The Loyalist Triumph 14 November 1715–November 1716

The tide of the military campaign took a decisive step, or rather steps, on 13–14 November 1715. Jacobite forces were defeated between November 1715 and February 1716; the Anglo-Scottish army surrendered at Preston on 14 November to the forces of Generals Carpenter and Wills, the advance of the main Scottish army was halted at Sheriffmuir on 13 November and returned to its base in Perth, very much numerically diminished as time went by; Inverness was evacuated by the Jacobites on the same day and occupied by loyalist Highlanders. Dutch reinforcements arrived for Argyll’s army and he finally gained the numerical upper hand over the Jacobite army. At the end of January 1716, the remnant of the Jacobite army retreated from Perth; it ceased to exist a little more than a week later. James Stuart, having arrived in Scotland in December 1715, went back to France in February 1716 prior to the break-up of his army.

There were a number of occasions on which loyalists could show their enthusiasm for the British army’s military triumphs over the Jacobites, as well as on loyalist occasions such as the King’s birthday in the following year and additionally the day appointed for thanksgiving for the defeat of the Jacobites. When news reached London on 15 November that the Jacobites had surrendered at Preston, Liddell informed Cotesworth: ‘You see a Joy throughout the City which can’t be well parallel’d and the court shew no less satisfaction. This noble action has nipp’d the designs off our enemies in the budd so they can’t expect a plentifull cropp.’1 Likewise, Lady Cowper wrote ‘the surrender of these Prisoners filled the Town with Joy’.2

The Cutlers’ Company of Sheffield had their church bells rung for the news of the Jacobite surrender at Preston (twice) and on hearing of the Jacobite retreat in Scotland in the following year. They paid for candles and ale at the town hall when they heard that James had left Scotland.3 Likewise, the powerful Merchant Adventurers’ Guild in Newcastle sent a ‘humble address to His majesty King George upon the happy success of his arms against the rebels’.4

Many attributed the victory to the Almighty. Symson wrote in a letter: ‘Praised be our good and merciful God they were all defeated about 1500 taken prisoner. Oh that we may praise the Lord for His goodness and that it may please him to quiet all rebellious villains who I hope will meet with their desserts.’ On hearing of the action at Sheriffmuir, he wrote ‘God be thanked the Duke of Argyll obtained a victory over them in Scotland’.5 More privately, Bishop Nicolson wrote in his diary, ‘Good News from Preston’ on 14 November.6 Likewise, Clegg wrote from Derbyshire, blessing the deity for the result of the battles, ‘the peace of the Kingdom soon restord, blessed be God’.7

Berkeley wrote on 15 November, ‘God be thanked this affair will determine our confusion this side of the Tweed, and we hope soon to hear a good account of our Troops on the other side’. He soon heard what he wanted to: ‘I hope this blow hath put an end to or prevented the calamations we had too much cause to apprehend from an obstinate and bloody civil war.’8

Others wrote in more general terms. Stout later wrote in his autobiography, ‘Almighty Providence preserved us’.9 In a similar vein, the Rev. George Booth wrote: ‘Blessed be God who has delivered us from these Popish and Protestant Jacobites one time after another’.10

Richard Webster, a revenue official, and two friends, drank loyal toasts in Howden Marketplace in Yorkshire on hearing the news of victory in Scotland.11 On seeing the aurora borealis, Ambrose Barnes, a Gateshead merchant, claimed ‘A pleasant countryman declared it to be an illumination and publick rejoicing in the heavens for the defeat of King George’s enemies.’12

Celebration did not mean the same as a lack of criticism of its authors. Ryder was a loyal a Whig as any, yet he recorded a discussion he participated in in a coffee house on 18 November, when news of the battle of Sheriffmuir was extremely fresh. He noted ‘the victory seems not to be very complete’. There was criticism of Argyll for having advanced from Stirling to meet the Jacobite army in battle; the armchair generals believed he should have remained strictly on the defensive. It was concluded ‘the Duke of Argyll is an ambitious man and perhaps was afraid lest the honour of conquering the rebels and reducing them should be given to others or shared with others’.13

There were also public celebrations. News of the Jacobite surrender at Preston came to Chester on the same day that it occurred. The castle’s guns were fired, bonfires in the street were lit, and candles were used to light up churches and houses. There were cries of ‘No Popery’, wild acclamations and ‘all imaginable demonstrations of Joy’.14 The city’s elite drank loyal toasts.15 On the following day, the ‘The City and the Wirral Militia exercise and exalt in their hats were the colour of Victory, Green Ribbands’.16 On 19 November, Nicolson wrote ‘Rejoycings on the good News from Stirling’.17

Optimism tempered by caution was Liddell’s reaction to the strengthened position in Scotland when he wrote on 4 January,

Yesterday’s express from Scotland brought very agreeable news to the court likewise. If things go well there we have no just fears off an impending danger, but if we meet with any considerable ruffle we shall be in immediate confusion.

He need not have worried. The news of the end of the rebellion in Scotland was greeted with applause in Newcastle, with Liddell remarking in February 1716 that his friend Cotesworth had been successful in ‘obliging their [Newcastle’s] great bells to ring aloud till next morning which sufficiently proclaims our success’.18 Likewise in Chester, Prescott noted ‘The Bells presently publish the Success. Joy and despair part the Town’.19 Yet in London on 21 February Ryder merely noted, after briefly following the news of the end of the campaign there, ‘The rebellion in Scotland is almost at an end and it is expected there will be no more trouble there.’20

There were also celebrations sponsored by municipal authorities. In Chester it was noted

The Treat lately made in the pentice of this City for the entertainment of the Rt. Ho. The Earl of Cholmondeley, Lord Lieutenant, and other persons of quality upon the late Defeat of ye Rebels at Preston is approved and the charge thereof allowed by the house of the treasury of this city.21

Liverpool’s celebrations were a little delayed, occurring on 29 November. The mayor and Corporation, as well as Hoghton and Derby, were prominent there. They had their cannon mounted on their now-redundant defences fire a 55-gun salute; one shot for each year of George I’s life. Toasts were made at the Common Hall and at the Mayor’s house to Generals Carpenter and Wills, members of the Royal Family and also the town’s MPs (Sir Thomas Johnson and Edward Norris). A newspaper recorded ‘At their entrance in Town was a vast concourse of spectators, supposed to be above 10,000’ and ‘The Evening concluded with illuminations, ringing of Bells &c and a Ball at Mr Mayor’s’.22

Bell ringing, as ever, was much in evidence following the Jacobite defeats. The Appleby churchwardens’ accounts read for 15–16 November, ‘Given in ale to the ringers upon the news and rejoicing of the defeat of the rebels, 2s’. The bell ringers at Kirkby Lonsdale had to wait until the following year before they could ring likewise, then being given a total of 8s for ringing to mark the victories at Preston and Sheriffmuir. Penrith church’s bells rang to mark the departure of James Stuart from Scotland and the ringers were given 2s.23

At the other end of the country there were similar celebrations heard from bell towers of churches. At Lymington in Hampshire, bells rang in November to celebrate ‘the success at Preston and Scotland over the rebels’.24 The bells at St Michael’s in Southampton also rang to celebrate the victory at Preston. Apparently, this was instigated by Commander John Mears of the Calshot sloop.25 At Werburgh in Derbyshire, the ringers were paid 5s for ‘good news’ from Scotland and those in Quainton in Buckinghamshire had the same for ringing ‘when ye news came as ye Pretender and his friends were beat in Scotland’.26

For those Yorkshire churches for which records exist, ten specifically paid the bell ringers to ring to mark the victory at Preston, but only four did so for that at Sheriffmuir. Similarly, in Durham over a quarter rang for Preston but less than a fifth for Sheriffmuir.27 This could be because the victory at Preston led to the surrender of an entire Jacobite army. By contrast, that at Sheriffmuir led to a Jacobite army retreating back to Perth, it remained in existence and the conflict there carried on for another three months. It could also be because Preston was rather nearer than Sheriffmuir and so the danger from a Jacobite army there seemed all the more imminent and dangerous. As has been noted, there were fears that the Jacobites might have marched into Yorkshire.

Although there had been defeats inflicted upon the Jacobite army, there was still one in arms in Perth. Dutch troops were employed and marched northwards. Of the 500 who were billeted on Ripley in Yorkshire, it was noticed that the vicar, the Rev. Richard Kirshaw, ‘particularly entertain’d 20 of ‘em, Gratis’.28

The actions of the Loyal Society in London have already been referred to. On 17 November they met to celebrate the anniversary of the accession of Queen Elizabeth ‘the glorious Protestant Queen’. They heard that a Jacobite mob was shouting Jacobite slogans, so the loyalists went to where they were located, at Newgate Street, attacked them, knocked down between 20 and 30 and the rest fled. They also took the Jacobite-made effigies of William III, George I and Marlborough, which were intended to be burnt. Later in the evening the Jacobite mob attacked the Whigs and the latter replied with their guns, but used powder only. This being insufficient they loaded with deadly ball and killed two of the Jacobites. The Lord Mayor and other arriving, shouting ‘King George forever’, and the mob dispersed.29

The first physical sign in the south of England of the rebellion’s failure were the prisoners taken at Preston. They arrived in London on 9 December. In the account of a contemporary historian:

innumerable Crowds of Spectators, who all of them expressed the utmost Detestation of their Rebellious Attempt, by upbraiding them with their Crime, shouting them along in this disgraceful Triumph, and incessantly crying out, King George forever, No warming Pan Bastard: The Mobs in the mean time marched before them beating on a warming Pan.30

Rather more refined was Lady Cowper, who noted of the arrival of the Jacobite prisoners: ‘The Mob insulted them terribly, carrying a Warming-pan before them and saying a thousand barbarous Things.’ Since one of her family was among the prisoners: ‘I did not see them come into Town, nor let any of my Children do so. I thought it would be an insulting of the Relations I had there: though almost Everybody went to see them.’31

Another account relates how the streets were lined with spectators, of all ages, sexes and ranks. Some were on foot and some were on horseback; some viewed the scene from their carriages. Apparently some ‘rude boys’ threw dirt in the face of Thomas Forster, the Jacobite general. In addition to the cries already mentioned, ‘No Popish pretender’ and ‘Down with the Rebels’ were heard.32

When several hundred prisoners arrived at Chester, there were similar scenes. Apparently, ‘There seemed to be a prodigious number of spectators, who seemed well pleased with the sight’.33

Military heroes were applauded. When the Duke of Argyll, fresh from his triumphs over the Jacobites in Scotland, arrived at Newcastle on 5 March 1716 he received a hero’s welcome. Church bells rang and the mayor, Henry Dalston, and his aldermen gave Argyll an official welcome, congratulating him on his safe arrival there.34

News of the Jacobite retreat in Scotland and the departure of James was also greeted enthusiastically. Lady Cowper wrote

One might see the good Effects of the News which came Yesterday that the Rebels had abandoned Perth, and the King’s Forces taken Possession of it: for there was not a Word that was loyal but what met with the greatest Acclamations.35

As occurred during the campaign, there were many official addresses from corporations, counties and other bodies, to the court. The corporation of Windsor in Berkshire decided to send their second on 7 June:

It is ordered that the address to His Majesty now read be further engrossed and signed by the respective members of this corporation and afterwards carried by the serjeant to the gentlemen and inhabitants of the town and presented to his majesty by Mr Mayor, four aldermen and Mr Chamberlain at the charge of the corporation.36

Some places had failed to do so beforehand, however, but did so afterwards. Newcastle corporation, which had not hitherto sent George I a loyal address, did so in December 1715 (the same was the case with that of neighbouring Durham). They referred to their own part in inhibiting the progress of the Jacobites, paying references to their ‘cheerful concurrence and hearty zeal’, that they had ‘grudg’d no expence to effectually secure this place’.37

In the case of the east riding of Yorkshire the address also included the names of 14,000 names, indicative of a show of mass support, that it was not merely restricted to the county elite.38

In all some 17 counties and 28 corporations sent loyal addresses in 1716, as did both archbishoprics and two dean and chapters. Of these, 7 and 16, respectively, had sent addresses in 1715; whereas 10 and 12, respectively, had not sent them in 1715. What is perhaps curious is that 10 counties and 78 corporations who had sent loyal addresses in the previous year, when the outcome was uncertain, did not do so in 1716.

The text of most of these addresses is unknown. However, that of the archbishop and dean and chapter of York has survived. They referred to their ‘entire Abhorrence and Distress of that most unnatural and most wicked rebellion begun and carried out by Papists, Non Jurors and disaffected persons’. They declared their willingness to stand by George I against all his enemies. In particular, they noted their two especial obligations to him: of duty and of interest. They had sworn their allegiance to him, so this was their duty to uphold that; if the rebellion had succeeded and had led to the reintroduction of Catholicism, those in the Church of England would have been the first to suffer. Therefore, ‘we now offer up our most hearty and fervent prayers to God, that he should be pleased to give your Majesty the Victory over all your enemies’ and to preserve the King and his successors on the throne.39

Another religious community who sent a loyal address whose text is known was the General Assembly of Quakers. They complimented the King as follows: ‘a Prince, whose Justice, Clemency and Moderation cannot but endear and firmly unite the Hearts and Affections of all good Protestant Subjects’. They wished him and his dynasty wisdom, virtue and longevity.40 The City of London’s address was ferocious in its description of the Jacobite rebels as ‘Vile Traytors’ who openly or secretly desired to depose or murder George I. James was described as ‘a Popish Pretender’.41

Then there were the trials and executions of the vanquished. As a law student as well as a Whig, Ryder was naturally agog to attend these in the public gallery. The first he went to after the defeat of the Jacobites was that of Captain Dorrell, one of the three conspirators taken at Oxford earlier that year. Ryder consider the evidence brought by the prosecution against him to be more than enough to convict him.42

The most socially prominent of the trials were those of the seven Jacobite lords, brought to London in December 1715. The most prominent executions following this were those of two of the Jacobite lords, Derwentwater and Viscount Kenmure, which took place by beheading on Tower Hill on 24 February. Ryder attended ‘and got a convenient place to see the execution’ as did many others: ‘I never saw so large a collection of people in my life.’ There seemed little sorrow over the death of Derwentwater: ‘There was no disturbance made at all, while the mob were as quiet as lambs, nor did there seem to be any face of sorrow among the multitude.’43

Ryder did not exalt over the death of those executed. However, he did applaud the attitude which George I had displayed on the occasion:

I was very well pleased to see that the King had resolution enough to execute these lords. I think he has given in this a greater proof than ever of his fitness to govern this nation and I am persuaded it will have a good effect both at home to make the Tories partly despair and partly to come over to the King, and abroad to raise his character in foreign nations, and convince them that it is not the clamour and noise of rebels or the mob that shall interrupt the course of justice or shake his resolute mind.44

Ryder did not see the next two executions of Jacobites in London, but he did see the final journey of two lesser Jacobites, John Hall and the Rev. William Paul, along Holborn on their way to be hanged, which took place on 13 July 1716. These were the last Jacobites to be hanged in London that year; indeed, the last Jacobites to be executed in the capital until 1746. Later that day Ryder described a conversation he had with one Jackson about the executions,

He is mightily pleased as well as myself that the parson is hanged as an example and warning to other priests that they may not fancy their cloth will be a protection to them against the justice of the law.45

Lady Cowper saw matters rather differently, commenting on Kenmure’s courage on the scaffold and sympathising with Derwentwater’s fate. She wrote ‘Fatal Necessity, that it should be necessary for the Wellbeing of the Community that our Fellow-creatures should suffer!’46

Hall and Paul both wrote final speeches, which were allowed to be printed in order that government writers could rebut the claims made in them. Ryder had nothing but scorn for the Jacobite writings, claiming

The speeches themselves are full of prevarications and lies and plainly appear not to be the genuine sentiments of a man at his last extremity going to leave the world so much as an artful contrivance to advance the party and cause.47

Some, however, despite detesting the Jacobite cause, were not unhappy about some of the Jacobites escaping from gaol. Lord Nithsdale escaped from the Tower, leading Lady Cowper to write: ‘It is confirmed that Lord Nithsdale is escaped. I hope he’ll get clear off. I never was better pleased at Anything in my Life, and I believe Everybody is the same.’48

Loyalists could express sympathy towards individual prisoners. Symson, who, as noted, exalted over the defeat of the rebellion, was one such. He wrote about the prisoners in general, ‘they will meet with their desserts’, but when a friend of his late wife approached him to ask him to use what influence he could, he was not backward in doing so. He contacted William Shaw of Preston to intercede on the woman’s prisoner husband’s behalf and the man’s life was saved.49 Likewise, Liddell wrote on 19 July 1716, ‘I shall doe what I can for young Pierson’, another Jacobite prisoner.50

Towards the end of 1716 interest in the judicial process was on the wane for some loyalists. Prisoners taken in Scotland were sent to Carlisle for trial. Nicolson and Dawes were among those interested, but the former noted that others were absent; James Lowther (1673–1755), an MP for Cumberland, exempted himself from the Grand Jury and as Nicolson wrote,

Neither of our temporal lords in the Commission (Earl of Carlisle and Lord Lonsdale) are in the country. The former has indeed liv’d long in Yorkshire; but his friends here hop’d that (on this occasion) his lordship would have countenanced them with his presence. The latter left us just as the judges were upon the confines of the county.51

A society of loyal gentlemen was formed in London on 20 April 1716 and they held a meeting of over 80 members at the Temple Tavern in Fleet Street. The Earl of Sutherland, a leading member of the government, was their guest of honour. They enjoyed ‘a very splendid dinner and a great variety of instrumental music’. Drums were beaten and trumpets sounded after each of the following healths; to the King, the Prince and Princess of Wales and their children, the memory of William and Mary, the bishop of Osnabruck [the King’s brother], Marlborough, the Lord Chancellor and others.52

George I’s birthday was celebrated in 1716. Ryder wrote, ‘the gentlemen here have subscribed for a ball and entertainment tonight, and I have done so, too, a guinea, for which I had three tickets’. Ryder gave his sister and Mrs Marshall a ‘favour of purple and orange knots, such as Mrs Shorter wore herself as being the colours of Hanover and the Prince of Orange. And I wore one of the same myself in my hat. A great many gentlemen and ladies wore the same’, but some did not.53

In Oxford, on that same day, the King’s supporters celebrated at the Three Tuns and mainly consisted doctors, graduates and noblemen and gentlemen commoners from Merton College, totalling some 40 in all. According to a newspaper, ‘The whole street resounded with, may George live forever, and all the city echo’d with joyful; Acclamations.’ Beer was provided for the crowd and there was a bonfire in the street. There was no opposition.54 At Cambridge the scholars at Clare lit a bonfire to celebrate the occasion, ‘to ye mortification of ye jacks’. This resulted in a confrontation and scuffles.55

The day appointed for the official celebrations for the defeat of the rebellion was Thursday 7 June 1716. York corporation decided, at a meeting on 31 May, that £40 be spent ‘upon the seventh day of June next being the thanksgiving day as by His Majesty’s proclamation for suppressing the late rebellion’.56 Mrs Robinson told her son, four days later, apropos this, ‘our town designs to be very loyall’.57 The plan was that there would be a reception for the clergy and gentry at the City Guildhall, where they would feats on wine and biscuits. They would then proceed to York Minster ‘in our formalitys, with Drums Trumpets & ye waits [city singers]’.58

Yet events did not go precisely as envisaged. There was a Jacobite disturbance, but it was soon dispersed by militia officers and other gentlemen who were drinking at The George. Some Jacobites were arrested. The festivities then continued with ‘ye Town illuminated in an extraordinary manner bonefires &c.’59

Similar events, though uninterrupted, occurred at Chester, as related by Prescott.

The Corporation and Regiments in their several Formalitys resort to St. Oswalds where Dr Fogg has a good discourse on the Duty of Thanksgiving for Gods mercys in General… Hee is illus’d at the Mayors dinner by the Recorder & Alderman Manwaring for not advancing some particular panegrick or praise of the King, Government or Army on the occasion.60

Ryder commented on what he saw and participated in on that day:

Heard a sermon at Common [Covent] Garden Church by the parson of it. It was extremely loyal and Whiggish. From thence went to the King’s Chapel and heard music performed upon account of the thanksgiving to-day for the success of His Majesty’s Arms against the rebels. The King and Prince and Princess were there and William Talbot, the bishop of Salisbury, preached a very good honest sermon full of abhorrence of the rebellion and all popish principles. It was not a very extraordinary polite sermon but good and substantial.61

That evening Ryder observed more celebrations: ‘A great many gentlemen and ladies wore orange-colour favours to distinguish themselves and there were very great illuminations at night, I think more than ever I saw, especially at the court end of town.’ Although he noted that was some dissension by the Jacobites in London, ‘the loyal party prevailed in the whole’.62

Three days later, it was the birthday of James Stuart, whom the Jacobites recognised. Some tried to show their allegiance in London by the wearing of white roses in their coats. However, a number were attacked by those loyal to George I:

the well affected pluck’d off the White Roses from such as had the Boldness to wear them, both Men and women, and abused those who offered to keep those badges of disloyalty: which occasioned several bloody Skirmishes.63

Then there was the second anniversary of George I’s accession, on 1 August 1716. Ryder wrote ‘It being the King’s accession to the throne there was a bonfire before Mr Alworthy’s house.’64

There were also numerous sermons preached concerning the defeat of the Jacobites; it was noted that Nathaniel Ellison, the Vicar of Newcastle, preached ‘a most loyal sermon’. 65 Some were published by both Anglican and Dissenting clergymen. John Pepper, Master of the Free School at Odiham in Hampshire, preached on 29 January 1716, ‘it cannot but be the duty of every honest subject and especially of the clergy, those watchmen upon our walls, to remind the people of their duty and allegiance’.66 The Rev. John Withers preached in the following terms: ‘The Design of our present meeting is to pay our accounts to the supreme DISPOSER of all Events, and with a humble Gratitude to thank him, for his seasonable interposition on the behalf of our unworthy Nation.’67

One of the major themes in these sermons was anti-Catholicism. The Rev. Thomas Baldwin in Liverpool referred to the terrors that a successful rebellion would have brought about ‘a yoke more cruel than Egyptian slavery’.68 Peploe also spoke much about Catholicism, that Britain had been in spiritual bondage prior to the reformation of the sixteenth century, about ‘Bloody’ Mary’s reign, the fact that the Catholics had been responsible for seventeenth-century civil wars and then the attacks under James II on the Protestant establishment.69 The Rev. John Jennings referred to what would have happened if the Jacobite cause had succeeded, ‘the Marian days would have been again revived; fires lighted up in Smithfield, cruel tortures inflicted’.70

There were also a number of positive themes in these sermons. George I and his government were praised. Baldwin told his congregation that the King was wise and just and that he had acted as a protector to his subjects’ liberties, contrasting this with the actions of previous Catholic monarchs. His support for the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge (SPCK) was highlighted, as was his support for the Act in the previous reign to build another 50 churches. So was his gift of the late Dr Moore’s library to Cambridge University. Baldwin concluded ‘Tis true, he makes RELIGION his chief care’.71 Robert Pearse, vice chancellor of St. Edmund’s Hall, Oxford, told his audience of the Oxford Corporation that the King represented the Protestant Church, the law, the constitution and liberty.72

The theme of God’s deliverance was also highlighted in some of the sermons. Robert Pearse said that God had given the King victory over the Jacobites. The rebellion was described as being ‘sinful’ and ‘unnatural’. The rebels were castigated as being motivated by pride and discontent, being guilty of ambition, rage, malice and perjury.73

There were also other themes. Preaching at Cambridge on 7 June, Daniel Waterland, rector of Ellingham, stated that ‘Under such a Yoke’ that Catholicism would entail, the arts, sciences and charity would decline. He also preached obedience, so may have had the scholars in mind when he referred to the need to ‘submit to their proper governors and to pursue their respective studies’ as this would bring about, among other things, ‘the honour and prosperity of the university’.74

Another sermon at Cambridge likened Britain to Israel, both being inhabited by God’s chosen people.75 William Hawtayne, Vicar of Datchworth in Hertfordshire, introduced another theme in his sermon on 16 July 1716. He verbally attacked those Anglican clergymen who, he alleged, supported the rebellion. He rebuked them with the reminder that since the restoration of 1660 they had constantly preached doctrines of passive resistance and non-resistance.76

Not all of the contents of sermons are known. One such is that by William Hampton, Master of the Free School in Sheffield, on Sunday 27 November preached one at the parish church titled A Dissausive from the Present Rebellion, which was published in the following year.77

There was also a sermon that dealt specifically with the victory over the Jacobites at Preston. This was preached by the Rev. John Jennings. He referred to the battle as a deliverance by God ‘over a large Crew of Wretched and Desperate and Confederated Rebels’. He likened the battle to the Biblical one in King David’s time. Just as Absalom’s rebels had fled into the thickets over marshes and pits and were drowned, the Jacobites had fled into the town of Preston. Jennings stated that ‘The almighty God of order… who in His general Providence delivers up furious rebels, who lift up their hearts against Religion, King and States’. Another direct comparison was that Carpenter and Wills were more magnanimous than David’s generals in not slaughtering the rebels out of hand.78

Church bells of four of the six churches in Oxford whose accounts survive, rang out on 7 June.79 In Durham and Yorkshire around 45% of the churchwarden’s accounts showed payments for bell ringing on this day.80

As with some occasions in the previous year, there were corporation-sponsored celebrations on 7 June. At Portsmouth, Whig gentlemen and officers from the garrison met at the Red Lion to drink the health of the King, the Prince and Princess of Wales, and the Dukes of Marlborough and Argyll. They gave money to the common soldiers for beer to drink outside, where there were bonfires and houses were lit up.81 One newspaper additionally reported that there ‘were like rejoicings from Basing Stoke… [and] Fareham in Hampshire shewing the most zealous loyalty to His majesty and government and a just abhorrence of the late unnatural rebellion’.82

There were also celebrations at Newcastle. Bells were rung and there was a loyal sermon. The men of Hotham’s infantry battalion there discharged their muskets. In the evening there was a ball for the town’s gentlemen and ladies. There were also loyal healths and ‘demonstrations of joy and thankfulness’. The evening was concluded with fireworks, bonfires, dancing and more bell ringing.83

There were also celebrations to mark the anniversary of the defeat of the rebellion. Some seem to have been spontaneous. When Ryder, for example, observed such in London on 13 November 1716, on the first anniversary of the battle of Sheriffmuir, he was clearly surprised by it: ‘there passed by through the street the mob with an effigy of the Pretender holding a taper in one hand and a gallows in the other, with a pair of wooden shoes hanging upon them’.84

Likewise, in Preston, scene of the Jacobite surrender in the previous year, exactly one year later there was a major celebration. Church bells at St. John’s were rung from three in the morning until midnight. This was doubtless at Peploe’s urging. Such a marathon would have been done by bell ringers ringing in relays. The town had a flag flying from the church steeple all day. Inhabitants wore orange favours, attended a service in church and then some enjoyed a banquet at the Black Griffin. Here healths were drunk to the King, his eldest son and daughter-in-law, the late William III and the generals Wills and Carpenter. There was also a bonfire, music and the town was lit up. Similar celebrations occurred in 1733, which were sponsored by Hoghton.85

Despite all these celebrations, the work of the civil state was not yet over. Not all the militia and volunteer forces fell into disuse again following the Jacobite defeats. The Berkshire Militia do not seem to have been summoned until 23–24 November, ten days after the decisive battles. Four companies of men were raised, numbering several hundred in all. Each man had to take the following oath:

I do sincerely promise and swear that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to His Majesty King George: so help me God… I do swear that I do from my heart abhor, detest and abjure as impious and heretical that Damnable Doctrine and position that princes excommunicated or deprived by the pope or any authority of these of the see of Rome may be deposed and murthered by their subjects.86

It would seem that each parish would supply men for the militia; the Hungerford constable refers to nine shillings being spent for ‘two train soldiers for going forth’. And there is a reference therein for further payment for the ‘militia.87

The men of the royal dockyard at Deptford were formed into militia companies, too, though not until January 1716. They were formed into six companies, each with a commanding officer, a lieutenant and an ensign. Their colonel was, naturally enough, Jacob Acworth, Surveyor to the Navy Board.88 They were probably equipped with the 264 weapons that were ordered to be sent to the dockyard in the previous month ‘for the security of His majesty’s ships… as well as the dockyards and magazines’.89

Furthermore, in early 1716 there was a rumour of a Jacobite conspiracy near Bristol with suggestions of a meeting at the fair, to which a wagon full of ammunition arrived. Whilst it mainly fell to the regular forces stationed there to deal with, ‘the Citizens form’d Two Troops of Voluntary Horse to suppress Mobbs’.90

After the Jacobite surrender at Preston there was a concern about those Jacobite rebels who had escaped from their debacle there. The est riding quarter sessions thought that upward of 1,500 were on the run ‘wandering in severall parts of this riding’, presumably because it adjoined Lancashire, the scene of the fighting and so payments were to be made to constables for conveying any found to York Castle at the rate of six pence per mile travelled. John Sorkwood, bailiff of Staincliffe, was recorded as being paid 2s for searching for James Singleton, a gentleman suspected of having been at Preston.91 Northumberland quarter session had similar worries, because outside Lancashire, this county provided most recruits of the Jacobite cause. John Douglas, a Northumberland JP, gave John Spratt and Thomas Moffatt, constables, to search for Jacobites. Their task took 28 days, which was costly, and it is not known how successful it was.92 There was a further search in the county in April 1716 when the sessions ordered that warrants be sent out to the county’s High Constables to apprehend all those in their division suspected of being involved in the rebellion. Of the 15 divisions, 12 produced nil returns, and the 3 which had positive results identified just 7 subjects. Action is only recorded as occurring against two of these men.93

In Lancashire, constables identified 84 men who had been at the battle of Preston on the Jacobite side and these men were arrested.94 Lancashire JPs, including Hoghton, examined a number of witnesses for information about Jacobite suspects and prisoners, noting the suspects’ behaviour when with the Jacobite army in the days leading up to the battle of Preston.95

Constables also had to assist the army, especially the Dutch troops marching through their jurisdictions northwards to Scotland, with transport, which meant procuring horses, mules and carts to move the force’s baggage. In the north riding of Yorkshire these costs amounted to £300, reimbursed at the county quarter sessions. These journeys were mostly from Helmsley to Yarm and from Masham to Ripley.96 In the west riding, the allowance of 2s per mile per vehicle pulled by five horses was eventually made to the 109 constables claiming such expenses.97

James Clavering confided to Lady Cowper that during the crisis he had been ‘a little uneasie’.98 Loyalists had been perturbed, and rightly so. It is arguable that the Jacobites had made numerous military errors and had suffered from bad luck, but their efforts were not at an end.

The first two published histories of the rebellion appeared in 1716. One was dedicated to Argyll, who, as commander in Scotland, ‘before whom Opposition was always wont to fall and whose intrepid genius admits no rebuke’, was responsible for ‘the sudden Extinction of this horrid Rebellion’. It praised the happy status quo, ‘the bless’d securities we now enjoy under the auspicious Government of our Glorious Sovereign’. As to the rebellion and its followers, they were ‘the unnatural and execrable Conspiracy which was perform’d by perfidious Men’ and continues in this vein.99

There was to be an attempted Spanish-backed invasion in 1719 which led to a brief military campaign in the north-western Highlands of Scotland before the small Spanish-Scottish army was defeated at Glenshiel on 10 June, but apart from invasion fears in the south-west of England, there was only a marginal interest in England. Despite rumours of conspiracies in the next quarter of a century there was to be no further danger to the dynasty until 1744.

Responses in England to the 1719 expedition were very limited indeed. There were no published sermons. It also seems that by their absence in The London Gazette, no corporation or county felt the need to send a loyal address, which had been sent in droves in 1715 and 1716. It was probably felt to be of such insignificance that these were not needed. Nottingham corporation was one of the few to note the event (Oxford’s did not) and recorded their pleasure of the result of the 1719 rebellion. On 25 June their minutes noted: ‘Mr Chamberlain pay the Ringers of Seint Peeters 6s 8d for Ringing for the Vicktery over the Rebels in Skotland upon the tenth of June’.100

It is worth noting that the coronation of George II was met with universal celebration and a lack of Jacobite criticism, in contrast to what occurred in 1714. This was even the case in places where Jacobite demonstrations had occurred in 1715. John Lucas described the situation in Leeds on that day:

Wednesday 11th October 1727 being the Coronation Day of their Majesties King George II and Caroline, his Queen was honoured, not only the magistrates, gentlemen, &c. of this town, but also by the persons of the first rank in all the parishes around us, some giving money, others, as Alderman Milner &c. hogsheads of Beer & Ale, while others made splendid entertainments for the populace in honour of the day. The evening concluded with ringing of bells, (which began in the morning), Illuminations, bonfires, fireworks &c., in short the greatest demonstrations of joy I never saw except when the peace with France was proclaimed. 101

It was not until decades later that another supreme effort would be needed against what transpired to be the final Jacobite campaign on British soil.


1. Ellis, ‘Correspondence’, p. 200.

2. Cowper, Diary, p. 57.

3. J.D. Leader, Records of the Burghery of Sheffield (London: E. Stock, 1897), p. 338.

4. TWAS, Gu/MA/21, p. 314.

5. Smith, Letter Book, p. 345.

6. Bishop of Barrow in Furness, ‘Diaries’, V, p. 6.

7. Doe, ‘Diary’, III, p. 920.

8. BL. Add. Mss., 42078, ff.104r, 105v.

9. Marshall, ‘Autobiography’, p. 176.

10. Gibbs Payne Crawford, ed., ‘Diary of the Rev. George Booth of Chester’, Journal of the Cheshire and North Wales Architectural, Archaeological and Historical Society, New Series, 28, Vol.1 (1928), p. 73.

11. ERRO, QSF33/D4.

12. W.H.D. Longstaffe, ed., ‘Memoirs of Ambrose Barnes’, Surtees Society, 50 (1886), p. 460.

13. Matthews, Diary, p. 139.

14. St. James Evening Post, 447, 19–22 November 1715.

15. Addy and McNiven, ‘Diary’, II, pp. 473–474.

16. Ibid., p. 475.

17. Bishop of Barrow in Furness, ‘Dairies’, V, p. 6.

18. Ellis, ‘Correspondence’, pp. 212, 223.

19. Addy and McNiven, ‘Diary’, II, p. 492.

20. Matthews, Diary, pp. 179, 181, 185.

21. J.H.E. Bennett, ‘Cheshire and the Fifteen’, Journal of the Cheshire and North Wales Historical Society (1915), p. 33.

22. The Flying Post, 3732, 3–5 December 1716.

23. CAS: Kendal, WPR28, 37, WPR19, WPR43/w1.

24. HRO, 42M75/PW3, 185–186.

25. St. James Evening Post, 83, 8–10 December 1715.

26. Tudor, ‘Note’, p. 222; G. Eland, ‘Churchwardens’ Accounts of Quainton’, Buckinghamshire Archaeological Journal, vol. 12, Part 1 (1927), p. 46.

27. Oates Responses in North East England to the Jacobite Rebellions of 1715 and 1745 (Reading University PhD 2001), pp. 703–706.

28. Worcester Postman, 339, 16–23 December 1715.

29. Political State, X, pp. 591–592.

30. Rae, History, p. 327.

31. Cowper, Diary, p. 62.

32. Political State, X, p. 543.

33. Daily Courant, 4401, 1 December 1715.

34. Newcastle Courant, 719, 3–5 March 1716.

35. Cowper, Diary, p. 69.

36. Berkshire Record Office, W1/ZC1/1/2.

37. Newcastle Courant, 704, 28–30 January 1716.

38. London Gazette, 5404, 31 January–4 February 1716.

39. Political State, X, p. 16.

40. London Gazette, 29 May–2 June 1716.

41. Ibid., 12–15 May 1716.

42. Matthews, Diary, p. 141.

43. Ibid., pp. 187–188.

44. Ibid., p. 188.

45. Ibid., p. 274.

46. Cowper, Diary, pp. 86–87.

47. Matthews, Diary, p. 277.

48. Cowper, Diary, p. 87.

49. Smith Letter Books, pp. 425–426.

50. Ellis, ‘Correspondence’, p. 244.

51. Paton, ed., ‘Eight Letters by William Nicholson’, Scottish History Society, Miscellany I (1894), p. 523.

52. Political State, XI, pp. 504–505.

53. Matthews, Diary, pp. 245–246.

54. Political State, X, p. 645. Weekly Journal, 431, 9 June 1716.

55. Flying Post, 3810, 2–5 June 1716.

56. YCA House Book 41, p. 163a.

57. WYAS Leeds, Vyner MSS 6002/13876.

58. Ibid.

59. Ibid., 6006/13229.

60. Addy and McNiven, ‘Diaries’, II, pp. 512–513.

61. Matthews, Diary, pp. 252–253.

62. Ibid., p. 254.

63. Political State, XI, pp. 704–705.

64. Matthews, Diary, p. 287.

65. London Evening Post, 1092, 16–19 June 1716.

66. John Pepper, The Sin and Danger of Speaking Indignities, Consider’d, in a Sermon Preached at Odiham, 29 January 1716 (London, 1716), pp. 3–4.

67. John Withers, The Perjury and Folly of the Late Rebellion Display’d: A Sermon Preach’d at Exon, 7 June 1716 (London, 1716), pp. 3–4.

68. Thomas Baldwin, The Folly of Preferring a Popish King to a Protestant King (Liverpool 1716), p. 13.

69. S. Peploe, God’s Peculiar Care in Preservation of Our Religion and Liberties (London 1716), pp.

70. John Jennings, King George’s Victory Over the Rebels at Preston, Parallel to King David’s at the Wood of Ephrim (London, 1715), p. 17.

71. Baldwin, The Folly of Preferring, pp. 6–9.

72. R. Pearse, A Sermon preach’d at St. Martin’s in Oxford (1716), pp. 17, 26, 34.

73. Pearse, A Sermon, pp. 17, 26, 34.

74. Daniel Waterland, A Sermon Preached Before the University of Cambridge on Thursday 7th June (1716), pp. 16, 24–25.

75. Theodore Waterland, A Sermon preached before the University of Cambridge on Wednesday 1st of August 1716 being the anniversary of His Majesty’s Happy Accession to the Throne (Cambridge, 1716), p. 7.

76. W. Hawtayne, A Sermon Preached at the Assizes at Hertford (London, 1716), pp. 29–30.

77. London Evening Post, 9–11 February 1716.

78. Jennings, King George’s Victory, pp. 4, 7, 9, 13.

79. ORO, PAR213/4/F1/4, f.145; PAR211/4/F1/5, f.11–12; PAR202/4/F1/2, f.54; PAR208/4/F1/71.

80. Oates, Responses, p. 336.

81. Weekly Journal, 437, 9 June 1716; Flying Post 3814, 12–14 June 1716.

82. Weekly Journal 438, 16 June 1716.

83. London Evening Post, 1075, 23–26 June 1716.

84. Matthews, Diary, p. 363.

85. Political State, XII, 1716, pp. 545–546; Ipswich Journal, 17 November 1733.

86. BRO, D/EP4/03.

87. Ibid., H/FAC1.

88. TNA, SP42/15, p. 66.

89. TNA, PC2/85, p. 317.

90. Political State, XI, pp. 176–177.

91. WYAS: Wakefield, QS10/13, p. 112a.

92. NRO, QSB 44, Easter Sessions, p. 59.

93. Ibid., ZAN M15 A47 15 August 1716; QSB 45, pp. 22–36 October 1716.

94. TNA, FEC2/84.

95. TNA, KB8/66.

96. NYCRO, QSM 1716, pp. 240–256; QSM 1717, pp. 8–18.

97. WYAS: Wakefield, QS10/13, p. 117a.

98. HALS, D/EP F196, f11., Clavering to Cowper, 15 November 1715.

99. Anon, History of the Late Rebellion (London: W. Hinchliffe, 1716), p.iv, vii, ix.

100. Records of the Borough of Nottingham, VI, p. 79.

101. LLHS, Memoranda Book of John Lucas, p. 100.

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