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Smoke and Mirrors

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Joan of Arc: A French (Flight of) Fancy

MANY ACCOUNTS OF Joan of Arc portray her as a heroine of the early fifteenth century. They tell of her leading the French armies to countless victories over the English invaders and their Burgundian allies before she was captured and burned as a witch in the marketplace of Rouen. But in fact, among other things, it seems she wasn’t French, she never commanded any army or even fought in battle, and she was not executed for witchcraft. So how did such inaccuracies build to create this iconic character?

She was born in 1412 at Domrémy in Lorraine, an independent duchy not assimilated into France until 1766. Her father was Jacques Darce, his name variously presenting as Darx, Darc and even Tarce but not d’Arc, as the apostrophe was never used in fifteenth-century French names and there was no such place as Arc from which he could have hailed. Her mother was Isabelle de Vouthon, and both she and Jacques elected to be known by the surname of Romée, though it is unclear which of them, if either, had undertaken the pilgrimage to Rome to qualify for such usage. Their daughter was christened Jehannette, not Jeanne/Joan, and it was not until the nineteenth century that the epithet Jeanne d’Arc or Joan of Arc appeared through a misreading of Darc; during her alleged lifetime she was referred to as La Pucelle, ‘The Maid’. The Romées were not of simple peasant stock; Jacques was a highly successful farmer and leading citizen who allegedly threatened to ‘strangle her [Jehannette] with my own hands if she goes into France’. From that, if nothing else, we may safely assume that the people of Domrémy considered themselves to be anything but French.

Much that is told of Jehannette comes from chronicles discovered in Notre Dame in the nineteenth century, but not everyone is convinced that these documents are genuine. According to Roger Caratini, regarded by some to be one of France’s most prestigious historians:

I’m very much afraid that precious little of what we French have been taught in school about Joan of Arc is true … She was, it seems, almost entirely the creation of France’s desperate need for a patriotic mascot in the nineteenth century. The country wanted a hero, the myths of the revolution were altogether too bloody, and France more or less invented the story of its patron saint. The reality is, sadly, a little different … Joan of Arc played no role, or at best only a very minor one, in the Hundred Years War. She was not the liberator of Orléans for the simple reason that the city was never besieged. And the English had nothing to do with her death. I’m afraid it was the Inquisition and the University of Paris that tried and sentenced her … I’m afraid the fact of the matter is that we were the ones who killed our national hero. We may have a problem with the English, but as far as Joan’s concerned, we really shouldn’t.

IMAGINARY VOICES

Little interest was shown in the shadowy figure of ‘Joan’ – even in France – until Napoleon decided to resurrect her as a cult figure. But if she really did lead her sub-commanders to such stunning victories in the Hundred Years War, where are all the glowing testimonies from them? All we really have is a vague tale of a young woman who heard voices and ‘saw things’. She is said to have claimed that her two main ‘voices’ were those of St Margaret of Antioch and St Catherine of Alexandria and while in her time the reality of these two was accepted, it has since been established beyond the doubt of even the most fervent hagiophile that neither in fact existed. This leaves us with a likely fictitious heroine allegedly guided by the voices of two other women who did not exist. But none of this prevented her from being canonized in 1920.

Caratini is by no means alone in thinking Joan a nineteenth-century invention or, at best, ‘one of many maids who followed the army, carrying a banner on the same daily pay as an archer’. France at the time was in turmoil. Assisted by their allies, the Burgundians, the English were in control of vast swathes of the country, resulting in the French court relocating to the safety of Chinon in the Loire. If the entire legend is to be accepted at face value, then we are required to believe that an uneducated sixteen-year-old farm girl, who could barely write her own name, simply rode down to Chinon and, having unerringly picked out the Dauphin who was hiding among his own courtiers to test her, told him of her ‘voices’ and repeated a few prophecies before sauntering out as a battle commander. Even if the Dauphin had been daft enough to make such an appointment, is it realistic to believe that the battle-hardened troops assigned to her banner would have meekly followed, given that she knew nothing of tactics and weaponry?

Had the Maid been the stuff of her own legend, it is puzzling that the first biographical work purporting to detail her life was not written until the seventeenth century by Edmond Richer, head of the Faculty of Theology at the Sorbonne in Paris, his manuscript lying unpublished in archives until 1911. After Richer, the next to tackle the subject was Nicolas Lenglet Du Fresnoy in 1753, followed another century later by Jules Quicherat, who beavered away to produce a five-volume work that most accept as the definitive work on the Maid’s life, trial and death. But on what foundations do these three works rely? One from the seventeenth century, a second from the eighteenth century and a final work from the nineteenth century hardly constitute an unbroken chain of observation and assessment leading back to the early fifteenth century.

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There are more than a few misconceptions attached to the legend of her trial, which did not result from accusations of witchcraft raised against her by the French Inquisition, a precursor to the more infamous Spanish Inquisition. According to the aforementioned Notre Dame documents, the only representative of that body present at the trial was Jean LeMaître who, ignoring threats from the English contingent, kept raising objections over the illegality and shambolic ineptitude of the proceedings. The Maid was tried for claiming that the voices she heard were of divine origin and for wearing male attire in contravention of the dictate expressed in the Bible, the Book of Deuteronomy 22:5, which forbade any kind of cross-dressing. There were allegedly other charges relating to her wearing armour and disporting herself at the head of an army but this too fails to ring true as women in armour leading fourteenth- and fifteenth-century armies were far more common than one might imagine today.

Jeanne de Montfort (d. 1374) organized the defence of Hennebont before, clad in armour and at the head of a 300-strong column of cavalry, she fought her way through to Brest. In 1346, Philippa of Hainault, wife of the English King Edward III, led an army against 12,000 Scottish invaders in her husband’s absence; also in the fourteenth century, Jeanne de Belleville, the Lioness of Brittany, divided her time between preying on English shipping in the Channel and leading her army in northern France; and, in 1383, none other than Pope Boniface wrote in glowing terms of the deeds of Genoese ladies who, clad in their armour, fought in the Crusades. Margaret of Denmark, Jeanne de Penthièvre, Jacqueline of Bavaria, Isabella of Lorraine and Jeanne de Châtillon all wore armour and led armies in their time. Even the treacherous Burgundians, allied to the English invaders and so clamorous for the Maid’s death, had female artillery squads. France was teeming with martial maidens in armour and if this failed to irk the Pope, why would the clerics of Rouen get so enraged over one more example?

More suspicions are raised by the alleged trial records, which depict the defendant as a highly articulate and well-read person who engaged in such stunningly erudite banter with her prosecutors and demonstrated such a grasp of the finer points of theology that she drew grudging admiration even from those determined she would burn. At the time of her alleged trial, she would have been just nineteen and still illiterate, so such impressive knowledge seems unlikely. It also seems clear that, if indeed the trial and execution happened, she did not, as legend would have it, stick to her guns until the bitter end. On the morning of 24 May 1431, she was taken out for execution and, faced with such a gruesome end, she opted to recant all in exchange for life imprisonment; she acknowledged that her ‘voices’ were not divine and promised to shun male attire in the future. Her abjuration was accepted but when the bishops paid her a surprise visit in prison on 29 May they again found her dressed as a man and immediately pronounced her a relapsed heretic who should burn at the stake the very next day. Tied to a stake in Rouen’s Old Market on 30 May 1431, this is supposedly what happened.

To further cloud the issue, some maintain that the so-called Maid did not burn at Rouen because documents found in that city’s archives purport the city officials to have authorized a payment of 210 livres to her ‘for services rendered by her at the siege of the said city’ on 1 August 1439. These highly suspect documents were first trotted out by the French politician François Daniel Polluche at the close of the eighteenth century and given credence the following century by the Belgian antiquarian Joseph Octave Delepierre. In 1898, Dr E. Cobham Brewer, he of Brewer’s Dictionary of Phrase and Fable fame, wrote:

M. Octave Delepierre has published a pamphlet, called Doute Historique, to deny the tradition that Joan of Arc was burned at Rouen for sorcery. He cites a document discovered by Father Vignier in the seventeenth century, in the archives of Metz, to prove that she became the wife of Sieur des Armoise, with whom she resided at Metz, and became the mother of a family. Vignier subsequently found in the family muniment-chest the contract of marriage between Robert des Armoise, knight, and Jeanne D’Arcy, surnamed the Maid of Orleans. In 1740 there were found in the archives of the Maison de Ville d’Orléans records of several payments to certain messengers from Joan to her brother John, bearing the dates 1435, 1436. There is also the entry of a presentation from the council of the city to the Maid, for her services at the siege (dated 1439). M. Delepierre has brought forward a host of other documents to corroborate the same fact, and show that the tale of her martyrdom was invented to throw odium on the English.

There are other sources that claim Joan was alive after 1431. The ancient registers of the Maison de Ville, Orléans, and The Chronicle of the Dean of St Thibault-de-Metz both make reference to a post-Rouen Joan. Polluche laid out his arguments in Problème Historique sur la Pucelle d’Orléans (1749), forming in part the foundation for Delepierre, who first published his findings in the Athenaeum dated 15 September 1855. Either way, there seems to be a great deal of doubt as to the veracity of the tale of Jeanne d’Arc, with major question marks over every detail from her name and nationality right through to her exploits, trial and death.

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