2
Apparently the only opposition so far to the new order were the riots which had taken place on 20 October 1714, 28–29 May and 10 June 1715, which had petered out, by the end of June. In reality, far more serious work had been underfoot elsewhere. At the highest level, the exiled Stuart Court had been deciding when and where to strike against George and his government to recover the lost thrones. Assisting James were the Duke of Berwick, his elder half-brother and a distinguished French soldier, the two leading Tories who had fled England in 1715, Viscount Bolingbroke and the Duke of Ormonde, and another Tory politician, John Erskine (1675–1732), the sixth Earl of Mar. They sought financial and military aid from France, Spain and Sweden and planned to arrive with strong military force in England to ally with disgruntled Englishmen. A secondary rising would occur in Scotland.
These plans were not secret for long. George I’s Resident in Paris was the Earl of Stair and his agents provided ‘particular Accounts of the Pretender’s Designs’. On 20 July the King made a speech to Parliament thus:
That he had certain Advices, that attempts were preparing by the Pretender from abroad, and are carrying on at home, by a Restless Party in his Favour. And in these Circumstances thinks it proper to ask their Assistance, and makes no doubt, but that they will so far consult their own Security, as not to leave the Nation under a Rebellion actually begun at home, and threatened with a Rebellion actually begun at home, in a defenceless Condition.1
Loyal addresses were almost immediately sent from the Common Council of the City of London, the Lieutenancy and JPs of the county of Middlesex and the Lieutenancy of the City. The latter was brought to the King by Sir William Humfreys, the Lord Mayor, who travelled as part of a procession of 50 coaches. The former stressed the King’s regard for the Church of England as a key reason why he should be supported.2
Several weeks later, a deputation of Dissenting ministers presented a similar address to the King.
We desire nothing more than to enjoy our Civil Rights, with a just Liberty to profess our own Religious sentiments, which we take to be a privilege due to all Men. We have always been ready to assist the Church of England in defence of the Protestant Religion when in real and imminent Danger.3
Parliament supported the King and took a number of steps in the next few days for the security of the Crown and government. Habeas Corpus was suspended. Horses valued at over £5 belonging to suspects could be seized and temporarily held by magistrates. Admiral Sir George Byng (1663–1733) was to take the fleet out of port to patrol the southern and eastern coasts. Portsmouth was reinforced by two battalions and three regiments of Foot Guards and four Troops of Horse Guards were to be encamped in Hyde Park. The Militia and Trained Bands of Westminster and Middlesex were summoned into being. Thirteen regiments of dragoons and eight battalions of infantry were ordered to be raised. All officers were to return to their posts and half-pay officers were to be in readiness for service. Catholics were ordered to leave London. Troops were also requested from the United Provinces and by 4 August their future despatch was confirmed.4
These precautions impressed the government’s supporters. Ryder went with a party (including a Dissenting minister) to see the military camp at Hyde Park on 19 August. Many others did so: ‘There was a great crowd of people on foot and horseback and in coaches’.5 Ryder was impressed by the military manoeuvres on display, writing ‘I was mightily pleased to see how such a body of men moved with an exact regularity: it looked like a huge machine in motion.’6 Others went too and saw it as an entertainment superior to that on offer at London’s theatres. Maurice Johnson wrote ‘the tour of Hide Park camp leaves the Theatres very thin’.7
Ryder was sure that the danger was real, and in his diary he noted on 20 August, ‘Everybody thinks the Pretender will still make an attempt’, and this was despite the death of Louis XIV of France, seen as a strong supporter of a Stuart restoration, on 21 August 1715.8 The majority of the crowd in and near London seemed supportive of the King. George I had been to see a ship at Woolwich on 17 September and on his return to London that evening, Ryder noted ‘The bells were ringing and there were illuminations and guns firing for the king’s coming through the city… Among the huzzas, that were very loud, I could distinguish some hisses.’9
There seems to have been relief among the government’s supporters towards the end of August, especially following news of the death of Louis XIV, who, it was thought, would have been a major backer of a potential Jacobite restoration. Daniel Dering, another correspondent of Berkeley, wrote on 2 August, ‘In most part of the country they are come to their senses’. Berkeley wrote two weeks later ‘Our fears of the Pretender are pretty well over’ and Percival wrote of Louis’ death, ‘a more than ordinary Providence has order’d it so’.10
The King’s supporters in the counties were also asked to play their part in this. Orders in Council on 20 July were sent to the Lords Lieutenants, who, supported by a number of deputy lieutenants, were the King’s representative in each county and were usually politically reliable noblemen. These were to inform them that they should put the laws against Catholics into action. This legislation, usually held in abeyance, required Catholics to tender their oaths before the magistrates that they were loyal both to the King and to the Protestant succession. Any that did not do so were liable to have their property searched. Any weapons, other than those deemed necessary for self-defence, could be confiscated for six months, as could any horses valued over £5. This was in order that these horses and weapons could not be utilised in an armed rebellion.11
There were also instructions to raise the county militia, too. This was a force of civilian soldiers which could be raised by the Lord Lieutenant in times of emergency, with arms and equipment supplied by the parishes and led by the Lieutenant and his deputies. However, their training was usually near to non-existent and their military efficiency was low. Those orders sent to the county of Cumberland and Westmorland, arrived with Henry Simpson, clerk of the peace. Six days later, he sent them to the Lord Lieutenant, Charles Howard (1669–1738), the third Earl of Carlisle. Howard signed the commissions naming the captains of the militia companies but left the names of the junior officers (each company was to have a lieutenant and an ensign as well as a captain, as per the regular army) blank, presumably assuming the captains could select their junior officers. Carlisle instructed Simpson to send a copy of the letter he had received to the deputy lieutenants and the JPs.12
The government relied on its local supporters to do as they wished. The anti-Catholic legislation certainly seems to have been carried out in parts of Lancashire. Nicholas Blundell (1669–1737), of Little Crosby, Lancashire, a Catholic gentleman, recorded in his diary on 18 August, ‘Henry Valentine, the High Constable, serched here for Horses, Armes and Gunpowder’.13 In Cheshire, Hugh Cholmondeley (1662–1725), the Lord Lieutenant, was thanked by Townshend on 27 July for his prompt activity in complying.14 In the north riding of Yorkshire, £2 was given to the Chief Constables on 4 October ‘for the trouble they were at in summoning the papists’ and they also claimed a further £30 for searching for arms and horses at Catholic properties.15 Benjamin Hunson, Chief Constable of the Lower division of Skyrack, searched 15 properties on 31 July, a further 11 on the next day and claimed 3s per day for expenses.16 Elsewhere similar searches were made; the constable for the parish of Aldenham in Hertfordshire recorded claiming a shilling ‘for the returns of a warrant for searching after papists’ and another ‘for a warrant for the inhabitants being sworn to the King’.17 York corporation ordered 57 Catholics to appear before them, but only 23 did so. 18 In Kent, the JPs made similar instructions about the Lord Lieutenant authorising searches by the constabulary of the property of anyone felt to be suspicious and seizing any weapons found.19
Townsmen in Portsmouth were loyal to the government, according to General Thomas Erle (1650–1720), in command of the garrison there. He reported that in early August: ‘The townspeople are very harty and gave all possible demonstrations of it yesterday upon the occasion of that day’s solemnity.’ Several hundred had enrolled in companies under officers for the town’s defence, though they awaited commissions for the Secretaries of State to make their formation legal. Hundreds of men came from Gosport, too. By 8 August there were 1,146 men organised into 13 companies. Of these, 486 were to guard Portsmouth, 300 the Isle of Wight, 200 Gosport and 180 ‘The Point’.20
Erle’s main difficulty with these men was that there was discontent among the officers, probably because there were too many gentlemen among the recruits. He wrote ‘I have some difficulty to humour everybody in the disposal of these rancks’. However, he argued that if he could be sent commissions for three more companies, he would be able to ‘satisfie all those who are ambitious of command’. The companies were to be armed ‘without any expense to the government’.21
Contrary to the plans of the Stuart court, the military challenge of the Jacobites first took place in Scotland, not England. On 6 September, the Earl of Mar raised the Jacobite banner at Braemar and in little over a week’s time the Jacobites had control of the city of Perth, as supporters rallied there and promises of support from the western clans came in. The outnumbered forces of the British army gathered at Stirling so as to prevent any southern march by their enemies.
This forced the government to request that its supporters intensify their efforts for local defence. These were really a repeat of what had been asked nearly two months ago, but now the urgency was real. On 16 September, the Privy Council wrote to the lieutenants in the northern counties of England – Northumberland, Durham, Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cheshire and Cumberland and Westmorland. They announced that there was now ‘open and unnaturall rebellion… in that part of His Majesty’s Dominions in Scotland’. There were the two steps they had to take ‘to cause the Militia, both Horse and Foot, to be put in such a Posture as to be in readiness to meet upon the first order’. Secondly and using the said militia, ‘Seize, with the assistance of the Constable, the Persons and arms of all Papists, Non Jurors or other Persons that you have manner to suspect to be Disafected’. On 19 September there was an order that all Lords Lieutenant must go to their counties.22
Carlisle ignored the latter precept, remaining in Yorkshire throughout the crisis, but he did instruct his deputies to put the government’s instructions into action. On 22 September he had letters sent to them, ‘I must recommend to your Care and Vigilance a Strict and Due Execution of them’. This led to Catholics in the county being taken to Carlisle castle, as recommended by the Earl as ‘the safest and properest place to send the persons you take into Custody to’.23
Henry Lowther (1694–1751), Viscount Lonsdale, was a young deputy lieutenant and was entrusted with the defence of Cumberland and Westmorland. This former county was on the border of Scotland and was thus on the front line. He saw the urgency and wrote to his fellow deputies on 25 September, as to the need to act against those relatively few Catholics in the county ‘I believe it will be advisable to proceed as soon as possible upon this order’. He also wanted to convene a face-to-face meeting with his fellows. He proposed that this should occur at Henry Hayton’s house in Penrith and the meeting took place on 4 October. Fourteen attended, including Nicolson and Sir Thomas Stanwix, the lieutenant governor of Carlisle Castle. They focussed on the militia. Some of those who had previously served as officers were now either dead or infirm. They decided that each of the militia captains should instruct each High Constable for each ward of the county to order
every Constable within the ward to Return and Summon three persons, between the age of Twenty and Fifty, to appear before each Captaine at such time and place as he shall appoint for and respect of each person so Deceased or Superannuated.
As well as supplying men, constables were also told to provide weapons for them. Each captain was to provide a report by 17 October as to how well his company was armed.24
In Lancashire, the county in England with most Catholics, especially among the landed gentry, the lord lieutenant, James Stanley (1664–1736), the tenth Earl of Derby, wrote to his deputies on 27 September, about the need to raise the militia, but they did not meet for another month.25
There was also concern in the City of Carlisle, as a former frontline border fortress, which, with its castle, had been accustomed to being besieged in earlier conflicts. On 21 September, without any notification from the government, the corporation noted that ‘the present state of affairs in the north’ meant that they must act. They had a census of all able-bodied men within the little city who were capable of bearing arms should the need to defend themselves arise. They also made orders that these men be provided with weapons if need be. It should be borne in mind that Carlisle was a walled city. All arms were to be lodged within the castle for safe keeping. Anyone entering the city who did not live there was seen as a potential Jacobite spy. All innkeepers in the city were ordered to list any stranger lodging with them and pass it onto the corporation. If they did not do so they would lose the licence the corporation gave them to carry on their business. Inside the castle there was to be additional bedding in case more men were needed to reside there to augment the garrison.26
As time went by, the government identified particular individuals whom they wished to arrest among the gentry and nobility and steps were taken to do this. On 22 September warrants were made out to take six members of Parliament. One of these was Thomas Forster (1683–1738), a Tory MP for Northumberland. James Radcliffe (1689–1716), third Earl of Derwentwater and a leading Catholic nobleman of the same county, was also to be arrested. Yet both men were alerted and delays in taking them led to their escaping.27 Fairfax Norcliff of Ripon, sheriff of Yorkshire, ordered the arrest of Lord Clifton and William Tunstall on 22 September, but neither man seems to have been taken; indeed Tunstall joined the Jacobite army and was appointed quartermaster.28 Meanwhile, Captain Madox of the London Trained Bands, unearthed 200 arms at a Catholic’s house near Soho.29
It was not only official channels that were looked to for support. Henry Liddell wrote on 27 September to his friend and business associate, William Cotesworth (c.1668–1725) of Gateshead. What was needed was intelligence of Jacobite activity in those parts nearest to Scotland. Northumberland was the other county adjacent to Scotland. Liddell wrote to Cotesworth: ‘to know if he could recommend any notable person in your parts who could be trusted and on whose intelligence one might depend’. Liddell then added ‘I knew none so capable in every respect as yourself’. Cotesworth was promised a reward for his services, ‘This will intitle you to a favour more than ordinary’ and was complimented thus, ‘Pray consider this well [it] would be an extraordinary service to your King and country… Can you have any intelligence form Scotland?’ 30 As we shall see in the following chapter, Cotesworth was not slow in providing information, though it was mostly about events in Northumberland, rather than Scotland.
Cotesworth was in no doubt as to the danger in Scotland and, on 26 September, he outlined to Sir George Warrender (1658–1721), Lord Provost of Edinburgh, the situation as he saw it and also the steps he was taking to deal with it:
I need not tell you the dangerous Condition we are come into by the Restless malice of our enemies. We think all Honest men ought at this juncture to exert themselves to the Support of our present happy Government: we are a Club of us who have sent messengers throughout these Counties to enquire of our friends what appearance the enimie makes and it is on this account we have sent this messenger with letters to your City.
He asked Warrender for ‘an account of the state of publick matters in Relation to the Rebells, whether you think they are formidable and how you finds your people disposed to oppose them’. Cotesworth was concerned but ‘we are Resolved to ventur all in defence of the present Government’. He told Warrender of his pleasure that the attempted Jacobite coup against Edinburgh castle was a failure.31
One of Cotesworth’s allies was Antony Compton, mayor of Berwick, who described Cotesworth as ‘a Gentleman of very great Worth and very zealous for the Government’. The Englishmen wanted to learn any news from Stirling and what was known there about the Jacobite army ‘which may be of great use to the Honest party in and about New Castle’.32
As well as these practical steps taken to secure suspects and to make rudimentary precautions, there was a great deal of verbal support for George I, in terms of loyal addresses, sermons and in terms of the celebrations of anniversaries associated with the new monarch.
The first anniversary of the King’s accession, 1 August 1715, was widely celebrated. In London there were similar rejoicings. The court was well attended and the King heard a sermon by William Wake (1657–1737), the bishop of Lincoln, in the Chapel Royal. Cannon fired salutes for him. ‘In the Evening were Illuminations, Bonefires and other publick Demonstrations of Joy, in the Cities of London and Westminster, and thro’ the streets were scarce ever more crowded with people, yet tis observable there was not the least Disturbance’.33
Two bonfires were described in detail. One was outside The Roebuck, in Cheapside. This was attended by several hundred ‘eminent citizens and gentlemen’. There were hosts to the royal family, to Marlborough, and to leading ministers, James Stanhope (1673–1721), Robert Walpole (1676–1745) and others. They were there from 5 p.m. to 9 p.m. An effigy of the Pretender in mourning dress and a halter around his neck was placed on a ladder and put up for an hour and then put on top of the bonfire. This was lit and there were shouts of joy. The song Lilliburlero (an anti-Catholic song which had become popular in 1688) was heard as well as other loyal tunes. Bells were rung and huzzas were heard. The King and Royal Family were cheered and Ormonde and Bolingbroke were jeered, in part for the part they had played in the controversial Utrecht treaty.34
The other bonfire was at Rochford’s coffee house near the Mews. It had been built on the previous day, with a large post in the centre surrounded by 20 barrels of pitch and then piles of faggots in the form of a pyramid. When lit it burnt for two hours and additional material was added, including a picture of James Stuart. Beer was provided for the crowd and they made cheers for the King. Mottoes were on display for the King, his several children, Generals Marlborough, Argyll and Cadogan, politicians Stanhope and Walpole, and others.35
Ryder noted that in the morning, ‘This is the day of the [anniversary of the] King’s accession to the throne when the Queen died. The bells have rung very thoroughly and for a long time.’ He went into London that evening, ‘dressed myself in best clothes and laced ruffles’ and was at St. James; at nine o’clock. He recorded, ‘There were several bonfires in the streets as I went along in the coach and vast crowds of people in the streets to look at them but no tumults or disturbances at all.’ Ryder then mentioned that the Riot Act had just been passed and so may this be inferring that this legislation may have deterred any Jacobite disturbances, though there had been none in the capital apart from one on 23 April.36
Elsewhere, the Rev. William Flyer preached before Leicester corporation and they were so impressed of his ‘excellent sermon preached before us this day and that he desired he be directed to print the same at the charge of the corporation’.37
What is also noteworthy is that loyalty to George I was also demonstrated in some unexpected places. The Tory-dominated Leeds corporation and their allies in the Anglican Church had been seen as being lukewarm at best in dealing with a Jacobite disturbance in the town on 10 June. However, on 1 August their behaviour could not be faulted by their critics. They told the Lord Lieutenant of the east riding of Yorkshire, Richard Ingram (1686–1721), fifth Viscount Irwin, that on that day ‘We are at this time met with hearts full of joy to celebrate His Majesty’s happy accession to the throne of England’.38 Bells were rung and bonfires were lit. The Rev. John Killingbeck, Vicar of the parish church of St. Peter, made a loyalist sermon. Solomon Pollard, the mayor, and his aldermen, stood around a bonfire, each man holding a bottle of wine and a glass, and made a number of toasts. These were to the Church of England, King George, the Prince of Wales and the rest of the royal family. John Lucas (1684–1750), a Leeds schoolmaster, wrote that the event was ‘observed here with great solemnity’ and a few days later, Pollard wrote to Irwin to tell him that the corporation was ‘well affected to His Majesty and his government’.39 It is possible that the troop of dragoons stationed in the town may have influenced Pollard and his colleagues, but then they had been there on 10 June and had not prevented the Jacobite disturbance of bell ringing and a bonfire occurring then.
There were similar scenes at Oxford, too, where there had been Jacobite disturbances earlier in the year, and, unlike at Leeds, there was no military presence. Daniel Webb, the mayor, and the aldermen attended a sermon at Carfax church where the Rev. Reynolds of Corpus Christi College made ‘so loyal and good a sermon’ before a church that was ‘pretty full’. One Wright, ‘a worthy and loyal gentleman’, ordered hundreds of candles to be lit in his windows. Others did likewise. Mr Burroughs, an ironmonger of the High Street, for one, then Caleb Coulton, publican of The Star, Messrs Kears and Spindler, mercers and one Baker, a wiremaker in the Cornmarket. The Whig Constitutional Club met at the King’s Head and drank George I’s health as well as others.40 Although Hearne alleged that ‘there was not so much as one good peal rung in Oxford’, the churchwardens’ accounts of five city churches note that money was spent in paying the bell ringers on this date.41
As in 1714, there were loyal addresses sent to the King. The text of relatively few are known, however. On 29 September, Dr Thomas Sherlock (1678–1761), Vice Chancellor of Cambridge University, presented the university’s. Explicitly, it focussed on thanks for the King’s recent gift to the university of the 30,000-volume library of the late bishop of Ely, ‘the Gracious Mark of Royal favour’. It was very much a positive address, focussing on George I’s virtues, standing for liberty and learning and tranquillity in public matters, and not on the allegedly vile nature of the Jacobites and Catholics. The address went on to say ‘Your university will endeavour, as she is bound to do by the strongest ties of Interest and Gratitude, to promote the happiness of your Government’.42
The text of Cheshire’s loyal address is known and ran as follows:
When the Inveterate Enemy of our Religion & liberties in open violation of the most solemn Treaties is preparing to invade your Majesty’s Dominions & to impose us a popish Pretender to your Majesty’s Crown, when many of your Majesty’s deluded subjects insensible to the blessings of your Majesty’s happy reign have given too much encouragement to this attempt by their late Riots & tumults in several parts of this Kingdom we think it high time for your Majesty’s most dutyfull and loyal subjects to prostrate ourselves at your Majesty’s feet with the surest Assurance of an untainted Affection & Loyalty to your Majesty’s person and government and that as we have hitherto preserved this City entirely free from the contagion of ill examples, so we will upon all occasions to the last drop of our blood defend your Majesty’s lawful & rightful title to the Crown of these Realms (to which we esteem our Religious & civil rights as inseparably annexed) against the said pretender and all other of your Majesty’s enemies whatsoever.43
There were also sermons by the clergy on this theme. The Rev. Thomas Durnford, curate of Rockbourne in Hampshire, preached on 3 August at Winchester Cathedral. His theme was ‘the folly of thinking the former times better than the present’. It was clearly aimed at those who were nostalgic for the alleged ‘golden age’ of Queen Anne and this would include many Tories. He also tried to damp down complaints about the current age, ‘A warning this at all times, seasonable and proper, that never more necessary to be given than now, for thro’ ingratitude to God, murmurings and repining at our present condition are vices to which every human nature is very prone.’44
He added that such discontent was folly, stirred up by the ‘malignant humour’ and ‘artifices’ of some, and that these played on the ‘credulity of others’. Durnford reminded his congregation that William III had been Britain’s deliverer from all the dangers that Catholicism threatened. When Anne was queen, her government had been involved in the blackest of treachery against her wartime allies by unilaterally deserting them toward the war’s end. This also showed ingratitude to Britain’s battle-winning general, the Duke of Marlborough. However, the worst had been averted by George’s accession, who now ruled over a ‘happy and prosperous people’.45
The present happy status quo included liberty and happiness in religious matters: ‘We have all the happiness to live under an establishment as wisely fram’d as to answer all the good ends of government.’ Change, as promised by the Jacobites, could only come about by ‘scenes of blood and cruelty’ of civil war. The factious spread lies to bring this about and to complain about one’s lot in life being sinful and folly; difficulties could be resolved not by complaining but by working in unison.46
Loyalty was to be put to a harsher test, soon enough, at least for those in the northern counties, for it was into some of these that a Jacobite army would march. The rising in Scotland in September doubtless gave rise to fears of what might happen in England. On 21 September Berkeley wrote ‘We are in a very ill condition, the rage and resentment of the Tories having at length broke out into an open flame.’ Yet a day later, with the discovery of the six MPs in conspiracy, all of whom save the above-mentioned Forster, were arrested, he changed his mind: ‘Our Apprehensions abate and I don’t doubt that the mischief is prevented’. Dering agreed, ‘there is ground to hope that all the bloodshed and desolation which then threatened us will be prevented by the discovery they have made’.47
These comments were somewhat premature, as we shall see.
Notes
1. Rae, History, p. 169.
2. Political State, X, pp. 108–111.
3. Ibid., pp. 116–117.
4. Ibid., pp. 170–173.
5. Matthews, Diary, p. 80.
6. Ibid.
7. Diana and Michael Honeybone, eds., ‘The Correspondence of William Stukeley and Maurice Johnson’. Lincolnshire Record Society, 104, (2014), p. 115.
8. Matthews, Diary, p. 81.
9. Ibid., p. 100.
10. BL. Add. Mss. 47028, ff.50v, 59v, 63r.
11. Rae, History, pp. 169–174.
12. Rupert Jarvis, The Jacobite Risings of 1715 and 1745 (Cumberland County Council, 1954), pp. 143–149.
13. Frank Tyrer, ed., ‘The Great Diurnall of Nicholas Blundell, 1712–1719, II’, Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire (1970), p. 144.
14. TNA, SP44/117, p. 211.
15. NYCRO, QSM, p. 240.
16. West Yorkshire Archive Service: Wakefield, QS1/55/4.
17. HALS, DP3/9/2.
18. YCA, F12a, pp. x–xv.
19. Kent Archives, Sessions Papers, QSB 235.
20. TNA, SP35/4, ff.5r-6v, 17r, 19r.
21. Ibid., f.17r.
22. Jarvis, Jacobite Risings, pp. 149–150; TNA, SP44/118, p. 29.
23. Ibid., pp. 152–153.
24. Ibid., pp. 153–155.
25. ‘A Calendar of the Deeds and Papers in the Possession of Sir James de Hoghton, Baronet of Hoghton Tower, Lancashire’, Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 88, (1936), p. 112.
26. CAS Carlisle, CA2/3, 57r, 58v.
27. Robert Patten, History of the Rebellion (London: J. Roberts, 1745), pp. 17–18, 48.
28. TNA, SP44/117, p. 257.
29. Stamford Mercury, 6 October 1715.
30. Ellis, ‘Correspondence’, p. 179.
31. William Kirk Dickson, ed., ‘Warrender Letters’, Scottish History Society, 3rd series, XXV, (1935), pp. 98–99.
32. Ibid., p. 98.
33. Political State, X, p. 185.
34. Ibid., pp. 186–187.
35. Ibid., pp. 188–190.
36. Matthews, Diary, p. 66.
37. Chinnery, Records, p. 74.
38. WYAS: Leeds, TN/PO3/3C/9.
39. Leeds Local History Library, Diary of John Lucas, p. 33; WYAS, Leeds, TN/PO3/3C/6.
40. The Flying Post, 3689, 6–8 August 1715.
41. Oxfordshire Record Office, PAR199/4/F1/2, f.72; PAR208/4/F1/71; PAR202/4/F1/2, f.52; PAR213/4/F1/4, f.139; PAR200/DD/C1, f.130.
42. C.H. Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, IV (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1862), p. 140.
43. Chester Record Office, AF/49g/50.
44. T. Durnford, The Folly of Thinking the Former Times Better than the Present (London: Thomas Childe, 1715), p. 9.
45. Ibid., pp. 9, 14–16.
46. Ibid, pp. 16, 28–30.
47. BL. Add. Mss. 47028, ff. 73v, 77v, 78r.