Notes

Foreword (Hudon)

1. Late in life, O’Neill used the phrase in the title of a political memoir: O’Neill and Hymel, All Politics Is Local.

2. For some useful overviews of the historiography, see Alberigo, “Dinamiche religiose del Cinquecento italiano”; Cochrane, “Counter Reformation or Tridentine Reformation?”; Simoncelli, “Inquisizione romana e riforma in Italia”; Hudon, “Religion and Society in Early Modern Italy”; Bireley, The Refashioning of Catholicism, 1–24; O’Malley, Trent and All That; Hudon, “Black and White and Re-read All Over.”

3. Jedin, Katholische Reformations oder Gegenreformation?

4. Concilium tridentinum (13 vols.) for the documentation, and of course, Jedin, Geschichte des Konzils von Trient (4 vols.) for the definitive retelling. Jedin and some collaborators provided a very useful overview that includes both his basic insights on the council, plus developed consideration of initiatives within the Roman church after Trent. See Iserloh, History of the Church, Vol. 5, Reformation and Counter Reformation, 431–645.

5. Alberigo, I vescovi italiani al Concilio di Trento.

6. There is an English edition of the Istituto volumes on Vatican II: History of Vatican II, eds. Alberigo and Komonchak (5 vols.). Alberigo is still regularly attacked on the Internet by conservative analysts disconcerted with his view of Vatican II as a break from the ecclesiology of the age of the Council of Trent.

Introduction (DeSilva)

1. Gios, L’attività pastorale del vescovo Pietro Barozzi; Prosperi, Tra evangelismo e controriforma; Alberigo, “Carlo Borromeo”; Headley and Tomaro, San Carlo Borromeo.

2. Giustiniani and Quirini, Lettera al Papa, 124–29; Alberigo, “Reform of the Episcopate.”

3. Ditchfield, “‘In Search of Local Knowledge,’” 256, 291–95.

4. In addition to the examples of bishops that acted “between” those labels presented in this volume, see Murphy, Ruling Peacefully; Gleason, Gasparo Contarini, 179–85.

5. Note that not all Protestant churches dispensed with the episcopate; in Great Britain and Scandinavia bishops worked with secular rulers to implement ecclesiastical reform campaigns; Grell, Scandinavian Reformation; Heal, Of Prelates and Princes, chaps. 9–11.

6. Sullivan, From Apostles to Bishops. This is echoed in the Pastoral Rule (ca. 590) of Pope Gregory I that became the foundation of the “mirror of bishops” literature; Evans, Thought of Gregory the Great, 123–30.

7. Carleton, Bishops and Reform in the English Church, 31–32.

8. Colet, “Colet’s Convocation Sermon, 1512,” 37.

9. Evennett, The Spirit of the Counter-Reformation, 25.

10. Haigh, English Reformations, 8–11.

11. Francesco C. Cesareo has written that “by the beginning of the sixteenth century the Italian episcopacy was in a state of degeneration”; Cesareo, “Episcopacy in Sixteenth-Century Italy,” 67. Oliver Logan’s study of the Venetian “mirror of bishops” literature supports this contemporary perception; Logan, “Ideal of the Bishop and the Venetian Patriciate.” In his sermon at Canterbury, Colet noted that his encouragement was not towards innovation, and thus “not for the enactment of new laws and constitutions, but for the observance of those already enacted”; Haigh, English Reformations, 9.

12. Georgianna, “Anticlericalism in Boccaccio and Chaucer,” 148–76.

13. 1 Timothy 3:2.

14. Vespasiano da Bisticci, Vespasiano Memoirs, 157–68.

15. Ibid., 174.

16. Ibid., 180.

17. The Gospel of Luke notes this hierarchy (20:17, 28), while Paul’s Letter to the Philippians (1:1) identifies episkopoi as chosen by the Holy Spirit; Sullivan, From Apostles to Bishops, 64–65.

18. At this time, the bishopric of Rome included central and southern Italy, while the metropolitan bishopric of Alexandria supervised Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis. Canons 4 and 5 discuss the method of electing bishops and the necessity of biannual episcopal synods, which suggest close communication within a network of bishops in the East; Tanner, Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, 1:7–8 (Council of Nicaea, 325); Sullivan, From Apostles to Bishops, 171.

19. Whittow, “Ruling the Late Roman and Early Byzantine City,” 21–29.

20. Brown, Rise of Western Christendom, 106–11; Van Dam, Leadership and Community, 59–68, 141–56; Arnold, “German Bishops.”

21. This was noted in connection to light efforts at Christianizing Rus territories in the ninth centuries; Fennell, History of the Russian Church, 23.

22. Gilsdorf, “Preface,” xiii.

23. James, Franks, 183–85; Moore, Sacred Kingdom; Coates, “Bishop as Benefactor and Civic Patron”; Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, 123–25.

24. Gilsdorf, “Preface,” xiv.

25. Halfond, “Transportation, Communication, and the Movement of Peoples,” 1560–61; Kulikowski, Late Roman Spain and Its Cities, chap. 10. For a more general understanding of the interactions between cities, ecclesiastical culture, and travel, see Goodson, Lester, and Symes, Cities, Texts, and Social Networks.

26. Although C. Stephen Jaeger has identified this figure at the Ottonian Imperial court, similar examples can be found across Europe; Jaeger, “The Courtier Bishop in Vitae,” 291–325; Jaeger, Origins of Courtliness, chaps. 1–5.

27. “Epistola ad regem pro eligendo episcopo,” PL 162:807, as quoted by Parisse, “The Bishop,” 4–5.

28. Norwood, “Political Pretensions of Pope Nicholas I,” 277–78.

29. For excellent and detailed studies of episcopal diocesan practice and absenteeism, see Tyler, Lord of the Sacred City; Van Engen, “Late Medieval Anticlericalism.”

30. Evans, Thought of Gregory the Great, 123.

31. “Concordat of Worms,” 408–9.

32. “Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges,” 77–78.

33. Weiß, “Luxury at the Papal Court”; Bellitto, “Reform Context of the Great Western Schism”; D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome.

34. The complexity of Italian historiography of ecclesiastical reform and Italian historians’ perception of the early modern period’s effect on the modern period is skillfully presented in Ditchfield, “In Sarpi’s Shadow.”

35. “Here reign the successors of the poor fishermen of Galilee; they have strangely forgotten their origin. I am astounded, as I recall their predecessors, to see these men loaded with gold and clad in purple, boasting of the spoils of princes and nations; to see luxurious palaces and heights crowned with fortifications, instead of a boat turned downward for shelter”; Petrarch, “Letter to a friend criticizing the Avignon papacy (1340–53).” See also Kendrick, “Medieval Satire.”

36. “On the Life and Probity of Clerics,” Council of Constance, Session 43 (21 March 1418); Scribner, Popular Culture and Popular Movements, 243–46; Scribner, Religion and Culture, chaps. 6 and 7.

37. Stump, Reforms of the Council of Constance; Minnich, “Proposals for an Episcopal College at Lateran V.”

38. Jedin, History of the Council of Trent, trans. Graf, vol. 2.

39. Hudon, “Local Nature of Episcopal Reform.”

40. John Bossy has described the chief goal of the Council of Trent as creating “a system of parochial conformity” that would be instructed and monitored by a new vigorous episcopate; Bossy, “Counter-Reformation,” 52, 54–56, 59–61; Po-Chia Hsia, World of Catholic Renewal, chaps. 1 and 7.

41. Pizarro argues that the gesta episcoporum established the bishop’s elite character based on the sacral quality inherent in his role as a mediator between the papacy and the secular authority, and as a patron and custodian of church property; Pizarro, Writing Ravenna, 31–36; Sot, “Le Liber de episcopis Mettensibus”; Gilsdorf, “Preface,” xiii.

42. Ditchfield, Liturgy, Sanctity and History, 170–72; Frazier, Possible Lives, 31–34.

43. “The results of his [Borromeo’s] unwearied labours in Milan were wonderfully great, [ . . . giving] rise in Milan to the conviction that a new era had begun, and that everyone was bound to prove himself worthy definitely to break with the mistakes of the past. [ . . . ] Posterity has bestowed upon him the noble title of ‘model of Catholic bishops’”; Pastor, History of the Popes, 19:93–95; Ranke, History of the Popes; Gregorovius, History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages.

44. Haigh, English Reformations, 15–17.

45. It has been commonplace in some surveys of premodern Europe to assert the disinterest, ignorance, and absence of bishops, leading directly to the need for local reform. A decree from the Anglican national synod of 1555 to 1556 states the contemporary European prejudice against “the great abuse” of absentee bishops succinctly: “which thing has been the cause of almost all the evils that afflict the Church”; Carleton, Bishops and Reform, 55. Denys Hay asserted that Italian bishops “usually had little interest in their flocks. [ . . . ] Thus, it is, in a way, somewhat irrelevant to ask who the bishops were, since most of them did not reside in their bishoprics”; Hay, Church in Italy, 18–20.

46. Ott and Trumbore Jones, “Introduction,” 3–4.

47. Episcopus: Society for the Study of Bishops and Secular Clergy in the Middle Ages (http://www.episcopus.org/). One might also add the website maintained by Salvador Miranda that among other things provides prosopographical information on the episcopal careers of men who achieved the cardinalate between 492 and 2012 CE; The Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church (http://www2.fiu.edu/~mirandas/cardinals.htm).

48. Norwich, Popes; O’Malley, History of the Popes; Duffy, Saints and Sinners.

49. There are currently between 3,000 and 3,100 bishops in the Roman Catholic Church.

50. This group has already published the acts of the bishops of Limoges, Laon, and the archbishops of Rheims through CNRS Éditions (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique), as well as sponsoring conferences and publications on other episcopal centers.

51. Now under the direction of Vincent Tabbagh and published by CNRS Éditions and Brepols; for more information see Fasti Ecclesiae Gallicanae (http://fasti.univ-paris1.fr/groupe_organigramme.php, accessed 4 May 2011).

52. At the time of writing there were thirty-seven volumes in the English Episcopal Acta series, published by Oxford University Press and collecting documents from sixteen bishoprics during the period 1061 to 1305.

53. Originally published by Hahnsche Buchhandlung (eds. Peter Brommer, Martina Stratmann, and Rudolf Pokorny, 1984–95), the three-volume set is now distributed by Brepols and includes the Monumenta Historiae Germanicae Online searchable database.

54. In the year 1500 there were 253 episcopal sees in Italy, compared to 131 in France and 67 in Britain (including 34 in Ireland), which goes a long way toward explaining the enthusiasm for episcopal studies among Italianists; Hay, Church in Italy, 10.

55. De Sandre Gasparini, Rigon, Trolese, and Varanini, Vescovi e Diocesi in Italia dal XIV alla metà del XVI Secolo, 2 vols.

56. In England, which has a strong interest in local history coupled with a desire to connect with the secular center, these studies include Berlatsky, “Elizabethan Episcopate”; Chibi, Henry VIII’s Bishops; Fincham, Prelate as Pastor; and O’Day and Heal, Continuity and Change. In France, which has a strong historical interest in the episcopacy, these studies include Bergin, Crown, Church, and Episcopate; Bergin, Making of the French Episcopate; Baumgartner, Change and Continuity; and Forrestal, Fathers, Pastors and Kings. In Spain, where historical interest has drifted variously more toward the activities of the Inquisition and lay religion (as opposed to the laity’s relations with bishops), these studies include Domínguez Ortiz, “Aspectos sociales de la vida ecclesiastica”; and Nalle, God in La Mancha. In Portugal, there is ample documentation concerning the monarchy’s provision of candidates to bishoprics both on the mainland and in the overseas possessions, which a few historians have used to show the growth of an elaborate system of patronage and the consolidated relationship between the king and the church; Paiva, “Appointment of Bishops in Early-Modern Portugal (1495–1777)”; Paiva, Os bispos de Portugal e do império (1495–1777); Boxer, Church Militant and Iberian Expansion, 1440–1770. In Italy, where there is a plethora of diocesan studies and deep interest in the historiography of ecclesiastical reform, these studies include Prosperi, “La figura del vescovo”; and Jedin and Alberigo, Il tipo ideale di vescovo. In Germany and central Europe, where there is broad scholarly interest but uneven focus, foundational studies include Po-chia Hsia, Social Discipline in the Reformation; and Forster, Catholic Revival in the Age of the Baroque. For a survey of early modern reform ideas and practices, see Po-chia Hsia, World of Catholic Renewal.

57. In 1600 there were 620 episcopal dioceses, while Pope Sixtus V fixed the size of the Sacred College of Cardinals at seventy in 1587; Antonovics, “Counter-Reformation Cardinals”; Bergin, “Counter-Reformation Church and Its Bishops,” 41.

58. Hollingsworth and Richardson, Possessions of a Cardinal, xv–xvi.

59. Finucane, Contested Canonizations.

60. Peter Burke has shown that between 1588 and 1767 the Catholic Church canonized fifty-six new saints, including only three bishops (Carlo Borromeo, François de Sales, and Turibio Alfonso) who had lived in the period characterized by the Tridentine decrees on the episcopate; Burke, Historical Anthropology of Early Modern Italy, 48–62. In contrast, the heyday of bishop saints and their invocation as patrons was the eleventh and twelfth centuries, when urban centers, especially in Italy, sought protection of their local privileges from an external secular ruler intent on expropriating wealth and centralizing authority. Ideally, the bishop-saint could balance sanctity with an understanding of worldly strategy in order to protect his diocese from harm; Golinelli, Città e culto dei santi, 65–86.

A Hierarchy that Had Fought (Powell)

1. Hughes, “Hierarchy that Fought.”

2. Eamon Duffy argues for this position; his claims will be discussed below.

3. Mallet remained as dean of Lincoln until his death in 1570; the Edwardian exile Thomas Neale offers another prominent example of resistance followed by conformity. Neale, Bishop Edmund Bonner’s chaplain and end-of-the-reign regius professor of Hebrew at Marian Oxford, remained in England under the Elizabethan settlement, held his chair until 1569, and afterwards (at least occasionally) conformed; Aston, Collegiate University, 3:357, 382, 414.

4. Pole died in 1558, according to tradition, succumbing within hours of the death of Queen Mary; Gardiner had died in 1555.

5. Goodrich died in 1554; Aldrich in 1555; Chambers in 1556; Capon and Parfew (alias Warton) in 1557; and Griffin and King in 1558.

6. The percentage of those demonstrably known to the queen might well be higher if more information were available on the careers of some of the more obscure nominees; the number twenty-seven includes all candidates nominated to the episcopate as well as any bishops translated by Mary from one see to another.

7. Mary elevated both Hopton and Holyman to the episcopate in 1554, and both died in 1558. Christopherson also died in 1558, only a year after assuming his diocese. The exact date and details of Wood’s death are unknown, though he was alive and in custody as late as 1580.

8. The relationship between the two Bournes is discussed in Hill, “Marian ‘Experience of Defeat,’” 535. The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography disagrees with Hill, following the traditional assumption that Sir John Bourne was indeed the uncle of Bishop Gilbert Bourne; Louisa, “Bourne, Gilbert.” Cf. David Loades, “Marian Episcopate,” 40–41.

9. Mayer, “Goldwell, Thomas.” Goldwell was another of the Marian appointees of 1554—he would die in 1585, the last survivor of Queen Mary’s bench.

10. Mayer, Reginald Pole, 268–69. Maurice Clenock (or Clynog, d. 1581), one of Pole’s men but also a royal chaplain, was nominated to Bangor at the end of the reign—this was hardly a plum assignment, but more importantly, Clenock may have exaggerated the extent of his service to the cardinal; Mayer, “Clenock, Maurice.” Richard Pate (d. 1565) was also of Pole’s household, but his initial appointment to Worcester came from the pope prior to Mary’s reign, and he had other claims on Mary’s gratitude.

11. The three exceptions are Robert Parfew, James Turberville, and John Bourchier. Mary translated Parfew, who had been given St. Asaph’s by Henry VIII in 1536, to Hereford in 1554; he was a thoroughgoing conformist with off-and-on reforming tendencies aligned with conservative instincts. He did not suffer during Edward’s reign and had no obvious ties to Mary. Turberville of Exeter (bp. 1555–59) was a conservative who conformed quietly to the Edwardian regime and had no apparent ties to Mary at all. Bourchier, nominated for Gloucester at the end of the reign, was another career conformist who had not publicly resisted religious innovations and, like Turberville, had no apparent ties to Mary at all.

12. Mary I, “A Copie of a Letter”; this article is not claiming that the English Catholic restoration actually was a return to the past, only that most English Catholics envisioned it that way.

13. Not only had all the men deprived under Edward earned their crosiers through active government service, they all had extensive experience as bishops. Tunstall had been given Durham in 1530; Gardiner obtained Winchester in 1531; Bonner had initially been elevated to Hereford in 1538 and was subsequently translated to London the following year; Nicholas Heath was appointed to Rochester in 1539, then translated to Worcester in 1543, the same year in which George Day became bishop of Chichester. Of these bishops, all but Gardiner and Day (d. 1556) would survive to confront Elizabeth’s settlement.

14. Carleton, Bishops and Reform, 199; Veyzey had been elevated to the episcopate in 1519.

15. Carleton, Bishops and Reform, 193; Loades, “Marian Episcopate,” 37; Campbell, Lives of the Lord Chancellors, 2:171, 177–80.

16. Henry VIII had appointed Bush to Bristol in 1542, Bird to Bangor in 1539, later translating him to Chester in 1541, and Mann to Soder and Man in 1546; both Bush and Bird died in 1558, Mann in 1556.

17. Dictionary of National Biography, 9:1109.

18. Loades, “Marian Episcopate,” 42–43.

19. Foxe, Acts and Monuments, 896.

20. Duffy, Fires of Faith, 24; David Pole was bishop from 1557 to 1558, and died in 1568.

21. Carleton, Bishops and Reform, 73. In addition to the Theatine Goldwell at St. Asaph’s, his nominated successor, Thomas Wood, may have been a Franciscan.

22. Brown, Calendar of State Papers . . . Venice, 6:16–31, 250–67, 283–301; Loades, Mary Tudor, 259.

23. Erickson, Bloody Mary, 433–34; Loades, Politics and the Nation 1450–1660, 201.

24. Loades, “Bishops of the Restored Catholic Church,” 195.

25. Hembry, Bishops of Bath and Wells, 99; Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, 3.2:136.

26. Carter, “Tresham, Sir Thomas,” www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/27711.

27. Carleton, Bishops and Reform, 190n, 200; Cocks, “Bourchier, John.” Curwen, who died in 1568, would finish his career as bishop of Oxford. The case of John Bouchier, Mary’s candidate for Gloucester, will be discussed below.

28. Carleton records that Stanley actually took the Oath of Supremacy—but taking the oath was not necessarily the same thing as conforming in the long run; Bishops and Reform, 208. G. E. Phillips claims Stanley kept his post despite not conforming; Extinction of the Ancient Hierarchy, 14. In truth, there is considerable uncertainty about most of the bishops of Soder and Man during the Tudor period. Stanley died in 1568.

29. Litzenberger, English Reformation and the Laity, 87; Brooks died in 1560.

30. The tenth decree of the legatine synod addressed the alienation of church property, including the leases of ecclesiastical land; Bray, “Legatine Constitutions,” in his Anglican Canons, 124–27, 156–59.

31. Orme, “Turberville, James.”

32. Hembry, Bishops of Bath and Wells, 90–92, 124, 127, 134–37. Examples of Bourne’s largesse to family, friends, and potential allies include grants of reversions on anticipated deaths in 1554, not long after being granted temporalities, and the gift of leases and the right to fill prebends as late as August of 1559, just prior to his deprivation; Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Dean and Chapter of Wells 2:278, 281. Bourne was not the only bishop to divest his diocese of resources in anticipation of a change of religion. The Protestant bishop of Lincoln, John Taylor, gave away a good deal of his sees resources between the death of Edward and his own deprivation; Cole, Chapter Acts of Lincoln, 12:x–xi.

33. Cooper, Annals of Cambridge 2:122, 127–28.

34. Orme, “Turberville, James.”

35. In this instance, Eamon Duffy was being more than unfair to Kitchin in labeling him “a classic timeserver who would doubtless have become a Hindu if required, provided he was allowed to hold on to the See of Landaff”; Fires of Faith, 24.

36. Pogson, “Legacy of the Schism,” 127.

37. Carter, “Tresham, Sir Thomas.” Cf. Brown, Calendar of State Papers . . . Venice, 7:24–41.

38. Bourchier retained his benefice until 1570, and only went into exile in 1577.

39. Duffy, Fires of Faith, 196–97.

40. MacCulloch, Suffolk and the Tudors, 166, 168; Clark, English Provincial Society, 98–100.

41. Shagan, Popular Politics and the English Reformation, 5–7; Wooding, Rethinking Catholicism, 1–11; Maltby, Prayer Book and People, 11–12; 16–19; Marshall, “When Did Protestants Become Protestants?”

42. Morley, “Tunstal: Trimmer or Martyr?” 350.

43. Sturge, Cuthbert Tunstall, 326.

44. Sanders, “Dr. Nicholas Sanders Report,” 25–26.

Bishops in the Habsburg Netherlands (Cools)

1. For a recent sketch of ecclesiastical life in the Netherlands prior to 1559, see Bijsterveld and Caspers, “Voorgeschiedenis,” 15–61. The most comprehensive reconstruction of the introduction of the new Netherlands bishopric scheme remains Dierickx, De oprichting. An abridged translation in French was published as L’érection. In the past decades valuable updates have been provided, among others, by Marnef, “The Netherlands,” 344–64; Postma, “Nieuw licht,” 10–27; and Gielis, “Utinam,” 194–207.

2. Cauchies, “Église,” 193–209; Van Peteghem, “Les rôles,” 229–46.

3. The bull has been published in Romeinsche bronnen, ed. Brom and Hensen, 69–74; and in Recueil des Ordonnances, ed. Terlinden and Bolsée, 435–39, no. 205. Among others, it has been analyzed by Dierickx, De oprichting, 62–69.

4. Marnef, “Een maat voor niets?” 67.

5. This story has been told often, yet the most recent and authoritative way has been by Juliaan J. Woltjer who has summarized decades of his own scholarship and that of others; Woltjer, Op weg, 332–35.

6. Woltjer, Op weg, 333; Gielis, “Utinam,” 206. Nicolaus de Castro, Franciscus Sonnius, and Wilhelmus Lindanus, respectively the first bishops of Middelburg, ’s-Hertogenbosch, and later onwards Antwerp, and the bishop of Roermond had previously acted as inquisitors.

7. Ackermans, Herders, 12–17; Parker, Faith on the Margins, 1–37; Spiertz, L’Église catholique, 9–30.

8. For two excellent examples, see among others, Harline and Put, A Bishop’s Tale; Marinus, Laevinius Torrentius.

9. Compare for instance the portraits of bishops in Het aartsbisdom, ed. De Maeyer et al.; Het bisdom Brugge, ed. Cloet; Het bisdom Gent, ed. Cloet.

10. Van Bruaene, “Habsburg Theatre State,” 136–43; Duerloo, “Pietas Albertina,” 1–18.

11. Appended to this study is a list of all the bishops discussed. More biographical information can be found in Cools, Mannen, 310–17. A complete list of all medieval and early modern bishops in the Netherlands has been published by Strubbe and Voet, De chronologie, 225–317.

12. Vaughan, Charles the Bold, 11–40.

13. Bijsterveld and Caspers, “Voorgeschiedenis,” 60–61.

14. Israel, Dutch Republic, 61–62; Tracy, Holland, 75–76, 159, 210–11.

15. Trénard, “Le rendez-vous des guerriers,” 107–10.

16. Gunn, Grummitt, and Cools, War, 73.

17. Edelstein, “Social Origins,” 377–78. For more on the nomination process in France under the Concordat of Bologna, see Baumgartner, Change, 10–28.

18. Blockmans, “La position,” 71–89.

19. Gunn, Grummitt, and Cools, War, 14, 58, 65–67.

20. Michon, “Les richesses,” 38–40; Edelstein, “Social Origins,” 380.

21. Delmaire, “Thérouanne,” 127–53.

22. Cools, Mannen, 134–35.

23. On these conflicts and the links between them, see Haemers, For the Common Good.

24. Cools, Mannen, 134–38; Harsin, La principauté, 236–241, 253–264.

25. A detailed study of the Tournai schism has been carried out by Callewier, Qui esset episcopus, 1–21.

26. Davies, “Tournai and the English Crown,” 1–26. For an overview of Wolsey’s career, see Gunn and Lindley, Cardinal Wolsey.

27. de Moreau, Histoire de l’Église, 182–87; Dubief, “Les opérations commericiales,” 149–54.

28. On the prominence of the Croÿ family in the Habsburg Netherlands, see Cools, Mannen, 85–117; Gunn, Grummitt, and Cools, War, 134–35.

29. A biographical sketch of Charles and further bibliographical references are to be found in Cools, Mannen, 139.

30. The best biography remains Sterk, Philips van Bourgondië.

31. Cf. his biography by Zilverberg, David van Bourgondië; Gent, Pertijelike saken, 360–67.

32. Kalveen, Utrecht-Rome, 4–52.

33. Halkin, Histoire religieuse, 244–56.

34. For a tentative definition of the Netherlands aristocracy, see Cools, Mannen, 25–46.

35. For a discussion on the influence of the Glymes-Berghes family in the Habsburg Netherlands, see Cools, “Les frères,” 123–33.

36. Gunn, Grummitt, and Cools, War, 134–35.

37. Brulez, “L’élection,” 517–19; Postma “Nieuw licht,” 25–26.

38. For more on Eustache de Croÿ, see Cools, Mannen, 139; Gunn, Grummitt, and Cools, War, 134, 199, 213.

39. Gunn, Grummitt, and Cools, War, 213.

40. For more on Adrien de Croÿ, see Cools, Mannen, 78, 139, 191–92; and Gunn, Grummitt, and Cools, War, 155–58, 163–64, 198–99, 213–14.

41. For a biographical sketch of Philippe de Croÿ and more bibliographical references, see Cools, Mannen, 196–97.

42. Ibid., 214.

43. Cools, “Les frères,” 124–25.

44. Cauchies, Philippe le Beau, 144.

45. Cools, “Het markizaat,” 20.

46. Halkin, Histoire religieuse.

47. Halkin, “Contribution,” 954–63.

48. Tihon, La principauté.

49. van Ham, Macht, 94–95, 98–99; Woltjer, Op weg, 314–20, 322–27.

50. Brulez, “L’élection,” 510–11; Postma, “Nieuw licht,” 26–27.

51. Soen, “Collaborators,” 27.

52. Touber, “Willem van Enckenvoirt”; Fagel, “Charles Quint,” 222.

53. The most recent collection of essays on the cardinal de Granvelle that offers a good overview of his career is Les Granvelle, ed. De Jonge and Janssens.

54. Arenberg, 25.

55. Harsin, La principauté, 89–91.

56. Érard is one of the best-studied prince-bishops of Liège. See, among others, Halkin, Le cardinal; Harsin, Le règne. For more on his election, see Harsin, “Notes critiques,” 273–80.

57. Fagel, “Charles Quint,” 221–22.

58. Gielis, “Utinam,” 204–05.

59. Cools, Mannen, 291; Gorter-van Royen, Maria, 211, 223, 229.

60. van den Hoven van Genderen, De heren, 330, 472.

61. Graswinckel, “De erfenis,” 232.

62. Pollmann, Catholic Identity, 77.

63. Edelstein, “Les origins,” 241–42.

64. Bergin, Church, 155–56.

65. Edelstein, “Social Origins,” 377–81; Baumgartner, Change, 29–44.

66. Bergin, Church, 156–57.

67. Gielis, “Utinam,” 206–7.

68. Forrestal, “Fathers, Leaders, Kings,” 24–26; Bergin, The Making, 227–33.

69. On the birth of “proto-Jansenism” as an offshoot from the struggle of Louvain theologians against Calvinism, see Marnef, “Een maat voor niets?” 84–86, 94–96. For more on its consequences for French political, cultural and social life, see Maire, “Port-Royal: La fracture janséniste,” 2605–52.

Office and Patronage in Mid-Sixteenth-Century Tortona (Perin and Alexander)

1. Important sources for the history of Tortona include: Enciclopedia cattolica, 1954, s.v. “Tortona”; Cartasegna, Una città fortificata, 13–50; Cortemiglia, “Le porte urbiche,” 24–34; De Carlini, “Note di demografia,” 5–13; Perin, “La città e il forte,” 53–61; Rozzo, “Appunti per una storia,” 5–26; Vigo, “La città di Cristierna,” 149–61.

2. Perin, “Nuovi documenti,” 297–99.

3. Perin, “La città e il forte,” 53–61. Churches that served as the cathedral in addition to S. Stefano include S. Domenico and S. Maria Canale. See Perin, “Architettura,” 41–42.

4. De Carlini, “I Gambara,” 215–19; Pagano, Il cardinale Uberto; Viscardi, Pralboino, Milzano e Verolanuova, 35–107.

5. See the transcribed letters and commentary found in Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 15–16, 25–27, 195 note 10; see also Giordano, “Gambara, Cesare,” 37–38; Serangeli and Zambuto, “Sui rapporti”; Tacchella, “Cesare Gambara,” 6–12.

6. Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 15–54, 84–89, 107–08, 111. Controversies over the feudal landholdings of the diocese continued through the episcopacy of Cesare Gambara’s successor (and nephew), Maffeo Gambara (1554–1611). See ibid., 127–64.

7. Interestingly, Gambara and Cristierna of Denmark attempted to bring Jesuits to Tortona to found a college, which perhaps would have functioned as the seminary. Tacchella, La riforma tridentina, 58–63, 74–75, 79–83; Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 19–20, 27–33, 42–45, 51–52, 63, 70, 91–96, 99, 110, 116–18.

8. The most thorough and concise biography of Borromeo remains Mols, “Charles Borromée,” 486–530. For information on jurisdictional disputes, see Alexander, From Renaissance, 150–52, 166–72; Bendiscioli, “Politica, amministrazione e religione.” The official account of the most violent opposition to Borromeo’s actions—an assassination attempt—has been republished: Vera relatione del successo.

9. Buratti Mazzotta, “L’ufficio per le fabbriche”; Alexander, From Renaissance, 133–52, 200–40.

10. Letter from Carlo Borromeo to Cesare Gambara, 23 January 1580, BAMi, F 56 inf., fol. 33r, transcribed in Cammaratta, Lettere da Tortona, 89. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are by John Alexander, loosely translating the original Italian into English.

11. Ibid., 19–20, 33–38, 46–47, 55–59, 72–75, 87–92, 96–97, 111, 118, 121–22. Interestingly, the citizens of Tortona pleaded with Gambara not to retire when he made motions of doing so towards the end of his life; ibid., 119, 122.

12. As late at 1601, Maffeo Gambara claimed that the full amount due the diocese for the loss of the old cathedral and episcopal palace had not yet been received. See ibid., 167.

13. Ibid., 16, 19, 24, 28–40, 83, 88. See note 3 above.

14. Berruti, Tortona insigne, 205–7; Rozzo, “Della Chiesa (Chiesa), Gian Paolo,” 751–53; Bendiscioli, “Politica, amministrazione e religione.”

15. Letter from Carlo Borromeo to Gian Paolo Della Chiesa, 24 June 1564, BAMi, S.Q.+.II.7, fol. 216v.

16. See, for example, letter from Carlo Borromeo to Gian Paolo Della Chiesa, 23 November 1568, BAMi, P 3 inf., fol. 291v.

17. An important example is the settlement of the canonry of the Brera in Milan, which was given to Della Chiesa after the suppression of the Humiliati, but which Borromeo wanted for a Jesuit college. See, for example, letter of Gian Paolo Della Chiesa to Carlo Borromeo, 24 February 1571 (BAMi, F 97bis inf., fol. 371r) and letter of Carlo Borromeo to Gian Paolo Della Chiesa, 25 April 1571 (BAMi, P 6 inf., fols. 257v–257bis r).

18. Annuali della Fabbrica, 24, as quoted in Perin, “Architettura,” 63n1.

19. For the connections between Della Chiesa and Tibaldi, see Perin, “La città e il forte,” 57–58, 61nn90–91. See also Baroni, Il Collegio Borromeo, 59–63. For notification of the Instructionum’s arrival in Tortona, see letter from Cesare Gambara to Carlo Borromeo, 23 October 1578, BAMi, F 93 inf., fol. 103r, transcribed in Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 78; Perin, La cattedrale di Tortona, 1–10; Perin, “Architettura,” 22–56.

20. Gambara had possession of the church in the latter half of 1566, but it was in a ruinous state (and thus probably required renovation before being usable). Letters of Cesare Gambara to Carlo Borromeo, 7 May 1566, 11 June 1566, 21 June 1566, and 15 December 1566, BAMi, F 94 inf., fols. 349r–349v, 356r, 357r–357v, 362r, 365r, partially transcribed in Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 33–35.

21. Tacchella, La riforma tridentina, 93–99.

22. Letter of Cesare Gambara to Carlo Borromeo, 13 January 1576, ASDMi, Carteggio “Extraprovinciali,” XVIII, as transcribed in Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 60.

23. Memoriale of Cesare Gambara (13 January 1576?), ASDMi, Carteggio “Extraprovinciali,” XVIII, as transcribed in Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 60.

24. Memoriale of Cesare Gambara, as transcribed in Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 60. Gambara’s opinions are contained in his letter to Borromeo of 13 January 1576, and in his Memoriale; see Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 60–63.

25. The city council effectively supported Della Chiesa’s plans to enlarge the city when it approved them on 25 July 1570. In addition, see the contract between master mason Pietro Solarino da Breno and Cardinal Giovanni Paolo Della Chiesa for the construction of the cathedral (7 August 1574) and the official record of laying the foundation stone (10 September 1574), both in ASA, carte notaio G. A. Ribrocchi, faldone 2073, Notarile Tortona. See also Perin, La cattedrale de Tortona, 4–5; Perin, “La città e il forte,” 57.

26. Letter of Cesare Gambara to Carlo Borromeo, 13 January 1576, and Memoriale; see Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 60–63.

27. Bottani, Girolamo Ragazzoni, 13–89; Tacchella, La riforma tridentina, 93.

28. Letter from Gerolamo Ragazzoni to Carlo Borromeo, 14 August 1576, BAMi, F 136 inf., fol. 469r, as transcribed in Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 65. For the documentation about the funding, see the letters transcribed in ibid., 64–65.

29. The documents confirming the decision to proceed with Della Chiesa’s church (with papal funding, which also aimed at purchasing nearby property to serve as the episcopal palace) date to August 1576, and are transcribed in Perin, “Architettura,” 201–3. The transfer of funding, and negotiations for purchasing the property for the episcopal palace, followed in the autumn of that year; Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 65, 67, 88, 96, 99–100, 111–14, 118, 125; Perin, La cattedrale de Tortona, 7–13; Perin, “Architettura,” 57–58. Other, later work on the cathedral includes a new design for the facade, which dates to the 1870s; see Perin, La cattedrale de Tortona, 7–15; Perin, “Architettura,” 57–77. For information on the episcopal palace, see De Carlini, “Per la storia,” 71–76; Perin, “Architettura,” 80–81, 201–03.

30. Cammarata, Alla corte di Cristierna.

31. Perin, “Appunti di ricerca,” 23–25. For more on Cristierna, see Cammarata, Alla corte di Cristierna, 99–103, 254–55.

32. Rozzo, Appunti per una storia, 21; Perin, “La città e il forte,” 57; Miotti, “Annotazioni storiche,” 21–23.

33. The general decree giving responsibility for reform to the bishops is Session VI (13 January 1547), “Decretum de residentia episcoporum et aliorum inferiorum,” chap. 1 in Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, ed. Tanner, 1:681–82. Other important decrees include Session V (17 June 1546), “Decretum secondum: Super lectione et praedicatione,” 9, 10, 11; Session VII (3 March 1547), “Decretum Secondum: Super reformatione,” 7, 8; Session XIV (25 November 1551), “Decretum de reformatione,” Introduction; Session XXI (16 July 1562), “Decretum de reformatione,” canons 6, 8; Session XXII (17 September 1562), “Decretum de observandis et vitandis in celebratione missarum”; Session XXIII (15 July 1563), 6, 7, and “Decreta super reformatione,” canons 1, 10–18; Session XXIV (11 November 1563), “Decretum de reformatione,” canons 2–4, 12; Session XXV (3–4 December 1563), “Decretum de reformatione generali,” chap. 1 in Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, ed. Tanner, 1:669, 688, 714, 730–31, 736–37, 744–45, 748–53, 761–63, 766–67, 784.

34. Session XXI (16 July 1562), “Decretum de reformatione,” canon 7; Session XXV (3–4 December 1563), “De invocatione, veneratione et reliquiis sanctorum, et de sacris imaginibus,” in Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, ed. Tanner, 1:730–31, 774–76.

35. Among the numerous sources, see Mullet, Catholic Reformation, 3–68; Tellechea Idígoras, “El obispo ideal.”

36. Thurber, “Architecture and Civic Identity”; Thurber, “Architecture and Religious Conflict,” 14–160; Thurber, “L’architettura religiosa,” 395–96; Thurber, “Pellegrino Tibaldi.”

37. As in many other locations, the introduction of the reformed liturgy caused problems, although it occurred in Tortona rather late, in 1603; see Cammarata, Lettere da Tortona, 170.

38. Montemerlo, Raccoglimento di Nuova Historia, 395–96.

39. See the citations in note 8 above.

40. Important examples of ecclesiastical centers are located in Florence, Parma, and Milan. Originally, the locations of the Florentine and Milanese cathedrals were on the periphery of the Roman cities. For information on Milan’s ecclesiastical center see Ceresa Mori, “L’isolata in età romana.”

41. It should be noted that Alberti’s prescriptions sometimes contradict each other, and therefore Tortona’s new center appears to disregard some of Alberti’s suggestions; Alberti, On the Art, IV.1 (pp. 92–95), V.6 (126), VII.1–VII.5 (190–99).

42. Alberti, L’Architectura, ed. Bartoli; Pellegrini, L’Architettura, ed. Panizza; Simoncini, “Umanesimo, religiosità e scienze.”

43. Thurber, “Architecture and Civic Identity,” 473–74; Thurber, “Architecture and Religious Conflict,” 141–60; Thurber, “Pellegrino Tibaldi,” 162.

44. See citations in note 29 above.

The Absentee Bishop in Residence (DeSilva)

1. “[I]l vescovo è propriamente l’attento osservatore, tu [il papa], il perfetto Vescovo dei Vescovi, costituto come l’osservatore più premuroso sopra tutti i Vescovi nel più alto osservatorio”; Giustiniani and Quirini, Lettera al Papa, ed. Bianchini, 86.

2. Giustiniani and Quirini placed the bishop as an implicit model and corrector within the clerical and lay communities; ibid., 126.

3. “In omnibus laborent et ministerium suum impleant. Implere autem illud se nequaquam posse sciant, si greges sibi commissos mercenariorum more deserant atque ovium suarum, quarum sanguis de eorum est manibus a supremo iudice requirendus, custodiae minime incumbant, cum certissimum sit, non admitti pastoris excusationem, si lupus oves comedit, et pastor nescit.” Sessio VI, “De residential I,” in Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, 658; Prosperi, “La figura del vescovo fra Quattro e Cinquecento,” 255.

4. “Crescente vero contumacia, ut severiori sacrorum canonum censurae subiiciatur, metropolitanus suffrageneos episcopos absentes, metropolitanianum vero absentem suffraganeus episcopus antiquior residens sub poena interdicti ingressus ecclesiae eo ipso incurrenda infra tres menses per litteras seu nuntium Romano pontifici denuntiare teneatur”; Sessio VI, “De residential I,” in Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, 658.

5. Partner, The Pope’s Men; D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome.

6. Contarini wrote his treatise at the request of the adolescent bishop-elect of Bergamo, Pietro Lippomano; Contarini, Office of a Bishop, trans. and ed. Donnelly, 13–14, 69.

7. While Adriano Prosperi sees in sixteenth-century authors two episcopal models—“good” oriented toward the cure of souls and “evil” oriented towards wealth and power—D. S. Chambers ends his study of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga’s arguments excusing non-residence by stating “that the definition of abuse in that period was no simple matter.” Chambers, “Defence of Non-Residence in the later Fifteenth Century,” 624; Prosperi, “La figura del vescovo fra Quattro e Cinquecento,” 253–254.

8. Murphy, Ruling Peacefully; Murphy, “A Worldly Reform.”

9. From a practical perspective, the financial rewards of episcopal residence were slim in comparison to the income that de’ Grassi collected at the papal court to fund his ecclesiastical patronage. Before subtracting any reserved pensions, the bishop of Pesaro received three hundred ducats as an annual stipend; Hay, Church in Italy, 112. For de’ Grassi’s income from his duties at the papal court see DeSilva, Ritual negotiations, chap. 2 and app. 1–3.

10. This article will not discuss de’ Grassi’s last visit to Pesaro, made only weeks before his death in 1528. According to his colleague Biagio Martinelli, he traveled from Pesaro to the papal court at Orvieto, staying from 17 to 23 May, in order to resign his post as ceremonialist. However, after returning to Pesaro, de’ Grassi quickly departed for rome, where he died on 10 June. There are no other references to this episcopal visit and it is probable that if de’ Grassi arrived in Pesaro, he did not stay long or participate in the public events or initiatives that characterized his other visits; BAV, Ms. Vat. lat. 12276, Martinelli, Diaria, 103.

11. Minnich, “Paride de Grassi’s Diary.”

12. Alberigo, “Reform of the Episcopate,” 145.

13. Contarini, Office of a Bishop, trans. and ed. Donnelly, 67.

14. Certainly, it is difficult to gauge how de’ Grassi’s involvement compared to that of other bishops living in Rome, since individual responsibilities, distance, personal connection, and length of episcopate were such important influencing factors. Nonetheless, Paul Murphy asserts that “the nearly complete lack of other Italian bishops who resided in and reformed their dioceses in the 1530s and 1540s makes the examples of Giberti and Gonzaga rather unique”; Ruling Peacefully, 47.

15. Lettere di Galeazzo Sforza, ed. Feliciangeli.

16. Rafael Sabatini’s description of “the splendid discipline” supposedly ingrained in Borgia’s troops is not borne out by eyewitness reports; Sabatini, Life of Cesare Borgia, 124–26; Bertuccioli, Mutamenti governativi, 24–25.

17. Bertuccioli, Mutamenti governativi, 25.

18. Francesco Maria, supported by 1,500 men, fought virilmente, but was still forced to flee. The Rocca remained for a month under della Rovere control, falling to the Medici army on 6 July 1516; Sanudo, I diarii, 22:273, 277, 286, 312, 353–54.

19. “Sumario di una letera scrita in Pexaro a dì 14 Zugno per Piero di Marzetto . . .” included in ibid., 22:309–12.

20. “Ha ruinato questa terra di sorta che non il posso dire el danno grando; [ . . . ] Credeva mi ruinasse la casa de le bombarde. Non posso scriver el danno zeneral è stato per tutta questa cità, di sort ache non pare più sia Pexaro: tutta la terra piena di ledame e fango e mosche, di sort ache non si pol viver e si crepa. E gran carestia di roba di magnare per la grandissima moltitudine di brigata vi sono”; Bortolomeo and Joanni di Nari, “Sumario di una letera scrita in Pexaro a dì 6 Lujo 1516 . . .” included in ibid., 22:342, 353–54.

21. Ibid., 23:569.

22. Ibid., 23:570, 590, 598, 601, 610; 24:12, 34.

23. Ibid., 24:48–49, 53, 81, 99–100.

24. Although Francesco Maria successfully reoccupied the duchy, Leo refused to invest him with the title of duke even after the death of Lorenzo in 1519. Only in 1522 did Leo’s successor, Pope Hadrian VI, confirm Francesco Maria as duke, and the ducal court take up residence in Pesaro. There is a copy of the brief that Pope Leo sent to the city of Pesaro confirming the continuance of papal rule after Lorenzo de’ Medici’s death in 1519 in BOP, ms. 380, III, Memorie di Pesaro, fols. 5r–v: “Breve Leonis X ad civitate Pisauri post mortem Laurentij Medices.” See also von Pastor, History of the Popes, 7:210–12; Verstegen, “Francesco Maria and the Duchy of Urbino,” 146–48.

25. Popes Alexander VI, Julius II, and Leo X all desired the same goal: to assure the security of Rome and expand his family’s rule beyond Florence by bestowing a hereditary papal vicariate on a lay nephew.

26. “La sua costituzionale fragilità e inadeguatezza economica furono la causa dei disagi ricorrenti sotto forma di crisi militari fra XIV e XV secolo, fino al ingresso dei della Rovere, che di tale regime rappresentò una momento di sintesi”; Carile, “Pesaro nel Medioevo,” 47.

27. BAV, Vat. lat. 12275, de Grassi, Diarium, fols. 27r–v (4 April 1513), 41v–42r (15 May 1513).

28. De’ Grassi’s diary records that he left Rome on 11 January and remained in Pesaro until Easter 1515; BAV, Vat. lat. 12275, de Grassi, Diarium, fols. 130r–v.

29. Cambrini, “Le Constitutiones Antiquae,” 60n3. Cambrini cites the claim of the local historian Teofilo Betti in his Cronica Vescovile Pesarese.

30. As de’ Grassi’s diary ends in December 1521, and in the years from 1519 to 1521 the diary focuses exclusively on the activities of the papal court, there is no certain record of his movements and his time spent in Pesaro. While the number of visits that de’ Grassi made to his bishopric is uncertain, based upon scattered evidence he visited at least four times: 11 January to before 4 May 1515; 23 May to before 29 June 1519; likely twice between 1520 and 1522; and lastly sometime before 17 May and possibly 24 May 1528 (but he may not have reached Pesaro before returning to Rome where he died).

31. Traditionally, the bishop’s first visit functioned as an ecclesiastical version of the secular triumphant entry through which the bishop showed himself to his congregation and ritually took possession of the episcopal office and the responsibility of its cure of souls by saying mass at the cathedral.

32. Annibale degli Abbati Olivieri described de’ Grassi’s patronage as lifting the saint up from among the ruins; BOP, ms. 380, III, Memorie di Pesaro, fol. 190r.

33. BOP, ms. 937, XII, squarcio BM, Almerci, Memorie, fols. 35v (26 February 1515) to 37r (17 March 1515).

34. This was a common form of charity across early modern Italy organized by both ecclesiastical and lay patrons, and which de’ Grassi was familiar with in Rome through the papal liturgy for celebrating the Assumption at the church of Santa Maria Maggiore and Roman confraternal activity; Dykmans, L’oeuvre de Patrizi Piccolomini, 2:432; Esposito, “Men and Women in Roman Confraternities,” 95.

35. There are no extant episcopal records of this visitation, only statements by later sources that it occurred.

36. Prosperi, “La figura del vescovo fra Quattro e Cinquecento,” 260.

37. In Pesaro episcopal synods took place in 1373 (Bishop Leale Malatesta), 1414 (Bishop Giovanni Benedetti), 1435 (Bishop Bartolomeo Casini), 1519 (Bishop Paris de’ Grassi), 1530 (Giacomo Simonetta), 1564 (Giulio Simonetta), and 1580 (Roberto Sassatelli); Turchini, “La chiesa di Pesaro,” 110; Luchetti, “Il ‘Sinodo,’” 37–44.

38. The resulting volume is ASDP, Archivio del Capitolo, Raccoglitori, fasc. 137, Constitutiones antiquae Reverendissimi Capituli Pisaurensis Episcopi Domino Albertino de Ruvere MDXII.

39. BOP, ms. 457, II, fasc. LXII, Porzione di sinodo di mons. Giulio Simonetta Vescovo di Pesaro; “Con. Syn. Ep. pis. Prohemium,” in Statuta civitatis pisauri (1531); Cambrini, “Le Constitutiones Antiquae.”

40. Although Pesarese historians argue that de’ Grassi was disappointed overall with what he encountered in the chapter and within the diocese, without specifically documented reforms the very least that we can say is that the bishop’s concern for ecclesiastical standards drove him to assemble documents and men, but he may or not have produced any institutional reform. “Invero si ha solo notizia di una visita pastorale del 1515 al Capitolo, come si è visto, ma nulla di più”; Turchini, “La chiesa di Pesaro,” 107.

41. Turchini wrote that “la visita del vescovo nel 1515 aveva sollevato, come si è detto, qualche contrasto,” presumably with the Constitutiones of the cathedral chapter that de’ Grassi then reviewed; Turchini, “La chiesa di Pesaro,” 104.

42. Giovio, Italian Portrait Gallery, 115.

43. Bonamini provides the text of the bull dated July 1515 in his chronicle; BOP, ms. 966, III, Bonamini, Cronaca, 2–4: “[P]raesertim quia mandaveras omnibus Presbyteris in tua Catedrali Ecclesia servientibus ut sub certis p[a]enis in obitu et tonsum laudabili secundum Sac. Canones incederent, capi et carcerari feceris, licet eodem pene contextu ad nonnullorum consanguineorum ejusdem Jo. Fran[cis]ci preces relaxaveris, et alia feceris, qu[a]e verum ac bonum Pastorem decent.”

44. Turchini, “La chiesa di Pesaro,” 100.

45. BAV, Vat. lat. 12275, de Grassi, Diarium, fol. 354v.

46. “Regimini universalis Ecclesiae (Fifth Lateran Council, Tenth Session, 4 May 1515),” in Bullarum diplomatum et privilegiorum sanctorum, 5:621.

47. In contrast to the evidence of de’ Grassi’s diary, Teofilo Betti’s chronicle claims that the translation took place on 17 July 1519; ASDPs, Betti, Cronica vescovile paesarese sino al MDCC, capo LXIII, 8.

48. This urn, commissioned in 1447 by Bishop Giovanni Benedetti from the artist Giovanni Antonio Bellinzoni, is now preserved in the Museo Diocesano in Pesaro.

49. The records of the Fabbrica di S. Terenzio note the bishop’s purchase of cloth (silk, satin, and leather) and decorative accents (fringe and braid) for tunics for the saint, as well as payments for their manufacture, and other cloths need for the saint’s translation; ASCP, Fabbrica di S. Terenzio, cassetta 73, fasc. III, fols. 38 (6 April 1517), 41 (23 March 1518), 43 (27 May 1518), 44 (29 May 1518), 79 (15 August 1519); Benvenuti, San Terenzio, 380–81n830.

50. “[I]l segno tangibile di una volontà di rigenerazione e di ripresa, di cui le reliquie patronali rappresentarono una simbolica garanzia: la loro restituzione alla pubblica venerazione garantì l’effettiva riparazione di uno strappo provocato dal traumatico arrivo del Valentino. Sopratutto in questo caso pare che la gestione del corpo di Terenzio non abbia rappresentato un campo di sconto o di contesa, pur tenendo conto dell’appiattimento determinato dalla parzialità delle fonti dell’epoca”; ibid., 389.

51. I suspect that Benvenuti’s judgement of de’ Grassi’s episcopate is closest to the early modern view. “[ . . . ] fin dal suo primo ingresso in città egli manifestò una personalità risoluta, osservante delle regole, rispettosa fino all’eccesso delle pratiche liturgiche [ . . . ] durante queste periodi di transizione per la comunità rivestono un ruolo attivo, raggiungendo una preminenza non solo simbolica in ambito locale”; ibid., 390–91.

52. Bonamini notes that de’ Grassi “Risarcì la Capella maggiore del Duomo, che grandissimo danno avea sofferto dal canone del Duca.” He also erected an inscription to this effect—“PARIS EPISCOPUS MONU. ISTUD INTER RUINAS REPERTUM HOC LOCO REPOS MDXXII.” BOP, ms. 966, III, Bonamini, Cronaca, 5–6.

53. In 1522 de’ Grassi erected this inscription in the chapel dedicated to Terenzio where he placed the arca beneath a new marble altar; Benvenuti, San Terenzio, 380–83, also 433–34n833.

54. This visit might have been substantially longer than previous visits, as the historian Ortolani records that de’ Grassi only returned to Rome in December 1522. Unfortunately, as yet there is no evidence to corroborate this departure or the length of the visit; BOP, ms. 1663, II, Ortolani, Della Chiesa Pesarese, fol. 406r.

55. Terpstra, Lay Confraternities.

56. Turchini, “La chiesa di Pesaro,” 121–26.

57. Muir, Ritual in Early Modern Europe, 230.

58. As archpriest, de’ Grassi was responsible for ensuring that the confraternity had access to priests for confession and communion, that its members participated in parish devotional activities focused on S. Giuliano, and that the confraternity and the chapter of canons maintained good relations; ASV, Capitolario SS. Celso e Giuliano, Istrumenti 200, fols. 4r–v.

59. De’ Grassi’s pride in his Bolognese roots as seen in his diary, his brother Achilles’ service as the bishop of Bologna (1511–23), and his liturgical guide that incorporates Bolognese practice (De cerimoniis cardinalium et episcoporum in eorum diocesibus, pub. 1564) all argue for the city acting as a partial model in his own clerical work. On Albergati’s relations with Bolognese confraternities, see Terpstra, Lay Confraternities, 19–31.

60. Terpstra, Lay Confraternities, 19–20.

61. The sixteenth-century statues of the Fraternity of St. Andrew the Apostle of Pesaro note that the election of each prior must be approved by the bishop; BOP, ms. 461, Capitoli delle 4 Compagnie dell’Unione. I, “La Fraternita del’Apostolo S. Andrea,” fols. 98r–v.

62. While Adele Brancati argues that the procession took place in 1520, there are other documents that corroborate de’ Grassi’s illness and suggest the date of 1522; Brancati, “La confraternita e la Chiesa dell’Annunziata,” 141; DeSilva, “Appropriating Sacred Space.”

63. Calegari, “Chiesa dell’Annunziata,” 216–21.

64. BOP, ms. 461, Capitoli delle 4 Compagnie dell’Unione. I, “Capitoli dell Fraternita dell Nuntiata,” chap. 20: “all’incontro della Chiesa, pochi anni dipoi era nel muro vno quadretto, dove che era l’imagine della gloriosa Madonna, laquale fece molti segni & miracoli, dove che Monsignor Reverendissimo Paris de Grassi Bolognese, con solenissima processione, insieme con tutto il popolo, e fratelli leuorno il detto quadro, & el misino in a detta Chiesa a mane dritta quando s’entra dentro chiamata & titolata la gloriosa Madonna del popolo come la sua festa si fa il secondo dì de Pasqua rosata.”

65. In addition, the de’ Grassi family chapel in the Bolognese cathedral was dedicated to the Virgin Annunciate; Fanti, “La cattedrale di san Pietro,” 37–41; Terpstra, Lay Confraternities, 23, 56.

66. BOP, ms. 968, Bonamini, Memorie ecclesiastiche. Betti dates this donation (“il gran quadro”) to 1519 and identifies the artists as “pittore francese Matteo Presciutti”; Betti, Cronica vescovile paesarese sino al MDCC, capo LXIII, 8.

67. BOP, ms. 961, Betti, Cronica Vescovile Pesarese, fol. 276r; BOP, ms. 1663, II, Ortolani, Della Chiesa Pesarese, fol. 400r.

68. Albergati was instrumental in expanding the cult of the Madonna del Monte della Guardia through the institution of an annual procession that brought the Marian image from its shrine into Bologna; Terpstra, Lay Confraternities, 24–27.

69. Gleason notes the similarities between the behavior castigated in The Office of a Bishop and Contarini’s experience as bishop of Belluno. The substantial difference between the two models was Contarini’s choice of “serious and able vicars,” especially Girolamo Negri, to cultivate the diocese in his absence; Gleason, Gasparo Contarini, 179–181.

70. As archbishop of Florence (1513–23) de’ Medici authorized a synod in 1517, which his vicar, Pietro Andrea Gammaro, organized and led. In Mantova, Ercole Gonzaga’s vicars carried out extensive visitations during the 1530s. Robert Giubé’s vicar general convened an episcopal synod in Nantes in May 1507. Due to Jacopo Sadoleto’s periodic residency in Carpentras (1527–36, 1538–42, 1543–45) his episcopal vicars supervised the annual synods. Prosperi, “La figura del vescovo fra Quattro e Cinquecento,” 232–33; Murphy, Ruling Peacefully, 69–72; Douglas, Jacopo Sadoleto, 49, 62.

71. Thomas Bourchier (archbp. 1454–86) held provincial synods in London in 1461, 1463, 1472, 1473, 1474 and 1475. Nicholas of Cusa (bp. 1450–64) presided at synods in Salzburg (February 1451), Bamberg (May 1451), Magdebourg (June 1451), Mainz (November 1451), Cologne (1452), and also at Brixen (1453, 1454, 1455 and 1457).

72. Carafa resided permanently at the papal court from 1467 to 1511, visiting Naples only four times in the role of papal legate, not exclusively as the city’s bishop; Norman, “Cardinal of Naples,” 77–91; Reynolds, Papal Patronage, 129–30.

73. Lowe, Church and Politics, 16–17, 19.

74. The Council of Trent’s decree (September 1562) establishing greater parish control over lay confraternities formalized this implicit expectation of episcopal involvement; The canons and decrees of the sacred and oecumenical Council of Trent, Session 22, Chapter IX.

75. Francesco Cesareo encapsulated the sixteenth-century reformed bishop as “one who resided within his diocese, convened synods regularly, undertook pastoral visitations, dedicated himself to the preaching of the Word, concerned himself with the religious reformation of both the clergy and the laity—in short, one who undertook the cura animarum”; Cesareo, “The Episcopacy in Sixteenth-Century Italy,” 78.

76. Contarini, The Office of a Bishop, 35.

Papal Authority, Episcopal Reservation, and Abortion in Sixteenth-Century Italy (Christopoulos)

1. Sixtus V, Contra procurantes . . . abortum, 1588.

2. Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, 96.

3. The quotation is from Comerford, “‘The Care of Souls is a Very Grave Burden for [the Pastor],’” 353. Generally, see Borromeo, “I vescovi italiani”; Black, Church, Religion and Society, chap. 4.

4. The literature on this subject is vast. See especially Allegra, “Il parroco,” esp. 931–41; de Boer, Conquest of the Soul; Greco, “Fra disciplina e sacerdozio”; Mancino, Licentia confitendi; Prosperi, Tribunali della coscienza; Turchini, “La nascita del sacerdozio come professione.”

5. See, for example, Paleotti, Episcopale Bononensis; c. 9; Prodi, Il Cardinale Gabriele Paleotti 2:155n69; Montanari, Disciplinamento in terra veneta, 123; Pinto, Riforma tridentina in Puglia, 2:92 and 3:37; Turchini, Clero e fedeli a Rimini, 91; Constitutiones, et decreta Dioecesanae Synodi Viterben (1584), 104.

6. The work was original published in 1547; the 1572 edition is being cited here.

7. “De Aborsu,” in Fumi, Summa, aurea armilla, 6–7; “Del Quinto Precetto” and “D’alcune Interrogationi—De i Medici, & Chirugici,” in Azpilcueta, Manuale de’ Confessori et Penitenti, 166, 630.

8. For a comprehensive list and discussion of this literature, see Turrini, La coscienza e le leggi, “censimento.”

9. See Borromeo, “I vescovi Italiani,” 65–74; Black, Church, Religion and Society, 2004, chaps. 5 and 6; Comerford, Reforming Priests and Parishes; Mancino, Licentia confitendi.

10. From the oration of the priest Serguidi, quoted in Comerford, “‘The Care of Souls is a Very Grave Burden for [the Pastor],’” 355 and D’Addario, Aspetti della controriforma a Firenze, 199.

11. Mercurio, De gli errori popolari d’Italia, 1.26, 5.13, 5.375, 14.378–79.

12. On animation, formation, and abortion, see Noonan, Contraception; Noonan, “Almost Absolute Value in History”; Prosperi, Dare l’anima; Lavenia, “D’animal fante”; Terpstra, Lost Girls, 85–112.

13. Prosperi, Tribunali della coscienza; Brambilla, Alle origini del Sant’Uffizio; de Boer, Conquest of the Soul.

14. Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, sess. 14, ch. VII, 96; , “De casi riservati” in Azpilcueta, Manuale de’ Confessori et Penitenti, 881; de Graffi, Practica quinque casuum, esp. 1.1–3. See generally Lea, History of Auricular Confession, 1:312–42; Brambilla, “Confessione, casi riservati e giustizia ‘spirituale.’”

15. Reserving abortion was not unique to the Tridentine episcopate; several bishops in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries reserved it to their offices. Nonetheless, it seems that after Trent many more bishops were inclined to do so. For reserved cases before Trent, see Lea, History of Auricular Confession and Brambilla, “Confessione, casi riservati e giustizia ‘spirituale.’”

16. Borromeo, De censuris, et casibus reseruatis; Borromeo, Acta ecclesiae mediolanensis, 11, 339, 992.

17. Constitutiones editae, et promulgatae in synodo dioecesana Placentina (1570), 220; De Casibus reservatis Illustrissimo, et Reverendiss. Domino Paulo Aretio Card. Et Archiepiscopo Neapolitano in Antonucci, Catechesis, seu Instructio, 354.

18. “Donne, o altri, che fossero cagione di far sperdere la creatura,” Constitutiones et Decreta condita in synodo dioecesana Ravennatensi (1580), fol. 55v.

19. Constitutiones, et decreta Dioecesanae Synodi Viterben (1583), 110.

20. Synodo Dioecesana camerinensi (1588), 58.

21. Sauli, Confessionale R. F. Hieronymi Savonarolae, 11; Lea, History of Auricular Confession, 1:319.

22. Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, sess. 14, 25 November 1551, ch. VII, 96.

23. “Abortum procurantium secuto effectu post foetum vivificatum”; Constitutiones, et decreta Dioecesanae Synodi Viterben (1584), 110.

24. “Non tame comprehenditur illa, quae consulto fecerit abortum fetus inanimati, nam talis non dicitur vere homicida, cum ei non conueniat eius definitio, [ . . . ]”; de Graffi, Practica quinque casuum, 159.

25. Gittio, Tractatus de casibus reseruatis, 141–42.

26. Mancino, Licentia confitendi, 37, 71.

27. de Boer, Conquest of the Soul, 228–31; Deutscher “Bishop’s Tribunal and the Laity,” 198.

28. Decreta prouinciales synodi Florentinae (1574); Constitutiones et decreta condita in provinciali Synodo Consentina (1580), 112. Sega reserved cases of infant suffocation, incest in the second degree or higher, and sex with beasts, but not abortion; Sinodo Diocesana di Mons. Rever. Philippo Sega vescovo della Ripatransona (1576), fol. 34v.

29. Zerola, Praxis sacramenti poenitentiae, ch. 24, q. 16, fols. 114r–115v; Azpilcueta, Manuale de confessori, ch. 26, no. 14, p. 688; Lea, History of Auricular Confession, 339.

30. Sixtus V, Contra Procurantes . . . abortum.

31. On this theme, see Prodi, Papal Prince; Nubola, “Supplications between Politics and Justice,” 40–42.

32. In his synodal decretals of 1589 the bishop of Piacenza, Filippo Sega (1578–91), previously bishop of Ripatrasone (see note 27 above), stated that abortion was now reserved to the pope alone; Synodus dioecesana sub admodum ill. et reverendiss.mo Domino Philippo Sega episcopo Placentiae (1589), 133.

33. ASV, Cong. Vescovi e Regolari, “Positiones” 1590: A–B, Stefano Campanari al Cardinale di Sens, 14 April 1590; D–M, Il Vescovo di Lodi Franciscus Isella alla S. d. N. S. Papa Sisto Quinto, April 1590; M–P, Archiv. di Milano alla Sacra Cogr; R–V, Siena alla Sacra Congr.

34. ASV, Cong. Vescovi e Regolari, “Registra Episcoporum” 17 (1589), to Isernia, 4 August 1589, fol. 245r; “Registra Episcoporum” 19 (1590), 4 May 1590, to Lodi, Siena, Aversa, Potenza and Trani, fol. 149r–v. It is unclear whether these responses (as recorded in the Registra episcoporum) are verbatim copies or summaries of the actual letters sent.

35. ASV, Cong. Vescovi e Regolari, “Positiones” 1591, A–C: L’archiprete di Altamura, Giangiacomo de Mansi al Cardinale di Sens, 22 May 1591.

36. ASV, Cong. Vescovi e Regolari, “Registra Episcoporum” 19 (1591), Congregazione all’Archip. di Altamura, 18 June 1591, fol. 331v.

37. Gregory XIV, Constitutio moderatoria.

38. Decreta edita et promulgata in synodo dioecesana laudensi, 33. Taberna appended the whole text of Gregory’s modifying bull at the end of his synodal decretals for all the priests of Lodi to see that Church legislation on this matter had changed, and that he himself had made an amendment by prohibiting the confessors of Lodi from absolving aborters without his permission; ibid., 77–80.

39. Paleotti, Archiepiscopale Bononiense, pt. 3, “De sacramento poenitentiae, Casus Archiepiscopales, [ . . . ] reseruauit,” no. 8, p. 112; Constitutiones editae in diocesana synodo barensi (1594), Tit. VIII, “De casibus reservatis;” Decreta edita et promulgata in Synodo Dioecesana Ferrariensi (1599), 130; Decreta et monita Synodalia Ecclesia Perusinae (1600), 29–30.

40. De Graffi, Practica quinque casuum, 1.3, 1.8–9; Lea, History of Auricular Confession, 1:335.

41. See for example, Prosperi, Tribunali della conscienza, 1996; Black, Church, Religion and Society; Black, Italian Inquisition.

Ministering to Catholics and Protestants Alike (Fehleison)

1. Despite being the diocese of Geneva, the bishop ultimately resided in the Savoy town of Annecy after Catholic clergy had been expelled from the city of Geneva in the mid 1530s. For English biographies of de Sales, see Ravier, Francis de Sales, Sage and Saint; LaJeunie, Saint Francis de Sales.

2. Introduction to the Devout Life and Treatise on the Love of God (1616) are de Sales’s best known books of devotion.

3. For further exploration of the relationship between Jeanne de Chantal and François de Sales see Wright, Bond of Perfection; and Wright and Power, Francis de Sales and Jane de Chantal.

4. While the diocese of Geneva did not have a seminary until 1663, de Sales’s predecessor as bishop, Claude de Granier, established the practice of annual synods to train and oversee the clergy and de Sales continued and expanded this practice during his tenure as bishop. According to Ravier, while bishop, de Sales ordained almost nine hundred priests; Francis de Sales, 129–31, 239.

5. Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, 5th sess. chap. 2 (pp. 26–27), 24th sess. chap. 4 (pp. 195–96).

6. Taylor, Soldiers of Christ, 227.

7. Bayley, French Pulpit Oratory, 1598–1650, 4.

8. Ravier, Francis de Sales, 64–65

9. De Sales wrote an often-quoted letter to the newly elected archbishop of Bourges that offered advice on how to prepare a sermon; F. de Sales to Monseigneur André Frémyot, archbishop of Bourges, 5 October 1604, in de Sales, Œuvres, 12:311–12. Frémyot was the brother of Jeanne de Chantal. De Sales was also a mentor to Jean-Pierre Camus, who he consecrated as bishop of Belley in 1609. In an effort to support de Sales’s canonization, Camus wrote a six-volume biography of his mentor. For more on Camus and de Sales’s influence on him, see Worcester, Seventeenth-Century Cultural Discourse.

10. F. de Sales to Senator Antoine Favre, beginning of October 1594, and F. de Sales to Senator Antoine Favre, end of May 1595, in de Sales, Œuvres, 11:91, 139.

11. See de Sales, Œuvres, 23, Letter from F. de Sales to Louis Viret, 20–23, 71n66. The pamphlet written in response to Viret’s challenges was Briefe Meditation sur le Symbole.

12. de Sales, Treatise on the Love of God, 11.

13. de Sales, Charles-Auguste, Histoire du Bien-Heureux François de Sales. 1:187.

14. The “forty hours” refers to the time Christ was in his tomb. These celebrations included processions, continual preaching, and veneration of the host. The devotion grew in popularity over the course of the sixteenth century and tended to spread with the Capuchin preachers. For a fuller exploration of the Forty Hours Devotions in the duchy of Chablais, see Fehleison “Appealing to the Senses”; Fehleison Boundaries of Faith, chap. 3.

15. Registres de la Compagnie des Pasteurs de Geneve, 7:72–73.

16. de Sales, Œuvres, 2:189–92, While it is not clear that de Sales composed these two placards, he did compose similar short pieces during his missionary work. According to de Sales’s introduction of The Catholic Controversy (trans. Mackey, ix), he would post them in the villages of the Chablais. See de Sales, Œuvres,1:cvii–389, for a text of many of de Sales’s placards; for an English version, see de Sales, Catholic Controversy, trans. Mackey, 1–413.

17. Registres de la Compagnie des Pasteurs, 7:74.

18. The full title for de Sales’s work is Defense de l’Estendart de la saincte Croix de Nostre Sauveur Jesus-Christ. Divisee en quatre Livres. Par François de Sales, Prevost de l’Eglise Cathedrale de Sainct Pierre de Geneve. Antoine de la Faye published another response to de Sales entitled Replique chrestienne a la response de M. F. de Sales, se disant Evesque de Geneve, sur le Traicté de la vertu et adoration de la croix.

19. de Sales, Œuvres, 2:162–64.

20. de Sales, Œuvres, 7:vi–vii, viii–ix.

21. Bayley, French Pulpit Oratory, 1598–1650, 15; de Sales, Sermon Texts on Saint Joseph, 44–47.

22. For a discussion of Raguenier’s method and abilities, see Parker, Calvin’s Preaching, 65–68.

23. McGinness, Right Thinking and Sacred Oratory, 38–41.

24. de Sales, Œuvres, 7:258–59.

25. The region was a crossroads for competing political and religious ambitions, including those of the house of Savoy, France, the Protestant cities of Geneva and Berne, and even Spain, whose soldiers travelled through the region to reach Habsburg territories in the Netherlands and served as a mercenary army for the dukes of Savoy.

26. de Sales, Œuvres, 2:164.

27. Ibid., 7:213, 22. Susan Rosa concisely explored the effectiveness of using Rome’s continuity to antiquity with potential Protestant converts in her article, “Il était possible aussi que cette conversion fût sincère,” see esp. 638–41.

28. de Sales, Œuvres, 7:245–46.

29. Ibid., 7:289–90.

30. McGinness, Right Thinking and Sacred Oratory, 54–56; Ford, “Preaching in the Reformed Tradition,” 73–74.

31. de Sales, Œuvres, 7:344–46.

32. Bruening, Calvinism’s First Battleground, 137–41.

33. de Sales, Œuvres, 7:294–95.

34. De Sales had studied law at the University of Padua, see LaJeunie, Saint Francis de Sales, 1:75–76; de Sales, Œuvres, 7:322–23.

35. de Sales, Œuvres, 7:324–26.

36. Avully, Copie de la lettre du seigneur d’Avully: Touchant la dispute des ministres avec le R. P. Cherubin, prescheur de l’Ordre des Capucins, 7–8. In this account of a dispute between a Protestant theology professor from Geneva, Herman Lignaridus, and the Capuchin missionary, Chérubin de Maurienne, Avully, a recent Catholic convert, portrayed Lignaridus as an arrogant professor who carried around his books and kept himself apart from the villagers.

37. de Sales, Œuvres, 2:66.

38. Ibid., 7:328–32.

39. Ibid., 7:333–34.

40. Ibid., 7:335.

41. Ibid., 7:335–36.

42. Ibid., 7:342–47.

43. Beze, Sermons sur l’histoire de la passion.

44. By the last decades of the sixteenth century, Geneva was isolated politically, geographically, and religiously. The city of Berne had made its own peace with the duke of Savoy with the Treaty of Noyon (1589), and the duke was again threatening to retake the city of Geneva by military means. See Martin, Trois Cas de Pluralisme Confessionnel, 57–72; and Dufour, La guerre de 1589–1593, 94–96.

45. Beze, Sermons sur l’histoire de la passion.

46. Tracy, Europe’s Reformations, 86–87.

47. Beze, Sermons sur l’histoire de la passion, sermon 18.

48. Luther, Luther’s Works, 69:178–85.

49. de Sales, Œuvres, 7:48–9.

50. Ibid., 7:121–22.

51. Ibid., 7:257.

52. Murdock, Calvinism on the Frontier, 110.

53. de Sales, Œuvres, 7:256–58.

54. After the success of the Forty Hours Devotions, Charles-Emmanuel I revoked the liberty of conscience that the Protestants of the region had enjoyed since the Treaty of Lausanne (1564).

55. Protestant worship continued in other portions of the diocese that were not subject to this mission project, notably the Pays de Gex, a region on the eastern outskirts of Geneva. The Pays de Gex became part of France in 1601 with the signing of the Treaty of Lyons between Duke Charles-Emmanuel I and King Henri IV of France, making the parishes subject to the provisions of the Edict of Nantes that recognized both Catholic and Protestant rights to worship. For more on de Sales’s efforts in the Pays de Gex, see Fehleison, Boundaries of Faith, chap. 4, esp. 100–116.

56. de Sales, Œuvres, 8:21–22.

57. Ibid., 8:114.

58. Ibid., 8:250.

59. Ibid., 8:250–51.

Gender, Resistance, and the Limits of Episcopal Authority (Lierheimer)

1. ADCO, B 12069/TER, fols. 24–25: minutes of the Parlement de Bourgogne, May 1621. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are the author’s own.

2. Recit veritable, 14–15. Zamet’s attempt to impose his will on the nuns, which included sending off the mother superior in question to another convent against her will, proved ultimately unsuccessful, thanks to pressure from the nuns’ relatives and support for their case from Rome.

3. Prunel refers to Zamet’s dealings with nuns as “l’écueil de sa vie”; Sébastien Zamet, 125.

4. Hayden, “States, Estates and Orders,” 70–71.

5. Evenett, Spirit of the Counter-Reformation, 97.

6. Canons and Decrees, ed. Schroeder, 46–47, 49, 105, 192–95.

7. For example, Bergin, Making of the French Episcopate, 1589–1661; and Forrestal, Fathers, Pastors and Kings. On the new ideal of the bishop in France, see Forrestal, “Fathers, Leaders, Kings,” 24–25 and “A Catholic Model of Martyrdom,” 254–80.

8. Forrestal, Fathers, Pastors and Kings, 26, 28, 92.

9. Diefendorf, From Penitence to Charity.

10. Rapley, Social History of the Cloister, 16. Rapley cites J.-P. Bardet’s Rouen aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles as the source of the phrase.

11. Canons and Decrees, ed. Schroeder, 220–28.

12. Diefendorf, From Penitence to Charity, 128, 144–145; Lux-Sterritt, Redefining Female Religious Life, 66–73; Du Saint Esprit, Life of Antoinette Micolon, ed. Lierheimer, 13. See also Bilinkoff, The Avila of St. Teresa, 132–33.

13. These attempts go back at least to the Carolingian period; McNamara, Sisters in Arms, 151; Johnson, Equal in the Monastic Profession, chap. 3.

14. Canons and Decrees, ed. Schroeder, 220–28.

15. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 1–3, 31–42.

16. Richelieu to M. Zamet, 1616, in Richelieu, Lettres, ed. Avenal, 237. Avenal makes a convincing case that this letter was to Sébastien, rather than to his brother Jean, with whom Richelieu also had close ties. In 1617, Zamet purchased the office of Grand Almoner to the Queen from Richelieu, an office he held until 1624. During these years, Zamet split his time between Paris and Langres; Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 56–57.

17. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 57.

18. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 58–59.

19. Farr, Authority and Sexuality, 53, 56.

20. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 79.

21. Ibid., 61, 100, 106. He held synods in 1616, 1622, and 1628.

22. Ibid., 97.

23. ADHM, G 18: “Statuts et Ordonnances,” fol. 3.

24. Ibid., fols. 4 and 9.

25. In addition to his conflicts with nuns, Zamet was also involved in conflicts with the Jesuits over their right to hold services in Chaumont (1623), and with the canons of the cathedral in Langres over his right to name the Lenten preacher (1647); Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 112, 329–34.

26. Forrestal, Fathers, Pastors and Kings, 8. See also Blet, Clergé de France, vol. 1; and Dinet, Religion et société, 2:500.

27. Forrestal, Fathers, Pastors and Kings, 12, 26, 28, 92.

28. On the Assembly of the Clergy in 1625, see Becker, “Episcopal Unrest,” and Blet, Clergé de France, 1:267–334. Zamet played a significant role, as he was in charge of negotiating the amount of the clergy’s “gift” to the King; Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 109.

29. Sicard, “Assemblies of the French Clergy”; Greenbaum, “General Assembly of the Clergy of France,” 160–61.

30. Forrestal, Fathers, Pastors and Kings, 12.

31. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 112–18.

32. Ibid., 113.

33. The Déclaration was part of a larger effort on the part of the bishops at the Assembly to limit papal authority over the French clergy; publication was delayed due to opposition from Rome; Becker, “Episcopal Unrest,” 75.

34. Cited in Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 118.

35. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 117–18.

36. Forrestal, Fathers, Pastors and Kings, 83–84.

37. Canons and Decrees, ed. Schroeder, 218; translation in Schroeder.

38. Diefendorf, From Penitence to Charity, 54–55.

39. McNamara, Sisters in Arms, 503–4.

40. Unfortunately, the exact nature of these offenses is not specified in the documents regarding this case.

41. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 315–24; Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:395–412; ADCO, H 1026: “Extrait des Registres du Conseil d’Etat” (1654).

42. The following is based primarily on a printed account (“Extraict des Registres du Conseil destat du Roy”) in the ADCO, H 1026 dated 27 June 1644. This document includes a number of shorter documents, each with separate pagination. The references below are to specific documents within the larger “Extrait.” Other primary sources are from Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:cxxxv–clxiii. Also useful are the secondary accounts in Chaussy, Bénédictines, 261–63; Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:413–29; and Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 144–54.

43. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 144; Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:413. On the reform of the Benedictine order in France, see Chaussy, Bénédictines.

44. Her father, Claude Bourgeois, was a président at the Parlement of Dijon, and her sister, Madame Brûlart, had married into another prominent judicial family and was a close friend of Jeanne de Chantal, the foundress of the Visitation order and collaborator with François de Sales; Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 144.

45. Francis de Sales and Jeanne de Chantal, 116–22; Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 146; Dinet, Religion et société, 1:125.

46. Plancher mentions an ordonnance passed by Louis XIII requesting bishops to transfer convents from the countryside into towns and cities. It was thought that abbeys and convents in the countryside would be more difficult to reform because they lacked the support and surveillance enjoyed by convents in towns; Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:431.

47. Prunel and Plancher state the year as 1619, however an account from the time dates the transfer to 1616; ADCO, H 1026: “Brief et veritable estat,” 1. This was not merely a typographical error, because this account later refers to Zamet’s interdict lasting for twenty years, rather than the seventeen indicated by Prunel and Plancher. However, a letter from François de Sales to Rose Bourgeois dated January 1618 regarding the site to which the abbey should be transferred is evidence that the correct date is 1619. Rose Bourgeois’s first choice was Lyons, but this was not acceptable because it was in another diocese; Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 147.

48. ADCO, H 1026: “Brief et veritable estat,” 2.

49. The nuns gave testimony in 1644 about the behavior of the abbess during this period; “Procès verbal des Prieurs d’Auxerre et de Moutier-Saint-Jean commis par Arrêt du Privé Conseil pour écouter les Abbesse et Religieuses du Puits-d’Orbe,” in Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:cxxxxix.

50. “Procès verbal,” in Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:cxxxxix.

51. “Procès verbal,” in Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:cxxxxix.

52. ADCO, H 1026: “Brief et veritable estat,” 2; Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:413–15; see also Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 150.

53. ADCO, H 1026: “Brief et veritable estat,” 6–8.

54. The Cardinal was nominally the abbot of Moutier-Saint-Jean, though he played no role in the day-to-day life of the monastery; Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:418, 420.

55. “Commission de M. le Cardinal de la Rochefoucault, au Pere Prieur de Moutier-Saint-Jean, pour la Jurisdiction sur les Religieuses de l’Abbaye du Puits d’Orbe,” in Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:cxxxvi; see also ADCO, H 1026: “Brief et veritable estat,” 8–9. The Cardinal de La Rochefoucauld (1558–1645) was an important figure in the Counter-Reformation Church. In 1622 he was appointed papal commissioner for the reform of abbeys in France, including the Benedictines. Although he was the nominal head of a number of abbeys, the running and practical governance of Moutier-Saint-Jean and the abbeys dependent on it would have been left to the prior or vicar general; Bergin, Cardinal de La Rochefoucauld.

56. “Articles ausquels la Mere Abbesse de l’Abbaïe de Notre-Dame de Puits-d’Orbe, établie à Chatillon, Diocèse de Langres, se doit obliger avant que d’entrer en la Communauté des Religieuses réformées de ladite Abbaïe, suivant l’Arrêt du Grand Conseil du 23 Juin présente année 1642,” in Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:cxxxxvi–cxxxxvii; ADCO, H 1026: “Extrait des Registres du Conseil d’Estat du Roy.”

57. The Benedictine abbey of Val-de-Grâce in Paris had itself recently undergone reform; Chaussy, Bénédictines, 1:57–67.

58. “Arrêt du Conseil Privé du Roi, contre l’Abbesse et les Religieuses anciennes du Puits-d’Orbe” (1645), in Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:clxi–clxiii.

59. ADCO, H 1026: “Brief et veritable estat,” 4.

60. “Procès verbal,” in Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:cxxxxiv. Susan Broomhall argues that the different parties involved often had different visions of monastic reform and that “interpretation between various groups about whether the reforms had been implemented seemed to differ markedly”; “Familial and Social Networks,” 62.

61. “Arrêt du Conseil d’Etat, où il est parlé de l’Abbaye de Moutier-Saint-Jean, sur celle de Rougemont,” in Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:clxx.

62. “Procès verbal,” in Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:clii.

63. Most of these were from new religious orders such as the Ursulines, which was first established in France in 1592, the Visitation of Mary, founded in 1610, and the Discalced Carmelites, founded by St. Teresa of Avila in 1593; Dinet, Religion et société, 1:233–37.

64. The following is based on a detailed account of the affair that was published in defense of the nuns (Recit veritable), and the minutes of the Parlement de Bourgogne from May 1621 (ADCO, B12069/TER). See also descriptions of the conflict in Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 128–32; Rapley, Social History of the Cloister, 56–57; and Gueudré, Histoire de l’ordre des Ursulines, 1:121–23.

65. By 1630 there were eighty houses and by the end of the seventeenth century there were over three hundred Ursuline convents in France; Rapley, Dévotes, 52; Lierheimer, “Female Eloquence and Maternal Ministry,” 43.

66. Gueudré, Histoire de l’ordre des Ursulines, 1:46, 162, 233.

67. BMD, fonds Milsant, 10.962: “Fondation des Ursulines à Dijon,” fols. 7–9; Senault, Vie de Madame Catherine de Montholon, 41, 43–44, 48. See also Gueudré, Histoire de l’ordre des Ursulines, 1:46, 240.

68. Dinet, Religion et société, 1:69–71.

69. On the lack of institutional unity among Ursuline houses in France, see Lux-Sterritt, Redefining Female Religious Life, 4.

70. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 128.

71. “Humble remonstrance que font les Supérieure et religieuses du couvent de Saint Ursule de Langres capitulairement assemblées le 28 juin 1622, après avoir invoqué le saint nom de Dieu à la manière accoutumée, à Monseigneur le Révérend Evesque dudict Langres, et pair de France, ou à Monsieur son Grand Vicaire, sur le subject des deffences à elles faictes et signifiées le 5 de mars dernier de la part de mondict seigneur, et considérant la peyne qu’elles ont depuis peu d’obtenir la permission de faire entrer en leur monastère les personnes nécessaires pour les urgentes nécessités y arrivées,” in Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 451–54.

72. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 132.

73. Recit veritable, 12, 20.

74. “Arrêt de Parlement de Dijon pour Monsieur l’Evesque de Langres contre les Ursulines de Dijon (1623),” in Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 450–51; ADCO, B12069/TER.

75. Recit veritable, 37–38, 82.

76. ADCO, B12069/TER, fols. 24–25.

77. Recit veritable, 97–107.

78. Such rules and statutes organized the daily life of a convent and specified the duties of the convent officers, etc. At issue was not so much the substance of the rules, but the right of the nuns to self-government.

79. Gueudré, Histoire de l’ordre des Ursulines, 1:122–23; Rapley, Social History of the Cloister, 56. Zamet’s attempt to unify the Ursuline congregations in his diocese was part of a larger effort to create a unified identity and organizational structure for the diverse Ursuline congregations that sprung up throughout France during the first half of the century. Sometimes it was the nuns themselves who initiated union; however individual houses were often unwilling to give up their own unique traditions. These efforts had some success at the regional level, but the Ursulines never became a unified order along the lines of the Jesuits, largely due to opposition from Rome and from the episcopacy, who believed that such a larger union would undermine their authority over the congregations in their dioceses. For a more detailed discussion of these efforts, see Lierheimer, “Female Eloquence and Maternal Ministry,” 46–61.

80. Forrestal, “Catholic Model of Martyrdom,” 269, 274–75.

81. Gueudré, Histoire de l’ordre des Ursulines, 1:89.

82. Dinet, Religion et société, 1:130.

83. Lekai, “Abbatial Election,” 30–35.

84. Bourrée, Vie de Madame de Courcelle de Pourlan, 3, 44.

85. The appointment of a new, usually young, abbess was often the precursor to reform; McNamara, Sisters in Arms, 503.

86. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 185–87. Zamet began a correspondance with Jeanne de la Tournelle that details the reform of Tart; Lettres spirituelles, ed. Prunel.

87. Bourrée, Vie de Madame de Courcelle de Pourlan, 122; Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 187–89.

88. Sébastien Zamet to Mme de la Tournelle, Coadjutrice de Tart, 13 July 1622, in Lettres spirituelles, ed. Prunel, 63.

89. Sébastien Zamet to Mme de la Tournelle, Coadjutrice de Tart, 2 August 1622, in Lettres spirituelles, ed. Prunel, 67.

90. The incident was known as the “journée de guichet”; Kostroun, “Angélique Arnauld,” 325–36. See also Kostroun, Feminism, Absolutism, and Jansenism, 24.

91. Sébastien Zamet to Mme de la Tournelle, Coadjutrice de Tart, 16 February 1623, in Lettres spirituelles, ed. Prunel, 97. Zamet advised Madame de la Tournelle to pay her father if she could do so without ruining the convent. She seems to have come up with the money, because Zamet informed her a few days later that the matter had been resolved. Sébastien Zamet to Mme de la Tournelle, Coadjutrice de Tart, 20 February 1623, in Lettres spirituelles, ed. Prunel, 100.

92. Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:432, cxxvi; Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 195; Dinet, Religion et société, 1:128.

93. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 200, 203, 208–11, 228; Arnauld, Relation, 120–24; Kostroun, Feminism, Absolutism, and Jansenism, 28; Diefendorf, From Penitence to Charity, 167–68. The negotiations over the establishment of the Institut du Saint-Sacrement lasted from 1626 to 1633. Tart gained the right of election in 1626, but the King retained the right to reclaim his right of nomination if the abbey did not remain in a state of reform. However, the first election did not take place until 1629; Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:434–36, cxxxii–cxxxiii. Port-Royal gained the right of election in 1629; Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 229.

94. Bourrée, Vie de Madame de Courcelle de Pourlan, 184.

95. Plancher, Histoire générale, 1:cxxix–cxxxii; Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 197–99.

96. Sébastien Zamet to Monsieur Féron, 12 April 1627, in Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 487.

97. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 225. Rivalries between the three bishops generated religious controversy and contributed to the failure of the Institute; Kostroun, Feminism, Absolutism, and Jansenism, 30–33. On the Paris-Sens dispute see Bergin, Making of the French Episcopate, 41.

98. Kostroun, Feminism, Absolutism, and Jansenism, 28; Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 229; Bourrée, Vie de Madame de Courcelle de Pourlan, 221, 223.

99. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 227; Kostroun, Feminism, Absolutism, and Jansenism, 30. The establishment of a new convent was delayed until 1633 when it received letters patent from the King; Arnauld, Relation, 128; Diefendorf, From Penitence to Charity, 168.

100. Arnauld, Relation, 129–30; Kostroun, Feminism, Absolutism, and Jansenism, 32.

101. Arnauld, Relation, 157–61; Kostroun, Feminism, Absolutism, and Jansenism, 33; Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 255–60; Diefendorf, From Penitence to Charity, 168–69.

102. Bourrée, Vie de Madame de Courcelle de Pourlan, 235.

103. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 276.

104. Dinet, Religion et société, 1:233–37.

105. Prunel, Sébastien Zamet, 410, 412, 414.

106. Bourrée, Vie de Madame de Courcelle de Pourlan, 489.

Challenges to Episcopal Authority in Seventeenth-Century Padua (McNamara)

1. Stella, “L’età postridentina,” 237.

2. The Esecutori contro la bestemmia were responsible for punishing blasphemers and other moral offenders in Venice, often working alongside the Inquisition.

3. On Barbarigo’s career before his entrance into Padua, see Montanari, Gregorio Barbarigo a Bergamo.

4. Ippolito, Politica e carriere ecclesiastiche, 83–84.

5. Serena, S. Gregorio Barbarigo e la vita spirituale e culturale, 1–2.

6. Billanovich, “Le ‘Relationes ad limina’ di Gregorio Barbarigo,” 221.

7. Billanovich, Fra centro e periferia, 1–4.

8. Vicarages that only included one parish were fairly large cities with cathedral chapters, which meant the city might have upwards of twenty priests. The average number of priests per vicarage was about seventeen at the time of Barbarigo’s death. This data is taken from BSP, Bertazzi, Stato della diocesi.

9. Prodi, “Tra centro e periferia,” 220.

10. For example, the vicar of Torre seems to have had a particularly difficult time establishing his authority. It came to Barbarigo’s attention in 1676 that the priests from two of his ten parishes refused to attend monthly congregations. A short while later, Barbarigo wrote to the same vicar admonishing him for his own failure to remain in his parish, telling him he was not to go “to Padua without a license from one of your fellow parish priests, otherwise we will yell very loudly” (“Non venite a Padova senza licenza in scritto di uno de v[ost]ri Comparochi vicini, altrimenti grideremo forte assai”). Finally, in 1679, the vicar was having problems with the priest of a third parish, and Barbarigo learned from a layman that this priest refused to attend the monthly congregations because he felt “the vicar of Torre is too young with respect to the others, and he is very imperious, and ambitious” (“Il vicario di Torre é troppo giovene respetive a gl’altri, et habbia molto imperio, et ambitione”). The letters are found in BSP, Miscellanea Barbarigo II, n.p. The layman’s testimony is found in ACVP, Inquisitiones 87, n.p.

11. Billanovich, Fra centro e periferia, 25.

12. Ibid., 27.

13. At one point, Barbarigo granted the vicar of Piove di Sacco the right to preside over a case against one of his parish priests because Barbarigo was unable to personally appear within a reasonable period of time; ibid., 27–45.

14. For example, the dioceses of Bologna, Vicenza, Milan, Aquileia, Rimini, and Bergamo all had vicari foranei; Prodi, “Lineamenti dell’organizzazione”; Mantese, “L’origine dei vicariati foranei”; Maselli, “L’organizzazione della diocesi”; Gervaso, “L’istituzione dei vicariati foranei”; Turchini, Clero e fedeli a Rimini; Montanari, Gregorio Barbarigo a Bergamo.

15. The Tridentine decrees required at least a complete visitation every two years, which could be delegated to another official if necessary; Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, 193.

16. In comparison to Barbarigo’s forty-two buste, there are four buste from the episcopate of Federico Cornaro (bp. 1577–90), six from Marco Corner (bp. 1594–1625), eight from Giorgio Corner (bp. 1643–63), and six from another Giorgio Corner (bp. 1697–1722). All are part of the series ACVP, Visitationes.

17. Barbarigo participated in five papal conclaves during his tenure in Padua. Evidence of his consistent desire to return home to Padua whenever he was called to Rome can be found throughout his correspondence. For some examples, see Pampaloni, Gregorio Barbarigo alla corte di Roma, 223, 249, 269, 296.

18. It is difficult to judge how many of his vicars were diligent, as most of the vicarial reports are now lost. Barbarigo should have received 92 visitation reports, 552 casuistry reports, and 46 status animarum reports per year in addition to ad hoc correspondence sent as issues arose. However, only two visitation reports, one from the vicarage of Teolo in 1672 and another from the vicarage of Monselice in 1693 were preserved among the bishop’s visitation records. The visitation of Teolo is bound into ACVP, Visitationes 41, fols. 383r–386v. The visitation of Monselice is tucked into the back of Inquisitiones 86 and is not paginated.

19. Not content with merely maintaining his vow of celibacy, he even refused to allow any women access to the episcopal palace and refused to lodge with noblewomen while on visitation if their husbands were away or they were widowed; Schutte, “Gregorio Barbarigo e le donne,” 851.

20. Billanovich, “Esperienze religiose negate,” 44.

21. Ibid., 56.

22. ACVP, Visitationes 43, fols. 345r–347v.

23. Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, 216–17.

24. Billanovich, “Esperienze religiose negate,” 54.

25. “Raggi di splendori visti da Zuan Toppo”; ACVP, Visitationes 43, fols. 365r–367r.

26. As a man with scientific leanings and skepticism about miracles, Barbarigo was particularly suspicious of the story of the baby. The seventeenth century saw a surge of these miracles, which were officially condemned and fought by the church only in the eighteenth century; Cavazza, “Double Death,” 1–31.

27. “Ritrovato il suo popolo così mal’istrutto nelle cose della Santa festa, della legge del Sig. Dio, e della Dottrina Christiana, e che egli sia si poco applicato al governo spirituale dell’anime”; ACVP, Visitationes 43, fol. 322r.

28. ACVP, Visitationes 43, fol. 369. Usually any box containing money for the church was to have at least two different keys, one held by the priest and one held by the custodian of a local confraternity, to prevent fraud and theft.

29. “Io viddi quell putto in una scatola che sudava; essendo stato prima due giorni il capitello come era nato, e disse il Prete che era suscitato e lo haveva battezato, e poi era tornessi a morire”; ibid., fol. 369v.

30. Ibid., fol. 370.

31. Ibid., fols. 370v–371r.

32. Ibid., fol. 371v.

33. “Em[inentissi]mus et R[everendissi]mus D. Cardinalis plures alios homines huius communis oretenus diligent interrogavit super contentis in expositione di Parochi, et nihil relevans invenit, nihil concludens ad certitudine miraculorum, sed rumorem, et concursum iudicavit esse potius ad deferendum populi simplicitati, et eiusdem Parochi credulitati, qui cum sit bone vite”; ibid.

34. He did ask permission to build the new choir (though made no mention of its intended purpose), but there is no evidence that he received it. Barbarigo asked the vicar of Pove to go to Alano and send back advice to the bishop about the intended project. His choice of the vicar of Pove rather than the vicar of Quero, under whose jurisdiction Alano fell, suggests that Barbarigo was aware of the negligence of the vicar of Quero before his visit in 1674; ACVP, Diversorum 9, fol. 310.

35. “Emin[enz]a sua antequam discederet a Visitatione Ecclesie Alani protulit sequens decretum, ed deliberatione circa imagine Deipare pictam in Capitello del Masil vulgari sermone, ut intelligeret a populo ibi presente in magno numero, quem fuit paterne hortatus profitens devotionem omnipotenti Dei, Deipare Sempre Virgini, et aliis Sanctis in ecclesia Parochali, et in ea eleemosynas facere, et ab erronibus, et fraudibus que in novitatibus sempre esse solent, cavere”; ACVP, Visitationes 43, fols. 399r–400r.

36. Pampaloni, Gregorio Barbarigo alla corte di Roma, 215.

37. Laity testified that Zanone destroyed a grove of chestnut trees that provided one quarter of his benefice’s yearly income; ACVP, Inquisitiones 87, n.p.

38. “In quibus laicalibus fabricis degunt quedam mulieribus nullo ordine, et regula, nulla permissione, obstrepentes in Ecclesia, paroles funtiones perturbantes.” To make this situation even more scandalous, with the exception of a widow whose age is not stated and two women in their mid-thirties, the women were in their teens and twenties; ACVP, Visitationes 54, fol. 465v.

39. ACVP, Processo Barbarigo 9, fol. 1058r.

40. The records contain no indication that the former archpriest/vicar of Quero was deprived of his benefice, so it is likely that he simply retired or died and a new priest was chosen for Quero.

41. Ibid., fol. 165.

42. ACVP, Visitationes 55, fol. 386r.

43. “Al giorno vi hanno pratticato e prattica publicamente una tal Giulia una Cattarina che gia erano state per Avanti nel seraglio di detto Parocho.” ACVP, Visitationes 60, fols. 283r, 287v–294r.

44. In addition to the problematic sleeping arrangements, Barbarigo was interested in the daytime activities of this group, which included reading, meditation, and prayer. Liliana Billanovich believes that he suspected them of quietism in addition to their other sins; Billanovich, “Esperienze religiose negate,” 110.

45. ACVP, Processo Barbarigo 9, fol. 1075r.

46. For example, see Greco, “Fra disciplina e sacerdozio,” 57.

47. Alano is certainly an extreme example; no other priest in the diocese proved as troublesome as Zanone. But Barbarigo faced a similar sort of disinterest in reform in many of his parishes and was often equally unable to overcome less sensational problems if the laity and clergy were unwilling to cooperate.

48. This particular law was justified by Venice as a way to prevent jurisdictional overlap between bishops and the Roman Inquisition; Billanovich, “Esperienze religiose negate,” 105. For more information on limitations to ecclesiastical powers in the Veneto during this period, see Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty.

49. Unfortunately, the records of the Holy Office of Padua are no longer extant, so it is impossible to know how often Barbarigo may have used this strategy to bolster his reform efforts.

50. Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, 183–84.

51. Ferraro, Marriage Wars, 39.

52. The documents of 1676 are printed in Barbarigo, Lettere pastorali, editti, e decreti.

53. ACVP, Visitationes 36, fol. 177r.

54. Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, 187–88.

55. “Conforme al mio stato”; ACVP, Visitationes 36, fol. 177r.

56. Only an invalid marriage could be annulled, but a separation of bed and board could be granted under circumstances of female infidelity or male violence or failure to provide. A separated couple was still married until one spouse’s death, and when the case was found in favor of the wife, her husband had to provide for her for life; Ferraro, Marriage Wars, 29–30.

57. “Angela sua figliola é mia legitima consorte conforme [al]la dispositione de[i] sacri Dottori et Sacro Concilio di Trento”; ACVP, Visitationes 36, fol. 179r.

58. “Mia consorte . . . stava sotto la potestà paterna”; ibid.

59. Ibid., fol. 179r.

60. Ibid., fol. 184r.

61. “Si voleva lavar le mani nel mio sangue”; ibid., fol. 183v.

62. Ibid., fol. 184r.

63. In the course of his visitations, Barbarigo discovered a series of problems with the vicar and the rest of the parish clergy of Marostica, so his agreement to perform a slightly suspect marriage and failure to report any of the occurrences in Marostica to the bishop might have stemmed from a combination of his own lack of devotion and a fear of having the bishop investigating his parish. In 1666 he was involved in a conflict with a chaplain who refused to respect his authority and was attempting to usurp some of his jurisdictional power, and in 1668 he and other clergy were accused of dishonest practices with women, gambling, and drunkenness by some laypeople; ACVP, Visitationes 33, fol. 461r, and Inquisitiones 85, fols. 316r–321v.

64. Due to the jurisdictional complexity of the Veneto, Barbarigo seems to have only interfered in lay problems revolving around marriage disputes and enmity between families; Billanovich, Fra centro e periferia, 150.

65. Ibid., 104–5. In addition to this complaint, at least twelve of the forty-six vicarages had their vicarial seat transferred between 1664 and 1697. The changing names of vicarages in Barbarigo’s visitation records provide evidence for ten transfers, while his correspondence discusses two more. There is no indication that Barbarigo considered this a failure of the vicarial system in general or of his methods of choosing vicars. On the contrary, he continued to believe in the reliability of this system and did not always choose to remove vicars who proved unreliable. Specific documentation is available for the transfer of the vicarage of Fossò to Paluello and of the vicarage of Abano to S. Pietro Montagnon; ACVP, Visitationes 53, fol. 29v, and Diversorum 9, fol. 284v.

66. Not much of his correspondence with vicars survived, but most of what remains is preserved in BSP, Miscellanea Barbarigo I–II. In particular, vicars had problems with priests who refused to attend monthly congregations. In one visitation, Barbarigo discovered that personal enmity was at the root of one parish priest’s refusal to make the journey, while all the priests in the vicarage of Quero (though Don Zanone of Alano and the parish priest of Vas were the worst offenders) consistently refused to appear on Holy Saturday or at congregations. Barbarigo had to order these obstinate clerics, who made little effort to veil their contempt, to obey their vicars; ACVP, Inquisitiones 87, n.p., and Visitationes 54, fols. 175r–177v.

67. In the BSP, Miscellanea Barbarigo I–II, there are four letters from Barbarigo to vicars instructing them to address specific small problems in their territories, ranging from priests wearing short vestments to priests refusing to visit the sick. During the next visitations (which were sometimes years later), Barbarigo found no evidence of the former problem in one of the vicarages, while the problems in the other three had not been eradicated, but were not particularly widespread or flagrant. The visitations in question are of the vicarages of Torre, Calvene, Paluello, and Abano, found in ACVP, Visitationes 46, 56, 63, and 65.

Trials that Should Have Been (Gay)

1. For an introduction to the early modern Roman Inquisition, see Black, Italian Inquisition, 1–55.

2. Tallon “Gallicanesimo.” On the religious and political culture of the parlementaires, see Parsons, Church in the Republic.

3. There is no study on the relationship between seventeenth-century France and the early modern Inquisition. This essay is part of ongoing research initiated by the École Française de Rome and the Archivio della Congregazione per la dottrina delle Fede that will result in the publication of a guide and inventory of inquisitorial documents regarding Grand Siècle France, and a study of the relationship between the Congregation and France. For an introduction, see Alain Tallon’s article “Francia, età moderna” in the Dizionionario storico dell’Inquisizione.

4. Bonora, Giudicare i Vescovi.

5. Ibid., 165–95.

6. Ibid., 150–64.

7. Session 24, chapter 5.

8. Session 24, chapter 6.

9. For reference to the Jansenist context, see Doyle, Jansenism.

10. See Weber, “L’accetazione in Francia del concilio di Trento.”

11. ACDF, St. St. E 6b, 1–46.

12. The Parlement had sentenced the rebel to death, but the king had granted grace on Sourdis’ request and later withdrawn it at the request of the Parlement; letter of Sourdis to the pope, 4 December 1615, ACDF St. St. E 6b, 4.

13. Letter from Louis XIII to the pope, 4 December 1615, ACDF St. St. E 6b, 1. The first Arrêt of the Parlement initiating the proceedings is dated 18 November 1615. Yet, the terms of the letter was particularly harsh detailing “an offense committed against us,” “in the face of the Parlement [ . . . ] and of our person,” and assured the pope that once he had heard the circumstances from the ambassador he would regard the cardinal’s actions as “utterly odious and disagreeable.” The delay is probably the result of the need to have Sourdis perform the royal wedding on 21 November 1615.

14. Cipher from Cardinal Ubaldini, 12 January 1616, ACDF, St. St. E 6b, 24.

15. Consultations in ACDF, St. St. E 6b, 27–28, 29, 35, 36–37, 38–39.

16. Letter from Ubaldini to Rome, 26 March 1616, ACDF, St. St. E 6b, 41.

17. On this execution, see Fernandez-Lacôté, Les procès du Cardinal de Richelieu, 123–39.

18. On those commissions, see Bergin, Making of the French Episcopate, 463–65. Bergin points to the exceptionality of the 1632 depositions: “Neither the participation of bishops in the wars of religion, nor the rebellion and flight of the Cardinal de Retz after the Fronde gave rise to the kind of response which was to follow.”

19. Ibid.

20. Blet, Le Clergé de France et la Monarchie, 2:21–22.

21. De Franceschi, La crise théologico-politique du premier âge baroque, 592–695.

22. Blet, Le Clergé de France, 2:24–25.

23. Ibid., 2:32–34.

24. Ibid., 2:50–56.

25. “[ . . . ] que la facilité que le Pape avait eue d’établir par bref quatre évêques juges souverains pour déposer un évêque, méritait bien qu’on pensât aussi à trouver les moyens de s’en défendre une autre fois”; ibid., 2:58.

26. Ibid., 2:59–61.

27. Ibid.

28. ACDF, St. St. F 1d, 941.

29. Decree of 9 December 1653, ACDF, St. St. F 1d, 955.

30. Relation des délibérations du Clergé de France sur la Constitution de Notre Saint Père le Pape, 4–5.

31. See Mandement de Monseigneur l’Evesque et Comte d’Alet, touchant la signature du Formulaire du 1er juin 1665, 1665.

32. “Contumacy” is an obstinate disobedience of the lawful orders of a court, in this case, disobedience to the decree of censure against Jansenius that the mandements were trying to byass. An “ecclesiastical monitory” is a written call to all possible witnesses of a misdemeanor or crime to come forward under penalty of ecclesiastical censure. From the summary of the cause up to June 1666 that can be found in ACDF, St. St. F 2d, 58.

33. They did so by both writing to the entire clergy and publishing texts proclaiming their right to be tried according to the Canons of the Council of Carthage. See Lettre circulaire écrite par Messeigneurs les Évesques d’Alet, de Pamiez, de Beauvais, et d’Angers à Messeigneurs les archevesques et évesques de France, sur le sujet du Bref obtenu contre leurs mandemens, 1668 and in a series of ten the Cinquième Mémoire sur le droit qu’ont les Evesques de n’estre jugez que par douze Evesques de leurs province. On the Lettre circulaire, its impact and the political and ecclesiastical reaction thereto, see Dieudonné, La Paix Clémentine, 144–49.

34. Letter from the nuncio to Rome, 15 January 1666, ACDF, St. St. F 2d, 64.

35. Letter from the nuncio to Rome, 8 October 1666, ACDF, St. St. F 2d, 96.

36. The claim that the king is “évêque du dehors” is part of the great legal heritage from the empire that made the French monarchs “emperors in their own kingdom.” On this, see de Pange, Le roi très chrétien. For some indications on Louis XIV’s endorsement of this title, see Maral, La Chapelle royale de Versailles, 286–88.

37. Throughout 1666, the French negotiators tried to obtain a commission of twelve bishops taken from the whole episcopal bench; see ACDF, St. St. F 2d.

38. Index Librorum prohibitorum, 690.

39. See the instructions given to him and his account of the interview in ACDF, St. St. F 2d, 271, 285.

40. On Albizzi’s allegiance to France, see Loskoutoff, “Hercule et Atlas à Rome puis à Modène”

41. Albizzi’s delegation was decided on 26 March 1667, see ACDF, St. St. F 2d, 300, and his account of his interview, ibid., 319.

42. Dieudonné, La Paix Clémentine.

43. Cipher from the nuncio to Rome, 15 February 1654, ACDF, St. St. F 1d, 1058.

44. Letter from the nuncio to Rome, 20 September 1658, ACDF. St. St. F 1f, 311.

45. Letter From Hallier to Cardinal Chigi, 6 February 1654, ACDF, St. St. F 1d, 1065.

46. Jean Gerbais, Dissertatio de causis majoribus, ad lectorem.

47. ACDF, St. St. F 2d, 96.

48. The ambassador had presented his own formal argument around 21 November 1666. The pope commanded he be answered on 22 December 1666 (ACDF, St. St. F 2, 115, 125). The Holy Office decided not to include a detailed argument in its answer on 3 January 1666 (ACDF, St. St. F 2d, 210).

49. As to the importance of factional and friendly ties in the Roman Curia, see Viscelglia, “Fazioni e lotta politica nel Sacro Collegio nella prima metà del Seicento.”

50. There is a direct correspondence between the nuncio and the Congregation, explaining the will and decisions of the Inquisition and how they are to be presented to the king’s minister. See for example ACDF, St. St. F 2c, 860.

51. See a preparatory stage of the answer in ACDF, St. St. F 2d, 127.

52. See the letter to the nuncio composed after the Congregation of 15 November 1658, ACDF, St. St. F 1f, 330.

53. A “qualification” is the degree to which a document is theologically erroneous.

54. See the text of the commissions in a series of documents sent to the nuncio, ACDF, St. St. F 1d, 979.

55. Indeed, in the Assemblies the French defended their judicial exemption on the basis of the divine institution of the Episcopacy. See Pierre Blet “L’idée de l’épiscopat.” On the theological debates surrounding this issue at Trent see Joseph Bergin, “The Counter-Reformation Church and Its Bishops,” 34–37.

56. See the votum of qualification of the 1656 Relation des délibérations du Clergé de France in St. St. F 1e, 651.

57. ACDF, St. St. F 2d, 169 and 189.

58. See the Congregation of 4 December 1666, ACDF, St. St. F 2d, 123.

59. The expression appears in the discussions of the same Congregation.

60. It was sent to the nuncio along with other documents in December 1653, see ACDF, St. St. F 1d, 978.

61. See “Fogli sulla causa del Cardinal di Chiatiglione [sic] e di altri vescovi,” ACDF, St. St. I 5c, 85.

62. See the 15 November 1658 Congregation, ACDF, St. St. F 1f, 316.

63. ACDF, St. St. F 2d, 127, which speaks of the French request as a completely “antiquated” way of proceeding.

64. On Torquemada, see Izbicki, Protector of the Faith.

65. Alain Tallon’s insistence on Gallicanism as a religious sentiment points also to the necessity to nuance this old and classic academic distinction, see Tallon, Conscience nationale et sentiment religieux, 161, 281–86.