9
Juan Luis González García
Although the Habsburgs are generally considered the prototype of concealed monarchs, distant from their subjects, their court protocol demonstrates that they knew how to employ, with considerable skill, the range of resources offered by palace and urban ceremonial. Philip II, the most invisible of the dynasty, gave signs of this awareness, and it was fully demonstrated by his successor Philip III with the courtly religious festivals of his reign. If the peak of Golden Age ritual was to a great extent a product of the lively existing religiosity and the stimulus provided by the Counter-Reformation Church, it is also very much the case that it was sanctioned – and encouraged – by the royal presence. Royal participation in the special celebrations held for saints and the beatified not only gave these ceremonies a markedly political and confessional character but also converted them into an integral part of the court’s solemnities. Thanks to these festivities Spain and its capital were transformed into one of the privileged spaces of Christendom and among the most prodigious examples of sanctity of all Europe; at the same time the festivals and the published accounts of them fulfilled the double function of exalting national interests and eulogizing royal authority.
The Renewal of Saints in the Era of Philip II
In the early modern period, saints and their truthful portrayals were granted an exemplary significance, just as were the heroes of antiquity. Their lives, deserving of imitation and admiration, told of deeds of valour and virtue, at times crowned with martyrdom, and during which the challenges confronted surpassed the realm of the everyday. Just as the very aim of the saints’ lives was the imitation of Christ’s image and likeness, so too was the hagiographies’ internal structure.1 The metaphorical play on tropes of artistry offered by the Dominican Alonso de Cabrera, preacher to Philip II, makes this explicit: ‘As the artist appears in his works: so God appears, worthy of admiration, in his saints, and He takes pride in them.’2 Or here alluding directly to the idea of the saints as a ‘living portrait’ of the divinity: ‘How could I not be extremely joyful’ – now these are words of St Teresa, echoed in sermons during the festivities for her beatification –, ‘if … Jesus, my Husband and Lord … placed within me his living portrait alongside its original?’3
Hagiography retold the life of the saint as the renewal of Christ’s life, offering it as a venerable and recognizable paradigm for the faithful. The lives of the saints were tied to a Christianized epideictic rhetoric concerned with the exemplary and universal over the individual, a rhetoric of exemplum that fulfilled the function of providing moral mirrors to incite a certain form of behaviour. Rather than describe an individual personality, the sacred biography sought to illustrate the exercise of divinity on human beings, to such an extent that the saint was reduced to an ethical figure, or typus, whose lived episodes could be repeated or exchanged with those of other saints. As a result, the medieval hagiographer (epitomized by Jacobus de Voragine and his Golden Legend) was permitted a certain degree of exaggeration or manipulation of the facts to move his public. However, in the second half of the sixteenth century the notion that moral instruction authorized a certain adaptation of the facts would become totally devalued.
Alonso de Villegas, sacristan and later chaplain of the Mozarabic chapel of Toledo Cathedral, was the principal author, in 1578, of the renewal of the calendar of saints in Castilian. Significantly, this six-part hagiographical magnum opus, which would take him a quarter of a century to complete (until 1603, the year of his death), would be presented to the reader as ‘a reredos of saints’ dedicated to Philip II4 which was still by then indebted to Voragine’s reviled text.5 The preacher Villegas’ project was continued by other very popular repertories of sacred lives, such as the Flos Sanctorum in three parts by Pedro de Ribadeneira (first edition 1599) or the Flores nuevas by the Dominican Tomás Ramón, royal orator to Philip III, published in two volumes for the first time in 1611–1612.
Inseparable from the pastoral strategy of the preachers’ reform of the hagiographies, and strictly contemporary, was the concern to regulate, within the limits of historical veracity, the artistic representation of the saints.6 Clarity and verisimilitude were established as the principal foundation of the theory of the decorum of the sacred image as prescribed by the Council of Trent. Philip II made this doctrine his own; in the margin of some Apuntamientos [Notes] that he took from Ambrosio de Morales in 1566, he noted ‘to undertake the accurate reading of the saints’. There is no doubt that this historian and professor of rhetoric was the ideal person for the task, as around that time the king would also commission him to write the biography of the future St Diego of Alcalá and a catalogue of the reliquaries to be found in the kingdoms of León, Galicia and Asturias. From the Apuntamientos it may be deduced that the future gathering of the saints in the Basilica of El Escorial, a visual ‘Lives of the Saints’, would have to be restrained, truthful and authorized.
In 1576 the painter Juan Fernández de Navarrete ‘the Mute’ was commissioned to paint a series of 32 canvases of pairs of saints for the church’s small altars – which, it is worth noting in passing, were highly praised by Alonso de Villegas, who saw them in 1588 – although the painter only managed to complete eight of these before his early death.7 In the contract it was specified that in the case of there being extant, authorized portraits, these should be sought out diligently and used. The figures had to be represented standing and on a heroic life-size scale; all the saints that appeared on various occasions had to always look the same and wear the same garments, so that they would be easily identified and move spectators to devotion.8
The series was finished between 1580 and 1584 by Alonso Sánchez Coello, Luis de Carvajal and Diego de Urbina. The idea of populating the Basilica with pairs of saints in a series of altar paintings was without precedent. The most probable explanation is that it arose from the king’s wish to have painted the greatest number of representatives or intercessors. Although this particular use of the paintings was new, the representation of the saints in pairs – like a column of soldiers marching in twos – goes back to Byzantine iconography. The number of figures (around 60) also indicates how much zeal informed the veneration of the saints, understood as the Militant Church, at El Escorial.
These altars did not have a decorative function in the Basilica, nor did they respond to purely practical needs; despite the great number of Masses celebrated daily at El Escorial, a smaller number would have sufficed. Instead, through these works the veneration of All Saints, called into doubt by Lutheranism, was ostensibly affirmed in a literal sense. Before these altar paintings – at the time of José de Sigüenza, chronicler of the monastery – ‘the divine praises sound day and night, continual sacrifices are made, the incense always burns, the light is never put out … and beneath the altars rest the ashes and bones of those who were sacrificed for Christ’.9 Effectively each altar contained the relics of the saints represented on the canvas, which was adorned and illuminated to add effect to its figures. Hagiographies like those of Villegas and others were often read or preached from during the liturgical offices in commemoration of the annual celebrations of each saint, and the general litany was prayed above all during the rogation days and the Quarantore.10
Philip II thus converted all of the principal section of the Basilica into a gigantic royal chapel where the images of the saints, in the form of painted litany, extended through the space to embrace the whole church. It must be stressed that only the monks, the royal family and their guests had access to the Basilica; the secular congregation remained in the atrium and the lower choir. The king, in addition to having free access to the choir – to sit next to the prior – and to the Basilica’s principal space, was the only person who with the officiating priest could enter the presbytery to celebrate the liturgy, following the tradition of the Castilian monarchs of the late medieval period.11 Conscious of the value of sacred ceremonial as a means of adding splendour to the royal majesty and his dynasty, the monarch thus remained physically incorporated into the sacred realm and thereby patently demonstrated that his power emanated from God.
The Catholic Court and the ‘National Saints’
Since Philip II concentrated his interests on the new monastery, El Escorial, and Madrid (which was designated as his court in 1561) was practically ignored as a ceremonial setting for the monarchy during almost the entire second half of the sixteenth century. Madrid did not rank among the Peninsula’s principal urban centres, nor, since it was not an episcopal see, was it even a city, but a town. Madrid did not begin to acquire the air of a capital until the reign of Philip III, when – following the transfer of the court to Valladolid (1601–1606) – the grand courtly nobility by which the monarch and his successors liked to be surrounded, was established in the town.12 Philip III was the first to develop an elaborate ceremonial beyond the palace walls and with this he bequeathed to the capital one of its most characteristic features, which has persisted since the last decade of the sixteenth century to the present day.13 Among these practices, as we see below, the religious solemnities contributed most to spreading the notion of the Hispanic capital as a ‘Catholic court’.
Since the 1560s, Philip II, the religious orders under his protection, and their agents in Rome had been seeking papal recognition for the devotion of the Spanish people through the canonization of the holiest figures in their history, both ancient and recent.14 After more than half a century of indecision over the most convenient line to take, the Catholic Church finally, at the end of the 1580s, restarted the procedures for the creation of new saints. Despite all this, the raising of the altars for the first saint of the Counter-Reformation (St Diego of Alcalá, canonized in 1588) was not celebrated in Madrid, perhaps because the court was not considered ready to stage such an important celebration. Following the definitive establishment of the court in the city in 1606 the situation changed completely.15 From then on, together with rituals for successions and the entries of queens, Madrid’s most noteworthy Golden Age festivals were those that proclaimed the favour of God as the causa regia: Eucharistic processions were held, rogations, festivities for patron saints and even ceremonies of atonement for damage that had been committed to paintings and other images by heretics; and, of course, there were beatifications and canonizations.
The establishment of religious houses in the kingdom’s capital – a typical phenomenon from the mid-sixteenth century – was also closely linked with the definitive establishment of the court. Its presence attracted those orders that did not yet have an open house in the city, such as the Jesuits and the Carmelites. It was not by chance that, until circa 1630, the hagiographic festivals celebrated in Madrid were those of the founders or Spanish members of these new religious orders. The beatified and saints that were commemorated would be converted with time into some of the most esteemed symbols of the town’s spiritual wealth and identity, while they intensified the prestige of the convents and monasteries founded in accordance with their outlook or vocation.
Madrid’s college of St Peter and St Paul was the most important Jesuit teaching institution in Spain, although its foundation at the court was rather later. Its origins began with a first building constructed in the calle Toledo in 1564, which in 1572 began to offer studies in rhetoric, grammar and theology. In 1603 it was generously provided for through the will of María of Austria, sister of Philip II, and it was founded anew as the Imperial College in 1608. With regard to the Carmelite Order, Philip II facilitated the foundation of the male Convent of St Hermengild in 1586 in Madrid; the dedication to the saintly Visigoth prince was a specific desire of the king. He and his successor partly funded the church on the calle de los Caños de Alcalá, which was completed and open to the public in 1605. The uncorrupted body of the venerable friar Juan de la Miseria, discussed below, was buried there. Likewise the convent of the Carmelite mothers of St Anne, founded in 1586 by St John of the Cross in accordance with the wishes of St Teresa, was supported by Philip II and the Empress María. The church was finished in 1611 and the sanctification Mass was attended by Philip III, who had given the money for its construction, his wife and children.
The Habsburgs’ public expressions of piety constituted a crucial element in the ongoing redefinition of the hereditary title the Catholic Monarchs, which significantly helped their hegemonic pretensions in Europe and, at the same time, were central to the development of Madrid as a ceremonial centre par excellence of the Hispanic monarchy.16 Such forms of pious display, according to the view of Giovanni Botero, demonstrated that religion was the ‘foundation of the entire Principality’ and the origin of the Habsburg dynasty’s power. His Ten books of the Reason of State (first edition 1589) were translated into Castilian by order of Philip II and published in Madrid in 1593 for the education of his son and heir.17 In this work the future monarch is advised to frequent people of great virtue and doctrine, to select many preachers and to employ ‘magnificence in the building of Churches’, as did King David and Charlemagne, who assisted the copying of the sermons of the holy fathers and the writing of martyrologies and the deeds of the saints. Hagiographies, in particular, were prone to nourishing political discourse, as the celestial patronage reflected and reinforced the princes’ earthly power.
While it is certain that the exaltation of the beatified and the national saints was linked to that of the King of Spain, it is no less the case that scarcity of the Spanish blessed recognized by the papacy was considered a failing of the state’s international policy. Philip II decided to solve this problem in as little time as possible and he personally engaged in this: suffice it to say that the canonization procedures of Ignatius Loyola and Teresa of Ávila began with three letters in their favour signed by Philip II, Philip III and his wife Margaret of Austria.18 Both of these were the first figures to be beatified according to the strict criteria of the Holy Congregation of Rites, instituted by Sixtus V in 1588. Each of their causes, joyfully consummated, and the subsequent celebrations, as recounted in contemporary accounts, were associated with the greatness and religiosity of the kings of Spain and their territories’ wealth in ‘national’ saints.19
The growth of nations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries had an important religious dimension. In an era in which the faith began to flow along distinct channels according to the different confessions of Christianity, Spanish historiography set out to demonstrate the individuality of the Hispanic Monarchy in contrast to other modern states, by foregrounding its particular features in relation to the militant defence of Catholic dogma and the evangelical mission of its saints and beatified. The chroniclers, concerned to contribute to the formation of a specific politico-religious entity, spread an image of Spain as a paradigm of the Christian Republic that combined well with the Church’s interests and those of the crown. This ideology was articulated in accordance with a dual goal: on the one hand to present the sovereign as God-chosen conqueror of heresy; and on the other to erect a theoretical construction of Madrid as a ‘Catholic court’, on the basis of numerous general, ecclesiastical and local histories in which can be recognized the topoi of the genre of the laudes urbium.20
The Beatification Festivals for Ignatius Loyola and Teresa of Jesus
A specific type of local history in which this dual aim is projected with the greatest aplomb is the relaciones, or accounts of beatifications. A good number of references to the monarch’s presence in ecclesiastical events have survived in these collections of news items, some printed and others in manuscript form,. These accounts provided an efficient means of making news items about king and religion accessible to the court population and they reached many corners of the kingdom through the printing press. These accounts not only provided a written record of the sovereign’s appearance but they also described his attitude as a model of devotion and power.21 His presence, associated with the court nobility, would be a decisive element in determining the degree of splendour in Madrid’s church festivals, which the relaciones recorded by alluding to the expenses incurred or the liberality of the powerful in defraying them.
The accounts of beatifications were a very recent genre to be developed in the tradition of written accounts of public events. In fact the first to be published in Spain was written by friar Vicente Gómez for the celebrations for the beatification in Valencia of a member of his own order, the Dominican Louis Bertrand (1608), which was followed by those relating to Ignatius Loyola (1609) and Teresa of Jesus (1614).22 These compilations had various aims: to glorify the beatified, to confer prestige on their orders and to seek diffusion into places where the festivities had not been celebrated, as well as serving as memoranda of the beatification celebrations and their solemnities, thereby contributing to the eventual canonization process.
The papal briefs for the beatification of St Ignatius and St Teresa were published by Paul V on 27 July 1609 and 24 April 1614, respectively. In Madrid, the festivities in honour of the founder of the Jesuits took place in the Imperial College and lasted two days (14 to 15 November 1609). Those for St Teresa were held in the convents of St Hermengild and St Anne and they went on for eight days, from 5 to 12 October 1614. Of course, the festivities that were held in the kingdom’s capital were not the only ones celebrated in honour of both beatifications. Regarding the solemnities in memory of Ignatius Loyola held in Madrid, only one brief Relación, by the hand of an anonymous Jesuit, is known,23 and it is accompanied by similar manuscript accounts of other celebrations – that took place on or around the same dates, or from the beginning of 1610 – in Seville, Toledo, Coimbra, Murcia and Segovia.24
However, printed accounts were produced of those held in Lima, Salamanca, Seville, Granada and Valladolid.25 Turning to the Madrid ceremonies in homage to Mother Teresa, there exists a Compendio compiled by Diego de San José and printed in Madrid in 1615 (Figure 9.1).26 Friar Diego was a discalced Carmelite from the convent of St Hermengild, as well as definitor and secretary to the order’s general, José de Jesús María. He received by letter accounts of 116 celebrations, of which he selected 87 for his compendium, which he divided into two parts: the first and shorter was dedicated to the festivities in Madrid, for which he declared himself to be an ‘eye witness’; the second contained those that were undertaken across the Iberian Peninsula, including Portugal.27 Besides this Compendio – a source for a number of local studies28 – individual texts were published for the festivities held in Barcelona,29 Saragossa,30 Córdoba,31 Salamanca32 and Valladolid,33 while for those in Toledo there exists a manuscript account.34
The work of Diego de San José, as well as the other Jesuit and Carmelite accounts, were intended to disseminate the underlying unity linking the festivities as a whole. Given that, when preparing the festivities, the orders themselves announced similar regulations which the monasteries were required to fulfil.35 All the Spanish celebrations were approached in a similar way, at least with regard to the devotional aspects of the solemnity. The authors themselves undertook to highlight and unify the concomitances to the greatest advantage of the beatified and their orders, listing the events day by day – and at times almost hour by hour – so as to testify to the festivities’ scrupulous organization. It may be suggested that the accumulation and relative uniformity of the beatification accounts renders them rather monotonous and excessively descriptive. However, a certain sense of variety is worth highlighting as a result of the efforts made by each community to ensure that their festivities were the most elaborate, singular and costly. At the same time there was evidently a concern for emulation, as among the presumed readers of accounts from this or that city would also be found the promoters of the festivities in other places. Taken together, all these factors enable us to take the case of Madrid as an example generally valid for the rest of the dominions of the Hispanic Monarchy.
9.1 Hieronymus Wierix, Portrait of St Teresa of Jesus Source: Frontispiece in: Diego de San José (ed.), Compendio de las solenes (sic) fiestas que en toda España se hicieron en la Beatificacion de N. B. M. Teresa de Iesus fundadora de la Reformacion de Descalzos y Descalzas de N. S. del Carmen (Madrid: Viuda de Alonso Martín, 1615) Copyright © Biblioteca Nacional de España
In the relaciones that describe the Madrid beatifications, the term ‘court’ does not appear to be used in the medieval sense, referring to the whole team of people that made up the household and entourage of the king; instead it is used in the modern sense as the actual seat of the principal institutions of the centralized power. Thus, the town, as ‘court city’, was defined by the socio-economic impact the courtiers had on the urban space.36 A significant indicator of this is found in the public festivities, the expenses for which the court forced the city to take on, even though they were in reality court and not municipal events. In effect, when the monarchs wanted to watch or take part in one of these celebrations, the city council was obliged to contribute to the preparations. Their responsibility included such tasks as cleaning and barricading the processional routes, calling on each neighbourhood to decorate its streets corresponding to the processional route, setting up the lighting and paying for the music. Together with the king, the presence of authorities and council members was habitual in special ceremonies such as beatifications and canonizations, the transfer of relics and more generally all those festivities whose host was a religious organism towards which the monarch wished to display his favour.
Church and crown were not sparing in their efforts to aggrandize the festivities for their beatified, showing at the same time their capacity to act and their power to mobilize human and economic resources. The celebrations may be understood as a communicative act that conveyed the ideas and wishes of their promoters (the Church, royalty, the aristocracy or merchants) to the wider public. In our case, the promoters were the Jesuit colleges and the convents of the order of Carmel, which in Madrid – just as in Salamanca, Segovia or Barcelona – possessed male and female monasteries among which they divided up the festivities. We will see immediately, however, that other participants would be linked to the celebrations, in such a way that it resulted in all the urban entities participating.
In the seventeenth century, the celebrations in praise of a beatified figure combined a sacred dimension with a profane one. As the century progressed, a greater inclusion of secular display in religious festivities may be observed, along with the progressive growth of the number of participants. The corresponding orders took charge of the sacred sections of the festivities, writing hymns and prayers and commissioning sermons and Masses which were celebrated with pontifical officiation by the apostolic nuncio, and delivered amid music from choirs from the royal chapel and the pealing of bells. Monks and nuns decorated their churches with cloths, flowers and garlands, and in St Hermengild and the Imperial College they exhibited relics of the beatified who were being celebrated; in the latter the people entered ‘to adore the relic of the Saint which is a very god bone that F. Ribadeneira has and a Priest would touch the people with it’. The cloisters, in turn, were intended for the exhibition of the narrative support for the festivities: tapestries, paintings of historical scenes, signs and inscriptions with epigrams, hieroglyphs and emblems.
The ornamenting of the churches and their altars, and the painted or sculpted images would be taken care of by nobles, knights or monks from other congregations. The aristocracy supported these events, donating tapestries and adorning the exterior of their palaces with luxurious hangings, and lending paintings, jewels and servants. For example, the Count of Salinas undertook the preparation of the Jesuit college church with cloths, embroideries and elaborate ornaments, while in the main chapel of the Church of St Hermengild a dozen wall hangings with allegories of the months of the year were installed, each shown ‘holding their fruits and insignias’. The gentlemen of the court also liked to contribute with events such as juegos de toros y cañas – displays of equestrian prowess combined with confrontations with bulls and other shows of martial dexterity – which were normally celebrated on the eve of a festivity. As an opportunity for public ostentation by the ruling classes, these events served not only for the celebration of baptisms but alsoof weddings and military victories, and the opportunity was not missed on the eve of the beatification of Ignatius Loyola. Likewise on the eve of St Teresa’s beatification some fiestas de toros y cañas were organized, but they had to be suspended due to the furore caused by the news that Spanish troops had captured the port of La Mamora, (now Mehdya, Morocco).
9.2 Cornelis and Theodoor Galle, Portrait of St Ignatius Loyola Source: Title page of: Pedro de Ribadeneira, Vita Beati Patris Ignatii Loyolae religionis Societatis Iesv fvndatoris ad vivvm expressa (Antwerp: Balthasar Moretus, 1610). Copyright © Biblioteca Nacional de España
The Mass would usually be celebrated in the morning with a sermon in praise of the beatified by a principal religious personage. Later in the afternoon there were popular entertainments (dances, music performed by trumpeters, drummers, singers and chirimia players) funded by the guilds, hospitals and other citizens. At nightfall the festivities ended with fireworks, illuminations and other gunpowder-based inventions. In Madrid, the students of the Society of Jesus, disguised as different animals, contributed to the entertainments with masques and pandorgas – comic dances supported by performances of ridiculous instruments. And then, organized into squads, they fired arquebuses, set off rockets and lit large flares.37 There were also pyrotechnical entertainments at the end of the festivities for St Teresa.
Sermons, Hieroglyphs and Poetry Competitions
What has been recounted thus far suffices as a presentation of the different social groups that participated – that is, the promoters – in the Golden Age beatification festivities. The media that transmitted news of this communicative event did so through the expressive use of word and image. We therefore dedicate this section to comment on the textual accounts, while at the end of this essay we focus on the uses and functions of portraits, printed images and paintings employed during the solemnities.
The written text featured across the celebrations in a number of ways: sermons, hieroglyphs and poetry competitions. Through these activities, poets, writers and monks contributed to the religious and patriotic ideology,38 while also displaying their wit and artistic erudition as they combined elements of Christian with mythological traditions.39 The Mass in memory of St Ignatius, celebrated on Sunday 15 November 1609 in the Imperial College, was attended by the royal family, grandees and ladies of the court and the members of all the existing orders in Madrid, which were already by then numerous. In order that the favour of the Duke of Lerma be reflected consistently, a sermon was given by his own confessor, the Dominican José González de Villalobos, who would later become a preacher to Philip III. The festivities for Teresa of Ávila were equally honoured by the king’s presence in the company of the aristocracy resident in the capital. The Dominican Jerónimo de Tiedra, royal orator to His Majesty, also preached and his sermon affirmed in no uncertain terms the role of the king in the beatification, the pressure he applied on the pontiff to obtain it and the connection of this episode with the recent victory in North Africa:
It is singular providence of God – he said – that on the first day that the just deserved rewards, battles and victories of the blessed virgin St Teresa are celebrated, that is today, so too is celebrated that naval victory, which with the intercession of Our Virgin Lady, our faithful army has won.
And later, addressing the monarch, he declared:
This beatification has been thanks to the great reputation of the Catholic and holy breast of Your Majesty, who with such Christian zeal for the honour of God and his saint, has interposed with the Pope his authority so that this be declared to all the faithful.40
Besides this, the solemnities for St Teresa included other sermons delivered by the most recognized preachers of all the orders, such as the Jesuit Jerónimo de Florencia, the Trinitarian Hortensio Félix Paravicino, in addition to the Hieronymite Gregorio de Pedrosa and the general of the Benedictines, Plácido de Tosantos, among others.
Like imprese or emblems, hieroglyphs combined literary and plastic elements that had a necessarily ephemeral character in the context of the urban festivities. Although included in this section dedicated to the rhetorical–poetic discourse of the ecclesiastical solemnities, their internal structure combined in one perceptual unit a figurative message and another wholly textual that worked together in a process of metaphorical condensation. The hieroglyphs had the advantage of being adaptable to a printed account, or being hung as posters or banderols as a part of the symbolic decoration of the cloister. By nature of their specific arrangement, the public had to read them in a particular order, in the manner of a pious itinerary that appealed to the emotions and created an impression by touching on their wit. The prestige of the hieroglyph is wholly due to its use in the religious sphere. The humanist Juan Francisco de Villava made this explicit in 1613, writing: ‘There is no doubt that the adornment of the sacred literature with this genre of erudition is important and a display of taste .… because in this manner the Catholics’ faith is confirmed with grandeur.’41 A century later Antonio Palomino, the famous painter and writer on art, would dedicate a part of his writings to the hieroglyphs used in the ‘Canonizations of Saints; and other festivities; in which they apply Figures, and Symbols from Sacred Scripture, and other Theological, Arcane and Mysterious Concepts’.42
One of the characteristics of the iconography of the Society of Jesus is the idea of presenting St Ignatius together with other saints as a didactic model for imitation.43 In accordance with this model, in the cloister of the Imperial College a damask canopy was set up beneath which a canvas painted with the image of Ignatius was placed and on either side the paintings of the ‘first fathers’ of the Society. All around the patio 65 cards (one for each of the lives of the beatified) were distributed with a number of triplets, beneath which there were another ‘65 extremely well painted hieroglyphs that contained another 65 stages of the same life and corresponded with the triplets’. In addition to this there were epigrams and every type of verse – sonnets, songs, glosses, octets – written in Latin, Greek, Hebrew and another five or six languages (Castilian, Portuguese, Italian, Flemish, German and ‘Indian’), which not only alluded to the Society’s ecumenism, but also the idea of a global empire sustained by the Hispanic Monarchy. The anonymous Relación of the Madrid celebration specified that Philip III and his wife went out onto the patio after the elaborate Mass and spent some time looking at all the hieroglyphs and compositions. Likewise, in the festivities for St Teresa, the cloister of St Hermengild was decorated with cloth hangings and Latin epigrams with hymns, hieroglyphs and emblems, in addition to poems in Castilian. For those that could not find space in the church, due to the great abundance of people, altars were also installed to celebrate parallel Masses.
During the solemnities in honour of Teresa of Jesus two poetic competitions were celebrated, one in the convent of St Hermengild and the other in the convent of St Anne. The first part of Diego de San José’s compendium begins precisely with an account of the competition which took place in the male convent. It was long, Madrid then being the literary centre of the nation. Lope de Vega, one of the judges of the competition, opened the celebration with a discourse in praise of the beatified. The following compositions were requested: epigrams, hymns, songs, romances, glosses, emblems, hieroglyphs and sonnets. Among the themes indicated two stood out: St Teresa’s God-given intelligence and the ecstasies. One song on the latter theme was presented by no less than Miguel de Cervantes, who won the prize. The presence of great literary figures was not rare; for example, in a competition held in Córdoba for the beatification of Mother Teresa one of the members of the jury was Luis de Góngora.44 In the Madrid competition two famous preacher–poets participated: Paravicino and Tosantos, probably encouraged by Lope himself.45 Among the prizes there were portraits of the beatified, or her works or those of Louis of Granada, expensive cloths, wardrobe accessories, pieces of silverware and devotional objects.
The Power of the Hagiographic Image
Besides honouring the memory of the recently beatified, glorifying their model lives, giving public expression to national piety and extolling the devotion of the king of Spain and his court, the festivities for Ignatius and Teresa and the relaciones that recorded them had an aim that was perhaps still more important for the orders behind them: the promotion of their canonization. Jesuits and Carmelites undertook an intense campaign to spread knowledge of the life, death, marvels and miracles that accompanied the existence of their founders. This was initially done through written hagiographies, but soon the same biographers would comment on the superior eloquence of the image, so as a result the principal visual mechanisms employed to this end consisted in illustrating the lives of the beatified through a series of prints and in the diffusion of their veræ effigies (‘truthful portraits’).
The first biography of Ignatius Loyola was published by his disciple Pedro de Ribadeneira in 1572. In this early chronicle (written in Latin) the only miracle attributable to Ignatius, if it may be considered as such, was the actual foundation of the Society of Jesus. With the numerous successive editions and translations – especially after 1609 – miracles and healings were added. Literary portraits of Mother Teresa were composed by two of her intimate associates: the nun María de San José in her manuscript Libro de Recreaciones (c. 1585), which contains the first and most authorized literary description of the Saint; and by F. Gracián.46
At the request of María of Austria, and under the supervision of the Royal Council, friar Luis de León began to write the first book of a History of the life, death, virtues and miracles of the holy Mother Teresa of Jesus which remained unprinted until the end of the nineteenth century, although it circulated in manuscript form. Besides this, the first printed hagiographical account concerning Teresa of Ávila would be once again undertaken by a Jesuit, Francisco de Ribera (1590); this was soon translated, and contributed to the extraordinary diffusion of the personality of Teresa across Europe.
Ribadeneira and Gracián were persuaded that the diffusion of their biographical works would be more efficient were they to be accompanied by prints, which could be mechanically reproduced and would even be comprehensible to those that could not read. The vital episodes designated were not so much those dedicated to prayer or everyday work, or to important – but hardly spectacular – moments such as the profession of the faith or their foundations; rather, preference was given to supernatural visions and states of ecstasy. Commissioned by Ribadeneira, and following his biography of the Jesuits’ founder, the painter Juan de Mesa executed between 1585 and 1600 a series of 16 canvases, today lost, intended for the Imperial College. This cycle would become the prototype for a collection of 14 prints engraved in 1610 by Cornelis and Theodorus Galle (Figure 9.2) – with the collaboration of Adriaen Collaert and Karel van Mallery – and published in the Antwerp office of Balthasar Moretus.47 However, the most widely diffused and influential series was not this one, but another produced in Rome the year before, thus coinciding with Loyola’s beatification. Its popularization derived from its high number of prints, which left no Ignatian episode overlooked: 79 numbered prints (Figure 9.3) as well as the architectonic title page, bound in book form, with no trace of their authorship, although they were perhaps engraved by Jean-Baptist Barbé (a pupil of Philip Galle and with close ties to Wierix)48 following original designs by the young Rubens in collaboration with Pieter de Jode.49 Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle (both with close ties to Van Mallery) signed the first graphic life of St Teresa in Antwerp in 1613, a commission which was undertaken at the instance of the venerable Ana de Jesús. This series of 24 prints, based on the saint’s autobiography, was the most influential of those that artists later used to produce paintings of her life.50
The portraits of Ignatius and Teresa, the most important founder saints of the sixteenth century, were indisputably the most renowned archetypes of their time, although they were by no means the only ones. The cardinal Gabriele Paleotti and the theorist and painter Francisco Pacheco concurred in their insistence on the authenticity to be demanded of these veræ effigies, to be followed according to the painter’s intelligence and the advice of experts.51 In his Art of Painting (1649), Pacheco undertook a hasty but insightful survey of some of the most disseminated Spanish ‘truthful portraits’ of the Golden Age.52 Suffice it to offer one testimony to the early exemplary value of the portraits of Louis Bertrand († 1581) and Nicolás Factor († 1583):, the fact that a version of each of these was to be found in the cell of the prior of El Escorial at the time of F. Sigüenza. St Louis was portrayed on his deathbed and prints and copies were made of this painting.53 An effigy of Factor, produced by Juan de Sariñena, is preserved in the Madrid convent of the Descalzas Reales, where the beatified Franciscan was a confessor.54
Pacheco, who once painted St Teresa by copying her portrait owned by the Sevillian Carmelites (which we discuss shortly), dedicated a whole chapter of his Art of Painting to the ‘Painting of St Ignatius, founder of the Society of Jesus’.55 The creation of his iconography and that of St Teresa was informed, directly or indirectly, by the aforementioned painter Alonso Sánchez Coello. The ‘truthful portrait’ of Ignatius began to be produced the very day of the death of the first general of the order, on 31 July 1556.56 It was then that his funerary mask was made (which is today lost) and from this a wax cast was executed.57 The painter Jacopino del Conte, a native of Florence and pupil of Andrea del Sarto, painted his portrait – also on the day of his death – although the result was somewhat flawed for the painter represented him younger than he really was and more idealized; this painting is kept in the collections of the Jesuits in Rome.58 The other foundational portrait of St Ignatius was painted by Sánchez Coello in 1585, based on the wax cast, but mediated by a clay head by the Jesuit sculptor Domingo Beltrán which emended the flaws attributable to the death mask.59 F. Ribadeneira took both pieces to Madrid to be copied, and Sánchez Coello’s ‘conglomeration’ had such success that 16 copies were painted, as well as various plaster copies made. To assure themselves of its fidelity, the Jesuits helped the portraitist with commentaries regarding the saint’s complexion and expression. Sánchez Coello’s original portrait was lost in the fire at the Casa Profesa in Madrid in 1931, but it had served as the basis for printed illustrations on the title page of Ribadeneira’s hagiography and the accounts of the beatification celebrations in 1610.
9.3 Peter Paul Rubens and Jean-Baptist Barbé (attr.), St Ignatius Loyola expelling demons Source: In Nicholas Lancicius, Vita Beati P. Ignatii Loiolae Societatis Iesv fundatoris (Rome: s. n., 1609). Copyright © Biblioteca Nacional de España
In contrast to St Ignatius’ vera efigie, that of St Teresa is not posthumous, but was executed from life by the Carmelite Juan de la Miseria on Saturday 2 June 1576. The lay brother was decorating the lower cloister of the Sevillian convent of nuns in preparation for its solemn canonical foundation, when the saint’s confessor, Jerónimo Gracián, charged him to paint her portrait, not only to impose a mortification on her, but also to leave an image to remember her by for the nuns, who had requested a portrait to be made of her. Thanks to this ad vivum portrayal, we know how the sitting went and the general opinion of the results from the perspective of both the portrayer and the portrayed. Owing to the model’s lack of time, it must have been painted in no more than a couple of hours, during which the flustered friar Juan asked Teresa not to move and try not to blink: ‘He ordered her to hold her face in the expression that he wanted, scolding her if she laughed or even slightly moved her face. On one occasion, not content, he took her very own face in his hands and turned it towards the light which better suited his taste.’60 With regard to Gracián’s opinions, he judged the portrait to be bad, because ‘he was not a great portraitist nor as delicate or courtly as others’; Mother Teresa replied wittily, ‘may God forgive you, friar Juan, now that you have painted me, you have depicted me as ugly and rheumy’. Yet the painter was certainly not lacking in experience. Of Neapolitan origin and initially a sculptor, he visited Spain on a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela and later went to Madrid, where he trained with Sánchez Coello, following the wishes of Joanna of Austria, sister of Philip II and founder of the Descalzas Reales.61
Friar Juan scarcely had time to finish the head, and he would later complete the half figure and the Latin inscription on the piece of paper that provides the work’s date and offers the age of its model. The hands joined in prayer, the dove of the Holy Spirit and the text from Ps 89, 1 (Misericordias Domini in eternum cantabo or ‘I will sing of the mercies of the Lord for ever’) on the speech phylactery as can be seen today, must have been added after the death of Teresa of Jesus († 1582), or following her beatification.62 From this painting numerous copies, imitations and derivations were made, starting with the frontispiece of the biography written by Francisco de Ribera.63 F. Gracián possessed a copy of the one produced in the Sevillian convent, which must have been of reasonable quality as he judged it suitable to lend so that it be copied by the ‘good painters there are’. The saint’s aged confessor reacted to this portrait with the same sense of empathy and dialogue as he would had he been looking at an image of a loved one: ‘I seek to have it always before my eyes, and then internally we address many topics, [I seek] also to speak with her portrait out loud.’64 In 1609 he had prepared a run of prints of Teresa of Ávila that he made by ‘gathering the portraits he could obtain’ and commissioning them from the Antwerp printer Jehan Wierix.65 His brother made the portrait that appears as the frontispiece of the compendium by Diego de San José, this time following a description of the saint provided by Ana de Jesús.66
9.4 Adriaen Collaert, St Teresa of Jesus expelling demons Source: In: Vita B. Virginis Teresiae a Iesv Ordinis Carmelitarvm Excalceatorvm piae restavratricis (Antwerp: Adriaen Collaert and Cornelis Galle, 1613). Copyright © Biblioteca Nacional de España
During their respective beatification festivities in Madrid, St Ignatius and St Teresa contributed to the ennoblement and sacralization of the urban space through their presence, albeit real – in the form of their relics – or figurative through their portraits. In the court symbols of this class were exalted because they rendered effective the transfer of the corporeal sacrality of the beatified (who, of course, were not to be found buried in Madrid) and thus demonstrated the power of ‘being’ in various places at once by means of the image. The prints served to consolidate the saints’ iconography and fix this in the memory of those that attended the solemnities. With a large print run and an accessible price, these prints at times included prayers among their inscriptions. Their sale was common during this type of festivity, as it was important that the effigy of the beatified was known, for through their portraits the beatified dispensed grace to all those who sought it.
With an identical aim of dissemination, in 1615 the Carmelite general José de Jesús María undertook a compilation of sermons related to the recently concluded festivals for St Teresa.67 Friar José had been the principal promoter of his founder’s cause in Spain and declared in the dedication to Paul V that his collection was as much a fruit of beatification as an instrument to promote the canonization of Mother Teresa. Some of the orators who preached about the future saint had known her during her lifetime and even been on familiar terms with her.68 Bartolomé Loaysa celebrated the fact that prints had depicted her ad vivum, and still more that they represented her with the Holy Spirit above her head.69 Juan Salvador70 and Cipriano de Aguayo71 focused on the presence of the dove and also the light beams and radiance that encircled her face with divinity.72 On this basis, we can prove the power of the veræ effigies in conjunction with the eloquent word, imagining for ourselves the exit from the Mass of the recently beatified, with the clusters of people listening to the ‘many prayers for the saints … spoken by skilled and devout blind men’, who, aided by a lazarillo (whom they called ‘the prints lad’), took advantage of the captive audience with the non-stop sale of ‘numerous portraits of the saint, to such an extent they did not have hands enough to sell them’.73 In the end everyone came out on top: some praying ‘very content in accordance with their wishes’, and others making a profit ‘with the prints and portraits’. These reproductions of a cult image – ironically offered by those who could not see them – would end up being converted into equally miraculous ‘originals’ for their new and devout owners.
‘Many blind men attended’ the Madrid festivities for Ignatius Loyola too, as the conclusion of the anonymous 1609 account states, ‘and they did not cease to pray the saint’s prayer’. During the festivities celebrated and the sermons preached on the occasion of the beatification of St Ignatius, just as would happen with St Teresa, the supernatural qualities of his ‘truthful portraits’ were praised much more than in the later canonization celebrations. This is due to the particular nature of the canonization process, in which it is necessary to prove that there has been a miracle attributable to the intercession of the beatified since their beatification. In the absence of their person, it was essential to exalt the power of their images. Friar Pedro de Valderrama singled out, above all, the virtues of the Ignatian portrait for expelling demons.74 ‘So great [was] the number of compositions that the painters and scribes did not have hands enough to write and paint the cards: and there was a painter that affirmed he alone had made more than two hundred and forty.’75 Francisco de Herrera el Viejo engraved one of these, which was then used as the title page of the Sevillian Relación for the beatification festivities in which singers of coplas and blind men, in loud voices, called out: ‘“who will buy the Beatification, and miracles of Ignatius Loyola” and the same goes for his devout images, which they brought with them as prints, and there was no small demand’.76 These print-portraits could cure by touch and not only that: they could heal injuries; get rid of heart pain; prevent asphyxiation from choking; cure erysipelas, dropsy, croup, fevers and the plague; and, of course, speak through the ‘imagination’ to those who prayed to them. With regard to St Teresa’s portraits, her biographer F. Ribera said that they possessed protective qualities and expelled demons; when worn around the neck as a talisman they had curative properties for the body and spiritual complaints, and they were inspiring for preachers.77 Even miracles occurred during the festivities, thanks to an image of the saint: friar Diego de San José recounted the greatest of the marvels, when a boy was resuscitated in Burgos, ‘he recovered with the invocation of the saint, and by placing her portrait on the child’s head’.78
Conclusion
Between 1609 and 1615 Madrid began to be thought of as a moral entity, which in solemnities such as the beatifications could symbolize the unity of the kingdom in all activities devoted to the defence of the Church, and in this way it could redefine the title of Catholic associated with the sovereign. Ceremonies such as these offered a tangible expression of cohesion within the diverse forms of the Hispanic Monarchy, and those celebrated in Madrid with the exceptional participation of the king were considered examples for the other Habsburg territories. They were moments of an emotive nature, imperceptibly indoctrinating, during which the people of Madrid felt to a certain degree that they were proud members of the most powerful and splendid nation, and immersed within this powerful framework they could present their supplications for the intercessions of the heroic ‘Spanish saints’.
The hagiographical festivities constitute a privileged genre through which to explore the apologetic aspects of a display of elements intended to produce admiration. The diverse mobilization of expressive media employed ranges from iconography and emblems to oratory and poetry. The aim was to teach about the greater glory of the orders, the king and his capital while providing entertainment. Through their faceted nature these extraordinary religious festivities constituted a more diverse and engaging spectacle than the theatre itself, the public entertainment par excellence in seventeenth-century Spain. The public would look on overwhelmed at the luxury of ornament; the altars and altarpieces; the images and relics; the solemnities of the Masses; the inventiveness of the hieroglyphs and competitions, all of which reached the religious sentiments through the bodily senses. Everyone accepted as the truth whatever was recounted in the sermons delivered from the pulpits. From these privileged settings for ideological dissemination a value system was promulgated and that was based on two sacrosanct pillars, eternal and inseparable from one another: Catholicism and the dynastic legitimacy of the Pietas Austriaca.79
Notes
1 C. Hahn, ‘Picturing the Text: Narrative in the Life of the Saints’, Art History, 13/1 (1990): p. 6.
2 A. de Cabrera, Libro de consideraciones sobre los Euangelios (Córdoba, 1601), fol. 65v.
3 F. González Olmedo, ‘Santa Teresa de Jesús y los predicadores del Siglo de Oro’, Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, 84 (1924), pp. 289–90.
4 A. de Villegas, Flos Sanctorvm (Barcelona, 1724), p. IX.
5 J. Aragües Aldaz, ‘Para el estudio del “Flos sanctorum renacentista”. La conformación de un género’, in Marc Vitse (ed.), Homenaje a Henri Guerreiro. La hagiografía entre historia y literatura en la España de la Edad Media y del Siglo de Oro (Madrid, 2005), pp. 97–147.
6 J. Portús Pérez, ‘Retrato, humildad y santidad en el Siglo de Oro’, Revista de Dialectología y Tradiciones Populares, 54/1 (1999), pp. 169–88.
7 A. de Villegas, Frvctvs Sanctorum, y qvinta parte de Flos Sanctorum (Cuenca, 1594), fol. 443.
8 J. A. Ceán Bermúdez, Diccionario historico de los mas ilustres profesores de las bellas artes en España (6 vols, Madrid, 1800), vol. 2, pp. 98–101.
9 J. de Sigüenza, Historia de la orden de San Jerónimo, ed. Ángel Weruaga Prieto (2 vols, Salamanca, 2000), vol. 2, p. 431.
10 C. Von der Osten Sacken, El Escorial. Estudio iconológico (Bilbao, 1984), pp. 111–13.
11 J. M. Nieto Soria, Fundamentos ideológicos del Poder Real en Castilla (siglos XIII–XVI) (Madrid, 1988), pp. 55–8.
12 J. L. González García, ‘De ornato y policía en Madrid: Casas principales y ordenación viaria en el Renacimiento’, Anales de Historia del Arte 7 (1997), pp. 99–122.
13 M. J. del Río Barredo, Madrid, Urbs Regia. La capital ceremonial de la Monarquía Católica (Madrid, 2000), p. 10.
14 T. J. Dandelet, ‘“Celestiali eroi” e lo “splendor d’Iberia”. La canonizzazione dei santi spagnoli a Roma in età moderna’, in G. Fiume (ed.), Il santo patrono e la città. San Benedetto il Moro: culti, devozioni, strategie di età moderna (Venice, 2000), p. 185.
15 M. J. del Río Barredo, ‘Piedad, poder y pluralismo’, in Fiestas públicas en Madrid (1561–1808), Ph.D. Dissertation (Madrid, 1997), p. 59.
16 M. J. del Río Barredo, ‘Religión y devociones’, in Miguel Morán and Bernardo J. García (eds), El Madrid de Velázquez y Calderón. Villa y Corte en el siglo XVII (2 vols, Madrid, 2000) vol. 1, pp. 139–50.
17 G. Botero, Diez libros de la razon de estado. Con tres libros de las causas de la grandeza, y magnificencia de las ciudades (Barcelona, 1599), fols 46–51.
18 Dandelet, ‘Celestiali eroi’, pp. 194–5.
19 P. Burke, ‘How to be a Counter-Reformation saint’, in The Historical Anthropology of Early Modern Italy. Essays on Perception and Xommunication (Cambridge, 1987), p. 58.
20 On this topic, see M. Á. Castillo Oreja, J. L. González García, ‘La mirada del testigo: Otra visión española de la Lisboa quinhentista y del Hospital Real de Todos-os-Santos’, Madrid. Revista de Arte, Geografía e Historia 1 (1998), pp. 91–125. M. Á. Castillo Oreja, J. L. González García, ‘Ad maiorem Ordinum gloriam: Arte retórica y propaganda en la historiografía conventual de la Ciudad de los Reyes (1600–1681)’, in El Barroco Iberoamericano: territorio, arte, espacio y sociedad (2 vols, Seville, 2001), vol. 2, pp. 725–44.
21 J. Portús Pérez, ‘El rey vestido de fe. Intermediarios devocionales en la aparición pública de los Austrias’, in Víctor Mínguez (ed.), Visiones de la monarquía hispánica (Castellón, 2007), pp. 130–31.
22 T. Ferrer Valls, ‘Producción municipal, fiestas y comedia de santos: la canonización de San Luis Beltrán en Valencia (1608)’, in J. Oleza Simó, J. L. Canet Vallés (eds), Teatro y prácticas escénicas II: la comedia (London, 1986), pp. 156–86. It should be noted that the article’s title confuses Louis Bertrand’s canonization (which took place in 1671) with his beatification. Vicente Gómez was also author of a similar Relación dedicated to the canonization of St Raymond de Penyafort (1601) and published in Valencia in 1602.
23 Relación de la fiesta de N. P. S. Ignacio que en Madrid se hiço a 15 de Nouiembre de 1609, in J. Simón Díaz (ed.), Relaciones breves de actos públicos celebrados en Madrid de 1541 a 1650 (Madrid, 1982), pp. 69–71, from which the corresponding citations are taken.
24 C. Buezo, ‘Festejos y máscaras en honor de San Ignacio de Loyola en el siglo XVII’, Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia 190/1 (1993), pp. 313–28.
25 A. Bravo de Saravia Sotomayor (ed.), Relacion de las fiestas que en la Civdad de Lima se hizieron por la Beatificacion del Bienaventurado Padre Ignacio de Loyola (Lima: Francisco del Canto, 1609); A. de Salazar, Fiestas, qve hizo el insigne Collegio de la Compañia de Iesvs de Salamanca, a la Beatificacion del glorioso Patriarcha S. Ignacio de Loyola (Salamanca, 1610); F. de Luque Fajardo, Relacion de la fiesta que se hizo en Sevilla a la beatificacion del glorioso S. Ignacio fundador de la Compañia de Iesus (Seville, 1610); Relacion de la fiesta que en la beatificacion del B. P. Ignacio, fundador de la Compañia de Iesus, hizo su Collegio de la ciudad de Granada (Seville, 1610). On this celebration, see D. Reyes Escalera Pérez, ‘Granada festeja en 1610 la beatificación del P. Ignacio de Loyola’, Boletín de Arte 12 (1991), pp. 147–58; F. Sosa, Relacion de las fiestas … hechas en esta ciudad de Valladolid, en la solemnidad de la beatificacion del B. Padre Ignacio fundador de la … Compañia de Iesus (Valladolid, 1610).
26 D. de San José (ed.), Compendio de las solenes (sic) fiestas que en toda España se hicieron en la Beatificacion de N. B. M. Teresa de Iesus fundadora de la Reformacion de Descalzos y Descalzas de N. S. del Carmen (Madrid, 1615), Part I, fols 1–4v. See also J. F. Cammarata, ‘El espectáculo y la divinidad: la relación de las fiestas por la beatificación de Santa Teresa de Jesús’, in I. Lerner, R. Nival, A. Alonso (eds), Actas del XIV Congreso de la Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas: New York, 16–21 de julio de 2001 (2 vols, Newark: Juan de la Cuesta, 2004), vol. 2, pp. 59–65.
27 M. del Pilar Manero Sorolla, ‘Las relaciones de las “Solemnes fiestas que en toda España se hicieron en la beatificación de la N. B. M. Teresa de Jesús” de Diego de San José’, in S. López Poza, N. Pena Sueiro (eds), La fiesta: Actas del II Seminario de Relaciones de Sucesos (A Coruña, 1998) (Ferrol, 1999), pp. 223–34.
28 For instance, E. Gómez Martínez, ‘Los carmelitas y fiestas que en la ciudad de Andújar se hacen en honor de Santa Teresa’, in M. Criado del Val (ed.), Santa Teresa y la literatura mística hispánica (Madrid, 1984), pp. 629–35, although the terms ‘beatification’ and ‘canonization’ are constantly confused.
29 J. Dalmau, Relacion de la solemnidad con que se han celebrado en la ciudad de Barcelona las fiestas a la beatificacion de la madre S. Teresa de Iesus (Barcelona, 1615).
30 L. Díez de Aux, Retrato de las fiestas que a la beatificacion de la bienauenturada Virgen y Madre Santa Teresa de Iesus … hizo … la Imperial Ciudad de Zaragoça (Saragossa, 1615).
31 J. Páez de Valenzuela, Relacion brebe de las fiestas, que en la ciudad de Cordoua se celebraron à la Beatificacion de … santa Theresa de Iesus (Córdoba, 1615).
32 F. Manrique de Luján, Relacion de las fiestas de la ciudad de Salamanca en la beatificación de la Sancta Madre Teresa de Iesus (Salamanca, 1615).
33 M. de los Ríos Hevia Cerón, Fiestas qve hizo la insigne civdad de Valladolid … en la Beatificacion de la Santa Madre Teresa de Iesus (Valladolid, 1615). See A. Cristina Valero Collantes, ‘Santa Teresa. Fiestas de beatificación en los conventos de Medina del Campo y Valladolid’, in El culto a los santos: cofradías, devoción y arte (San Lorenzo de El Escorial, 2008), pp. 1035–52, and M. J. Pinilla Martín, ‘Arte efímero en Valladolid con motivo de la beatificación de Teresa de Jesús’, Boletín del Seminario de Estudios de Arte y Arqueología 75 (2009), pp. 203–14.
34 Quoted by J. Romera Castillo, ‘Justas poéticas valencianas en honor de Santa Teresa’, Letras de Deusto 12/24 (1982), p. 216, in reality dedicated to some 1621 justas unconnected with the beatification.
35 J. José Martín González, ‘Beatificación y canonización de San Ignacio de Loyola. Elementos artísticos de la fiesta’, in J. Caro Baroja, A. Beristain (eds), Ignacio de Loyola. Magister Artium en París 1528–1535 (San Sebastián, 1991), pp. 461–74.
36 M. J. del Río Barredo, ‘Le Transfert de la cour de Madrid à Valladolid et le débat sur l’établissement d’une capitale permanente en Espagne vers 1600’, in J.-M. Le Gall (ed.), Les Capitales de la Renaissance (Rennes, 2011), p. 146.
37 M. Bernal Martín, ‘Algunas máscaras jesuitas del Siglo de Oro’, TeatrEsco. Revista del Antiguo Teatro Escolar Hispánico 1 (2005–2006) [http://parnaseo.uv.es/Ars/TEATRESCO/Revista/Revista1/Mascaras/Bernal.htm].
38 C. Vincent-Cassy, ‘Los santos, la poesía y la patria. Fiestas de beatificación y de canonización en España en el primer tercio del siglo XVII’, Jerónimo Zurita 85 (2010), pp. 75–94.
39 I. Arellano, ‘Mitología moralizada en la puesta en escena de las fiestas hagiográficas y marianas del siglo de oro’, in J. M. Díez Borque, I. Osuna, E. Llergo (eds) Cultura oral, visual y escrita en la España de los Siglos de Oro (Madrid, 2010), pp. 15–38.
40 González Olmedo, ‘Santa Teresa’, p. 169.
41 J. Francisco de Villava, Empresas espirituales y morales (Baeza, 1613), fol. 5v.
42 A. Acisclo Palomino de Castro y Velasco, El Museo Pictorico, y Escala Optica. Tomo I. Theorica de la Pintvra (Madrid, 1715), p. 54.
43 I. Arellano, ‘Enseñanza y diversión en fiestas hagiográficas jesuitas’, in I. Arellano, R. Ann Rice (eds), Doctrina y diversión en la cultura española y novohispana (Madrid, 2009), pp. 28–32.
44 J. Romera Castillo, ‘Justa poética cordobesa en honor de Santa Teresa’, in Criado del Val, Santa Teresa, pp. 621–6.
45 J. de Entrambasaguas, ‘Datos acerca de Lope de Vega en una relación de fiestas del siglo XVII’, in Estudios sobre Lope de Vega, Second edition (Madrid, 1967), vol. 2, p. 537.
46 E. Pardo Canalís, ‘Iconografía teresiana’, Goya. Revista de Arte 53 (1963), p. 299.
47 A. Rodríguez G. de Ceballos, ‘Aportación a la iconografía de San Ignacio de Loyola’, Goya: Revista de Arte 102 (1971), p. 388.
48 I.o Cendoya Echániz, P. M. Montero Estebas, ‘La influencia de la “Vita Beati P. Ignatii…” grabada por Barbé en los ciclos iconográficos de San Ignacio’, Cuadernos de Arte e Iconografía 6/11 (1993), pp. 386–95.
49 J. S. Held, ‘Rubens and the Vita Beati P. Ignatii Loiolae of 1609’, in John Rupert Martin (ed.), Rubens Before 1620 (Princeton, 1972), p. 126.
50 L. Gutiérrez Rueda, ‘Iconografía de Santa Teresa’, Revista de Espiritualidad 23/90 (1964), pp. 7–8.
51 G. Paleotti, Discorso intorno alle imagini sacre e profane, in Paola Barocchi (ed.), Trattati d’arte del Cinquecento fra Manierismo e Controriforma (3 vols, Bari, 1960–62), vol. 2, pp. 352–3.
52 F. Pacheco, Arte de la Pintura, ed. Bonaventura Bassegoda i Hugas (Madrid, 1990), p. 710.
53 J. Portús Pérez and Jesusa Vega, La estampa religiosa en la España del Antiguo Régimen (Madrid, 1998), p. 410.
54 M. Falomir Faus, ‘Imágenes de poder y evocaciones de la memoria. Usos y funciones del retrato en la corte de Felipe II’, in Fernando Checa Cremades (ed.), Felipe II. Un monarca y su época: Un Príncipe del Renacimiento (Madrid, 1998), p. 207.
55 Pacheco, Arte, pp. 705–710.
56 See R. María de Hornedo, ‘La Vera effigies de San Ignacio’, Razón y Fe 154 (1956): pp. 203–223, and F. García Gutiérrez, ‘San Ignacio de Loyola en la pintura y la escultura de Andalucía’, Boletín de Bellas Artes 19 (1991), pp. 51–3.
57 E. André, M. Hermans, ‘Un portrait ancien d’Ignace de Loyola. Sa valeur et son odyssée’, Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu 60 (1991), pp. 221–3.
58 P. Tacchi Venturi, ‘Il ritratto di S. Ignazio di Loyola dipinto da Jacopino del Conte’, in Storia della Compagnia di Gesù en Italia, Second edition (2 vols, Rome, 1950), vol. 2, Part I, pp. 353–8.
59 A. Rodríguez G. de Ceballos, ‘La iconografía de San Ignacio de Loyola y los ciclos pintados de su vida en España e Hispanoamérica’, Cuadernos Ignacianos 5 (2004), pp. 39–42.
60 T. Álvarez Fernández, ‘El retrato de Santa Teresa en los primeros grabados: 1588–1591’, in Estudios Teresianos (3 vols, Burgos, 1995), vol. 1, pp. 48–9.
61 Á. María de Barcia, ‘El retrato de Santa Teresa’, Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos 13/1–2 (1909), pp. 1–15.
62 The inclusion of such attributes of holiness in those non-beatified would end up being severely repressed by papal decree in 1625. See M. Falomir Faus, ‘Imágenes de una santidad frustrada: el culto a Francisco Jerónimo Simón, 1612–1619’, Locvs Amoenvs 4 (1998), p. 182.
63 L. Gutiérrez Rueda, ‘Retratos de Santa Teresa’, Revista de Espiritualidad 23/90 (1964), pp. 135–40.
64 M. J. Pinilla Martín, ‘Santidad, devoción y arte a través de cuatro referencias a estampas de Santa Teresa de Jesús, años 1609–1615’, in El culto a los santos: cofradías, devoción y arte (San Lorenzo de El Escorial, 2008), pp. 535–6.
65 Pinilla Martín, ‘Santidad, devoción’, pp. 539–40.
66 M. A. Salinger, ‘Representations of Saint Teresa’, The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 8/3 (1949), pp. 98–101.
67 See González Olmedo, ‘Santa Teresa’, and M. Á. Núñez Beltrán, ‘Predicación y hagiografía barrocas: ¿hagiografías predicadas o predicaciones de carácter hagiográfico?’, in Vitse, Homenaje, pp. 917–22.
68 F. Herrero Salgado, ‘La figura humana y espiritual de Santa Teresa de Jesús en los sermones de su Beatificación. 1614’, Monte Carmelo: Revista de Estudios Carmelitanos 115/1 (2007), pp. 11–52.
69 J. de Jesús María (ed.), Sermones predicados en la Beatificacion de la B. M. Teresa de Iesus Virgen (Madrid, 1615), fol. 303.
70 Jesús María, Sermones predicados, fol. 296.
71 Jesús María, Sermones predicados, fol. 99v.
72 Portús Pérez and Vega, La estampa religiosa, p. 534.
73 Ríos Hevia Cerón, Fiestas, fols 21v–2.
74 P. de Valderrama, Sermon qve predico… En la fiesta de la Beatificacion del glorioso Patriarcha San Ignacio (Seville, 1610), fol. 15.
75 Salazar, Fiestas s. p. .
76 Luque Fajardo, Relacion, fol. 24v.
77 F. de Ribera, La vida de la Madre Teresa de Iesus, fundadora de las Descalças y Descalços Carmelitas (Salamanca, 1590), pp. 556–8.
78 Diego de San José (ed.), Compendio de las solenes (sic) fiestas que en toda España se hicieron en la Beatificacion de N. B. M. Teresa de Iesus fundadora de la Reformacion de Descalzos y Descalzas de N. S. del Carmen (Madrid: Viuda de Alonso Martín, 1615), Part II, fol. 63.
79 A. Rodríguez G. de Ceballos, ‘Carlos V, paradigma de la Pietas Austriaca’, in Carlos V. Las armas y las letras (Madrid, 2000), pp. 243–60.