, 307–308.
99.Ziegler 1999, 56.
100.ARM 10 137: Sasson 2015, 311.
101.ARMT 13 22: Sasson 2015, 158–159.
CHAPTER 11
1.CH 196, 197, 200: Roth 1997, 121.
2.“The Kaiser Right in Lauding Hammurabi,” New York Times, April 26, 1903.
3.Van De Mieroop 1993, 55.
4.De Graef 2018, 136.
5.Potts 2012, 43–44; Charpin 2012a, 352.
6.These are by Marc Van De Mieroop (Van De Mieroop 2005) and Dominique Charpin (Charpin 2012b).
7.Sasson 1998, 461.
8.ARM 2 87.
9.Van De Mieroop 1993, 58.
10.https://cdli.ucla.edu/tools/yearnames/HTML/T12K6.htm.
11.The lands and year-names in which they were mentioned are as follows: Uruk (7), Isin (7), Malgium (10, 30, 33, 35), Rapiqum (11), Shalibi (11), Elam (30), Subartu (30, 33, 37, 39, 43), Gutium (30, 32, 37), Eshnunna (30, 32, 38), Emutbal (Larsa) (31), Eshnunna (32), Mankisum (32), Mari (33, 35), Sutum (37), Turukkum (37), Kakmum (37), Cutha (39), Ekallatum (43), Burunda (43), and Zamlash (43): Horsnell 1999, 112–166 and CDLI year-names, https://cdli.ucla.edu/tools/yearnames/HTML/T12K6.htm.
12.Sasson 1998, 461.
13.CDLI year names: Hammurabi year 33: https://cdli.ucla.edu/tools/yearnames/HTML/T12K6.htm.
14.Sasson 1998, 461.
15.This was the later name of the kingdom in this region: Podany 2002, 32–56.
16.Fiette 2018, 323.
17.Ishikida 1998, 66, 75.
18.Baptiste Fiette has analyzed their correspondence, especially that of Shamash-hazir, focusing on his role and relationship to Hammurabi: Fiette 2018.
19.Yokoyama 1997, 4.
20.Fiette 2018, 48.
21.AbB 13 8: van Soldt 1994, p. 13; Fiette 2018, 49.
22.Breckwoldt 1995/96, 72 n. 23.
23.Rothman and Brumfiel 1994, 153.
24.Stol 1982, 141.
25.Stol 1982, 141.
26.Rothman and Brumfiel 1994, 153.
27.Renger 1995, 296.
28.Renger 1995, 296.
29.Charpin 1987, 113. Fiette 2018, Chapter 2, 101–238.
30.Fiette 2018, 14.
31.De Boer 2016, 140.
32.De Boer 2016, 139.
33.Charpin 1987, 114–115.
34.Charpin 1987, 116.
35.Charpin 2012b, 186.
36.TCL 7, 16, AbB 4 16: Kraus 1968, pp. 10–11.
37.AbB 9 198: Stol 1981, pp. 128–129.
38.See Fiette 2018, Chapter 2, for a detailed account of Shamash-hazir’s responsibilities.
39.Fiette 2018, 323.
40.De Boer 2016, 148.
41.Rost 2017, 2.
42.Rost 2017, 13.
43.Rost 2017, 13: AbB 9 194.
44.AbB 4 85; AbB 4 109: Kraus 1968; Rost 2017, 13.
45.AbB 4 19: Kraus 1968; Wu 1998, 94.
46.AbB 4 19: Kraus 1968; Wu 1998, 94.
47.AbB 9 190: Stol 1981, pp. 122–123.
48.Van de Mieroop 2005, 90.
49.Fiette 2018, 237.
50.Brenquiet 2010, 55.
51.Yokoyama 1997, 2.
52.Charpin 2012b, 187.
53.AbB 9 195: Stol 1981, pp. 124–127.
54.Yokoyama 1997, 5.
55.https://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/law-code-hammurabi-king-babylon#:~:text=The%20Law%20Code%20of%20Hammurabi,earlier%20than%20the%20Biblical%20laws.
56.“Laws of Hammurabi”: Roth 1997, 76–142.
57.Roth 1997, 77.
58.Roth 1997, 77–80.
59.Roth 1997, 80–81.
60.CH 266: Roth 1997, 130.
61.Ishikida 1998, 64.
62.AbB 4 89: Kraus 1968, p. 61; discussed by Ishikida 1998, 67.
63.Widell 2013, 60.
64.The other is AbB 4 94: Kraus 1968. The other two soldiers were Ṣilli-ishum and Ahu-kinum.
65.CH 26: Roth 1997, 85–86.
66.CH 36: Roth 1997, 88.
67.CH 34, Roth 1997, 87.
68.CH 28: Roth 1997, 86.
69.CH 29: Roth 1997, 86.
70.CH 32, Roth 1997, 87.
71.CH 32, Roth 1997, 87.
72.CH 32, Roth 1997, 87.
73.CH 32, Roth 1997, 87.
74.Ishikida 1998, 67.
75.For example, a recent special issue of the National Geographic magazine included the statement that “The code (of Hammurabi) certainly favored people of wealth and rank, who were required to only pay a fine if they injured commoners”: “Hammurabi,” in National Geographic 2021, 14.
76.CH 196–198: Roth 197, 121.
77.CH 274: Roth 131.
78.CH 221, 222: Roth 1997, 124.
79.E.g., CH 175, 176a, 176b: Roth 1997, 115–116.
80.Epilogue to “Laws of Hammurabi,” in Roth 1997, 133.
CHAPTER 12
1.Veldhuis 2011, 71.
2.Veldhuis 2011, 72.
3.Charpin 2010, 66–67.
4.Van de Mieroop 1999, 166; Mahmood 2006. Sippar-Yahrurum is modern Abu Habbah, Sippar-Amnanum is modern Tell ed-Der.
5.Mahmood 2006, 17.
6.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, 18.
7.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, 19.
8.All year-names of Hammurabi: https://cdli.ucla.edu/tools/yearnames/HTML/T12K6.htm.
9.Frayne 1990, RIME 4.5.6.1.
10.ARM 10 43 = LAPO 18 1202: quoted in Harris 1989, 155.
11.Rassam 1897.
12.Gasche and Janssen, 1997.
13.Al-Jadir 1986, 52.
14.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, 3.
15.De Graef 2018, 102.
16.LH 110: Roth 1997, 101.
17.Katrien De Graef of Ghent University came up with this new interpretation of the law: De Graef 2018, 99.
18.De Graef 2018, 110.
19.Area V108, see Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, iv, Fig. 4.
20.Al-Jadir 1986, 54.
21.Farouk Al-Rawi of the School of Oriental and African Studies in London and Stephanie Dalley of Oxford University published and analyzed this material: Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, 3–4.
22.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, texts 117–130. Four of them definitely came from this neighborhood—texts 118, 119, 121, and 125—and the others all have excavation numbers close to these in sequence, which suggests a nearby provenance.
23.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, texts 117, 126, 129.
24.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, text 118.
25.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, text 130.
26.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, texts 119, 120.
27.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, text 128.
28.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, texts 121, 125.
29.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, text 121, found in room 164.
30.This area was dubbed U 106 by the excavators.
31.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, 15.
32.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, 15–16; though in n. 62 Al-Rawi disagrees and thinks the excavated areas were near but not in the gagum.
33.Harris 1989, 155.
34.De Graef 2018, 101.
35.De Graef 2018.
36.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, 20.
37.De Graef 2018, 88.
38.This theory was proposed by Elizabeth Stone, of Stony Brook University: Stone 1962, 65.
39.Stol 2016, 601.
40.Harris 1964, 110–116.
41.Rivkah Harris analyzed text PBS 8/2 183 to re-create the events. Quotations from the text are from Harris 1964, 111–115.
42.PBS 8/2 183, in Harris 1964, 111.
43.Harris 1989, 154; Harris 1964, 115.
44.Kraus 1985, AbB 10 4:7–12, quoted in Stol 2016, 591.
45.Harris 1989, 153.
46.Harris 1964, 114.
47.Lion 2018, 159–160.
48.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, 16–17.
49.House 11, see Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, iv Fig. 3.
50.Al-Rawi and Dalley 2000, 16.
51.All quotes from this letter: Dalley et al. 1976, text 134, pp. 108–109, translation from Stol 2016, 596.
52.Note that this Amat-Shamash was the daughter of Sumu-Addu, and Iltani was also the daughter of Sumu-Addu, according to her seal, so they were sisters—see Stol 2000, 461 n. 27.
53.Stol 2016, 598.
54.Dalley et al. 1976, text 134, pp. 108–109, translation from Stol 2016, 596.
55.Stol 2016, 154.
56.Stone 1987, 24.
57.Stone 1987, 129.
58.Robson 2001, 40.
59.Robson 2001, 44; town plan in Fig. 2 and 3, Robson 2011, 41; Proust 2014, 73.
60.Stone 1987, 56–59. Robson 2001, 40.
61.Robson 2001, 41–42.
62.Eleanor Robson has published about the tablets from House F on several occasions: e.g., Robson 2001; Robson 2008, 85–124; Robson 2009.
63.Robson 2001, 44.
64.Shulgi Hymn E, in Charpin 2010, 25.
65.Charpin 2010, 33.
66.George 2001, 5.
67.Robson 2001, 62–63.
68.MSL 12 157: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/dcclt/corpus. My thanks to Eleanor Robson for alerting me to this text and the colophon naming Elletum (personal communication).
69.Stone 1987, 125.
70.“Schooldays”: Kramer 1963, 238.
71.Stone 1987, 57.
72.Robson 2009, 202, Fig. 3.1.2.
73.“Schooldays”: Kramer 1963, 238.
74.The elementary curriculum was reconstructed by Veldhuis 1997, 63.
75.Charpin 2010, 33; Veldhuis 2011, 83.
76.Robson 2009, 206, Table 3.1.1, provides the stages of the noun lists studied.
77.Robson 2001, 48.
78.Proust 2014, 86.
79.Veldhuis 2000, 387.
80.Veldhuis 2011, 77.
81.The list was called Lu-azlag: Gadotti and Kleinerman 2021, 51.
82.Charpin 2010, 30, and Fig. 7.
83.“Schooldays,” translated in George 2001, 1.
84.Robson 2009, 206–208.
85.Robson 2009, 203.
86.Robson 2001, 49.
87.Proust 2014, 86.
88.Robson 2008, 85.
89.See Chapter 2.
90.Robson 2008, 16.
91.Robson 2008, 123–124.
92.Robson 2008, 274–284.
93.Robson 2008, 284–288.
94.Tinney 2011, 584.
95.Veldhuis 2000, 385; Tinney 2011, 583.
96.Proust 2014, 75.
97.Veldhuis 2011, 83.
98.Charpin 2010, 43.
99.Veldhuis 2011, 85; Robson 2011, 562.
100.Stone 1987, text 74. Thanks to Eleanor Robson for this observation (private communication).
101.Tinney 2011, 579.
102.Tinney 2011, 582.
103.Proust 2014, 72.
104.Robson 2001, 53.
105.Robson 2001, 53, 54, 56, 60.
106.“Bilgames and Huwawa”: George 1999, 149–166; quote on 151.
107.“Bilgames and the Bull of Heaven”: George 1999, 166–175.
108.Robson 2001, 60.
109.George 1999, xxi.
110.George 1999, 111.
111.Part of the section about Huwawa was in the segment of the epic found in House F: George 1999, 116–118.
112.George 1999, 124.
113.Veldhuis 2011, 79–80.
114.Veldhuis 2011, 71.
115.Veldhuis 2011, 72.
CHAPTER 13
1.All from Boivin 2018, 86.
2.Boivin 2018, 87.
3.Frayne 1990, RIME 4.3.7.3, pp. 376–377.
4.Frayne 1990, RIME 4.3.7.7, p. 387.
5.Boivin 2018, 88.
6.Charpin 2004, 360.
7.Van Lerberghe et al. 2017 on water deprivation, section 20.
8.Van Lerberghe et al. 2017 on water deprivation, section 20.
9.Van Lerberghe et al 2017 on water deprivation, section 20.
10.CDLI year names https://cdli.ucla.edu/tools/yearnames/HTML/T12K7.htm.
11.In the region where Yadih-Abum ruled, the “m” at the end of his name was optional.
12.CDLI year names: https://cdli.ucla.edu/tools/yearnames/HTML/T12K7.htm.
13.Buccellati 1984.
14.Rouault 2006; Podany 2019a.
15.Podany 2019a, 130–131.
16.Podany 2019a, 127.
17.These assertions about barbers are based on the work of Alexandra Kleinerman, who has studied barbers in the Ur III period. Her conclusions about that era are almost certainly also valid for the Old Babylonian period: Kleinerman 2013.
18.Kleinerman 2013, 306–307.
19.Adamson 1991, 431.
20.LH 226–227; Roth 1997, 124.
21.Geller 2018, 260; Kleinerman 2013, 303.
22.Kleinerman 2013, 304.
23.Kleinerman 2013, 306.
24.TFR2 5-17: Rouault 2011, 19.
25.TFR2 5-6, discussed in Podany 2019a.
26.Podany 2019a, 130, 132.
27.Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, 5–6.
28.CDLI year-names: https://cdli.ucla.edu/tools/yearnames/HTML/T12K6.htm.
29.CDLI year-names: https://cdli.ucla.edu/tools/yearnames/HTML/T12K6.htm.
30.George 2013, CUSAS 18, 15. Richardson 2019a argues for the basic historical reliability of these sources, BOQ 3 and BOQ 1 (Lambert 2007), in spite of their distance in time from the late Old Babylonian period.
31.George 2013, CUSAS 18, 15.
32.Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, 5.
33.See Chapter 18.
34.George 2013, CUSAS 18, 14.
35.George 2013, CUSAS 18, 14.
36.Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, 1.
37.Boivin 2018, 99.
38.Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, 7.
39.Richardson 2019b, 32.
40.Karel Van Lerberghe, Gabriella Voet, and Kathleen Abraham of the University of Leuven published and analyzed these documents in CUSAS 8 (Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009) and CUSAS 29 (Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017).
41.Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, 7.
42.CUNES 51-03-290, Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, text 27, p. 52.
43.Richardson 2019a, 226.
44.Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, 7; e.g., text 39, pp. 9–73.
45.This research is by Seth Richardson: Richardson 2005, 284; Richardson 2019a, 232–233; Richardson 2019b, no. 21.
46.Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, texts 6, 7, 14, 15, 16, 20.
47.CUNES 51-03-155, Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, text 13.
48.Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, text 38.
49.BM 96152, Grayson 1975, 156, quoted in George 2013, CUSAS 18, 15.
50.Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009, CUSAS 8, 1.
51.CUNES 51-02-138, Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, text 205, pp. 166–167.
52.CUNES 51-02-138, Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, text 205, pp. 166–167.
53.CUNES 51-02-138, Abraham and Van Lerberghe 2017, CUSAS 29, text 205, pp. 166–167.
54.Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009, CUSAS 8, 1.
55.Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009, CUSAS 8. Text 16, seal inscription in Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009, p. 189; translation in Van Lerberghe et al. 2017, section 14.
56.CAD, N vol. 2, pp. 190–191: most people with this title were associated with Enlil at Nippur in the Old Babylonian period.
57.His career lasted from Ammi-saduqa year 5 to Samsu-ditana year 4.
58.Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009, CUSAS 8, 1–2.
59.Richardson 2019a, 225.
60.CTMMA I 69: Richardson 2019a, 225.
61.Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009, CUSAS 8: 9, pp. 26–27.
62.Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009, CUSAS 8, 15.
63.Westbrook 1994, 1663.
64.Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009, CUSAS 8, 2.
65.Richardson 2020, 56–57.
66.Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009, CUSAS 8, 20.
67.Richardson 2005, 283.
68.Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009, CUSAS 8, 20.
69.Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009, CUSAS 8, 50.
70.Van Lerberghe and Voet 2009, CUSAS 8, 53.
71.Bryce 2005, 69.
72.Kloekhorst 2021, 572–573.
73.KBo x 2: Bryce 2005, 76.
74.Bryce 2005, 83.
75.KUB xxix 1: Bryce 2005, 85.
76.Weeden 2016, 158.
77.Bryce 2002, 98–118.
78.Richardson 2016 lists thirteen documents that provide clues to the destruction of Babylon.
79.Landsberger 1954, 64–65; Richardson 2016, 108.
80.YBC 2242: Paulus 2014, 296–304; translation from Richardson 2016, 111.
81.This theory was proposed by Seth Richardson: Richardson 2005.
82.Richardson 2005, 284.
83.Janssen 1996, 245.
84.Van Lerberghe and Voet 1991.
85.Janssen 1996, 246.
86.Gasche 1989, 44.
87.Of course, it might not have been Ur-Utu himself who dropped the tablets, but the choice of which tablets to take must have been made by someone literate, and he seems the most likely candidate.
88.This is also a theory put forward by Seth Richardson: Richardson 2005, 286.
89.Boivin 2018, 117–118.
90.Richardson 2016, 125.
91.Boivin 2018, 122–123; Dalley 2009.
92.Podany 2002, 57–60.
93.Paulus has shown decisively that the later inscription was copied from a real Kassite document: Paulus 2018.
CHAPTER 14
1.He was a contemporary of King Niqmepa of Alalakh who was in turn a contemporary of Saushtatar of Mittani. Dates for these kings are from Maidman 2018, 22.
2.This discussion of Ilim-ilimma is largely based on research by Eva von Dassow and Guy Bunnens: von Dassow 2008; von Dassow 2014; Bunnens 1978.
3.Bunnens 1978, 5–6.
4.Bunnens 1978, 2.
5.AlT 330: Rowe 2002, 13 n. 41; von Dassow 2008, 297, 444.
6.Darnell and Manassa 2007, 63–65.
7.Woolley 1953, 17, 19.
8.Woolley 1953, 20.
9.von Dassow 2008, 12–13.
10.This king of Mittani was Parattarna I (c. 1500–1480 bce). Autobiography of Idrimi: Oller 1977.
11.The spellings used by the kings were “Maitani,” from the seal of king Saushtatar: Grayson, 1987, RIMA 1, N.O.1001, p. 333; “Mittanni,” used in letters by king Tushratta EA 17, Rainey 134–135; EA 19, Rainey 2014, 140–141; EA 24, Rainey 2014, 274–275; EA 28, Rainey 2014, 296–297; and “Mitanni,” also used in letters by king Tushratta: EA 21, Rainey 2014, 156–157; EA 22, Rainey 2014, 182–183; EA 23, Rainey 2014, 184–185.
12.“Mittani”: e.g., EA 75, Rainey 2014, 460–461; and “Mitana”: e.g., EA 76, Rainey 2014, 462–463.
13.The capital is likely to be at a Habur site called Tell Fakhariyah, but excavations have been halted there for years because of the Syrian civil war.
14.von Dassow 2014, 12.
15.von Dassow 2014, 13.
16.Potts 2006, 116.
17.This theory of the conscious implementation of a formal class system in Alalakh and elsewhere in Mittani was developed by Eva von Dassow: von Dassow 2014, 26–28.
18.AlT 128: Wiseman 1953, 11; Bunnens 1978, 4; von Dassow 2008, 148.
19.Von Dassow 2014, 27. See also von Dassow 2008, 233–366, for an extensive discussion of social class at Alalakh during this period.
20.von Dassow 2014, 27.
21.The word ilku was the same as the earlier ilkum; by this time the “m” sound at the end of nouns in Akkadian had largely been dropped.
22.Von Dassow 2014, 26.
23.von Dassow 2014, 26–28.
24.AlT 2: Wiseman 1953, 26–31; von Dassow 2008, 53.
25.AlT 47: a man and a wife borrowed 60 shekels and would serve him in his house until the debt was paid; AlT 49: another man borrowed 30 shekels and also became his indentured servant.
26.AlT 70: Bunnens 1978, 11–12.
27.AlT 66.
28.Bunnens 1978, 8.
29.AlT 16; see von Dassow 2008, 295 and n. 91.
30.Bunnens 1978, 7.
31.Bunnens 1978, 4.
32.AlT 13, AlT 14.
33.AlT 48: Bunnens 1978, 10–11; and see von Dassow 2008, 296 and n. 92.
34.AlT 48: Bunnens 1978, 11.
35.von Dassow 2008, 62.
36.von Dassow 2008, 61.
37.For a discussion of the creation of the international system, see Podany 2010, 163–187.
38.“The Memphis and Karnak Stelae of Amenhotep II”: Hallo and Younger 2003, vol. 2, 22.
39.EA 7: Moran 1992, 13.
40.EA 4: Moran 1992, 8.
41.Fischer 2001, 37.
42.EA 21: Rainey 2014, 156–159; Moran 1992, 50.
43.These were all listed on various documents that were sent with her. See Podany 2010, 217–231 for the stages of Tadu-Hepa’s marriage and a discussion of the bridal gifts.
44.EA 21: Moran 1992, 50.
45.EA 21: Rainey 2014, 157.
46.EA 21: Moran 1992, 50.
47.EA 21: Moran 1992, 50.
48.E.g., EA 1, in which Amenhotep III accuses the messengers of the Babylonian king of being dishonest and lying to their king: Moran 1992, 1–3; Rainey 2014, 58–65.
49.EA 21: Rainey 2014, 159.
50.The meanings of nahra and maninnu are uncertain.
51.EA 21: Rainey 2014, 159.
52.Meier 1988, 196, 198.
53.Meier 1988, 198.
54.Meier 1988, 165.
55.EA 24 II: 101–105, cited in Meier 1988, 172.
56.EA 24: Rainey 2014, 188–241.
57.Cohen 2009, 47.
58.Izre’el 1997, 2, 12.
59.Van Soldt 2000, 105.
60.Tarawneh 2011, 276. The myths included Adapa and the South Wind (EA 356); Nergal and Ereshkigal (EA 357); and the Epic of the King of Battle (EA 359).
61.Van Soldt 2000, 105.
62.Izre’el 1997, 12.
63.Izre’el 1997, 79.
64.EA 368: Izre’el 1997, 77–78.
65.Izre’el 1997, 81, notes on line 16.
66.EA 21: Moran 1992, 50.
67.Podany forthcoming.
68.EA 17: Rainey 2014, 134–135.
69.Podany forthcoming.
70.CAD Vol. R, 136–145.
71.This was fairly common in the Old Babylonian period, see, e.g., Sumer 14, no. 18 (IM 51238A), Pl. 11
72.EA 9, Moran 1992, 18.
73.Podany, forthcoming.
74.EA 32: Hoffner 2009, 270.
75.EA 32: Hoffner 2009, 272.
76.In EA 1, Amenhotep III quotes the Babylonian king as suggesting that the pharaoh’s wives included a Kaskan.
77.EA 31: Hoffner 2009, 273–277.
78.Hoffner 2009, 270.
CHAPTER 15
1.LH 10: Podany 2002, 122–125.
2.Thureau-Dangin 1897.
3.Podany 2014, 54–55.
4.LH 10: Podany 2002, 124.
5.Hittite royal grants often listed where they were drawn up; not all were in the capital city, so the officials would have traveled some distance in order to witness the contracts: Beal 2016, 176.
6.Source of this quote and the next: Speiser 1929, 270–271.
7.E.g., in the region of Hana, an Old Babylonian–era document found at Tell Taban records that a king gave two fields and a small house to a man named Yasim-Mahar: Tab T06-4: Yamada 2008, 156–160. See Podany 1997 for parallels between Hana and Kassite land grants.
8.Slanski 2003, 115.
9.Tinney and Sonik 2019, 45 (image of a stone tablet), 46 (caption).
10.Rouault 1992; Podany 2014, 54–55: the relevant tablets are listed under “Texts from Terqa” and their numbers begin with the designation TQ12.
11.Slanski 2003, 116.
12.Easton 1981; for a study of the Hittite royal land grants, see Rüster and Wilhelm 2012.
13.E.g., RS 16.250, Nougayrol 1955, Plate 13.
14.E.g., Bazi 1 and Bazi 2: Sallaberger et al. 2006, 78–79, 81–82.
15.Slanski 2003, 287.
16.Slanski 2003, 118–121.
17.Slanski 2003, 288.
18.Slanski 2003, 288.
19.EA 20: Moran 1992, 48.
20.See, e.g., EA 21: Moran 1992, 50.
21.EA 24: Moran 1992, 65.
22.E.g., EA 20: Moran 1992, 48.
23.Gifts from Tushratta to Amenhotep III when his daughter married the pharaoh: EA 22: Moran 1992, 51–61; dowry for Tushratta’s daughter: EA 25: Moran 1992, 72–81; dowry for Burna-Buriash’s daughter: EA 13: Moran 1992, 24–27. Discussed in Podany 2010, 219–224.
24.The international relationships between great kings of the Late Bronze Age have been addressed in several books, including Cohen and Westbrook 2000, Liverani 2001, Bryce 2003, and Podany 2010.
25.By this time, kings with Kassite names had ruled the region of southern and central Mesopotamia for more than 200 years. Burna-Buriash II’s relationship to his dynasty’s original Kassite origins was as tenuous as Hammurabi’s had been to those of his Amorite forebears. The kings and their families had adopted Mesopotamian culture thoroughly, and no longer seem to even have spoken Kassite. No documents at all have been found in the Kassite language. The kings were as Babylonian as anyone else, notwithstanding their names. Although their dynasty was Kassite in origin, we can simply call them Babylonian.
26.The Greek object is a cylinder seal found in Thebes, owned by a man named Kidin-Marduk who was an official of Burna-Buriash II: Brinkman 1976, E.2.23, p. 111.
27.Potts 1986, 170; Ritter 1965, 317–318.
28.The physician was named Shumu-libshi. For the reading of his name (which was originally read as Mukallim) and a discussion of these letters, see Plantholt 2014.
29.BE 17 47: Oppenheim 1967, 118.
30.BE 17 47: Oppenheim 1967, 118; Potts 1986.
31.PBS I 2 Ritter 1965, No. 72, p. 318.
32.EA 1: Rainey 2014, 60–63. This letter is from the time of Burna-Buriash II’s father, Kadashman-Enlil I.
33.EA 6: Moran 1992, 12.
34.EA 1: Moran 1992, 1–5.
35.EA 11: Moran 1992, 21.
36.This interpreter was a man named Mihuni, taking the same role played by Hane in Mittani.
37.EA 12: Rainey, 106–107.
38.EA 12: Rainey, 106–107.
39.EA 11: Moran 1992, 21.
40.Items in the dowry are listed in EA 13: Moran 1992, 24–26.
41.EA 14: Moran 1992, 27–37.
42.Nefertiti is famous for her sculpture now in the Berlin Museum: https://www.smb.museum/en/museums-institutions/aegyptisches-museum-und-papyrussammlung/collection-research/bust-of-nefertiti/the-bust/.
43.EA 1: Moran 1992, 1–5.
44.The princess of Mittani, Tadu-Hepa, had a “dowry personnel” of 270 women and 30 men: EA 25: Moran 1992, 81. Her aunt Kilu-Hepa had brought 317 attendants to Egypt, according to a scarab distributed by Amenhotep III: “Marriage with Kirgipa”: Breasted 1906, vol. 2: 347–348.
45.The new capital, Akhetaten, was located at the modern site of Amarna, where the diplomatic letters were found.
46.Bryce 2003, 103.
47.Stavi 2011, 229.
48.Stavi 2011, 229–230; Mladjov 2016, 23.
49.First plague prayer of Mursili II: Hallo and Younger 2003, vol. 1, 156.
50.Her position was as a shiwanzanni priestess.
51.Hoffner 1983, 191.
52.EA 41: Moran 1992, 114–115; Rainey 358–361.
53.The prince was named Shattiwaza. For his subsequent treaty with the Hittites, in which this history is recounted, see HDT 6B: Beckman 1999, 48–54.
54.For a more detailed account of these events, see Podany 2010, 293–301.
55.KUB 14.4 ii 3–12: Hoffner 1983, 191.
56.KBo 4.8: Hoffner 1983, 189.
57.Kbo 4.8: Hoffner 1983, 188.
58.Bryce 2002, 21.
59.Beckman 2012, 489.
60.Kbo 4.8: Hoffner 1983, 188.
61.“Plague Prayers of Muršili II”: Hallo and Younger, vol. 1 2003, 156.
62.Untash-Napirisha is known to have married a Babylonian princess as his chief wife, and the inscription on the statue of Napir-Asu calls her the wife of Untash-Napirisha, so it seems almost certain that they were the same person: Potts 2016, 212.
63.These developments are analyzed by Daniel T. Potts in a comprehensive book called The Archaeology of Elam: Potts 2016.
64.Potts 2016, 198.
65.Potts 2016, 198.
66.Harper et al. 1992, 121.
67.Potts 2016, 223. This was King Kidin-Hutran II.
68.Harper et al. 1992, 127–130.
69.Potts 2016, 212.
70.Potts 2016, 211.
71.Meyers 2000; Harper et al. 1992, 134.
72.Harper et al. 1992, 134.
73.Harper et al. 1992, 134.
74.EKI §16: Harper et al. 1992, 132.
75.E.g., Harper et al. 1992, object 84, p. 136.
76.Harper et al. 1992, 121.
77.Harper et al. 1992, 121.
78.Potts 2016, 214.
79.Ghirshman 1961, 72.
80.Ghirshman 1961, 71–72.
81.Some scholars have suggested that it was 200 feet tall, e.g., Harper et al. 1992, 121.
82.Mofidi-Nasrabadi 2015, 38.
83.For the “millions of bricks”: Potts 2016, 215.
84.Ghirshman 1961, 71.
85.Mofidi-Nasrabadi 2015, 50.
86.Carter 2011, 53–56.
87.This is based on Elizabeth Carter’s analysis of the tombs and the structure that had been built over them: Carter 2011.
88.See, e.g., Carter 2011.
89.Carter 2011, 56.
90.Carter 2011, 56.
91.Ghirshman et al. 1968, 73–74.
92.Carter 2011, 54.
93.Carter 2011, 56.
94.Potts 2016, 223.
95.Potts 2016, 223.
96.Melville 2007, 241. Some scholars have proposed that it was Burna-Buriash’s son, not the king himself, who married the Assyrian princess.
97.EA 15: Moran 1992, 37–38; Rainey 2014, 128–129.
98.EA 9: Moran 1992, 18.
99.EA 16: Moran 1992, 39–41; Rainey 2014, 130–133.
100.EA 16: Rainey 2014, 130–131.
101.Brinkman 1976, 167 n. 3.
102.Brinkman 1976, 166.
103.This was Kurigalzu II: Brinkman 1976, 31.
CHAPTER 16
1.Price 2011.
2.See Mynářová 2007 for a discussion of the diplomatic language used in Amarna letters, and particularly 147–164 for the introductory formulas.
3.The young king’s name was Urhi-Teshub.
4.Silver 2010.
5.“The Apology of Ḫattušili III,” translated by Harry A. Hoffner Jr., in Chavalas 2006, 268.
6.Hittite version of the treaty: CTH 91: Beckman 1999, no. 15, pp. 96–100.
7.CTH 91: Beckman 1999, no. 19, 97.
8.KUB 21.38: Hoffner 2009, text 98, 282–289. This letter is also quoted extensively and analyzed in Van de Mieroop 2007, 223–226.
9.KUB 21.38: Hoffner 2009, text 98, 282.
10.KUB 21.38: Hoffner 2009, text 98, 282.
11.This was a quote from Ramses in Puduhepa’s letter: KUB 21.38: Hoffner 2009, text 98, 285.
12.KUB 21.38: Hoffner 2009, text 98, 283.
13.KUB 21.38: Hoffner 2009, text 98, 289.
14.AHK 51, translation from Bryce 2003, 109.
15.For a detailed account of the marriage, see Bryce 2003, 106–111.
16.“A letter from the Hittite King Hattušili III to Kadašman-Enlil II, King of Babylonia,” translated by Kathleen R. Mineck in Chavalas 2006, 275–279.
17.Yamada 2003, 166–168.
18.van Soldt 2010, 250.
19.Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, 336.
20.Cline 2014, 109.
21.Sauvage 2012, 41, 83.
22.Yon 1997, 258.
23.Atwood 2021.
24.van Soldt 2010, 249.
25.Excavations have taken place at Ugarit, fairly continuously, since 1929.
26.Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, 337. See Yon 2006, 37 Fig. 20 for a plan of the palace.
27.RS 17.434+: Pardee 2003, text 10, pp. 96–97. See discussion in Devecchi 2019, 125–126.
28.RS 17.434+: Pardee 2003, text 10, pp. 96–97.
29.RS 34.136: Devecchi 2019, 126. This was a later letter, reflecting back on events in Niqmaddu III’s reign.
30.This is an argument made by Elena Devecchi: Devecchi 2019.
31.Devecchi 2019, 127–133.
32.Urtenu’s ownership of the house is not entirely certain (see Lackenbacher and Malbran-Labat 2016), but there is no doubt that he was closely associated with the house because of the many documents and letters found there that were written to him.
33.Cline 2014, 106–107.
34.Álvarez García 2021, 24.
35.Calvet 2000, 210.
36.Calvet 2000, 210.
37.Y. Cohen 2021, 50; Álvarez García 2021, 24.
38.Yon 2006, object 53, p. 161.
39.Calvet 2000, 211.
40.Yon 2006, 87; Y. Cohen 2021, 50.
41.Y. Cohen 2021, 51.
42.Bordreuil and Malbran-Labat 1995, 444; Malbran-Labat 1999, 240.
43.Bordreuil and Malbran-Labat 1995, 448.
44.All quotes from this letter: RS 94.2406: Pardee 2003, text 18, pp. 102–103.
45.RS 94.2406: Pardee 2003, text 18, pp. 102–103.
46.This section is based on analysis of the letters by Dennis Pardee (Pardee 2003) and Gary Beckman (Beckman 2007).
47.Pardee 2003, 102 n. 107.
48.RS 94.2479: Pardee 2003, text 26, p. 107.
49.Beckman 2007, 167–168.
50.Beckman 2007, 168–170.
51.Urtenu’s sister: RS 94.2284: Pardee 2002, text 38, pp. 113–114; Urtenu’s son: RS 31.134: Beckman 2007, 169; Dagan-belu’s son: RS 31.141: Beckman 2007, 170.
52.Sauvage 2012, 130.
53.Álvarez García 2021, 25–26.
54.Atwood 2021.
55.Bordreuil and Malbran-Labat 1995, 445; Calvet 2000, 211. Malbran-Labat 1999, 238–239.
56.Sauvage 2012, Chapter 2, 85–138.
57.This is the argument made by archaeologist Caroline Sauvage: Sauvage 2012, 156.
58.Sauvage 2012, 292–293.
59.Pulak 2008.
60.See Podany 2010, 255–258, for a reconstruction of the journey and wreck of the Ulu Burun ship.
61.RS 18.031: Pardee 2003, text 8, pp. 93–94.
62.RSO 23: 184–185, no. 107: translation by Y. Cohen 2021, 53.
63.RS 18.038: Devecchi 2019, 131.
64.Devecchi 2019, 131; Atwood 2021; Y. Cohen 2021, 54.
65.Y. Cohen 2021, 55.
66.Devecchi 2019, 133.
67.Finné et al. 2019, 859.
68.Huehnergard 1997, 240.
69.Fleming 2000, 4.
70.This festival was described in texts Emar 373 and 375 and has been extensively analyzed by Daniel E. Fleming: Fleming 2000, 48–140; Fleming 2015. See also Michel 2014 and Thames 2020.
71.Fleming 2015, 201.
72.Fleming 2015, 201.
73.Fleming 2015, 201.
74.Fleming 2015, 204.
75.Fleming notes that the unveiling provided “a two-way exchange, a meeting of the eyes” providing “a world of non-verbal communication”: Fleming 2015, 209.
76.Fleming 2000, 139.
77.Démare-Lafont and Fleming 2015, 68.
78.Y. Cohen 2012, 14.
79.Adamthwaite 2001, 133, 229.
80.Adamthwaite 2001, 232.
81.The first part of this story was reconstructed by Carlo Zaccagnini (Zaccagnini 1994) and Lena Fijałkowska (Fijałkowska 2014).
82.The baby’s name includes the name of a god, written with the cuneiform signs dIM. This always represented the storm god in cuneiform. The name or divine title that was intended by this sign varied depending on region and seems to have been read as Ba’la or Ba’lu, meaning “lord” in Emar.
83.Fijałkowska 2014, 390.
84.Emar 216: Fijałkowska 2014, 390.
85.Emar 216: Zaccagnini 1994, 1.
86.Johnson 2021, 16.
87.Zaccagnini 1994, 2.
88.Fijałkowska 2014, 390 n. 54.
89.Emar 217, Arnaud 1986, translation from Wells 2007, 207.
90.Fijałkowska 2014, 391.
91.Emar 218 and 219, found in Building M-1 and Emar 220, found in Building M-2: Thames 2020, 11.
92.Emar 219 and 220: Y. Cohen 2005, 166.
93.Zaccagnini 1994, 3.
94.Thames 2020, 263 n. 124.
95.For the ages of the babies: Zaccagnini 1994, 4.
96.Fleming 2000, 6.
97.Fleming 2000, 34.
98.Fleming 2000, 35.
99.Thames 2020, 264.
100.Zaccagnini 1994, 3.
101.Fijałkowska 2014, 394.
102.Fijałkowska 2014, 396.
103.Y. Cohen 2012, 21.
104.Fleming 2015, 199.
105.RSO 23: 33–35, no. 12: translation by Y. Cohen 2021, 58.
106.Cline 2014, 109.
107.“The War against the Peoples of the Sea,” translated by John A. Wilson: Pritchard 1969, 262.
108.Y. Cohen 2021, 58–59.
109.See Cline 2014 for a book-length discussion of these issues.
110.Cline 2014, 158.
111.Grayson 1972, 117.
112.Potts 2016, 225.
113.Potts 2016, 226–227.
114.Potts 2016, 229.
CHAPTER 17
1.Erb-Satullo 2019, 564, 574, Fig. 6. The site was Kaman-Kalehöyük IIIb.
2.Erb-Satullo 2019, 566–572.
3.Younger 2016, 37.
4.Younger 2016,
5.Younger 2016, 45. This was not true in southern Mesopotamia, where Aramean tribes were not called “House of” someone.
6.Younger 2016, 33.
7.Quinn 2017, 201.
8.Pritchard 1969, 378.
9.See Miller and Hayes 1986, 220–221, Chart IX, for a timeline of the kings of Israel and Judah.
10.Urartu was the name used by the Assyrians for the land; it seems to have been called Biainili by the people who lived there.
11.See, e.g., Melville 2016 on Sargon II and Elayi 2018 on Sennacherib. The British Museum created an entire exhibit and catalogue devoted to Ashurbanipal in 2018: Brereton 2018.
12.Ashurnasirpal II 001: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/riao/Q004455/.
13.Ashurnasirpal II 001: http://oracc.org/riao/Q004455/.
14.Ashurnasirpal II 001: http://oracc.org/riao/Q004455/.
15.Liverani 2017, 131.
16.This and subsequent quotes from this inscription: Ashurnasirpal II 001: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/riao/Q004455/.
17.These temples are listed in the Banquet Inscription in lines 55–59: Ashurnasirpal II 030: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/riao/Q004484/.
18.Ashurnasirpal II 001, iii 110–113: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/riao/Q004455/.
19.http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/nimrud/livesofobjects/standardinscription/.
20.Ashurnasirpal II 030, “Banquet Inscription”: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/riao/Q004484/.
21.This is known as the “Standard Inscription”: http://oracc.org/riao/Q004477/.
22.Ashurnasirpal II 023, “Standard Inscription”: http://oracc.org/riao/Q004477/.
23.Ashurnasirpal II 030, “Banquet Inscription”: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/riao/Q004484/.
24.Curtis and Tallis 2008.
25.Ashurnasirpal II 030, “Banquet Inscription”: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/riao/Q004484/.
26.Collins 2016, 44.
27.Feldman 2014, 100.
28.Bahrani 2017, 232.
29.Winter 1981, 6.
30.Collins 2010, 181.
31.Winter 1981. See discussion of other scholarship in Fales 2009, 244–246.
32.Such wax tablets were in common use, but the wood panels rarely survive and the wax never does.
33.SAA 13 34: http://oracc.org/saao/P313456/.
34.SAA 13 34: http://oracc.org/saao/P313456/.
35.Feldman 2014, 82.
36.Collins 2010, 186.
37.BM 124821: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1851-0902-5.
38.BM 124820: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1851-0902-6; and BM 124822: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1851-0902-4. See Collins 2016, 46, regarding the use of prisoners of war for this work.
39.SAA 1 110: http://oracc.org/saao/P224487/.
40.SAA 1 139: http://oracc.org/saao/P334912/.
41.Bahrani 2017, 232.
42.Bahrani 2017, 232.
43.E.g., Canby 1971 on the garments in Ashurnasirpal’s relief sculptures.
44.Albenda and Guralnick 1986, 240.
45.Bahrani 2017, 232.
46.SAA 15 4: http://oracc.org/saao/P334103/.
47.Albenda and Guralnick 1986, 240.
48.Albenda and Guralnick 1986, 233–234.
49.Verri et al. 2009.
50.This was observed by Mario Liverani: Liverani 2017, 125–126.
51.Liverani 2017, 125.
52.Liverani 2017, 126.
53.BM 124554: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1849-1222-23. See also the excellent photographs in Amin 2017. The relevant panel images are of Panels 4 and 5.
54.Cifarelli 1998, 224.
55.Cifarelli 1998, 223.
56.Fales 2009, 245.
57.“Fallen foe of Assyrians”: Amin 2017. BM 124540: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1849-1222-16.
58.Ashurnasirpal II 1: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/riao/Q004455/.
59.Seen in BM 124685 and 124687, described in Curtis and Tallis 2008, 35, Figs. 17 and 18, and 38, Figs. 23 and 24.
60.Melville 2016, 16.
61.Melville 2016, 16.
62.Sargon II 013: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/rinap/rinap2/corpus/.
63.Sargon II 007: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/rinap/rinap2/corpus/#rinap/rinap2:Q006488_project-en.1.
64.2 Kings 17:24.
65.Millard 1994, 60, cited in Melville 2016, 187.
66.Ussishkin 1997, 321.
67.See Liverani 2017, 188–190, for details about tribute in the Assyrian Empire.
68.Prism of Sennacherib: Sennacherib 004, http://oracc.org/rinap/Q003478/.
69.Liverani 2017, 192.
70.UNHCR, “Syria Emergency”: https://www.unhcr.org/en-us/syria-emergency.html.
71.2 Kings 18:13. An almost identical account is found in Isaiah 36:1.
72.2 Chronicles 32:9.
73.Uelinger 2003, 223.
74.Ussishkin 1997, 321.
75.Ussishkin 1997, 321.
76.Ussishkin 2003, 207.
77.Uelinger 2003, 240.
78.BM 124907: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1856-0909-14_3.
79.Ussishkin 2003, 209.
80.Ussishkin 2003, 210.
81.BM 124954: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1856-0909-1_6.
82.SAA 11 167: http://oracc.org/saao/P335907/.
83.Dalley 2017, 528.
84.Dalley 2017, 528.
85.Dalley 2017, 531.
86.Oded 1979.
CHAPTER 18
1.Esarhaddon’s name in Akkadian was Ashur-ah-iddin. The writers of the Bible called him Esarhaddon.
2.Esarhaddon was born between 715 and 710 BCE: Frahm 2014, 191.
3.Sennacherib was born around 740 BCE: Frahm 2014, 176.
4.Svärd 2015, 43. Note though that it is possible that Naqi’a took the title of Sennacherib’s queen only after her husband’s death, though I find that argument less persuasive: Svärd 2015, 46.
5.Svärd 2015, 187: Appendix A, text 44. Date of the text: Frahm 2014, 190.
6.The son who assassinated Sennacherib was named Arda-mullissi or Urdu-Mullisu, see Parpola 1980 and Brereton 2018, 14. He probably had help from one of his brothers. Other scholars have proposed that Esarhaddon might have been behind the assassination himself: Dalley and Siddall 2021.
7.This and the rest of the quotes from this text are found in Esarhaddon 1: Leichty 2011, 11.
8.Eph’al-Jaruzelska 2016, 133.
9.Esarhaddon 1: Leichty 2011, 13.
10.Eph’al-Jaruzelska 2016, 133.
11.Esarhaddon 1: Leichty 2011, 14.
12.Frahm 2010b, 98.
13.Radner 2003b, 167.
14.Esarhaddon 1: Leichty 2011, 14.
15.Radner 2003b, 167; Eph’al-Jaruzelska 2016, 134.
16.Zimansky 2006, 263.
17.Piotrovsky 1974–1977, 50.
18.Bel-ushezib is sometimes described as a “scholar” rather than as a diviner, e.g., Eph’al-Jaruzelska 2016, 128, but he was clearly involved in reading omens and oracles and interpreting them for the king.
19.SAA 10 109: http://oracc.org/saao/P334798/.
20.SAA 10 109: http://oracc.org/saao/P334798/.
21.All quotes from the letter from Bel-ushezib about the Mannean campaign are from SAA 10 111: http://oracc.org/saao/P237234/.
22.Beaulieu et al. 2017, 1.
23.Beaulieu et al. 2017, 71–76.
24.Beaulieu et al. 2017, 9.
25.MLC 1866, Section C: Beaulieu et al. 2017, 40.
26.Rochberg 2011, 621. These are called the Babylonian Astronomical Diaries: Sachs and Hunger 1988.
27.Rochberg 2011, 631.
28.Rochberg 2011, 622.
29.SAA 10 112: http://oracc.org/saao/P238052/.
30.Frahm 2010a, 121.
31.SAA 16 69: http://oracc.org/saao/P334309/.
32.Three scholars in particular have tried to solve the riddle of Sasi: Karen Radner (2003b); Martti Nissinen (1998, 109–153); and Eckart Frahm (2010a, 120–126; 2015, 9–10).
33.His name was Nabu-rehtu-usur.
34.SAA 16 59: http://oracc.org/saao/P313533/; all quotes from this letter are at this link. Stökl 2012, 105.
35.Jean 2010, 270.
36.Koch 2011, 462–463.
37.Koch 2011, 462.
38.Frahm 2010a, 100–101.
39.SAA 16 59: http://oracc.org/saao/P313533/.
40.SAA 16 60: http://oracc.org/saao/P313432/.
41.All quotes from this letter are from YBC 11382, YPM BC 025176: Frahm 2015, 9–10. Commentary in the same citation, also in Podany 2019b, 69–71; Lassen et al. 2019, object no. 40, pp. 225–226.
42.Frahm 2010a, 121. The tablet listing them is SAA 11 156: http://oracc.org/saao/P334311/.
43.SAA 11 156: http://oracc.org/saao/P334311/.
44.SAA 16 18: http://oracc.org/saao/P334819/.
45.N’Shea 2016, 215.
46.See, e.g., SAA 4, texts 9, 63, 78, 79, 80, 88. All in http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/saao/corpus.
47.N’Shea 2016, 219.
48.This quote and others from this letter: http://oracc.org/saao/P237270/. Frahm 2010a, 121–122, includes a discussion of this letter.
49.Veldhuis 2010, 78; Winitzer 2010, 186–189.
50.This quote and others from this letter: SAA 10 316: http://oracc.org/saao/P313436/.
51.Svärd 2015, 46.
52.E.g., SAA 18 10: http://oracc.org/saao/P237817/; Svärd 2015, 204.
53.On Adad-shumu-usur’s close relationship to Esarhaddon: Šašková 2018, 61.
54.SAA 10 229: http://oracc.org/saao/P333960/.
55.This quotation and the next: SAA 10 196: http://oracc.org/saao/P333957/.
56.Šašková 2018, 55.
57.Biggs 1995, 1918–1921; Šašková 2018, 64.
58.This quotation and the next: SAA 10 189: http://oracc.org/saao/P334453/.
59.SAA 10 216: http://oracc.org/saao/P334906/.
60.Chronicle 1, translated by Bill T. Arnold and Piotr Michalowski: Chavalas 2006, 411.
61.See Frahm 2010a, 113–123, for a detailed analysis of this.
62.Frahm 2010a, 124–126; Nissinen 1998, 144–150. Note that Radner, writing in 2003, believed that Sasi was probably executed with the other high officials. The later Sasi would, in that case, not be the same man: Radner 2003b, 176.
63.SAA 2 6: http://oracc.org/saao/Q009186/.
64.SAA 2 6 paragraph 98: http://oracc.org/saao/Q009186/.
65.Lauinger 2012, 90.
66.Taylor 2015.
67.Fales 2012.
68.Chronicle 1, translated by Bill T. Arnold and Piotr Michalowski: Chavalas 2006, 411.
69.SAA 10 174: http://oracc.org/saao/P334626/. See also Fales 2009, 257.
70.Chronicle 1, translated by Bill T. Arnold and Piotr Michalowski: Chavalas 2006, 411.
71.Radner 2003b, 172.
72.Chronicle 1, translated by Bill T. Arnold and Piotr Michalowski: Chavalas 2006, 411.
CHAPTER 19
1.Beaulieu 2007, 139.
2.Radner 2003a, 228.
3.Beaulieu 1995, 972.
4.“The Adad-guppi Autobiography,” translated by Tremper Longman III, in Hallo and Younger 2003, vol. 1, 477–478.
5.“The Mother of Nabonidus,” translated by A. Leo Oppenheim: Pritchard 1969, 560–562.
6.Beaulieu 1995, 972; Melville 2006, 390; Razmjou 2013, 105. Adad-guppi’s husband was named Nabu-balatsu-iqbi.
7.Sargon II 84: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/rinap/corpus/#Q006565.2.
8.Postgate 1974.
9.Gershon 2007, 14, 345. The tablets can be found at http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/saao/saa11/corpus under Chapter 9 (Harran Census).
10.Gershon 2007.
11.SAA 11 201: http://oracc.org/saao/P334934/.
12.His house was in the town of Hamede, which is otherwise almost completely unknown.
13.SAA 11 201: http://oracc.org/saao/P334934/. The translation there has the girl described as “nubile,” but the term used for her in the census, batussu, is just the feminine version of the general term for “adolescent.”
14.Gershon 2007, 347–348.
15.Gershon 2007, 348.
16.Gershon 2007, 351.
17.The exact average was 4.08 people: Gershon 2007, 346.
18.Gershon 2007, 350. Among all the lower-stratum families Gershon studied, only 1.5 percent were polygamous.
19.Gershon 2007, 351.
20.SAA 11 201: http://oracc.org/saao/P334934/.
21.Gershon 2007, 352.
22.SAA 11 201: http://oracc.org/saao/P334934/.
23.Barjamovic et al. 2019, 111.
24.Barjamovic et al. 2019, 124.
25.It can be found in one version in Barjamovic et al. 2019, 125, and another at https://www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/ancient-cultures/daily-life-and-practice/bar-test-kitchen-tahu-stew/.
26.Renfrew 2003, 58.
27.Norrie 2003, 22.
28.The Banquet Scene: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1856-0909-53.
29.E.g., BM 124872–124878: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1856-0909-47.
30.SAA 16 28: http://oracc.org/saao/P334196/. Discussed in Taylor 2018, 94–95.
31.Finkel 2018, 80–82.
32.Brinkman 1973, 94–95.
33.OIP 2 83: Brinkman 1973, 94.
34.Brinkman 1973, 95 and n. 31.
35.Novotny 2018, 203.
36.His actual name was Nabu-aplu-usur.
37.Scurlock 2012.
38.Scurlock 2012, 182.
39.Nab. 8, translation by Thomas G. Lee: Lee 1993, 133–134.
40.This was Ashur-uballit II.
41.“Funerary Stele of Adad-guppi,” translated by Paul-Alain Beaulieu: Beaulieu 2007, 146.
42.Melville believes the statues were taken to Babylon: Melville 2006, 390.
43.Lee 1993, 132.
44.Beaulieu 2017, 550.
45.Beaulieu 2017, 551.
46.Adad-guppi may have given birth to her son in her thirties, because he lived for another seventy years, until 539 BCE, and it’s unlikely that he survived to be more than about eighty years old.
47.Autobiography of Adad-guppi, translation by Thomas G. Lee: Lee 1993, 134.
48.“The Adad-guppi Autobiography,” translated by Tremper Longman III, in Hallo and Younger 2003, vol. 1, 477–478.
49.Beaulieu 1995, 976.
50.Beaulieu 2008, 9.
51.Beaulieu 2008, 9.
52.Nebuchadnezzar II 2: http://oracc.org/ribo/Q005473/.
53.Pedersén 2011, 20.
54.Pedersén 2011, 13.
55.Dalley 2015.
56.Statistics are from Klengel-Brandt 1997 and Pedersén 2011.
57.Herodotus, The History of the Persian Wars, I.178.
58.“The Adad-guppi Autobiography,” translated by Tremper Longman III, in Hallo and Younger 2003, vol. 1, 477–478.
59.“The Adad-guppi Autobiography,” translated by Tremper Longman III, in Hallo and Younger 2003, vol. 1, 477–478.
60.Hussein 2016.
61.Álvarez-Mon 2009, 153–154.
62.Álvarez-Mon 2009, 148, 152.
63.Gross and Garcia-Ventura 2018, 381.
64.Salvatore Gaspa did a study of weaving in the Neo-Assyrian period: Gaspa 2013, 226.
65.Gaspa 2013, 226–227.
66.Álvarez-Mon 2009, 153.
67.Sennacherib 17: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/rinap/rinap3/corpus/#rinap/rinap3:Q003491_project-en.68.
68.Gaspa 2013, 231–232.
69.Gaspa 2013, 235.
70.SAA 6 91: http://oracc.org/saao/P335011/.
71.SAA 8 305: http://oracc.org/saao/P238716/.
72.SAA 1 33: http://oracc.org/saao/P334141/, discussed by Gaspa 2013, 230.
73.Gaspa 2013, 232.
74.SAA 6 42: http://oracc.org/saao/P335270/.
75.Waerzeggers 2006, 95.
76.Bongenaar 1997, 305–307.
77.Caroline Waerzeggers has reconstructed the workings of the laundry business in Babylonia from a number of contracts written during the sixth and early fifth centuries BCE: Waerzeggers 2006.
78.Waerzeggers 2006, 95.
79.BM 29228: Waerzeggers 2006, 83–84.
80.Waerzeggers 2006, 94.
81.E.g., BE 8 119: Waerzeggers 2006, 91–92.
82.BM 96390: Waerzeggers 2006, 85–86.
83.VS 6 86: Waerzeggers 2006, 90–91.
84.BM 29228: Waerzeggers 2006, 83–84.
85.Waerzeggers 2006, 94.
86.Waerzeggers 2006, 95.
87.Hussein 2016, 7–8, and Plate 16a.
88.Gross and Garcia-Ventura 2018, 383.
89.Radner 2007, 192–193.
90.Gross and Garcia-Ventura 2018, 379.
91.Gross and Garcia-Ventura 2018, 378.
92.Cousin 2016, 521.
93.Cousin 2016.
94.Cousin 2016, 520.
95.Bab 28122, Melanges Dussaud A: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/ctij/corpus; discussed in Cousin 2016, 518.
96.Bab 28122, Melanges Dussaud A: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/ctij/corpus. See Beaulieu 2008, 6–7, for a discussion of the foreigners listed in these tablets.
97.Cousin 2016, 521–522.
98.SAA 14 161: http://oracc.org/saao/P335252/; discussed in Cousin 2016, 522.
99.Beaulieu 2008, 10–11.
100.Melanges Dussaud B: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/ctij/corpus.
101.http://cojs.org/cojswiki/Babylonian_Ration_List:_King_Jehoiakhin_in_Exile,_592/1_BCE.
102.BM 21946, translated by A. Leo Oppenheim: Pritchard 1969, 563–564.
103.BM 21946, translated by A. Leo Oppenheim: Pritchard 1969, 563–564.
104.BM 21946, translated by A. Leo Oppenheim: Pritchard 1969, 563–564.
105.2 Kings 24:11–12.
106.2 Kings 24:15.
107.2 Kings 24:14.
108.2 Kings 24:13.
109.2 Kings 25:1–17.
110.2 Kings 25:21.
111.2 Kings 25:27–30.
112.Beaulieu 2007, 142.
113.Beaulieu 2007.
114.Beaulieu 2007, 140.
115.Beaulieu 2007, 140.
116.Beaulieu 2007, 142.
117.See Chapter 12.
118.Excellent translations of the Epic are available, such as those by Andrew George (1999, 1–100), Stephanie Dalley (2009, 39–135); and Benjamin Foster (2019, 3–100).
119.“The Mother of Nabonidus,” translated by A. Leo Oppenheim: Pritchard 1969, 561.
120.“The Mother of Nabonidus,” translated by A. Leo Oppenheim: Pritchard 1969, 561.
121.“The Mother of Nabonidus,” translated by A. Leo Oppenheim: Pritchard 1969, 561.
122.His real name was Nergal-sharru-usur.
123.“Nabonidus and his God,” translated by A. Leo Oppenheim: Pritchard 1969, 562–563.
124.“The Mother of Nabonidus,” translated by A. Leo Oppenheim: Pritchard 1969, 561.
125.Beaulieu 2007, 140–148.
126.Beaulieu 2007, 140–144.
127.“The Mother of Nabonidus,” translated by A. Leo Oppenheim: Pritchard 1969, 561.
128.“The Mother of Nabonidus,” translated by A. Leo Oppenheim: Pritchard 1969, 561.
CHAPTER 20
1.Beaulieu 2018b, 239.
2.Nabonidus 34: http://oracc.org/ribo/Q005431/.
3.Nabonidus 34: http://oracc.org/ribo/Q005431/.
4.This quote and subsequent ones about the Ebabbar are from Nabonidus 27: http://oracc.org/ribo/Q005424/.
5.This quote and the next: Nabonidus 34: http://oracc.org/ribo/Q005431.
6.This quote and the next two: BM 119014: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1927-1003-9.
7.Moorey 1982, 251–252.
8.Nabonidus 34: http://oracc.org/ribo/Q005431/.
9.CAD Z, 6.
10.This quote and the next: Nabonidus 34: http://oracc.org/ribo/Q005431/.
11.See Chapter 2.
12.AnOr 8 14, discussed in Stol 1994, 180.
13.Still and Sonnevelt 2020, 105 n. 33.
14.Stol 1994, 180.
15.Bongenaar 2000, 82.
16.Still and Sonnevelt 2020.
17.Still and Sonnevelt 2020, 105.
18.Bongenaar 2000, 84; Pirngruber and Waerzeggers 2011.
19.Waerzeggers 2014, 32.
20.Waerzeggers 2014, 119.
21.Caroline Waerzeggers has done extensive research on the world of Bel-uballit and his family, especially his son Marduk-remanni: Waerzeggers 2014.
22.Waerzeggers 2014, 41.
23.Still and Sonnevelt 2020, 107.
24.Jursa 2010, 220.
25.LB 1743: Still and Sonnevelt 2020, 103.
26.Waerzeggers 2014, 91.
27.Still and Sonnevelt 2020, 108.
28.Waerzeggers 2014, 33.
29.Bongenaar 2000, 84–85.
30.The son’s name was Marduk-remanni.: Waerzeggers 2014.
31.BM 63940: discussed in Waerzeggers 2014, 77 and n. 12.
32.NBC 6189: Jursa 2010, 221.
33.MR 18: Waerzeggers 2014, 77.
34.MR 6: Waerzeggers 2014, 76.
35.Waerzeggers 2014, 76–77.
36.Jursa 2010, 223; Dromard 2017, 231–237.
37.Many scholars have written about Itti-Marduk-balatu and his slaves, but I am drawing here especially from the works of Muhammad A. Dandamaev (1984), Michael Jursa (2010), Gauthier Tolini (2013), and Benjamin Dromard (2017).
38.Tolini 2013, 2.
39.Alstola 2017.
40.“Ninkasi”: Frayne and Stuckey 2021, 259–260.
41.Damerow 2012, 15.
42.See, e.g., the efforts of Patrick McGovern and Dogfish Head brewery to re-create ancient beers: McGovern 2017.
43.Quotes from the Hymn to Ninkasi are all from Civil 1964.
44.Damerow 2012, 15.
45.Alstola 2017.
46.Dandamaev 1984, 323.
47.Nbn. 1019: Dandamaev 1984, 324.
48.Nbn. 681: Dandamaev 1984, 322; Dromard 2017, 234.
49.Dromard 2017, 237.
50.Dromard 2017, 236.
51.Nbn. 845: Dandamaev 1984, 323; discussed in Dromard 2017, 232.
52.Baker 2001, 20.
53.Jursa 2010, 225.
54.Camb. 334: Dandamaev 1984, 107.
55.Jursa 2010, 226.
56.Dandamaev 1984, 197.
57.Cyr. 248: Dandamaev 1984, 282.
58.Baker 2001, 22.
59.Wunsch 2012, 50.
60.Baker 2001, 23.
61.Dandamaev 1984, 117, 120.
62.Cyr. 248: Dandamaev 1984, 282.
63.Wunsch 2012, 50.
64.Baker 2001, 25.
65.Wunsch 2012, 51.
66.Baker 2001, 24.
67.Wunsch 2012, 51.
68.Tolini 2013, 9.
69.Camb. 330: Joannès 1992a; Tolini 2013, 3.
70.See Stol 1994, 170–174, for a discussion of the brewing utensils.
71.Alstola 2017: this was the amount of time the scholars fermented their experimental date beer.
72.Tolini 2013, 6.
73.Abouali et al. 2019, 51, 53.
74.Tolini 2013, 7–8.
75.Stol 1994, 176; Alstola 2017.
76.Camb. 331: Joannès 1992b; Tolini 2013, 4.
77.Tolini 2013, 6.
78.OECT 10, 239: Tolini 2013, 4–5.
79.His full name was Marduk-nasir-apli.
80.CTMMA 3, 65: Tolini 2013, 5.
81.BM 30948: Tolini 2013, 6.
82.Razmjou 2013, 122.
83.Razmjou 2013, 111.
84.Beaulieu 2018a, 241–242.
85.Davies 2002, 66.
86.Daniel 4:33.
87.Daniel 4:34.
88.Cyrus Cylinder, translated by Irving Finkel: http://oracc.org/ribo/Q006653/.
89.Sandowicz 2015.
90.Razmjou 2013, 116.
91.Cyrus Cylinder, translated by Irving Finkel: http://oracc.org/ribo/Q006653/.
92.Razmjou 2013, 117.
93.Cyrus Cylinder, translated by Irving Finkel: http://oracc.org/ribo/Q006653/.
94.Razmjou 2013, 112–113.
95.Waerzeggers 2014, 116.
96.Waerzeggers 2014, 118–119.
97.George 2010.
98.Clancier 2011, 756.
99.Robson 2019, 176.
100.Frahm 2019, 293.
101.Robson, 2008, 227; Robson 2019, 229.
102.Eleanor Robson has written about this house and analyzed the documents found there: Robson 2008, Robson 2019.
103.Arbøll 2021, 7.
104.Robson 2018.
105.Robson 2019, 238.
106.Robson 2019, 238.
107.SpTU 5, 231: http://oracc.org/cams/gkab/P348818; Robson 2008, 232.
108.SpTU 5, 231: http://oracc.org/cams/gkab/P348818; Robson 2008, 232.
109.Robson 2019, 244.
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