Part II
Between AD 973 and 974 a canoness at the monastic centre of either Quedlinburg or Nordhausen recorded from memory Queen Mathilda’s instructions to her granddaughter Abbess Mathilda of Quedlinburg:
She then gave her a calendar in which were written the names of magnates who had died, and commended to her Henry’s soul, her own, and those of all the faithful whose memory she preserved.1
Abbess Mathilda’s duty was to recollect deceased ancestors, kin, and friends not only for the living but also for their descendants to come. She was to act as an advocate to God and the saints on behalf of their souls, who were still considered to belong to the community of the incarnate.2 That specific kind of commemoration was often called memoria (memory), one way to remember the past and to be present in the memories of future generations.3 In the above example elite women sought to record memories in writing. Women (and men) also cultivated other media in order to aid recollection.
Historians have studied pictorial representations of kings and emperors extensively; fewer works explore portrayals of queens and empresses. This chapter examines how elite women from the Ottonian and Salian dynasties were depicted, specifically in manuscripts, and how extensive was their sponsorship of those manuscript images. However, before such an analysis can take place, some background is required, first about historical traditions in general and second about how the Ottonian (919–1024) and the Salian (1024–1125) dynasties remembered the past.
Memorialising Ottonian Monarchs
The great medievalist Marc Bloch, steeped in the classical tradition and having endured first-hand the two great conflicts of the twentieth century in Europe, reminds us that no record stands alone out of context.4 Robert Frykenberg in his history of Delhi emphasised the crucial importance of keeping records for the transmission of past achievements to future generations.5 The European and Asian historical traditions differ substantially. Nevertheless the two authors were grappling with similar ideas. Case studies from the tenth and eleventh centuries, originating in locations currently known as France, Germany, and Italy, illustrate how the past becomes the present and the present becomes the future.
Twelve hundred years ago the Carolingian King Charles (Charlemagne ) entitled himself as “emperor governing the Roman Empire … King of the Franks and of the Lombards.”6 Janet Nelson asserts that he “colluded in the construction of his own story, thus making his biography in part an illusion.”7 That is, he deliberately set out to create a persona based on his perception of the past. One hundred years later successive German emperors, in attempting to emulate him, looked back to put themselves forward as versions of Charlemagne. They created memorials, images, monasteries, and a saint or two not only to carefully preserve their achievements for the edification of future generations but also to recreate their presence.8 In the late tenth and early eleventh centuries, especially in the highly literate artistic cultures at the courts of the last two Ottonian emperors Otto III and Henry II, artworks that addressed the past, present, and future flourished.9 They were created with the anticipation that future viewers would respond with material, visual, and performative oeuvres.10 They were aided and abetted by the monasteries, who played a part in sanctifying Charlemagne in order to maintain their foundations, among other objectives.11
After the demise of the Ottonian imperial dynasty in 1024, the Italian chroniclers of the eleventh century had little accurate memory of that past. According to Chris Wickham, “what people remember of the past—and what they forget—is one of the key elements in their unconscious ideology.”12 Whether the above protagonists perceived Charlemagne and the Roman imperium as did Charlemagne himself is debatable—though they might think they did so. They certainly wanted their own legacy to be noted by future generations. The important lay woman, Countess Matilda of Tuscany, unwavering supporter of successive popes and active mostly under the jurisdiction of the Salian emperor Henry IV (r. 1084–1105), showed an understanding of imperial history: she endorsed the portrayal of her rulership in images and in words that reshaped the past to match her own self-conception in her Vita by her biographer and chaplain Donizone.13
What did the Ottonians bring forward from their past and what did later societies perceive when they looked back to that powerful dynasty? Selected case studies illustrate how the Ottonians recalled the Carolingians and how the following Salians evoked the Ottonians in their turn, with particular emphasis on the contribution by and visual depiction of elite women, who lived during the Ottonian and early Salian dynasties.
Female Rulers: Spiritual Portraits and Generations
Ottonian imperial manuscript art presented Ottonian male rulers in all their glory (Fig. 1).14 The manuscript images, containing portraits of the female rulers, can be very different from those of their partners in rule.15 The representations of female rulers in selected manuscripts can display a more delicate touch in contrast with those of kings and emperors, as we shall see.16 In this chapter, portraits of Ottonian empresses Adelheid, Theophanu, and Kunigunde are examined in three folios from three manuscripts.17 The initial words of St Matthew’s Gospel decorate a fourth folio.
Fig. 1
Otto II in Majesty. Registrum Gregorii, Reichenau. Musée Condé, MS 14, single sheet. (The Yorck Project (2002) 10.000 Meisterwerke der Malerei (DVD-ROM), distributed by DIRECTMEDIA Publishing GmbH)
The selected images that focus on the ruling women appear to emphasise the stability and importance of the Ottonian dynasty and of the generations that followed them and to uphold and to promote Ottonian spiritual aspirations. In this chapter I focus on images as items of memory and on memorialising by contemporaries. To do this requires a closer analysis of the dates of the creation of the images, which is a critical point in deciding whom the images represent—but more of that later. I have a further purpose: it is to examine what the artists remembered and mis-remembered from earlier illuminated manuscripts and records, to understand what the artists wished to project for future generations, and to propose a likely sponsor for one of the manuscripts, albeit with some reservations.
Meanwhile the remainder of the current section examines the four images from the three manuscripts as case studies relating to female portrayals. The first manuscript, the Gospels of Saint-Géréon, includes a folio (22r) with portraits of Empresses Adelheid and Theophanu, and Emperor Otto III (in this chapter named Image 1). The second manuscript, a Gospel Book from Metz, contains two folios of interest. The first folio (15r) is generally considered to be an image of Empress Adelheid, Christ, and an abbot (here Image 2). That identification can be questioned and is so later in this chapter. The second folio (15v) follows the first with the first words of St Matthew’s gospel (here Image 3). The third manuscript, the Pericopes Book of Henry II, contains a folio (2r) that shows Empress Kunigunde and her husband Emperor Henry II with Christ (here Image 4). The makers of the images had a common purpose; they looked back (creating memory) and looked forward (creating a memorial to promote generational continuity).
Image 1 [Fig. 2] (The Gospels of Saint-Géréon, W 312, fol. 22r): Lamb, Otto III, Theophanu and Adelheid18
The first image of female rulers under examination (Image 1 [Fig. 2]) appears in the Incipit of St Matthew in the Gospels of Saint-Géréon. St Géréon was the military saint allegedly beheaded in the fourth century for refusing to worship pagans.19 The Gospel Book was perhaps created at Cologne between AD 983 and AD 1000, although much of its history is unknown: the title of the Gospel has questionable provenance and the association of the church of St Géréon at Cologne with the Gospel is unproven.20 It is more likely that the connection was with the recipients or sponsors rather than with the church.21 At the top of Folio 22r Christ (Agnus Dei , the Lamb of God) triumphs in a roundel. The whole image is generally thought to be a memorial of Otto III, his mother Empress Theophanu and his grandmother Empress Adelheid in clockwise order, starting from the image of the Lamb.22 Otto III, Theophanu, and Adelheid are presented in utmost harmony, blessed by Christ, the Lamb of God . Manuscript pages with Christ depicted as a Lamb are often associated with saints.23 Like many of the Cologne-associated images holiness and harmony are portrayed together (Fig. 2).
Fig. 2 [Image 1]
Adelheid, Theophanu, Otto III, and Lamb of God . Initial Page. Matthew Evangelisary, Gospel of Saint-Géréon. Historisches Archiv der Stadt, Cologne, Cod. W 312, fol. 22r. (© Raimond Spekking/CC BY-SA 3.0 [via Wikimedia Commons])
In a previous paper I examined the Insular and Carolingian influences on this first image of predominately female rulers. The diminuendo effect of the letters “L” and “I” of the word Liber and the way the “I” cuts the “L” over its lower stroke had its origins in early Insular art.24 We also catch remnants of Byzantine influences in the perky bird’s head. In total the folio presents a mixture of Roman and Eastern reminiscences with traces of Insular beginnings in a memorial to three imperial Ottonians.25 It is in the style of a number of examples of folio pages in different manuscripts that show medallions.26 The collected ruler portraits on the same page align with the Liber generationis at the beginning of St Matthew’s gospel. The word generationis, the genitive of generatio meaning action of procreating, begetting, or generation of family, reinforces the idea of generational stability and continuity. The page places a focus on Ottonian generational continuity in a context of considerable dynastic uncertainty. Otto II had died in 983, leaving a three-year-old heir, and the stable continuation of the Ottonian dynasty depended on the skill and strength of his mother Theophanu and his grandmother Adelheid.27 Thus when the image was created is significant in relation to the life-status of the participants; its date of manufacture is discussed later in this chapter in the section “Dating the Images and Implications.”
Images 2 and 3 (Gospel Book from Metz, MS 9395, fols 15r and 15v): Adelheid, Christ and an Abbot; Liber Generationis with Lamb28
The next images (2 and 3) originate in a second Gospel Book, generally thought to have been composed at Metz and often dated to about AD 1000. The first of these two images, fol. 15r (Image 2), usually noted as depicting the crowned Empress Adelheid, Christ, and an abbot, follows immediately after a series of canon tables.29 The empress and the abbot stand on either side of Christ and look up to him. Christ is seated within a mandorla, the almond-shaped or round aureole surrounding an entire figure that indicates the presence of the power of God. The mandorla can represent Christ’s transfiguration, ascension, Last Judgement, or Christ in Majesty.30 Just as the image in fol. 22r in the Gospels of Saint-Géréon (Image 1 [Fig. 2]) introduces the Gospel of St Matthew, so too does fol. 15r (Image 2) in the Gospel Book from Metz.
Image 2 is the first illuminated page, which can be perceived as very “Ottonian.” It has some curious features. The markings around Christ in the mandorla are intriguing. The sideways head on a “pillow” is probably the evangelist Matthew, who is shown writing his gospel at the bottom of the composition. The woman is very royal and very saintly.31 This is an image that presents her in two roles—as the crowned female saint and as authoritative ruler. The woman is blessed by Christ and certainly endorsed by the church, here represented by the abbot. Wearing her crown she is marginally taller than the abbot, indicating superior status. The abbot has been most often identified as Odilo of Cluny, who wrote the Life of Adelheid. Two other possibilities are Maiolus and Ekkemann. The holy Maiolus, abbot of Cluny (d. 994), was religious advisor and confidant to Adelheid and Otto I—he was “the ear and repository of the imperial secrets.”32 In 996 or 997 Adelheid appointed Ekkemann, her confessor of many years, as the first abbot of the monastery at Selz in Alsace, which she founded and dedicated to Saints Peter and Paul.33
The second image of interest in the Gospel Book from Metz appears on the reverse side of this depiction of the royal or imperial woman, Christ and the abbot.34 Folio 15v (Image 3) displays the first words of the St Matthew Gospel, embellished with extensive artistic adornment of Romanesque motifs of acanthus-leaf decoration and scrolling vines.35 As in the Gospels of Saint-Géréon (Image 1 [Fig. 2], fol. 22r), an elaborate “L,” cut by an “I,” begins the words Liber generationis (“The book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of Abraham”). The Liber generationis again reinforces the idea of generational stability and continuity. An image of a spritely Lamb of God heads the page. The agnus Dei is a recurring theme in the Gospels of Saint-Géréon and of Metz, as we shall see below. Moreover in introducing the Gospel of St Matthew, Images 2 and 3 (Folios 15r and 15v) show the royal woman as a lay contributor, essential to the wellbeing of the church through its monastic arm, looking backwards and forwards in time. The common supposition that the image is of Adelheid and Odilo, abbot of Cluny, is analysed more closely below in this chapter where the dating of the image is examined in detail and other possibilities are explored.
Image 4 [Fig. 3] (Pericopes Book of Henry II, MS 4452, fol. 2r): Henry II, Christ, and Kunigunde36
The final image (Image 4 [Fig. 3]) comes from the Pericopes Book of Henry II, composed at Reichenau, and dated to between about 1002 and 1012. Empress Kunigunde kneels with her husband, Henry II, in a dedication scene with Christ in the top half of the folio. The empress is on Christ’s left, the less important side, and very slightly lower and smaller than her husband, perhaps indicating almost but not quite equality in rule.37 Nevertheless like the empresses before her, Kunigunde held real power—in title (consors regni, consors imperii etc.) and in practice.38 Henry II presented the Pericopes Book to Bamberg cathedral on the day of the cathedral’s consecration in 1012 (Fig. 3).39
Fig. 3 [Image 4]
Dedications scene with Henry II and Kunigunde presented to Christ by Peter and Paul. Pericopes Book of Henry II, Reichenau, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 4452, fol. 2r
Henry II eschewed Aachen, Charlemagne’s “capital” and the city most recently made the repository of Otto III’s three great donations: his Gospels, the Liuthar Gospels, and the Lothar Cross.40 He established Bamberg as a new bishopric. Intensely interested in liturgical practices and with the need to provide his new bishopric with a library, Henry endowed the city with gifts. These included the so-called Romano-German Pontifical, a monumental resource for liturgical texts, commentary, and authorities.41 He also added the Pericopes Book, the Gospels of Otto III, and the Regensburg Sacramentary. Henry publicly confirmed his continuity of certain traditions from the reigns of his predecessors by including Ottonian choices among his gifts to Bamberg.42 Henry died in 1024; Kunigunde lived until 1033. Kunigunde and Henry were childless at the time of the commissioning of the Pericopes Book, and thereafter had no heirs. Kunigunde authorised the rule of Konrad II, the first of the Salian kings and emperors, by handing over the imperial insignia to him at the end of Henry’s reign.43
Dating the Images and Implications
Return to Image 1 [Fig. 2] (W 312, folio 22r)
We turn now to the dating of certain of the manuscripts. How we interpret Image 1 [Fig. 2], of the Lamb, Otto III, Theophanu, and Adelheid, depends very much on the dating of the Gospels of Saint-Géréon (W 312). A date before 15 July 991 (Theophanu’s death) means all the protagonists were alive when the Gospels were created. Between that date and late 994, Empress Adelheid held sway in the empire, acting independently and generously endowing her favourite monastery at Selz and other monasteries. On Otto III’s coming of age, Adelheid stepped back from rule. Otto had only a short period to be the potential sole sponsor of the manuscript between her death on 16 or 17 December 999, and his on 23 or 24 January 1002. Anton von Euw gives two date ranges in two papers: one to the regency period44 and one more specifically to between about 990 and 1000.45 The latter time period allows for sponsorship from any of the three human subjects, all of whom were alive at some time during this time range.
The probable date and sponsorship of the image might be determined from clues within the image. Joshua O’Driscoll proposes initially that the image of two women “of disparate age” with a youth was created within the regency period of Theophanu/Adelheid (that is between 984 and 994) by an artist, whom O’Driscoll assumes is male without further explanation. He proposes, moreover, that Theophanu and the Lamb of God form the more important vertical element. Consequently Theophanu occupies the privileged position in the miniature, even though she appears to be looking up towards her youthful son. This latter observation might suggest that the image falls only within the regency of Theophanu (984–15 July 991). Furthermore, according to O’Driscoll, her covered hands, clearly raised towards her son, mean that the medallion holds a posthumous portrait of the empress and hence the gospel book was ordered after her death and she was not the sponsor after all.46 However, Richard Gyug establishes that a figure holding or receiving a sacred object with covered hands or with the ends of her mantle or chlamys is a well-known motif, originating in Byzantine iconography.47 Therefore covered hands would not necessarily mean that the empress had died and the timeframe for the creation of the image (and the manuscript) remains broad. Theophanu’s privileged position still stands. The above intimations argue at the very least for the influence of Theophanu and/or her circle in the creation of the manuscript.
Empress Adelheid was known as a generous and independent endower of monasteries. There is no doubt that Image 1 [Fig. 2] (W 312) was intended to honour, evoke, and carry forward the memory of the three imperial personages, to emphasise their relationship with the Lamb of God and continuity through future generations in the Liber generationis. Although the sponsorship of the Gospels of Saint-Géréon is unknown and the complete message of this folio remains ambiguous, I incline to the view that either one or both women are strong contenders for sponsorship of the manuscript.48
Return to Images 2, 3 (MS 9395, fols 15r and 15v) and Image 4 [Fig. 3] (MS 4452, fol. 2r)
Like the Gospels of Saint-Géréon, the Gospel Book from Metz (MS 9395) is often thought to date from the late tenth century.49 A more precise dating of MS 9395 follows a similar argument for the dating of the Gospels of Saint-Géréon (W 312) as used above. Adelheid was in the later years of her life or had just died (16/17 December 999) and Abbot Odilo of Cluny may have begun but had not yet finished his Epitaph of the empress (1002 or later). The Bibliothèque Nationale de France (BnF), which holds MS 9395, dates it to between 996 and 999 (during Adelheid’s lifetime) or to before 1043, a date four years into the Salian Henry III’s reign (r. 1039–1056).50
The date range of “before 1043” is thought provoking. Image 2 (MS 9395) depicts a contemporary figure of an empress; three empresses are contenders for the model. The choice of Adelheid is supported by Carl Nordenfalk and Rita Otto.51 The case for the depiction to be of Kunigunde (d. 1033), wife of the last Ottonian (Henry II, r. 1002–1024), is supported by Percy Schramm and Florentine Mütherich.52 The case for the image to be that of Empress Gisela, wife of the first Salian (Konrad II, r. 1024–1039), is supported in a 1992 catalogue of an exhibition about the Salian Reich.53 In another paper Schramm leaves open the question about which one of the three is portrayed in the image.54 After Konrad died, Gisela lived at Gorze abbey, about twenty kilometres south-west of Metz, until her own death in 1043—hence the date range of “before 1043” in the report of the BnF, which means that the depiction of the reign of any one of the three empresses is plausible.
There are two lines of argument that narrow the date range for MS 9395 and support the idea that the abbot in Image 2 is Ekkemann. First, although the manuscript was moved to the BnF in 1802 from the treasury of the cathedral church at Metz, the origin of MS 9395 is more likely to be Selz rather than Metz for a number of reasons. We should recall that Selz was founded by Adelheid and dedicated to Saints Peter and Paul. Clues in the manuscript point to an emphasis on those saints above all others. The only names written in capitals for the vigil and the day of their feast (29 June) are those of Peter and Paul. Four pieces of evidence point to associations of the manuscript with Mainz and the Middle Rhine region (and consequently Selz, rather than Metz, as will become clear shortly). One, although Schramm and Mütherich and Hartmut Hoffmann attribute the script to Metz, the ornate initials can be associated with those of Latin 275, a Mainz connection according to Nordenfalk.55 Two, the evangelists were copied from the Gospels of Chantilly (Musée Condé, MS 15) that Nordenfalk located in the Middle Rhine region, under Mainz influence.56 Three, the décor also follows models of the palatine school of Charles the Bald—in curtain architectural frames (Latin 1152), in the rosette motif within an ornate letter (Latin 270) and in the Canon Tables (MS 746)—all of which support the Mainz origin.57 Four, the most important distant possessions of Selz Abbey were on the banks of the Rhine at Mainz, approximately 190 kilometres west of Selz.58 Accordingly the Gospel book is more likely to be Selz-sponsored with stronger links to Mainz than to Metz.
The second line of argument addresses the attention given to the memory of Adelheid after her death by supporters from Selz rather than Cluny. The implications that arise from the dating of certain events need to be explored further. If a date after Adelheid’s death (999) up to the year 1043 for the manuscript MS 9395 were to be accepted, it would mean that the image was created during her growing veneration, especially in Germany. Henry II and numerous eminent clerical and lay men in France, Germany, and Italy brought forward supporting evidence for Empress Adelheid’s sanctification during the eleventh century, leading to her papal canonisation as a saint by Pope Urban II in 1097 or 1099. The later date range of between 999 and 1043 proposed by the BnF affects the meaning of the picture. The image seems to record a gathering of two holy and eminent people in Christ’s heavenly kingdom, after their deaths. If created between 16/17 December 999 (Adelheid’s death) and 1043 (Gisela’s death) but before Odilo’s death (1049) and his canonisation (in 1063 by Pope Alexander II), the image becomes a memorial to an empress, probably Adelheid, but not to Odilo—and this again throws doubt on Odilo being the portrayed abbot. We know from a diploma dated 28 September 1002 and issued from Henry II’s court that Abbot Ekkemann was still abbot of Selz at the date of the diploma.59 That is, the date of the image under examination is more likely to line up with Ekkemann’s death—after the death of Maiolus of Cluny (994) and before the death of Odilo of Cluny (1049). The death of Maiolus is too early and that of Odilo is too late for either of them to fit easily into a memorial image.
Further indirect but plausible support for a Selz rather than a Cluny memorial image in the manuscript arises from the following. The papal register for the period 1089–1099 records that Empress Adelheid was enrolled with the saints and canonised at a Roman synod in the late eleventh century, probably in either January 1097 or in April 1099. Although Selz was confirmed eventually as belonging to Cluny, a clear takeover of the monastery of Selz by Cluny in the eleventh century did not eventuate.60 That is, Selz remained largely independent of Cluny during the hundred years when the necessary processes for Adelheid’s sainthood were undertaken. Further confirmation of Selz’s involvement can be seen in Adelheid’s leading advocate for her sanctification. Bishop Otto was bishop of Strasbourg and diocesan bishop of Selz (d. 1100). He was present at the synod of 1099. The letter from Pope Urban II announcing the event is undated. However, Urban sent his letter confirming Adelheid’s sanctification to Bishop Otto, indicating that the bishop with his responsibilities for Selz was the appropriate person to be informed rather than any representative from Cluny.61
If the above arguments hold, the image is more likely to be of Adelheid and Abbot Ekkemann and to be dated to after Ekkemann’s death. We do not know for certain the date of death of this Ekkemann. My argument puts the date of the Gospel from “Metz” (MS 9395) some time after Henry’s diploma of late 1002, when Ekkemann was still alive, presuming the date of Henry’s diploma is correct.62 The proposal that empresses Kunigunde and/or Gisela took an interest in or even sponsored the Gospel remains valid. In summary the Gospel “from Metz” is more likely to be a Gospel “from Mainz” (with Selz influence) and Adelheid and Abbot Ekkemann are probably the two people depicted in the Gospel Book, created between 22 September 1002 and 1043.
Furthermore, an interesting and surprising proposal connects the Gospel Book from “Metz” (MS 9395) and the Gospels of Saint-Géréon (W 312): “The Agnus Dei associated with the Liber generationis is also included in the Cologne Gospels of Saint-Géréon (Cologne, Stadtarchiv, cod . W. 312).”63 That is, the Lamb (Agnus Dei) at the top left of the Liber generationis page (Image 3, MS 9395) with the Lamb at the top of the medallion page (Image 1 [Fig. 2], W 312). To my mind the Lambs are similar in that they are muscular and sprightly, with alert ears and halos that are divided into four parts. They are more or less shown in profile and stand within a circle with one leg raised. Gold illuminates part of each image. However, the Lamb in the Gospels of Saint-Géréon (W 312) faces to his left, towards Otto III if anywhere, and holds what may be a staff of office with the raised front left foot. The Lamb also wears a circular band over the left shoulder, across the chest, under the right leg, and around the back. Most of the halo of this Lamb is translucent. However, the Lamb in the Gospel Book “from Metz” (MS 9395) holds nothing. That Lamb stands, with his body directed to his right and with the right leg raised but with the head turning back over the left shoulder towards the letters IBER of the word Liber or possibly towards the following gospel of Matthew. From examining the images of the two Lambs I cannot conclude one way or the other whether these Lambs are connected. Indeed the Agnus Dei is a recurring iconographic motif.64 Nevertheless the proposition that the two lambs might be associated remains provocative.
We have recently been reminded that women were responsible for the creation of more medieval art than is customarily credited to them.65 An example of another type of patronage and memorialising follows. Countess Matilda of Tuscany, a keen supporter of Adelheid and a favourite of popes, attended the Lateran Synod of 1097, at which the papal canonisation of Adelheid is often purported to have been confirmed.66 In Adelheid’s progression to sainthood, the support of women, such as Kunigunde and Gisela, as well as the undoubted interest by Countess Matilda, have not been greatly explored. Gisela’s visit and “liberalitas” (gift) to Selz in 1034 are examples of her support for Selz.67 Indeed further work on the processes of papal sanctification in general may highlight other overlooked memories of female instrumentation. The above connections are tentative and suggestive, but food for thought and further investigation.
Conclusion
I have examined briefly selected manuscript images from the tenth and early eleventh centuries and raised questions that shift the understanding, sponsorship, and emphasis of those images. What does all this mean for memory and memorialising? Memories are a movable feast: they are contingent on what we know and what we think we know. How much the artists and their sponsors from the period studied here really knew about the history that they recorded can only be conjectured. Sponsorship and execution of manuscripts by elite women are likely to have been more widespread than is currently thought. Where women rulers are concerned, the documents and illuminated images examined in this chapter appear to give equal weight to generational continuity and spiritual practice over and above the importance of merely recreating their presence. As rulers, saints, mothers, queens, empresses, and abbesses women became, above all, models, motivators, and sources of inspiration (in modern-day terms) for their contemporaries and later observers.68
Abbreviations
MGH
Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Hanover, 1826–
SSrG
Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi, Hanover, 1871–
Bibliography
Manuscripts and Primary Sources
1. Adelheid, Theophanu, Otto III and Lamb of God. Initial Page. Matthew Evangelistary, Gospel of Saint-Géréon, betw. 996 and 999 or before 1043. Cologne: Historisches Archiv der Stadt, Cologne, Cod. W 312, fol. 22r.
2. Dedication Scene with Henry II and Kunigunde Presented to Christ by Peter and Paul. Pericopes Book of Henry II, Reichenau, betw. 1007 and 1012. Munich: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 4452, fol. 2r.
3. Donizone. Vita di Matilde di Canossa (Vita Mathildis). Edited by Paolo Golinelli. Milan: Jaca, 2008.
4. Empress Adelheid and Odilo of Cluny (?) with Christ, Gospel Book, Metz, betw. 996 and 999 or before 1043. Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS 9395, fol. 15r.
5. Evangelia, 11th Century. Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Latin 275. Accessed 9 December 2020. http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b100267932.
6. Gilsdorf, Sean. Queenship and Sanctity: The Lives of Mathilda and the Epitaph of Adelheid. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2004.
7. Henry II. Diplomata. Die Urkunden Henry II. und Arduins. Edited by Harry Bresslau, Hermann Bloch, and Robert Holtzmann. MGH. Diplomata regum et imperatorum Germaniae. Die Urkunden der Deutschen Könige und Kaiser 3. Hanover, 1900–1903.
8. Henry II Enthroned under a Baldachin. Sacramentary of Henry II (“Regensburg Sacramentary”), between 1002 and 1012. Munich: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 4456, fol. 11v.
9. Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim. Gesta Ottonis. Edited by Walter Berschin. Hrotsvit Opera omnia, 3.271–305. Munich: K. G. Sur, 2001.
10. Liber Generationis, Gospel Book, Metz, betw. 996 and 999 or before 1043. Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS 9395, fol. 15v.
11. Liber miraculorum. Edited by Giuliano Sala and Giorgio Vedovelli. Torri del Benaco, 1990.
12. Otto II in Majesty. Registrum Gregorii, Reichenau, c. 983. Chantilly: Musée Condé, MS 14, single sheet.
13. Otto III Enthroned. Liuthar Gospels, c. 990. Munich: Cathedral Treasury Aachen, fol. 16r.
14. Otto III in Majesty with Four Worshipping Tribes. Gospel Book of Otto III, Reichenau, c. 998. Munich: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 4453, fols 23v and 24r.
15. Syrus. “Vita sancti Maioli.” In Agni Immaculati, edited by Dominique Iogna-Prat., 163–285. Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1988.
16. “Vita e miracoli di Adelaide di Borgogna.” In Liber miraculorum, edited by Giuliano Sala and Giorgio Vedovelli., 41–60. Torri del Benaco, 1990.
17. Vita Mathildis reginae antiquior (Die Lebensbeschreibungen der Königin Mathilde). Edited by Bernd Schütte. MGH SSrG [66]:107–42. Hanover, 1994.
18. Vita Mathildis reginae posterior (Die Lebensbeschreibungen der Königin Mathilde). Edited by Bernd Schütte. MGH SSrG [66]:143–202. Hanover, 1994.
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Footnotes
1
“Quin etiam computarium, in quo erant nomina procerum scripta defunctorum, in manum ipsius dans animam illi commendavit Heinrici nec non et suam sed et omnium, quorum ipsa memoriam recolebat, fidelium”; Bernd Schütte, ed., Vita Mathildis reginae antiquior, MGH SSrG [66]:107–42 (Hanover: Hahn, 1994) [hereafter VMA], ch. 13, 138, trans. in Sean Gilsdorf, Queenship and Sanctity The Lives of Mathilda and the Epitaph of Adelheid (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 2004), 71–87, at 86. A later biography of Queen Mathilda includes almost identical words: Bernd Schütte, ed., Vita Mathildis reginae posterior, MGH SSrG [66]:143–202 (Hanover: Hahn, 1994) [hereafter VMP], ch. 26, 199, trans. in Gilsdorf, Queenship, 88–127, at 125. Gilsdorf examined authorship at 19–21 and concluded that the author of the VMA was female and that of the VMP unknown; the latter confirmed by Patrick Corbet, Les saints ottoniens: sainteté dynastique, sainteté royale et sainteté féminine autour de l’an Mil (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1986), 120. In communities of well-educated canonesses with close links to the royal family, female authorship is unsurprising.
2
Gerd Althoff, Family, Friends and Followers (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Sean Gilsdorf, The Favor of Friends (Leiden: Brill, 2014).
3
Gilsdorf, Queenship, 27–29; Heinrich Fichtenau, Living in the Tenth Century, trans. Patrick Geary (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 148–52; Penelope Nash, “Maintaining Elite Households in Germany and Italy, 900–1115,” in Royal and Elite Households in Later Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Theresa Earenfight (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 42–53. For memoria, as its meaning shifted from one of the five parts of Rhetoric in earlier Latin sources to one of the three parts of the Virtue of Prudence, see Frances A. Yates, Selected Works of Frances Yates, Volume III: The Art of Memory (London and New York: Routledge, 1966; ARK Edition, 1984, repr. 2001), 53–54. Patrick J. Geary, Phantoms of Remembrance (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 48–80.
4
Marc Bloch, The Historian’s Craft, trans. Peter Putnam (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1954; repr. with an introduction by Peter Burke, 1992), 43.
5
Robert Eric Frykenberg, Delhi through the Ages: Essays in Urban History, Culture, and Society (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1986), xi.
6
Janet L. Nelson, King and Emperor (London: Allen Lane, 2019), 2, 384–85; Josef Fleckenstein, Early Medieval Germany, trans. Bernard S. Smith (Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Company, 1978), 146.
7
Nelson, King, 3. Mary J. Carruthers, The Book of Memory, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).
8
Eliza Garrison, “Ottonian Art and Its Afterlife: Revisiting Percy Ernst Schramm’s Portraiture Idea,” Oxford Art Journal 32, no. 2 (2009): 210–212, 215, 222.
9
Rulers of the Ottonian dynasty: Henry I (d. 936), Otto I (d. 973), Otto II (d. 983), Otto III (d. 1002), Henry II (d. 1024).
10
Eliza Garrison, Ottonian Imperial Art and Portraiture (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012), 166.
11
Amy Remensnyder, “Topographies of Memory,” in Medieval Concepts of the Past, eds. Gerd Althoff, Johannes Fried, and Patrick J. Geary (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press; Washington, DC: German Historical Institute, 2002), 198–199, 207–214.
12
Chris Wickham, “Lawyers’ Time,” in Land and Power, ed. Chris Wickham (London: British School at Rome, 1994), 276, and 282–83. For the transformation in the eleventh century: Lynette Olson, The Early Middle Ages (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 157–197.
13
Donizone, Vita di Matilde di Canossa (Vita Mathildis), ed. Paolo Golinelli (Milan: Jaca, 2008). Paolo Golinelli, L’ancella di san Pietro, Biblioteca di cultura medievale (Milan: Jaca Book, 2015); I. S. Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 1056–1106 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Penelope Nash, The Spirituality of Countess Matilda of Tuscany, Quaderni I (Bologna: Pàtron, 2021).
14
Otto II in Majesty. Registrum Gregorii, Reichenau, c. 983, Musée Condé, MS 14, single sheet; Otto III in Majesty with Four Worshipping Tribes. Gospel Book of Otto III, Reichenau, c. 998, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 4453, fols 23v and 24r; Otto III Enthroned. Liuthar Gospels, c. 990, Cathedral Treasury Aachen, fol. 16r; Henry II Enthroned under a Baldachin. Sacramentary of Henry II (“Regensburg Sacramentary”), between 1002 and 1012, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 4456, fol. 11v. Space does not allow a detailed comparison with male-ruler portraits here. For a few of the many discussions about male-ruler portraits, see Elisabeth Klemm, “Anfänge und Blütezeit der ottonischen Buchmalerei,” in Pracht auf Pergament, eds. Christiane Lange and Claudia Fabian (Munich: Hirmer, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, 2012), 90–97; Percy Ernst Schramm, Die deutschen Kaiser und Könige in Bildern ihrer Zeit 751–1190, ed. Florentine Mütherich (Munich, 1983 (1928)); Percy Ernst Schramm and Florentine Mütherich, Denkmale der deutschen Könige und Kaiser. Vol 1. Ein Beitrag zur Herrschergeschichte von Karl dem Grossen bis Friedrich II. 768–1250, 2nd ed. (Munich: Prestel, 1981). For an overview of the location of manuscripts containing Ottonian book art (vol. 1) and images (vol. 2), see Hartmut Hoffmann, Buchkunst und Königtum im ottonischen und frühsalischen Reich, 2 vols., MGH Schriften 30 (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1986), especially 1:103–516.
15
“Conregnante sua Mathilda coniuge clara” (about Queen Mathilda) and “sui consors dignissima regni” (about Adelheid, not yet Empress) in Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, ed. Walter Berschin, Hrotsvit Opera omnia, 3.271–305 (Munich: K. G. Sur, 2001), 3.276, line 22 and 3.298, line 665; Franz-Reiner Erkens, “Die Frau als Herrscherin in ottonisch-frühsalischer Zeit,” in Kaiserin Theophanu, eds. Anton von Euw and Peter Schreiner (Cologne: Schnütgen-Museum, 1991), 2:245–60; Patricia Skinner, Women in Medieval Italian Society, 500–1200 (Harlow: Pearson Education, 2001), 99–108.
16
Rosamond McKitterick, “Ottonian Intellectual Culture in the Tenth Century and the Role of Theophanu,” Early Medieval Europe 2.1 (1993): 53–74; Rosamond McKitterick, “Women in the Ottonian Church,” in Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Kings and Culture in the Early Middle Ages (Aldershot: Variorum, 1995), XI. 79–100.
17
Adelheid (d. 999, second wife of Otto I), Theophanu (d. 991, wife of Otto II), and Kunigunde (d. 1033, wife of Henry II).
18
Hereafter generally abbreviated to Image 1 (W 312).
19
David Hugh Farmer, Oxford Dictionary of Saints, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), s.v. “Gereon.”
20
Joshua O’Driscoll, “Image and Inscription in the Painterly Manuscripts from Ottonian Cologne” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 2015), 18–21. See also Anton von Euw, Vor dem Jahr 1000. Abendländische Buchkunst zur Zeit der Kaiserin Theophanu (Cologne: Schnütgen Museum, 1991), 30–34; Peter Bloch and Hermann Schnitzler, Die ottonische Kölner Malerschule, 2 vols. (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1967–1970), 1:25–31.
21
Florentine Mütherich, “Die Buchmalerei in den Klosterschulen des frühen Mittelalters,” in Monastische Reformen im 9. und 10. Jahrhundert: Vorträge und Forschungen, eds. Raymund Kottje and Helmut Maurer (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1989), 20.
22
Adelheid, Theophanu, Otto III and Lamb of God. Initial Page. Matthew Evangelistary, Gospel of Saint-Géréon, between 996 and 999 or before 1043, Historisches Archiv der Stadt, Cologne, cod. W 312, fol. 22r. Rainer Kahsnitz, “Ein Bildnis der Theophanu? Zur Tradition der Münz- und Medaillon-Bildnisse in der karolingischen und ottonischen Buchmalerei,” in Kaiserin Theophanu, eds. Anton von Euw and Peter Schreiner, 2:101–105, 2:130–134; Anton von Euw, “Die ottonische Kölner Malerschule. Synthese der künstlerischen Strömungen aus West und Ost,” in Kaiserin Theophanu, eds. Anton von Euw and Peter Schreiner, esp. 1:264–66.
23
Henry Mayr-Harting, Ottonian Book Illumination, 2 vols. (London: Oxford University Press, 1991), 2:144–145, plates XIV and XV.
24
Penelope Nash, “Insular Influences on Carolingian and Ottonian Literature and Art,” in Prophecy, Fate and Memory in the Early and Medieval Celtic World, eds. Jonathan M. Wooding and Lynette Olson (Sydney: Sydney University Press, 2020), 118–119; Fabrizio Crivello, “L’Irlanda e l’arte carolingia,” in L’Irlanda e gli Irlandesi nell’alto medioevo (Spoleto: Presso la Sede della Fondazione, 2010), 757–777. Crivello considers that the initials are typical Ottonian: Crivello, pers. comm. to author, 15 May 2020.
25
Penelope Nash, “Demonstrations of Imperium,” Basileia. Byzantina Australiensia 17 (2011): 159–172.
26
Florentine Mütherich and Joachim E. Gaehde, Carolingian Painting (London: Chatto & Windus, 1977), 25, 59, 61, plate 15; Jacqueline Lafontaine-Dosogne, “The Art of Byzantium and its Relation to Germany in the Time of the Empress Theophano,” in The Empress Theophano, ed. Adelbert Davids (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 214; Kahsnitz, “Bildnis,” 2:104–134.
27
O’Driscoll, Image, 20.
28
Hereafter generally abbreviated to Images 2 (MS 9395, fol. 15r) and 3 (MS 9395, fol. 15v).
29
Empress Adelheid and Odilo of Cluny (?) with Christ, Gospel Book, Metz, between 996 and 999 or before 1043, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS 9395, fol. 15r. The identity of the abbot is questionable; see discussion in the Section “Dating the Images”.
30
Aleksandr P. Kazhdan, Anthony Cutler, and Simon Franklin, eds., Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 3 vols. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), s.vv. “mandorla,” “Christ,” “transfiguration,” “ascension”; Herbert L. Kessler, “Image and Object,” in The Long Morning of Medieval Europe, eds. Jennifer R. Davis and Michael McCormick (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), 290–291, 299, 303; T. Noble, “Matter and Meaning in the Carolingian World,” in The Long Morning of Medieval Europe, 325–326.
31
Lynette Olson, pers. comm. to author, 10 June 2018.
32
“Hunc imperator habebat auricularium, hunc a secretis fidum internuntium.” Syrus, Vita sancti Maioli, ed. Dominique Iogna-Prat, in Agni Immaculati, 163–285 (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1988), 2:22, pp. 242–243, poetically translated in Scott G. Bruce, “Local Sanctity and Civic Typology in Early Medieval Pavia,” in Cities, Texts, and Social Networks, 400–1500, eds Caroline Goodson, Anne Elisabeth Lester, and Carol Symes (Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2010), 181.
33
Josef Fleckenstein, Die Hofkapelle der deutschen Könige, 2 vols., MGH Schriften 16 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1959–1966), 2:47, 2:74.
34
Liber generationis, Gospel Book, Metz, between 996 and 999 or before 1043, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS 9395, fol. 15v.
35
Elizabeth Saxon, “Carolingian, Ottonian and Romanesque Art and the Eucharist,” in A Companion to the Eucharist in the Middle Ages, eds. Ian Christopher Levy, Gary Macy, and Kristen Van Ausdall (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2012), 251–324.
36
Hereafter, Image 4 (MS 4452).
37
Dedication Scene with Henry II and Kunigunde Presented to Christ by Peter and Paul. Pericopes Book of Henry II, Reichenau, between 1007 and 1012, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 4452, fol. 2r. Garrison, Ottonian Imperial Art, 124–131, especially 128–131 and Plate 8, between 50 and 51; John Beckwith, Early Medieval Art (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1985), 111–113. Eliza Garrison, “Henry II’s Renovatio in the Pericope Book and Regensburg Sacramentary,” in The White Mantle of Churches, ed. Nigel Hiscock (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 57–74, esp. 60–64, 74; Mayr-Harting, Ottonian Book Illumination, 1:179–189.
38
Erkens, “Frau als Herrscherin,” 247, 250, 257–258; Markus Schütz, “Kunigunde,” in Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters, ed. Amalie Fößel (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 2011), 78–99.
39
Mayr-Harting, Ottonian Book Illumination, 1:200.
40
Garrison, Ottonian Imperial Art, 155.
41
Henry Parkes, “Henry II, Liturgical Patronage and the Birth of the ‘Romano-German Pontifical’,” Early Medieval Europe 28.1 (2020): 104–141, especially 109–118, 123–141.
42
Janet L. Nelson, “Aachen as a Place of Power,” in Janet L. Nelson, Courts, Elites, and Gendered Power in the Early Middle Ages, XIV.1–23; Eliza Garrison, “Otto III at Aachen,” Peregrinations 3.1 (2011): 85.
43
Erkens, “Frau,” 257.
44
Euw, “Die ottonische Kölner Malerschule,” 264.
45
Euw, Vor dem Jahr 1000, 30.
46
O‘Driscoll, “Image,” 19–21.
47
Richard F. Gyug, “The Church of Dubrovnik and the Panniculus of Christ,” in Medieval Cultures in Contact, ed. Richard F. Gyug (New York: Fordham University Press, 2003), 61. See the covered hands of the Encomiast in Encomium Emmae and of the three Magi in the Benedictional of St Æthelwold in Catherine D. Karkov, “Emma: Image and Ideology,” in Early Medieval Studies in Memory of Patrick Wormald, eds. Stephen David Baxter, Catherine D. Karkov, Janet L. Nelson, et al. (London: Routledge, 2016), 510–512, 519.
48
Uta, for example, sponsored two luxury illuminated gospel books: Adam S. Cohen, “Abbess Uta of Regensburg and Patterns of Female Patronage Around 1000,” Aurora 4 (2003): 40–41.
49
See, for example, Ludger Körntgen, “Starke Frauen: Edgith-Adelheid-Theophanu,” in Otto der Große, Magdeburg und Europa, ed. Matthias Puhle, 2 vols. (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2001), 1.124–26.
50
Maxence Hermant, “BnF. Archives et Manuscrits. Latin 9395,” accessed 13 December 2020, https://archivesetmanuscrits.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cc77424w.
51
Carl Nordenfalk, “Rezension zu Bloch/Schnitzler 1967/70,” Kunstchronik 24 (1971): 304, 308; Rita Otto, “Zu Mainzer Handschriften des frühen Mittelalters,” Mainzer Zeitschrift. Mittelrheinisches Jahrbuch für Archäologie, Kunst und Geschichte 81 (1986): 1–32.
52
Schramm and Mütherich, Denkmale der deutschen Könige und Kaiser, 167–168.
53
Das Reich der Salier, 1024–1125: Katalog zur Ausstellung des Landes Rheinland-Pfalz (Sigmaringen: J. Thorbecke, 1992), 312.
54
Schramm, Die deutschen Kaiser und Könige, 101, 222, 227, 236.
55
Evangelia, eleventh century, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Latin 275, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b100267932, fols 40r, 75r, 112r. Schramm and Mütherich, Denkmale der deutschen Könige und Kaiser, 167–168, 486; Hoffmann, Buchkunst, 1.39–40n23.
56
See Nordenfalk, “Rezension,” 292–309.
57
See the analysis of the image in the catalogue of the exhibition: Metz enluminée. Autour de la Bible de Charles le Chauve. Trésor manuscrits des églises messines (Metz: Éditions Serpenoise, 1989), 142. For the Mainz view, see Otto, “Zu Mainzer Handschriften,” 1–32; Das Reich der Salier, 312.
58
For an open view: François Avril, Claudia Rabel, and Isabelle Delaunay, Manuscrits enluminés d’origine germanique. Tome I, Xe-XIVe siècle (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France, 1995), 75–77. For an overall summary: Fabrizio Crivello, “Un evangelario Ottoniano a Lucca (Biblioteca statale, ms. 1379),” Studi in onore del Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz per il suo centenario (1897–1997). Annali della scuola normale superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia Serie IV “Quaderni” 1–2 (1996): 5–6, 9n32. A number of references about the origin of MS 9395 have only been available to me in limited access because of restrictions on lending from international libraries during 2020, owing to the COVID-19 virus.
59
Henry II, Diplomata. Die Urkunden Henry II. und Arduins., eds. Harry Bresslau, Hermann Bloch, and Robert Holtzmann, MGH. Diplomata regum et imperatorum Germaniae. Die Urkunden der Deutschen Könige und Kaiser 3 (Hanover: publisher, 1900–1903), Nr. 18, Speyer, 28 September 1002.
60
Joachim Wollasch, “Das Grabkloster der Kaiserin Adelheid in Selz am Rhein,” Frühmittelalterliche Studien 2 (1968): 135–143, esp. 142.
61
Penelope Nash, Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 28–32; P. Jaffé, S. Loewenfeld, F. Kaltenbrunner et al., eds., Regesta pontificum Romanorum ab condita ecclesia ad annum post Christum natum 1198, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1885–88), 1:698, no. 5762; Franz Neiske, “La tradition nécrologique d’Adélaïde,” in Adélaïde de Bourgogne, eds. Patrick Corbet, Monique Gouillet, and Dominique Iogna-Prat (Dijon: Université de Dijon, 2002), 88–90; Herbert Paulhart, “Zur Heiligsprechung der Kaiserin Adelheid,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung 64 (1956): 65–67.
62
Wollasch, “Grabkloster,” 140; Karl-Josef Benz, Unterschungen zur politischen Bedeutung der Kirchweihe unter Teilnahme der deutschen Herrscher im hohen Mittelalter, Regensburger Historische Forschungen 4 (Kallmünz: M. Lassleben, 1975), 60–61. Wollasch concludes that Henry’s diploma is later than 1002, but this does not affect my argument.
63
“L’Agnus Dei associé au Liber generationis figure également dans les Evangiles colonais de Saint-Géréon (Cologne, Stadtarchiv, cod. W. 312)”: Hermant, “Bnf. 9395.”
64
Crivello, pers. comm. to author, 15 May 2020.
65
Therese Martin, Reassessing the Roles of Women as “Makers” of Medieval Art and Architecture, 2 vols. (Boston, MA: Brill, 2012); Jitske Jasperse, Medieval Women, Material Culture, and Power (Leeds: ARC Humanities Press, 2020).
66
Alfred Overmann, Gräfin Mathilde von Tuscien. Ihre Besitzungen, Geschichte ihres Gutes von 1115–1230 und ihre Regesten (Innsbruck, 1895; repr. Frankfurt am Main,: Minerva, 1965), 50b-c, s.aa. 1096/1097, 162–163.
67
Liber miraculorum, eds Giuliano Sala and Giorgio Vedovelli (Torri del Benaco, 1990), ch. 10, 52; Wollasch, “Grabkloster,” 139.
68
I thank the Medieval and Early Modern Centre, School of Literature, Arts and Media, The University of Sydney, the Centre’s Director, Dr John Gagné, and especially Dr Lynette Olson. Professor Fabrizio Crivello clarified certain matters about MS 9395 and increased my understanding of the subject considerably. The anonymous reader gave much helpful advice.