Notes

Introduction

1. Neal Peirce was among those sharing that view. Writing in his influential column on state and urban affairs for the Baltimore Sun for July 12, 1993, under the title “Taking It All Together,” he described the Sandtown initiative as potentially “one of America’s most startling recovery stories.”

2. Myron Orfield and Will Stancil, “George Floyd and Derek Chauvin Might as Well Have Lived on Different Planets,” New York Times, June 3, 2020.

3. Although reviewed widely, Richard Florida’s book, The New Urban Crisis: How Our Cities Are Increasing Inequality, Deepening Segregation, and Failing the Middle Class—and What We Can Do About It (New York: Basic, 2017), provoked a largely hostile reception, including from the like-minded Alan Mallach, who described it as treating “a complicated and demanding subject with depressing inadequacy.” Mallach, “Lots of Maps, Little Insight in Richard Florida’s Latest,” Shelterforce, May 11, 2017.

4. Jon C. Teaford, The Rough Road to Renaissance: Urban Revitalization in America, 1940–1985 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990). See also Paul S. Grogan and Tony Proscio, Comeback Cities: A Blueprint for Urban Neighborhood Revival (Boulder: Westview, 2000).

5. Alan Mallach, The Divided City: Poverty and Prosperity in Urban America (Washington, D.C.: Island, 2018), 1–2. Malloch’s assessment contrasted starkly with public perception only several decades earlier, typified perhaps by a Newsweek headline from September 18, 1999, “Are Cities Obsolete?” prompted in part by the bankruptcy of Bridgeport, Connecticut.

6. Florida, New Urban Crisis, xx.

7. Taylor Telford, “In the Midst of the Nation’s Longest Expansion, the Separation Between Rich and Poor Is at a Five-Decade High,” Washington Post, September 26, 2019; and Robert A. Beauregard, Cities in the Urban Age: A Dissent (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2018), x.

8. Kerner Commission, Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (New York: Bantam, 1968), 1.

9. Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, “Introduction,” in Devin Allen, A Beautiful Ghetto (Chicago: Haymarket, 2017), ix.

10. That critique receives widespread confirmation in the volume of essays on Obama’s urban policies, most notably from Cedric Johnson, who describes the Obama administration as “liberal in terms of multicultural representation and inclusiveness, but strongly committed to neoliberalism, the ideological rejection of social democracy and left egalitarian interventionism, in favor of the active promotion of the forms of regulation that enhance capital flows and profitmaking.” Johnson, “Afterword: Baltimore, the Policing Crisis, and the End of the Obama Era,” in Urban Policy in the Time of Obama, ed. James DeFilippis (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2016), 305. See also Tom Adam Davies, Mainstreaming Black Power (Oakland: University of California Press, 2017), 231–34.

11. Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (New York: New Press, 2012); and Alexander, “America, This Is Your Chance,” New York Times, June 8, 2020.

12. The term neoliberalism is widely used among social scientists, if not historians, to describe late capitalist formulations. For a thoughtful description of neoliberalism, its character, its origins, and its varied effect in its ascendant position as a “dominant, if not hegemonic,” phenomenon, see Jamie Peck, Nik Theodore, and Neil Brenner, “Neoliberalism Resurgent? Market Rule After the Great Recession,” South Atlantic Quarterly 3 (Spring 2012): 269–72. The primary charge to historians to engage the concept is Andrew J. Diamond and Thomas J. Sugrue, eds., Neoliberal Cities: The Remaking of Postwar Urban America (New York: New York University Press, 2020).

13. The term originates with Cedric Robinson, a native of West Oakland, in his landmark Black Marxism: The Making of a Black Radical Tradition, which first appeared in 1983. See the 2002 edition published by the University of North Carolina Press, with a foreword by the historian Robin Kelley, a former Robinson student. Robinson’s work is taken up in a forum in the Boston Review for February 18, 2018, opened by Walter Johnson, “To Remake the World: Slavery, Racial Capitalism, and Justice.” The concept drives Johnson’s book The Broken Heart of America: St. Louis and the Violent History of the United States (New York: Basic, 2020). The term is used more generally as a descriptor of the bias of real estate and capital investment. See, for instance, Page Glotzer, How the Suburbs Were Segregated: Developers and the Business of Exclusionary Housing (New York: Columbia University Press, 2020); and Jenna M. Loyd and Anne Bonds, “Where Do Black Lives Matter? Race, Stigma, and Place in Milwaukee, Wisconsin,” Sociological Review Monographs 66, no. 4 (2018): 898.

14. Richard L. Florida and Marshall M. A. Feldman, “Housing in US Fordism,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 12 (June 1988): 187–210; and Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumers’ Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America (New York: Knopf, 2003).

15. Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, Race for Profit: How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019, 11.

16. N. D. B. Connolly, A World More Concrete: Real Estate and the Remaking of Jim Crow South Florida (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014), 6.

17. Paul Peterson, City Limits (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981).

18. Samuel Stein, Capital City: Gentrification and the Real Estate State (London: Verso, 2019), 9–10. Like other scholars cited in note 13, Stein describes capital as racialized, writing, “Capitalism is always racial—though the precise meaning and articulation of racial differentiation and dominion varies and changes over time supposedly inborn and homogeneous traits that legitimate the system’s inherent inequalities” (27).

19. Colin Gordon, Citizen Brown: Race, Democracy, and Inequality in the St. Louis Suburbs (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2019), 13.

20. Barbara Ferman, Challenging the Growth Machine: Neighborhood Politics in Chicago and Pittsburgh (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1996), 2. In their storied rejoinder to Paul Peterson, John Logan and Harvey Molotch recognized the pressure capital put on land use for utility rather than personal use. Still, they argued, even markets are embedded in larger cultures of human interaction. If the pursuit of exchange values, in their words echoing Henry George’s observation, “so permeate the life of localities that cities become organized as enterprises devoted to the increase of aggregate rent levels through the intensification of land use—becoming in essence ‘growth machines’—human activism nonetheless remains a counterforce for arriving at other outcomes.” Logan and Molotch, Urban Fortunes: The Political Economy of Place (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 13. For an update on the reaction to Peterson’s theory, see Derek S. Hyra, The New Urban Renewal: The Economic Transformation of Harlem and Bronzeville (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), 55–57.

21. Jason Hackworth, Manufacturing Decline: How Racism and the Conservative Movement Crush the American Rust Belt (New York: Columbia University Press, 2019), 5.

22. See, for instance, Donna Murch, responding to Walter Johnson’s commentary on racialized capitalism, “To Remake the World: Slavery, Racial Capitalism, and Justice,” Boston Review, February 18, 2018, http://bostonreview.net/forum/remake-world-slavery-racial-capitalism-and-justice/donna-murch-history-matters.

23. Norman I. Fainstein and Susan S. Fainstein, “Regime Strategies, Communal Resistance, and Economic Focus,” in Susan S. Fainstein, Norman I. Fainstein, Richard Child Hill, Dennis Judd, and Peter Smith, Restructuring the City: The Political Economy of Urban Redevelopment, rev. ed. (New York: Longman, 1986), 276–77; and Susan S. Fainstein, “Redevelopment Planning and Distributive Justice in the American Metropolis,” in Justice and the American Metropolis, ed. Clarissa Rile Hayward and Todd Swanstrom (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011), 149–75.

24. Jonathan O’Connell, “As Amazon Headquarters Race Heats Up, Concerns About a Subsidy War Grow,” Washington Post, January 3, 2018. Nathan M. Jensen notes not just an $8.5 million incentive bid from Maryland but the state’s offer to give 5.75 percent of each worker’s salary back to the company, the equivalent of the state’s maximum income tax for individuals. Jensen, “Do Taxpayers Know They Are Handing Out Billions to Corporations?” New York Times, April 24, 2018.

25. Richard Florida, The Rise of the Creative Class (New York: Basic, 2002).

26. Justin Davidson, “Are American Cities in Crisis? New York Magazine, May 7, 2017. For a scathing scholarly critique of Florida’s theory of the benefits that derive from the presence of a creative class, see Jamie Peck, “Struggling with the Creative Class,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 29 (December 2005): 740–70.

27. Paul Marx, “Rouse’s Failure in Sandtown-Winchester,” Baltimore Sun, March 13, 2015. His book is Marx, Jim Rouse: Capitalist/Idealist (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 2007).

Chapter 1. Baltimore

1. Sheryl Gay Stolberg, “Troops and Citizens Fill the Streets of Baltimore,” New York Times, April 29, 2015; and Sarah Lazare, “ ‘Structural’ Looting of Black Communities Driving Protesters to Baltimore Streets,” Common Dreams, April 28, 2016. Blame for the confrontation remained in dispute four years after the fact. See Kevin Rector, “What Happened at Mondawmin? Newly Obtained Documents Shed Light on Start of Baltimore Riot,” Baltimore Sun, April 20, 2019.

2. Kerner Commission, Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (New York: Bantam, 1968), 1.

3. Summary of Rouse’s career from chapter 6, “James Rouse and American City Planning,” of my book Civitas by Design: Building Better Communities, from the Garden City to the New Urbanism (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), 95–113.

4. James Bock, “Sandtown Blueprint Drafted,” Baltimore Sun, May 9, 1993. Syndicated columnist Neal Peirce summarized the Sandtown project and reported that its initial success had prompted the Enterprise Foundation to follow the Baltimore model in twenty additional cities. Peirce, “Taking It All Together,” Baltimore Sun, July 12, 1993.

5. Faxed document, “Community Building in Partnership, Inc. Sandtown-Winchester Progress Report,” August 1997, in author’s possession. A subsequent report from the Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation described the process in detail, praising the effort at Gilmor—one of the seven demonstration projects in cities across the country—though noting that staff found challenges in working with a high number of “hard to serve” residents due to disability or limited work skills. The report also noted the additional impediment of wide-scale substance abuse. Linda Yuriko Kato, “Jobs-Plus Site-by-Site: Key Features of Mature Employment Programs in Seven Public Housing Communities,” Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation, February 2003, https://www.mdrc.org/sites/default/files/jobs_plus_site_by_site_fr.pdf.

6. Stefanie DeLuca and Peter Rosenblatt, “Sandtown-Winchester—Baltimore’s Daring Experiment in Urban Renewal: 20 Years Later, What Are the Lessons Learned?” Abell Report 26, no. 8 (November 2013). See also their assessment in Rosenblatt and DeLuca, “What Happened in Sandtown-Winchester? Understanding the Impacts of a Comprehensive Community Initiative,” Urban Affairs Review 53 (May 2017): 463–94.

7. Robert Halpern, Rebuilding the Inner City: A History of Neighborhood Initiatives to Address Poverty in the United States (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 208–12.

8. Scott Shane, Nikita Stewart, and Ron Nixon, “A Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘a Lot of Freddies,’ ” New York Times, May 3, 2015; and David Zucchino and James Queally, “ ‘The Wire’ in Real Life: The Baltimore Neighborhood Freddie Gray Called Home,” Los Angeles Times, April 28, 2015.

9. Peter Hermann and John Woodrow Cox, “A Freddie Gray Primer: Who Was He, How Did He Die, Why Is There So Much Anger?” Washington Post, April 28, 2015; and Janell Ross, “Why You Should Know What Happened in Freddie Gray’s Life—Long Before His Death,” Washington Post, December 19, 2015.

10. Robert P. Stoker, Clarence N. Stone, and Donn Worgs, “Neighborhood Policy in Baltimore: The Postindustrial Turn,” in Urban Neighborhoods in a New Era: Revitalization Politics in the Postindustrial City, ed. Clarence N. Stone and Robert P. Stoker (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015), 56.

11. Barry Yeoman, “Left Behind in Sandtown,” January 1, 1998, http://barryyeoman.com/1998/01/left-behind-in-sandtown-baltimore/. Yeoman’s essay first appeared in the journal City Limits. For BUILD’s disillusionment with the Enterprise Foundation’s emphasis on physical development and social services as opposed to empowerment, see Harold A. McDougall, Black Baltimore: A New Theory of Community (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993), 157–58.

12. DeLuca and Rosenblatt, “Sandtown-Winchester—Baltimore’s Daring Experiment,” 10.

13. Barb quoted in Yvonne Wenger, “Saving Sandtown-Winchester: Decade-Long, Multi-Million Investment Questioned,” Baltimore Sun, May 10, 2015.

14. Rouse cited in Gillette, Civitas by Design, 100.

15. Rouse cited in Gillette, Civitas by Design, 103.

16. Cast as a contest between those favoring public housing and those embracing privately driven renewal, the 1954 legislation appeared to signal a movement away from mass clearance of “slums” and their replacement, but as Emily Lieb demonstrates, Baltimore’s Fight Blight approach proved in the end to be equally harmful to Black residents, many of whom were stuck with the costs of bringing homes up to code without the means to do so. Real estate interests especially liked the approach, which left the burden of housing improvement to the private sector. Rouse spoke idealistically about improving people as well as the conditions they lived in without, however, altering the economic conditions in which that might happen. See Emily Lieb, “ ‘Baltimore Does Not Condone Profiteering in Squalor’: The Baltimore Plan and the Problem of Housing-Code Enforcement in an American City,” Planning Perspectives 33, no. 1 (2018): 75–95.

17. For detailed accounting of urban renewal projects across the country in the years 1950 to 1966, see “Renewing Inequality: Urban Renewal, Family Displacements, and Race, 1955–1966,” University of Richmond, https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/renewal/#view=0/0/1&viz=cartogram.

18. Emily Lieb, “’White Man’s Lane’: Hollowing Out the Highway Ghetto in Baltimore,” in Baltimore ’68: Riots and Rebirth in an American City, ed. Jessica I. Elfenbein, Thomas L. Holloway, and Elizabeth M. Nix (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2011), 54, 52.

19. Dan Sparaco, “Now or Never Baltimore,” March 5, 2016, https://medium.com/@dansparaco/now-or-never-baltimore-part-1-4ce54acade1c. Sparaco’s assessment conforms closely to that of McDougall, Black Baltimore, 77–78. This political accommodation conforms with the strategy of political elites as they mitigate the effects of class stratification and uneven development as Norman and Susan Fainstein describe them: “They create clientele systems of social-service provision whereby the resident lower classes receive tangible benefits in exchange for political acquiescence.” Fainstein and Fainstein, “Regime Strategies, Communal Resistance, and Economic Forces,” in Susan S. Fainstein, Norman I. Fainstein, Richard Child Hill, Dennis Judd, and Michael Peter Smith, Restructuring the City: The Political Economy of Urban Redevelopment, rev. ed. (New York: Longman, 1986), 272. The long-term importance of schools in maintaining segregated neighborhoods is skillfully described by Emily Lieb, who concludes, “In Baltimore, segregated schools created segregated neighborhoods, not the other way around.” Lieb, “Shove Those Black Clouds Away! Jim Crow Schools and Jim Crow Neighborhoods in Baltimore Before Brown,” in Baltimore Revisited: Stories of Inequality and Resistance in a U.S. City, ed. P. Nicole King, Kate Drabinski, and Joshua Clark Davis (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2019), 33. For an explication of the way Baltimore politicians handled the desegregation of city schools, see Harold S. Baum, Brown in Baltimore: Desegregation and the Limits of Liberalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010).

20. Stoker, Stone, and Worgs, “Neighborhood Policy in Baltimore,” 53.

21. Marc V. Levine, “ ‘A Third-World City in the First World’: Social Exclusion, Racial Inequality, and Sustainable Development in Baltimore, Maryland,” in The Social Sustainability of Cities: Diversity and the Management of Change, ed. Mario Polese and Richard Stren (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000), 129. Dennis Judd describes the Inner Harbor tourist bubble carved out of urban decay: “Constructing the Tourist Bubble,” in The Tourist City, ed. Dennis R. Judd and Susan S. Fainstein (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 36.

22. Maryland Department of Planning, Empowerment Analysis, http://planning.maryland.gov/MSDC/Pages/empowerment_zone.aspx.; Stoker, Stone, and Worgs, “Neighborhood Policy in Baltimore,” 56; and Audrey G. McFarlane, “Race, Space, and Place: The Geography of Economic Development,” San Diego Law Review 295 (1999): 347.

23. Although the show was principally set in West Baltimore, closer to the location of Freddie Gray’s death, producers used abandoned Middle East Baltimore blocks as sets to provide the show with its particular ambience of destruction and abandonment. Dax-Devon Ross, “The Great East Baltimore Raze-and-Rebuild,” Next City, July 29, 2013.

24. Ross, “The Great East Baltimore Raze-and-Rebuild”; and Marisela Gomez, “Demanding a Better Deal,” Shelterforce, November 1, 2005.

25. “Too Big to Fail? Betting a Billion on East Baltimore,” Baltimore Daily Record, http://thedailyrecord.com/too-big-to-fail-betting-a-billion-on-east-baltimore/.

26. “Gentrify or Die? Inside a University’s Controversial Plan for Baltimore,” Guardian, April 18, 2018; and Marisela B. Gomez, “Johns Hopkins University and the History of Developing East Baltimore,” in King et al., Baltimore Revisited, 246–51. A longtime critic of redevelopment in East Baltimore, Gomez describes community and housing development there and beyond as having “occurred in the context of a racialized political economy where corporate wealth accumulation is embedded within and strengthens a white supremacist and classist system” (251).

27. D. Watkins, The Beast Side: Living and Dying While Black in America (New York: Hot Books, 2015), 60–62. For Watkins’s commentary on Gray’s death, see his essay, “Freddie Gray’s Baltimore,” in Devin Allen, A Beautiful Ghetto (Chicago: Haymarket, 2017), vii–viii.

28. David Moberg, “No Vacancy! Denial, Fear and the Rumor Mill Waged a War Against Moving to Opportunity in Baltimore’s Suburbs,” Shelterforce, January/February 1995.

29. Laurie Abraham, “Foes Kill Housing Plan Funds,” Chicago Tribune, December 15, 1994. Although Mikulski maintained a liberal reputation in her years as a U.S. senator, as a member of Baltimore’s city council in the mid-1970s, she joined the fight against busing to achieve racial balance in schools in a successful effort at keeping Southeast Baltimore a predominantly white working-class enclave. Thomas J. Vicino, Transforming Race and Class in Suburbia: Decline in Metropolitan Baltimore (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 31–32.

30. Gina Kline, “Thompson v. HUD: Groundbreaking Housing Desegregation Litigation and the Significant Task Ahead of Achieving an Effective Desegregation Remedy Without Engineering New Social Harms,” University of Maryland Law Journal of Race, Religion, Gender, and Class 7 (2007): 172–91; and Philip Tegeler, “Victory in Baltimore Public Housing Desegregation Case,” Poverty and Race 14, no. 2 (March/April 2005): 9. The arguments in the case, as they evolved over time, are recounted in Lawrence Lanahan, The Lines Between Us: Two Families and a Quest to Cross Baltimore’s Racial Divide (New York: New Press, 2019), 103–5, 107–19, 121–27, 129.

31. Raj Chetty, Nathaniel Hendren, and Lawrence Katz, “The Effects of Exposure to Better Neighborhoods on Children: New Evidence from the Moving to Opportunity Experiment,” American Economic Review 106, no. 4 (2016): 855–902; and David Leonhardt, Amanda Cox, and Claire Cain Miller, “Change of Address Offers a Pathway out of Poverty,” New York Times, May 4, 2015.

32. Yvonne Wenger, “Housing Program Used to Break Up High-Poverty Areas in Baltimore to Stop Taking Applicants,” Baltimore Sun, January 12, 2017. Utilizing a grant from a prime Obama initiative, the Partnership for Sustainable Communities, a Baltimore area collaborative effort to design a program for regional equity concluded that achieving a more equitable distribution of low-income housing continued to be a particularly difficult policy objective. Nicholas Finio, Willow Lung-Amam, Brandon Bedford, Gerrit Knaap, Casey Dawkins, and Eli Knaap, “Toward an Equitable Region: Lessons from Baltimore’s Sustainable Communities Initiative,” National Center for Smart Growth Research and Education, University of Maryland, 2018.

33. Diego Iniguez-Lopez and Alan Jenkins, “Housing Policy Key to Freddie Gray’s Baltimore—and the City’s Future,” Shelterforce, June 8, 2015.

34. N. D. B. Connolly, “Black Culture Is Not the Problem,” New York Times, May 1, 2015. A Times editorial for May 5, 2015, “How Racism Doomed Baltimore,” spelled out the evolution of measures of residential exclusion in Baltimore. The national story is told well in David M. P. Freund, Colored Property: State Policy and White Racial Politics in Suburban America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007); and Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law (New York: Liveright, 2017).

35. Kathleen McCormick, “Planning for Social Equity: How Baltimore and Dallas Are Connecting Segregated Neighborhoods to Opportunity,” Land Lines, Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, February 2017. Baltimore Department of Planning, https://planning.baltimorecity.gov/Equity, accessed April 9, 2018. The department underscored the importance of “distributional equity” in an analysis released in 2017 of capital improvements over the previous five years showing that white neighborhoods received almost twice as much spending as mostly minority areas. Ian Duncan, “Study Finds Deep Racial Disparities in Way Baltimore Allocates Public Construction Dollars,” Baltimore Sun, December 12, 2017.

36. “Mayor Rawlings-Blake Announces One Baltimore Initiative,” press release, May 7, 2015, City of Baltimore, https://www.baltimorecity.gov/news; and Brentin Mock, “Can Baltimore Pull Off Its $700 Million Makeover Without Displacing Residents?” Citylab, February 12, 2016.

37. Andrew Zalesky, “The Great ‘Innovation’ Rebrand of West Baltimore,” Next City, March 20, 2017; Lawrence Brown, “The West Baltimore Innovation Village: An Oreo Gentrification Scheme?” Medium, May 3, 2017.; and Roberto Alejandro, “A Blueprint for Development Without Displacement in Baltimore,” Baltimore Brew, January 29, 2016. Baltimore Housing Roundtable, “Community+Land+Trust,” released in September 2015.

38. Rachel Cohen, “United Workers Organize for Fair Development in Baltimore,” Baltimore City Paper, May 25, 2016; and Partners for Dignity and Rights (formerly NESRI), Hidden in Plain Sight: Workers at Baltimore’s Inner Harbor and the Struggle for Fair Development, May 2, 2011, https://dignityandrights.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Hidden_in_Plain_Sight_Report_compressed_0.pdf.

39. Peter Sabonis and Todd Cherkis, “Understanding Sandtown After Freddie Gray,” Baltimore Sun, May 15, 2017; Todd Cherkis, “Spotlight on Baltimore,” Labornotes, May 26, 2015, http://labornotes.org/2015/05/spotlight-baltimore. The ideas embraced in the 20/20 proposal had been percolating for some time, according to Alana Semuels, “Could Baltimore’s 16,000 Vacant Houses Shelter the City’s Homeless?” Atlantic, October 20, 2014.

40. Jared Brey, “Baltimore Combines New and Old School to Advocate for Housing,” Next City, March 30, 2018; Adam Bednar, “Affordable Housing Advocates Try to Disrupt Baltimore City Council Hearing,” Daily Record, June 12, 2018; Jean Marbella, “Baltimore Agrees to ‘Historic’ Funding of Affordable Housing,” Baltimore Sun, August 13, 2018; and Jared Brey, “Door-Knocking Scores a Victory for Affordable Housing in Baltimore,” Next City, August 15, 2018.

41. Mark Reutter, “Affordable Housing Advocates Launch Charter Amendment Drive,” Baltimore Brew, June 13, 2018; and Reutter “Pro-Developer Amendments Will Undermine Already Flawed Affordable Housing Bill,” Baltimore Brew, October 15, 2018.

42. Melody Simmons, “City Selling Baltimore’s High-Rise Public Housing to Private Entities,” Baltimore Brew, February 27, 2014; Mark Reutter, “Housing Authority’s Rehab Plan Chases After Private Gold,” Baltimore Brew, March 10, 2014; Luke Broadwater and Talia Richman, “Baltimore May Demolish Part of Gilmor Homes, Move Residents from Crime-Riddled Public Housing,” Baltimore Sun, January 10, 2018; Broadwater and Richman, “Baltimore Moves to Put Even More Public Housing in Private Hands,” Baltimore Sun, January 11, 2018; and Michael Anft, “Three Years After His Death, Freddie Gray’s Neighborhood Faces a New Loss,” Citylab, April 19, 2018. HUD’s Rental Assistance Program originated during the Obama administration. See Janet Smith, “Public Housing Policy Under Obama (See the Clinton Administration),” in Urban Policy in the Time of Obama, ed. James DeFilippis (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2016), 100–9; and Lillian M. Ortiz, “From PETRA to RAD—The Path to Converting 140,000 Public Housing Units,” Shelterforce, March 30, 2021.

43. Lafayette Courts was demolished in 1996 and Flag House Courts in 2001. The Frederick Douglass complex was to be given architectural and landscape improvements under the Perkins plan. Antero Pietilla, The Ghosts of Johns Hopkins: The Life and Legacy That Shaped an American City (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2018), 128–29, 225–27; and Yvonne Wenger and Sarah Gantz, “Baltimore Housing Authority Selects Harbor Point Developer for Perkins Homes Overhaul,” Baltimore Sun, August 24, 2017.

44. Urban Design Associates, “Old Town Redevelopment Plan,” May 2010, http://planning.baltimorecity.gov/sites/default/files/Oldtown%20Redevelopment%20Plan.pdf.

45. Among those expressing concern about the plan was Barbara Samuels, a key figure in initiating the Thompson v. HUD lawsuit and the dispersion of poor Baltimore residents to the suburbs as managing attorney for the ACLU of Maryland’s Fair Housing Project. Kevin Rector, “Near Posh Harbor East, Baltimore Is Razing Public Housing to Build New Homes: What’s That Mean for Tenants?” Baltimore Sun, November 13, 2019. A subsequent report indicated that residents feared relocation to the Somerset neighborhood next to the city jail and away from the prime location near the waterfront. Others objected to further tax increment financing being sought for the program. Hallie Miller, “Perkins Homes Redevelopment to Add More Market-Rate Units, Though Majority Will Still Be Affordable Housing,” Baltimore Sun, July 30, 2020; and Lilian Reed, “Baltimore to Stop Taking Public Housing Applications, Citing Average 5-Year Delay for Those on Waitlist,” Baltimore Sun, November 12, 2019.

46. Quoted in Rachel Monroe, “Stomping Grounds: Under Armour Makes Its Apparel with 250,000 Overseas Workers—Can It Bring Jobs Back Home to Baltimore?” Bloomberg Businessweek, July 4–10, 2016.

47. The Baltimore Sun compiled a thorough summary of the financing for the program, its rationale, and objections to its subsidies: see Adam Marton, Natalie Sherman, and Caroline Pate, “Port Covington Redevelopment Examined,” http://data.baltimoresun.com/news/port-covington/. Other figures are compiled by Mark Reutter in “Kevin Plank Getting ‘Free Money’ While the City Takes the Risk?” Baltimore Brew, July 26, 2016.

48. Barbara Samuels, “Building a More Equitable Port Covington,” Baltimore Sun, July 26, 2016; and Ron Cassie, “Tomorrowland: Port Covington Will Be Like Nothing Baltimore Has Ever Seen: But at What Cost?” Baltimore Magazine, December 4, 2017.

49. Quoted in Daniel Kravetz, “Who Will Benefit from Port Covington? Shelterforce, October 21, 2016; Fern Shen, “Six Neighborhoods Sign a Benefits Agreement with Sagamore,” Baltimore Brew, July 14, 2016; and Luke Broadwater, “Port Covington Developers Announce Multimillion-Dollar Deal with Six Nearby Neighborhoods,” Baltimore Sun, September 14, 2016.

50. Melody Simmons, “12 Key Items in the $135.9M Port Covington Benefits Agreement,” Baltimore Business Journal, September 15, 2016; and Fern Shen, “Deciphering the Deal Cut on Port Covington,” Baltimore Brew, September 13, 2016. City officials originally exempted Under Armour from contributing to an inclusionary housing fund because it cost too much. See Lanahan, Lines Between Us, 264. BUILD’s positions and involvement in the Port Covington controversy are online at BUILD, “BUILD’s Involvement in the Port Covington TIF,” http://www.buildiaf.org/builds-involvement-port-covington-tif/.

51. BUILD, TischlerBise executive summary, http://www.buildiaf.org/site/wp-content/uploads/Port_Covington-analysis.pdf. See also the comments of Morgan State professor Lawrence Brown given as part of a symposium on the Port Covington redevelopment project in “Protect Whose House? How Baltimore Leaders Failed to Further Affordable and Fair Housing in Port Covington,” University of Baltimore Journal of Land and Development 6, no. 2 (2017): 161–69. Brown argued that backers of the Port Covington development had specifically targeted members identified by Richard Florida as members of the creative class, warning that should they succeed at the expense of Baltimore’s disadvantaged minorities, other rebellions like that following Freddie Gray’s death would follow, asserting, “The false narrative of Port Covington progress and the inability of city leaders to secure economic and racial equity only ensures that Baltimore will have future racial conflicts civil unrest, and unnerving uprisings. Equity is the only way to avoid the coming catastrophe” (169).

52. Ethan McLoud, “Old Goucher Neighborhood Group Submits Its Own Bid for Amazon’s HQ2,” Baltimore Fishbowl, October 20, 2017.

53. Sarah Grantz and Erin Cox, “Maryland’s Incentive Package for Amazon HQ2 Measured in the Billions of Dollars,” Baltimore Sun, October 18, 2017; and Ethan McLoud, “Both of Baltimore’s Amazon HQ2 Bids Eliminated from Contention,” Baltimore Fishbowl, January 18, 2018.

54. Jeff Ernsthausen and Justin Elliott, “One Trump Tax Cut Was Meant to Help the Poor: A Billionaire Ended Up Winning Big,” ProPublica, June 19, 2019. Plank’s access to the Trump administration undoubtedly was boosted through his membership in the president’s Manufacturing Jobs Initiative Council formed in February 2017. The boost was not enough immediately to reverse Under Armour’s fortunes, and Plank subsequently stepped down as chief executive officer in favor of his chief operating officer in October. Deniz Cam, “The Under Armour Troubles That Preceded Kevin Plank Stepping Down,” Forbes, October 24, 2019. For an extensive report on how the opportunity zone concept was turned to the benefit of wealthy investors more broadly, see Jesse Drucker and Eric Lipton, “Meant to Lift Poor Areas, Tax Break Is Boon to Rich,” New York Times, September 1, 2019.

55. David McFadden, “New Building Phase Begins at Baltimore 5B Renewal Project,” Washington Post, May 13, 2019.

56. Editorial, “Forget the Luxury Apartments, Baltimore Needs More Affordable Housing,” Baltimore Sun, November 15, 2019.

Chapter 2. Detroit

1. Richard Florida, “How Detroit Is Rising,” CityLab, May 15, 2012—the first of five video accounts of reinvestment in Detroit; Andrés Duany, “The Pink Zone: Why Detroit Is the New Brooklyn,” Fortune, January 30, 2014; Bruce Katz and Jennifer Bradley, The Metropolitan Revolution: How Cities and Metros Are Fixing Our Broken Politics and Fragile Economy (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2013), 140–41; Ben Austen, “The Post-Post-Apocalyptic Detroit,” New York Times Magazine, July 11, 2014; and Reif Larsen, “Detroit Revs Back to Life,” New York Times, November 26, 2017. The Florida videos were made in anticipation of his keynote address to the Detroit Policy Conference of 2013 sponsored by the area Chamber of Commerce.

2. Quoted in Michiko Kakutani, review of David Maraniss, Once in a Great City: A Detroit Story, New York Times, September 14, 2015.

3. This history is thoroughly documented in Thomas J. Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit, rev. ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005). John F. McDonald reports that while the number of employed residents for the three-county metropolitan area of Wayne, Macomb, and Oakland Counties increased by 31.7 percent between 1950 and 1970, it fell in the central city by 26.1 percent. Manufacturing employment in Detroit fell 42.4 percent in the same period. McDonald, “What Happened to and in Detroit? Urban Studies 51, no. 16 (2014): 3318–19.

4. While pressures on Nixon to seek the support of whites who had backed George Wallace’s far right candidacy are well documented, it is less well known that some Republicans were seeking to crack Democratic support in inner-city areas, where their support had been assumed. In Detroit, a storefront operation directed by Detroit native John Marttila was successful enough to escape harm during the 1967 riots. Soon after national leaders shut down the initiative following Nixon’s election, Marttila moved to Boston, shifted his support to Democrats, and became a successful political consultant. See his obituary in Philadelphia Inquirer, November 12, 2018.

5. Nikole Hannah-Jones, “Living Apart: How the Government Betrayed a Landmark Civil Rights Law,” ProPublica, June 25, 2015. Sidney Fine, Violence in the Model City: The Cavanagh Administration, Race Relations, and the Detroit Riot of 1967 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1989), 431. For further details about the hostile reaction in the Detroit suburbs to Romney’s decision, see David Riddle, “HUD and the Open Housing Controversy in Warren, Michigan,” Michigan Historical Review 24 (Fall 1998): 1–36. For additional detail and analysis of this controversy, see Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, chap. 3, “Forced Integration,” Race for Profit: How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019), 93–132.

6. Matthew D. Lassiter, The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), 305–7, provides additional detail on HUD’s Open Communities plan under Romney, arguing that the first Nixon term revealed the convergence in practices of racial exclusion between the North and the South.

7. Russ Bellant, “Water Wars,” Detroit Metro Times, November 13, 2002. Ron Williams, a founder and editor of the alternative paper Metro Times, describes its origins and orientation in Robert H. Mast, Detroit Lives (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994), 159–62.

8. Richard Child Hill, “Crisis in the Motor City: The Politics of Economic Development in Detroit,” in Susan S. Fainstein, Norman I. Fainstein, Richard Child Hill, Dennis Judd, and Michael Peter Smith, Restructuring the City: The Political Economy of Urban Redevelopment, rev. ed. (White Plains, N.Y.: Longman, 1986), 96–98.

9. Hill, “Crisis in the Motor City,” 94–95. For further details, see Fine, Violence in the Model City, 62–63; and June Manning Thomas, Redevelopment and Race: Planning a Finer City in Postwar Detroit (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), chap. 3, “Eliminating Slums and Blight.”

10. Steven Malanga, “The Real Reason the Once Great City of Detroit Came to Ruin,” Wall Street Journal, July 26, 2013. For a further conservative critique, see Paul Kersey, Escape from Detroit: The Collapse of America’s Black Metropolis (independently published, 2012). Contrary to the portraits conservatives paint of Young as a big spender, his term in office was marked by balanced budgets, which he achieved through a number of austerity measures, including laying off fire and police personnel and shutting down recreational facilities. Nathan Bomey, Detroit Resurrected: To Bankruptcy and Back (New York: Norton, 2016), 2.

11. Thomas, Redevelopment and Race, 130.

12. Heather Ann Thompson, “Rethinking the Collapse of Postwar Liberalism: The Rise of Mayor Coleman Young and the Politics of Race in Detroit,” in African-American Mayors: Race, Politics and the American City, ed. David R. Colburn and Jeffrey S. Adler (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2001), 223–48; Hill, “Crisis in the Motor City,” 106–9; and Thomas, Redevelopment and Race, 152. Thomas’s use of the term “messiah mayors” echoes the term used by Jon Teaford who reports Detroit city councilman Mel Ravitz’s complaint that Young was obsessed with downtown redevelopment “to the virtual exclusion of planning for the conservation and revitalization of the city’s sagging neighborhoods.” Teaford, The Rough Road to Renaissance: Urban Revitalization in America, 1940–1985 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), 283.

13. Bradley v. Milliken, 540 F.2d 229 (1976), Leagle, https://www.leagle.com/decision/1976769540f2d2291733. Milliken, Matthew Lassiter argues, permanently divided metropolitan Detroit between unconstitutional (de jure) segregation located inside the city and “innocent” (de facto) variation found through the suburbs. “Milliken,” he writes, “immunized most suburbs throughout the nation from the burdens and opportunities of meaningful integration and sentenced most minority students who lived in urban centers to attend public schools hyper-segregated by a fusion of race and family income.” Lassiter, Silent Majority, 315.

14. Lester Graham, “A Moment in History That Sealed Detroit Schools’ Fate,” Michigan Radio, September 13, 2016, http://michiganradio.org/post/moment-history-sealed-detroit-schools-fate; and Paige Williams, “Drop Dead, Detroit!” New Yorker, January 27, 2014, p. 32. The Patterson quote dates back some years. See Thomas, Redevelopment and Race, 265n9.

15. George Galster, “Detroit’s Bankruptcy: Treating the Symptom, Not the Cause,” in Why Detroit Matters: Decline, Renewal, and Hope in a Divided City, ed. Brian Doucet (Bristol: Policy Press, 2017), 39; and Thompson, “Rethinking the Collapse of Postwar Liberalism,” 241.

16. Paul A. Jargowski, “Shining Progress, Hidden Problems: The Dramatic Decline of Concentrated Poverty in the 1990s,” Brookings Institution Living Cities Census Series, May, 2003; Edward Walsh, “For First Time in Generation, Hopes for Rebirth in Detroit Are High,” Washington Post, February 19, 1997; and Hector Tobar, “Detroit Population Under One Million,” Philadelphia Inquirer, March 30, 2000.

17. McDonald, “What Happened to and in Detroit?”; John Gallagher, Revolution Detroit: Strategies for Urban Reinvention (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2013), 15; and Peter Eisinger, “Detroit Futures: Can the City Be Reimagined?” City and Community 14 (June 2015): 107.

18. Charlie Leduff, Detroit: An American Autopsy (New York: Penguin, 2013); and Galster, “Detroit’s Bankruptcy,” 44.

19. Brian Doucet and Drew Philip, “In Detroit ‘Ruin Porn’ Ignores the Voices of Those Who Still Call the City Home,” Guardian, February 15, 2016. Pointing to his early books of photographs and his provocative proposal that downtown Detroit be preserved as a museum of ruins, Rebecca Kinney, in Beautiful Wasteland: The Rise of Detroit as America’s Postindustrial Frontier (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press), 54, identifies the New York–based documentary photographer Camilo José Vergara as a chief instigator of ruin porn, naming as well two other books of photographs of Detroit: Yves Marehand and Romain Meffre, The Ruins of Detroit (Göttingen, Germany: Steidl, 2010); and Andrew Moore, Detroit Disassembled (Akron: Damiani/Akron Art Museum, 2010). Such charges dogged Vergara throughout a long and productive career, including comments from the large audience assembled in Camden in 1995 to witness the unveiling of Vergara’s website documenting that city’s decline over many years. His own book on Detroit, Detroit Is No Dry Bones: The Eternal City of the Industrial Age (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2016), offers its own retort through multiple representations of resiliency among an indisputably desolated urban landscape. For Vergara’s own explanation behind his work in Detroit and more generally, see Mark Byrnes, “Tracking 25 Years of Rebirth and Ruin in Detroit,” CityLab, May 6, 2017.

20. Jamie Peck, “Creative Moments: Working Culture, Through Municipal Socialism and Neoliberal Urbanism,” in Mobile Urbanism: Cities and Policymaking in the Global Age, ed. Eugene McCann and Kevin Ward (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011), 54–62; Jennifer Conlin, “Detroit Pushes Back with Young Muscles,” New York Times, July 3, 2011; and Larsen, “Detroit Revs Back to Life.” For a critical view of such readings of the city, see Laura A. Reese, Jeanette Eckert, Gary Sands, and Igor Vojnovic, “ ‘It’s Safe to Come, We’ve Got Lattes’: Development Disparities in Detroit,” Cities 60 (October 2016): 367–77.

21. William J. V. Neill, Urban Planning and Cultural Identity (New York: Routledge, 2004), 145, 150–51; and Alesia Montgomery, “Reappearance of the Public: Placemaking, Minoritization and Resistance in Detroit,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 40 (July 2016): 787.

22. Eisinger, “Detroit Futures”; Matthew Goldstein, “The Motor City as Housing Incubator,” New York Times, November 11, 2017; and Alexander Garvin, The Heart of the City: Creating Vibrant Downtowns for a New Century (Washington, D.C.: Island, 2019), 83–86. Gilbert quoted in Austen, “Post-Post-Apocalyptic Detroit.”

23. Peck, “Creative Moments,” 56; and Eric D. Lawrence, “Detroit’s M-1 Rail Line Now to Be Called the QLINE,” Detroit Free Press, March 24, 2016. Not embraced by everyone, the scaled-back light rail project was more attuned to attracting investment than to solving the city’s well-documented transit problems, as noted by Lee DeVito at the time of the system’s inauguration, in “Detroit’s New QLine Debuts to Much Fanfare Amid Public Transit Woes,” Detroit Metro Times, May 17, 2017. Not surprisingly, it drew criticism from city activists who called it “a flagrant example of transit gentrification.” Laura Bliss, “Enough with the Streetcars Already,” CityLab, September 29, 2017.

24. Cathleen McGuigan, “Detroit: The Remix,” Architectural Record, April 1, 2017; John Gallagher, “Michigan OK’s More Than $23M in Aid for Gilbert’s Brush Park Project,” Detroit Free Press, March 28, 2017; City Modern website, http://www.citymoderndetroit.com; Ron Siegel, “Brush Park Historic Area—Can We Trust Those Who Wrecked It to Restore It?” Voice of Detroit, June 25, 2015; Kinney, Beautiful Wasteland, 127–29; and David Segal, “A Missionary’s Quest to Remake Motor City,” New York Times, April 13, 2013. For a further example of lionizing of Gilbert, see Tim Alberta, “Is Dan Gilbert Detroit’s New Superhero?” Atlantic, February 27, 2014.

25. David Harvey, “From Managerialism to Entrepreneurialism: The Transformation of Urban Governance in Late Capitalism,” Geografiska Annaler 71 (1989): 3–17. See also Peter K. Eisinger, The Rise of the Entrepreneurial State: State and Local Economic Development Policy in the United States (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988).

26. Seth Schindler, “Detroit After Bankruptcy: A Case of Degrowth Machine Politics,” Urban Studies 53, no. 4 (2016): 824. Ryan Felton, in “How Mike Illitch Scored a New Red Wings Arena,” Detroit Metro News, May 6, 2014, provides extended detail of the long and tortured path to state and local government subsidies; “Little Caesars Arena’s Funding Mix Not Without Critics,” Detroit News, October 4, 2017; Roger Biles and Mark Rose, “ ‘Gilbertville,’ ‘Ilitchville,’ and the Redevelopment of Detroit,” Journal of Planning History 20 (February 2021), 6–12; and Peter Eisinger, “Detroit Prospects: Why Recovery Is Elusive,” in Reinventing Detroit: The Politics of Possibility, ed. Michael Peter Smith and L. Owen Kirkpatrick (New Brunswick: Transaction, 2015), 179.

27. Peter Moskowitz, How to Kill a City: Gentrification, Inequality, and the Fight for the Neighborhood (New York: Nation, 2017), 81, 91. See also Peter Applebome, “In Detroit’s Recovery, Downtown Roars and Neighborhoods Sputter,” New York Times, August 13, 2016.

28. Mark Jay and Philip Conklin, A People’s History of Detroit (Durham: Duke University Press, 2020), 218; and Mary M. Chapman, “Former Mayor of Detroit Guilty in Corruption Case,” New York Times, March 11, 2013.

29. Monica Davey, “Detroit to Lay Off 9 Percent of Its Public Work Force,” New York Times, November 18, 2011; and Anna Clark, “Dave Bing’s Detroit,” American Prospect, October 2, 2013. Bing quoted by Segal, “Missionary’s Quest.”

30. Structured as a public-private partnership overseen by a board of fifty-two corporate and government officials, the Detroit Economic Growth Corporation was, like peer organizations at state and municipal levels nationally, devoted to growing industry, so its sponsorship from the start built into the process the prevailing commitments to growth, despite the professed goal of shrinking resources.

31. The Youngstown effort—and its limitations—are detailed in James Rhodes and John Russo, “Shrinking ‘Smart’? Urban Redevelopment and Shrinkage in Youngstown, Ohio,” Urban Geography 34, no. 3 (2013): 305–26.

32. Neill, Urban Planning and Cultural Identity, 134.

33. Steven Malanga, “The Next Wave of Urban Reform,” City Journal, Autumn 2010; Jonathan Oosting, “Detroit Mayor Dave Bing: Relocation ‘Absolutely’ Part of the Plan to Downsize City,” Detroit News, February 25, 2010; Monica Davey, “An Odd Challenge for Planners; How to Shrink a City,” New York Times, April 6, 2011; Clark, “Dave Bing’s Detroit”; and David Runk, Associated Press, “Detroit Is Drawing Up a Radical Plan for Renewal,” Philadelphia Inquirer, March 9, 2010. Despite the expressed fears of many city residents, the idea of shrinking the city infrastructure’s imprint was not entirely alien to community organizations, as reported by Susan Saulny, in “Razing the City to Save the City,” New York Times, June 21, 2010, so the decision to allocate the more difficult determination of land use to an outside consulting group focused on long-term plans made sense.

34. Amrutha Sivakumar, “Detroit Future City: A 50-Year Experiment in Urban Planning,” Michigan Daily, March 16, 2014. DFC, engagement manual, “Civic Engagement Supporting Lasting Civic Capacity in Detroit,” https://detroitfuturecity.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/DFC_CivicEngagement_2ndEd.pdf.

35. Toni L. Griffin, Dan Cramer, and Megan Powers, “Detroit Works Long-Term Planning Project: Engagement Strategies for Blending Community and Technical Expertise,” Buildings 4, no. 4 (2014): 711–36. See also Griffin’s outlook on the Detroit strategic planning process in her TED talk of October 2013, https://www.ted.com/talks/toni_griffin_a_new_vision_for_rebuilding_detroit.

36. For Stoss’s role, see its website at https://www.stoss.net/projects/planning-urbanism/detroit-future-city. No doubt the emphasis on systems and their alignment faced considerable hurdles from an entrenched bureaucracy, as L. Owen Kilpatrick points out, but one of the benefits of the planning process, Jennifer Reut argues, was to elevate the use of comprehensive data to assess the condition of every city plot and its uses. L. Owen Kirkpatrick, “Urban Triage, City Systems, and the Remnants of Community: Some ‘Sticky’ Complications in the Greening of Detroit,” Journal of Urban History 41 (March 2015): 268–72; and Jennifer Reut, “Detroit from the Ground Up,” Landscape Architecture, November 2014.

37. Toni L. Griffin and June Manning Thomas, “Epilogue: Detroit Future City,” in Mapping Detroit: Land, Community, and Shaping a City, ed. June Manning Thomas and Henco Bekkering (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2015), 213.

38. Brittany Hutson, “Detroit Future City Plan for Revitalization Pushes Job Creation,” Shelterforce, June 26, 2015. The strategic plan and its executive summary can be accessed at https://detroitfuturecity.com/strategic-framework/.

39. Dan Kinkead, “Detroit’s Emerging Innovation in Urban Infrastructure: How Liabilities Became Assets for Energy, Water, Industry, and Informatics,” in Doucet., ed., Why Detroit Matters, 203.

40. Schindler, “Detroit After Bankruptcy,” 823. The document as a whole can be considered a manifestation of an emerging planning tradition that Daniel Hummel identifies as “strategic shrinkage.” Hummel, “Right-Sizing Cities in the United States: Defining its Strategies,” Journal of Urban Affairs 37 (October 2015): 400. Pointing to unhappy memories that minorities concentrated in such declining cities had of urban renewal, Joseph Schilling and John Logan warned that “residents must be actively engaged in developing plans and relocation alternatives as some displacement for green infrastructure seems inevitable in those reclamation neighborhoods with significant blight and abandonment.” Schilling and Logan, “Greening the Rust Belt: A Green Infrastructure Model for Right Sizing America’s Shrinking Cities,” Journal of the American Planning Association 74 (2008): 453.

41. Curt Guyette, “Detroit’s Death Spiral,” Detroit Metro Times, November 23, 2011; and Scott Kurashige, The Fifty-Year Rebellion: How the U.S Political Crisis Began in Detroit (Oakland: University of California Press, 2017), 51–53.

42. Bomey, Detroit Resurrected, 39.

43. The “people’s plan” is available at http://www.d-rem.org/peoplesplan/. The Reagan administration ended revenue sharing at the national level in 1986. State revenue sharing, initiated in 1971, declined by two-thirds between 1998 and 2017. Galster, “Detroit’s Bankruptcy,” 41.

44. Denouncing any suggestion that government bail out the city, George Will castigated the effects of one-party cities and one-party states from the consequences of unchecked power, charging, “The consequences of such power—incompetence, magical thinking, cynicism and sometimes criminality—are written in Detroit’s ruins.” Will, “Detroit’s Death by Democracy,” Washington Post, July 31, 2013. Political economist and urban geographer Jamie Peck, on the other hand, contended, “Undeniably the city has had its share of corruption scandals and episodes of local-government mismanagement, but as drivers of systemic financial stress these pale into insignificance alongside long-run pressures associated with the structural decline of the North American auto industry, a race- and class-driven pattern of extreme suburban flight, the chronic underfunding of public services and basic infrastructure, and a history of dysfunctional and conflictual relations with state and federal governments.” Peck, “Framing Detroit,” in Smith and Kirkpatrick, eds., Reinventing Detroit, 148–49.

45. See Joseph E. Stiglitz, “The Great Divide: The Wrong Lesson from Detroit’s Bankruptcy,” New York Times, August 11, 2013.

46. Schindler, “Detroit After Bankruptcy,” 14; and Monica Davey and Mary Williams Walsh, “Plan to Exit Bankruptcy Is Approved for Detroit,” New York Times, November 7, 2014.

47. Quoted in Bomey, Detroit Resurrected, 246.

48. Kurashige, Fifty-Year Rebellion, 66–67; Bomey, Detroit Resurrected, 197. From the start, Bomey reports, on page 69, Orr considered federal law taking precedent over the clause in Michigan’s state constitution.

49. John Gallagher, “Democracy vs. Efficiency in Detroit,” in Smith and Kirkpatrick, eds., Reinventing Detroit, 117. Among those dazzled by the accomplishment was New York Times architectural critic Michael Kimmelman, “The Lights Are on in Detroit,” New York Times, January 10, 2017.

50. Bomey, Detroit Resurrected, 178–86. Patterson had made his objections to Detroit’s control of water resources a major theme over the years as part of a larger suburban-based effort to stigmatize the city and its leadership. See Dana Kornberg, “The Structural Origins of Territorial Stigma: Water and Racial Politics in Metropolitan Detroit, 1950s–2010s,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 40, no. 2 (2016): 263–83.

51. Karrie Jacobs, “Maurice Cox’s Detroit,” Architect, October 25, 2016; John Gallagher, “Revamped City Planning Aims at Neighborhood Revivals,” Detroit Free Press, December 17, 2016; Chad Livengood, “Maurice Cox: Creating a Planning Department That ‘Starts with Yes,’ ” Crain’s Detroit Business, June 1, 2017; Gregor Macdonald, “Planning for the Other Detroit,” Next City, May 21, 2018; “Detroit’s Fitzgerald Neighborhood Moving Forward with Bold New Development Plan,” Hub Detroit, April 5, 2017; and Nat Aorach, “Fitzgerald Neighborhood Groundbreaking Is Lifting Development Interest in Detroit,” Hub Detroit, October 18, 2017. Jay and Conklin, People’s History of Detroit, 48–51. Without the assistance of conventional bank loans or the hoped-for depth of philanthropic investment, the project directors cut back the number of homes to be rehabilitated from 115 to 76 and extended the deadline for completion from 2019 to 2024. Joe Guillen, “Detroit Neighborhood Redevelopment Project to Take 3 Times Longer Than Promised,” Detroit Free Press, February 21, 2020.

52. “Former County Treasurer Jim Rokakis Works to Create Land Banks Throughout Ohio,” FreshWater, January 26, 2012, https://www.freshwatercleveland.com/forgood/thrivingcommunities012612.aspx.

53. Pete Kasperowicz, “Treasury’s Latest Housing Plan: Start Demolishing Houses,” Hill, August 23, 2013; and Alan Mallach, “Hardest Hit Funds Demolition Policy on Track to Become a Boon for Distressed Communities,” Breaking Ground, quarterly newsletter of the Center for Community Progress, July 1, 2014. Mallach accompanied Kildee to meetings with Treasury officials in Washington to make the case for demolition funding, as he reported in a conversation with me on September 10, 2019. Not incidentally, he headed the Center for Community Progress team that crafted the land-use section of the Detroit Future City strategic plan.

54. Center for Community Progress website, https://www.communityprogress.net/; Gordon Young, “The Incredible Shrinking American City,” Slate, July 16, 2010; Young, Memoir of a Vanishing City (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013); and Andrew R. Highsmith, Demolition Means Progress: Flint, Michigan, and the Fate of the American Metropolis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015), 281.

55. Christine MacDonald and Niquel Terry, “Foreclosures to Be Sold Back to Owners in ACLU, City Settlement,” Detroit News, July 2, 2018.

56. Gilbert’s role was hardly incidental. According to a 2015 news report, the idea of a task force emerged from meetings Gilbert held with Obama cabinet members, which Gilbert described at a subsequent technology conference. Christine MacDonald and Joel Kurth, “Gilbert, Quicken Loans Entwined in Detroit Blight,” Detroit News, July 1, 2015.

57. Land Bank Fast Track Act 258 (2003), Michigan Legislature, http://www.legislature.mi.gov/(S(cio4ljhexz1zftozk3wiaibs))/mileg.aspx?page=GetObject&objectname=mcl-Act-258-of-2003.

58. Drawing $46 million from the $4 billion federal Neighborhood Stimulus Program, Detroit’s use of the funds was too dispersed to have much coordinated effect, though there were exceptions in neighborhoods where community organizations were prepared to take advantage of the funds. June Manning Thomas, “Redevelopment in Detroit,” in Thomas and Bekkering, eds., Mapping Detroit, 67–68; Dennis Archambault, “Stabilizing Neighborhoods by Investing in Detroit Land Bank,” Modeldmedia, December 17, 2013; and Erick Trickey, “Detroit’s DIY Cure for Urban Blight,” Politico, May 18, 2017.

59. Jennifer White and Mercedes Mejia, “Duggan Explains His Plan to Rebuild Detroit Neighborhoods,” WUOM Radio, September 10, 2013; and “Every Neighborhood Has a Future: Mike Duggan’s Neighborhood Plan,” https//detroit.cbslocal.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/15909782/2013/09/duggan-crime-reduction-plan.pdf. . Brown quoted in David Streitfeld, “An Effort to Save Flint, Mich.,” New York Times, April 21, 2009. Flint’s own plan to manage decline shared many of Detroit’s nods to purposeful reclamation of land with the goal primarily of turning them into environmental assets. See also Jason Hackworth, Manufacturing Decline: How Racism and the Conservative Movement Crush the American Rust Belt (New York: Columbia University Press, 2019), 197–200.

60. Law professor Bernadette Atuahene makes the case that high assessments were anything but incidental, serving instead as a purposeful effort to boost Wayne County’s strained revenues. At her initiative, a Coalition for Property Tax Justice formed in an effort to bind authorities under state law limiting assessments to no more than half a property’s value and to make procedures for appeal of assessments simpler and more transparent. See Atuahene, “Predatory Cities,” California Law Review 108 (February 2020), http://www.californialawreview.org/print/predatory-cities/#_ftn18; and Atuahene, “Detroit, New Orleans, D.C.: Predatory Cities Are on the Rise,” New York Times, June 11, 2020.

61. Sandra Yu, “Tax Foreclosure Survey,” May 10, 2015, Motor City Mapping, https://motorcitymapping.org/blog; Rose Hackman, “One-Fifth of Detroit’s Population Could Lose Their Homes,” Atlantic, October 22, 2014; Michele Oberholtzer, “Taking Advantage of Detroit,” Detroit Metro Times, November 6, 2015; Steve Neavling, “Detroit Is Razing Houses with Money Intended to Save Them,” Detroit Metro Times, July 19, 2017; Steve Neavling and Rolf Pendall, “Rebuilding and Sustaining Homeownership for African Americans,” Urban Institute, June 2018; and Laura Gottesdiener, “The Foreclosure Conveyor Belt That Could Remove as Many as 100,000 Detroit Residents from Their Homes,” Nation, April 20, 2015. Yu reported that 88 percent of those surveyed, representing 5,404 properties, wished to stay in, keep, or purchase the home. Oberholtzer founded the Tricycle Collective with the intent of helping fund families trying to stay in their homes. She subsequently became director of the tax foreclosure prevention project for the United Community Housing Coalition and a candidate for state representative. Gregory Squires, in “Segregation as a Product of Subprime Lending,” in Fair and Affordable Housing in the United States: Trends, Outcomes, Future Directions, ed. Robert Mark Silverman and Kelly L. Patterson (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 281, reports that the Detroit metropolitan area had the highest percentage of high-cost loans (34) and the highest level of segregation in the nation at the time of the 2008 recession.

62. MacDonald and Terry, “Foreclosures to Be Sold Back.”

63. Michele Oberholtzer, “Myth-Busting the Detroit Tax Foreclosure Crisis,” Detroit Metro Times, September 13, 2017. According to a study by a team of scholars at the University of Michigan, government entities bought up only 2 percent of the tax-foreclosed properties that were offered for sale between 2002 and 2010, leaving the fate of the great majority to private decisions. Margaret Dewar, Eric Seymour, and Oana Druta, “Disinvesting in the City: The Role of Tax Foreclosure in Detroit,” Urban Affairs Review 51, no. 5 (2014): 598.

64. Joshua M. Akers, “Making Markets: Think Tank Legislation and Private Property in Detroit,” Urban Geography 34, no. 8 (2013): 1070–95.

65. Detroit Blight Removal Task Force Plan, Recommendation 9–2, http://jack-seanson.github.io/taskforce/summary/#8. The skewed priorities toward increasing revenue at the expense of human welfare was no accident, Joshua Ackers argues in an especially astute assessment of how the contemporary fight against blight continued the worst tendencies of previous urban renewal policies. “The mortgage crisis produced vacant and abandoned housing, destroyed life savings and displaced thousands; it also generated sub-markets of speculators preying on need and perpetuating the cycle of blight,” he concludes. “Current policies of remediation are inadequate and punitive in addressing the consequences of these crises and practices.” Ackers, “A New Medicine Show: On the Limits of Blight Remediation,” in Doucet, ed., Why Detroit Matters, 115.

66. “Detroit Future City to Host Inaugural Blight Bootcamp Saturday,” June 4, 2014, Detroit Future City website, https://detroitfuturecity.com/2014/06/04/detroit-future-city-to-host-inaugural-blight-bootcamp-saturday/, accessed December 19, 2018.

67. Yang quoted in Gregor Macdonald, “Planning for the Other Detroit,” Next City, May 21, 2018. On its website Stoss stated its intent to seek “to redefine and diversify the traditional notion of landscapes as only recreation by showing the multiple ways landscapes can improve the overall health of the city and its residents.” Innovative landscapes, it asserts, can clean water and air and combine with productive types, including food and energy production, community engagement and research. “In this way,” it stated, the Detroit plan “encourages landscape infrastructure as civic instigator for new city structures.” That argument is made explicitly in the DFC report, with the assertion, “Landscape has enormous potential to structure or foster social and cultural relationships through adapted and productive ecologies that will give rise to a new urban form” (boldface in the original). Detroit Future City Strategic Plan (2012), 206, https://detroitfuturecity.com/wp.content/uploads/2017//07/DFC_Full_2nd.pdf.

68. DFC Special Report, “Green Culture Shift—Embracing Open Space,” December 18, 2017, https://detroitfuturecity.com/2017/12/18/green-culture-shift-embracing-open-space/.

69. The Detroit East River Report built from a series of public meetings, following the DFC format, with the goal of securing equity through the reclamation of underutilized space and its conversion into inclusive and diverse neighborhoods. Detroit East Riverfront, “A Shared Vision for Detroit’s East Riverfront,” March 2017, https://www.dropbox.com/s/468lmvtkwe93v4q/2017-03-.

70. “DFC Awards Nearly $100,000 to Help Detroiters Revitalize Vacant Land,” January 16, 2018, https://detroitfuturecity.com/2018/01/16/2018-field-guide-to-working-with-lot-mini-grant-winners-announced/; Rachel Dovey, “10 Detroit Community Groups Get Help Managing Stormwater,” Next City, January 17, 2018; and instructions at Detroit Future City, “8 Mile Rain Garden,” https://dfc-lots.com/lot-designs/8-mile-rain-garden.

71. Aaron Mondry, “Equitable Development Across America: How Other Cities Won Community Benefits,” Modeldmedia, July 24, 2018.

72. Linda S. Campbell and Daniel Kravetz, “In Detroit, the Fight for Community Benefits Begins Anew,” Shelterforce, November 9, 2017; and Building Movement Project, “Fighting for Equity in Development: The Story of Detroit’s Community Benefits Ordinance,” https://buildingmovement.org/reports/fighting-for-equity-in-development-the-story-of-detroits-community-benefits-ordinance/.

73. Katrease Stafford, “New Housing Developments in Detroit Now Required to Have 20% Affordable Housing Units,” Detroit Free Press, September 19, 2017; Nicquel Terry, “Detroit to Boost Low-Income Housing with $250 Million Fund,” Detroit Free Press, March 12, 2018; and Robin Runyan, “Series of ‘People’s Bills’ to Address Housing Affordability, Jobs in Detroit,” Detroit Curbed, September 17, 2018.

74. Lee DeVito, “More Corporations Come to Detroit’s Rescue—and That’s a Problem,” Detroit Metro Times, December 11, 2018; and Tom Perkins, “What’s Grosser Than Domino’s Pizza? Domino’s Pizza Paving Hamtramck’s Roads?” Detroit Metro Times, August 30, 2018.

75. Renu Zaretsky, “Transformational Brownfield of Dreams in Motor City,” November 1, 2017, Tax Policy website of the Brookings Institution and the Urban Institute, http://www.taxpolicycenter.org/taxvox/transformational-brownfield-dreams-motor-city; John Gallagher, “Will Gilbert’s Plan for Tax Incentives Flare ‘Two Detroits’ Tension?” Detroit Free Press, December 3, 2016; and Tom Perkins, “How Dan Gilbert Just Scored up to $1 Billion in Taxpayer Money—and Few Noticed,” Detroit Metro Times, October 4, 2017. Popularly referred to as “paying taxes to the boss,” the practice of diverting income taxes to business owners instead of to government, where they would be available for public purposes, was authorized in seventeen states in 2017 and anticipated to be among the incentives offered to Amazon in bids to secure the company’s second North American headquarters. See Sarah Holder, “How Far Will Cities Go to Win Amazon HQ2?” CityLab, October 4, 2017.

76. Jeff Ernsthausen and Justin Elliott, “How a Tax Break to Help the Poor Went to NBA Owner Dan Gilbert,” ProPublica, October 24, 2019. See also Joel Kurth, “Tax Breaks for Poor Neighborhoods Steered to Booming Pockets in Detroit,” Bridge, March 20, 2018.

77. Rochelle Riley, “Duggan Taps Dan Gilbert to Lead Regional Team Luring Amazon to Detroit,” Detroit Free Press, September 13, 2017.

78. “Kid Rock Opportunity Detroit,” video, YouTube, October 29, 2012, https://www.bing.com/videos/search?q=opportunity+detroit+utube&view=detail&mid=06ADD3CF00685AD97C5206ADD3CF00685AD97C52&FORM=VIRE, accessed December 6, 2018.

79. The Detroit video can be accessed at “Detroit: Move Here, Move the World,” YouTube, October 19, 2017, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DO4J_PC1b5M. Dan Livengood, “Gilbert: Here’s What Detroit Can Offer Amazon That Others Can’t,” Crain’s Business Detroit, October 5, 2017. Violet Ikonomova, “We Now Know How Low Detroit Will Go to Get Amazon HQ2—and Wait, Why Are We Doing This Again?” Detroit Metro Times, December 20, 2017, summarizes benefits offered amounting to more than $1 billion. She further speculated that Amazon was offered the same generous tax incentives that Gilbert had himself garnered in his agreement to redevelop the Hudson department store.

80. The Live, Work, Play theme so evident in revitalizing urban areas is fully spelled out in words and in a short film reiterating the same themes Gilbert stressed in other promotional videos on Gilbert’s Opportunity Detroit website, at https://opportunitydetroit.com/.

81. See, for instance, longtime Detroit reporter John Gallagher’s use of language in “Detroit: The Once and Future City,” Land Lines (Journal of the Lincoln Land Institute), April 2015. While the number of exchanges with area residents was frequent during the Detroit Future City planning process, June Manning Thomas reported in a January 28, 2019 email that the approach was not oriented to community engagement, where residents who shared experiences and outlook could address their concerns collectively.

82. Justin B. Hollander and Jeremy Németh, “The Bounds of Smart Decline: A Foundational Theory for Planning Shrinking Cities,” Housing Policy Debate, 21, no. 3 (2011): 349–67.

83. Detroit Future City, “139 Square Miles,” August 2017, https://detroitfuturecity.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/DFC_139-SQ-Mile_Report.pdf.

84. Kat Stafford, “Detroit Demolition Program Mismanaged, Riddled with Problems, Auditor Says,” Detroit Free Press, November 8, 2019; Stafford, “Detroit City Council Votes Down $250 Million Bond Deal in Blow to Duggan Administration,” Detroit Free Press, November 19, 2019; and John Gallagher, “Sending Bulldozers into Detroit’s Neighborhoods Isn’t Enough to Solve Blight Problem,” Detroit Free Press, November 23, 2019; Eddi Cabrera Blanco, “As Michigan Makes Progress on Vacant Homes, Detroit’s Vacancies Have Skyrocketed,” Next City, September 1, 2020.

Chapter 3. Camden

1. Jason Laday, “Gov. Christie Singles Out Camden Progress in State of the State Address,” NJ.com, January 13, 2015.

2. Jon Hurdle, “In Camden, Development Projects Kindle Hope,” New York Times, December 9, 2014; and “Obama in Camden,” Philadelphia Inquirer, May 19, 2015. Kate Zernike, “Camden Turns Around with New Police Force,” New York Times, August 31, 2014; and a commentary signed only R.W., “Police and the People: Lessons from Camden,” Economist, December 4, 2014, made the comparison to Ferguson.

3. Matt Katz, American Governor: Chris Christie’s Bridge to Redemption (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2016), 86, 68–73. For additional detail on the way Christie utilized his ties with Democratic powerbrokers, see Alec MacGillis, “Chris Christie’s Entire Career Reeks,” New Republic, February 12, 2014.

4. Named the most dangerous city in the country in 2004, Camden maintained a position near the top of the Uniform Crime Reporting Data reported annually by Morgan Quinto Press, and rose to the top once again in 2009 and 2012. Sam Wood, “ ‘Most Dangerous’ Label Strikes Camden Again,” Philadelphia Inquirer, November 21, 2005; and Rita Giordano, “Once Again, Camden Is No. 1 on List of Crime Rates in U.S.,” Philadelphia Inquirer, November 24, 2009.

5. Zernike, “Camden Turns Around.”

6. The most complete account of the failed effort to merge the Rutgers–Camden campus into Rowan University appears in Perry Dane, Allan R. Stein, and Robert F. Williams, “Saving Rutgers–Camden,” Rutgers Law Journal 44 (Spring 2014): 337–412. As the codirector of a center on state constitutions at Rutgers–Camden, Williams played an especially important role in publicizing the contract that established Rutgers as the state university of New Jersey in 1956, ultimately moving to litigate the issue in federal court, a contest Norcross and his allies were almost certainly going to lose.

7. Jason Method, “George’s Grand Vision,” Courier Post, February 12, 2012.

8. Katz, American Governor, 86–87; and Allison Steele, “New Jersey Welcomes State’s First Renaissance School,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 17, 2015. The Camden school was funded in part by the Norcross Foundation, which described its expectation that renaissance schools would “result in better job opportunities, lower poverty rates and decreased crime, and the hope to create a better future.” Norcross Foundation website, http://www.norcrossfoundation.org/projects-partnerships/urban-education-reform, accessed December 6, 2019. A national organization formed in 1995 by two alumni of the Teach for America program, KIPP (Knowledge Is Power Program), already had some two hundred other schools when its facility opened in Camden. Focused on preparing minority children for college, the organization had a mixed record of success, according to the summary evaluation offered by Alan Mallach, The Divided City: Poverty and Prosperity in Urban America (Washington, D.C.: Island, 2018), 220–21.

9. NBC’s 30 Rock report, “Camden NJ, America’s Poorest City Fights Crime, Poverty,” aired March 8, 2013, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rJLf4TYtytQ. Julie Hirschfeld Davis and Michael Shear, “Obama Puts Focus on Police Success in Struggling City in New Jersey,” New York Times, May 19, 2015; and Michael Boren, “Camden Force Gets Obama Nod,” Philadelphia Inquirer, October 26, 2015.

10. Allison Steele, “North Camden Little League Is One of City’s Success Stories,” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 21, 2015. Steele reported that funding for the league came from Cooper Hospital as well as from an anonymous donor. Morton’s wife, appropriately enough, was working in public relations for the police department while also serving as a state-appointed member of the city’s school board. With the support of the local Democratic Party, she subsequently was appointed to the city council to fill a vacancy, then elected to a full term. As an example of the feel-good approach to Camden in its period of transition, see the CBS News report on the North Camden Little League, “Crime Can’t Stop North Camden’s Little Leaguers,” aired June 18, 2014, https://www.cbsnews.com/news/north-camden-little-league-thrives-in-countrys-most-dangerous-city/.

11. Matt Friedman, “Christie Signs Bill to Expand Corporate Tax Breaks in NJ,” Star Ledger, September 18, 2013; and Friedman, “Economic Incentives Bill Is Heavy on Perks for South Jersey,” NJ.com, July 8, 2013.

12. Howard Gillette, Jr., Camden After the Fall: Decline and Renewal in a Post-Industrial City (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 133; Julia Terruso, “$82M Deal for 76ers Facility,” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 11, 2014; Diana Lind, “What Will an NBA Team Bring to a Struggling City? ‘Not Much,’ ” Next City, June 12, 2014; and Terruso, “Nutter: 76ers ‘Belong Lock, Stock and Barrel in Philadelphia,’ ” Philadelphia Inquirer, May 31, 2014.

13. Kevin Riordan, “Hope Sparks for Tough Town,” Philadelphia Inquirer, April 17, 2016; and Avalon Zoppo, “Opening Day,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 8, 2017. While Governor Christie repeated the company’s claim that it expected soon to be employing a thousand people at the site, the Inquirer could only report a total of forty-five Camden residents hired to date to work there in manufacturing jobs. Courier Post reporter Phaedra Trethan’s account of the opening of the facility featured a handful of minority Camden residents whom Holtec had trained as welders. She did not, however, provide any larger figure for the number of Camden residents either already employed or being trained for positions at the company. Trethan, “Holtec in Camden: From Political Promises to Personal Impact,” Courier Post, September 11, 2017. As Joseph Hernandez reported for WHYY’s Newsworks, Holtec not only had failed to secure federal funding to advance its hopes to manufacture and sell small nuclear reactors, it misrepresented its prospects for sales while seeking tax relief under the Economic Opportunity Act. Hernandez, “Was N.J. ‘Betting on Wrong Horse’ in Giving Holtec $260M Tax Break for Camden Move?” Newsworks, November 10, 2016.

14. Allison Steele, “Tax Breaks for Subaru, Cooper,” Philadelphia Inquirer, December 10, 2014; and Steele, “Subaru Site Stands Apart,” Philadelphia Inquirer, January 8, 2017. According to a posting on December 9, 2014, by Camden freelance writer Tara Nurin for NJ Spotlight, the Economic Opportunity Act specifically targeted Subaru for relocation, referring no less than three times to the benefits that would accrue to the national headquarters of an automobile company. “Executive Q&A: Thomas J. Doll,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 17, 2017; and Avalon Zoppo, “What $260 Million in Tax Breaks Buys in Camden: Vast Holtec Tech Campus,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 9, 2017.

15. Allison Steele and Jonathan Lai, “$164M to Lure Company to Camden OKed,” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 10, 2015; Steele, “Chemical Company Moving to Camden,” Philadelphia Inquirer, October 15, 2016; Steele, “Lockheed Martin Gets $107M in Tax Credits for Camden Lab,” Philadelphia Inquirer, November 11, 2014; and Steele, “Firm Wins $253 Million Break for Camden HQ,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 11, 2015. EMR Eastern shifted its interest in relocating to Pennsylvania to Camden after Pennsylvania governor Tom Corbett rescinded $31 million in state money pledged by former governor Ed Rendell for the company to build a pier on the Delaware River.

16. Allison Steele, “A New Move to Revive Camden,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 25, 2015; and Jon Hurdle, “A Bold Plan to Remake Camden’s Waterfront,” New York Times, September 30, 2015. Hankowsky, quoted in Geoff Mulvihill, “Camden Waterfront Developer Has Seen Generations of Plans,” Associated Press, October 25, 2015.

17. Gayle Christiansen, “New Camden Waterfront Mega-Project Deepens the Two Camden Divide,” guest contribution on Rutgers–Camden professor Stephen Danley’s blog Local Knowledge, February 19, 2016, https://danley.camden.rutgers.edu/2016/02/19/new-camden-waterfront-mega-project-deepens-the-two-camden-divide-by-gayle-christiansen/, accessed November 15, 2018. Stephen Danley and Rasheda Weaver, in “ ‘They Are Not Building for Us’: Displacement Pressure, Unwelcomeness, and Protesting Neighborhood Investment,” Societies 8 (September 2018), 1–16, at https://www.mdpi.com/2075-4698/8/3/74, similarly draw on another resident’s reflections of what she calls a “bubble culture” designed as white space alien to the city’s overwhelmingly Black and Brown residents.

18. Allison Steele, “Three Firms Plan to Move to Camden,” Philadelphia Inquirer, March 11, 2017. Norcross quoted in Salvador Rizzo, “N.J. Approves $86M Tax Break for Powerful Democrat,” NorthJersey.com, March 16, 2017. For details of how the site was originally expected to be developed as part of the concession for privatizing the state aquarium on Camden’s waterfront, see Gillette, Camden After the Fall, 211–13. Liberty Trust’s intervention broke the impasse in redevelopment engendered at least in part by recession. Although he no longer maintained a prime responsibility as established under the state’s control of the city for undertaking that work together with the new owner of the aquarium, Philadelphia area developer Carl Dranoff did commit to provide the bulk of the proposed two hundred new residential units as part of anticipated mixed-use development. Steele, “Dranoff to Build Again in Camden,” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 13, 2016.

19. Jim Walsh, “George Norcross, Partners, Expand Presence on Camden Waterfront,” Courier Post, September 19, 2017.

20. Matt Skoufalos, “Camden Breaks Ground on 11 Cooper Waterfront Apartment Complex,” NJ Pen, April 20, 2018; and Phaedra Trethan, “Partnership Plans 156 New Apartments on Camden Waterfront,” Courier Post, January 3, 2018. Information on 11 Cooper at rent.com, https://www.apartments.com/11-cooper-camden-nj/tgslg68/, accessed January 25, 2019.

21. Geoff Mulvihill, “Camden Getting Special Status in New Jersey Laws,” Courier Post, July 7, 2014; and Jon Whiten, “Risky Business: New Jersey Must Hold Corporations More Accountable in Subsidy Deals,” New Jersey Policy Perspective, May 2015; Whiten quoted in Jennifer Updike, “Stunted Growth?” South Jersey Magazine, March 2015, 56. New Jersey Policy Perspective’s Gordon Macinnes and the Education Law Center’s David Sciarra previewed the more extended criticism in an opinion essay: “Invest in Camden’s Students, Not the Sixers,” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 17, 2014.

22. Jeff Horowitz and Geoff Mulvihill, “Breaks Flood Camden, but Effect Unclear,” Associated Press, Philadelphia Inquirer, March 18, 2015. The same article reports that beneficiaries of such breaks, including 76ers’ lead investor Joshua Harris, donated to the Republican Governor’s Association while Christie was serving as chair.

23. Dana Redd, “Incentives Are Working in Camden,” Courier Post, June 24, 2014; Allison Steele, “Camden Offers Jobs Program,” Philadelphia Inquirer, February 18. 2015; and Jason Landay, “Camden, State Announce New Job Training Programs for Residents,” NJ.com, February 17, 2015.

24. April Saul, “As Companies Rush to Camden, Are Residents Left Behind?” WHYY Newsworks, September 23, 2016. Periodically the press reported subsequent charitable acts undertaken by the new companies.

25. Gillette, Camden After the Fall, 219–20.

26. John Kromer, Fixing Broken Cities: The Implementation of Urban Development Strategies (New York: Routledge, 2010), esp. chap. 9, “An Integrated Strategy: Real Estate Development and Human Capital Planning in Camden,” 232–64. The shift to a more inclusive strategy prompted political scientist Richard Harris to optimistically describe the emergence of a new “citizen participation regime,” one predicated on the concept of use value and revitalizing the community in place. Richard A. Harris, “Farewell to the Urban Growth Machine: Community Development Regimes in Smaller Distressed Cities,” in Urban Citizenship and American Democracy, ed. Amy Bridges and Michael Fortner (Albany: State University of New York, 2016), 125–58.

27. For a largely critical evaluation of the takeover, see Matt Katz’s extended report, “The Promise and Price: How the Biggest Municipal Takeover in U.S. History—$175 Million—Cost Residents Their Rights for Little in Return,” Philadelphia Inquirer, November 8, 2009.

28. Andrew Seidman, “N.J. Lawmakers Wrap a Christmas Pension Gift for Camden Mayor Dana Redd,” Philadelphia Inquirer, December 21, 2017; and Kevin Riordan, “Sleek, Luxurious Machine,” Philadelphia Inquirer, January 16, 2018.

29. Curt Macysny, “Firms Should Build Ties to Camden,” Courier Post, February 27, 2015.

30. Alison Steele, “Camden Group’s Goal: Getting Corporations to Help the City,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 15, 2015; Alex Young, “Getting a Tax Break for Moving Your Business to Camden? Now Give Back to the People, Group Urges,” NJ.com, September 19, 2015; author interview with Raymond Lamboy, November 14, 2018; and email from Raymond Lamboy, November 15, 2018.

31. Phaedra Trethan, “Camden Offers Training Amid Construction Boom,” Courier Post, September 9, 2016; and Saul, “As Companies Rush to Camden.”

32. Alison Steele, “Moran Coasts to Victory in Camden’s Mayoral Race,” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 6, 2017.

33. Homicides in Camden reached a peak of 67 in 2012, falling to 57 in 2014 and 33 in 2015, a level that was comparable to 2002 (33), 2005 (33), 2009 (34), and 2010 (37). Homicides rose to 44 in 2016 before falling to 23 in 2017, a number comparable to 2000 (24) and 2001 (25). Even in its best years, Camden’ s homicide rate was about equal to Chicago’s, which was 24 homicides per 100,000 in 2017.

34. The Camden County NAACP monitored the destinations of graduates of the county training program, reporting in a November, 14, 2015, email that in the first two years of the county force more than two hundred officers initially hired were no longer on the payroll compared to Paterson, which had a force of similar size but recorded only fifteen resignations in the same period. See also Michael Boren and Sam Wood, “Camden County Police Department Struggling to Keep Officers,” Philadelphia Inquirer, May 17, 2015. Boren, “Camden Force Gets Obama Nod,” Philadelphia Inquirer, October 26, 2015.

35. Mike Newall, “The Ceaseless Suffering of the Opioid Crisis,” Philadelphia Inquirer, October 15, 2017. Budget figures posted online at Budget-FY-2017.pdf (camden.nj.us). At 35 percent of total appropriations, Camden’s police allocation was comparable to that of Minneapolis and Houston, though less than Oakland at 42 percent. Niall McCarthy, “How Much Do U.S. Cities Spend Every Year for Policing?” Forbes, August 2, 2017. For per capita spending of other cities, see figures in Bloomberg Businessweek, June 15, 2020, 33.

36. Figures from the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools, for 2014–2015, can be found at https://www.publiccharters.org/latest-news/2015/11/17/six-school-districts-have-reached-least-40-percent-enrollment-share.

37. Phaedra Trethan, “State Auditor Finds Camden Renaissance Schools Lack Oversight,” Courier Post, January 31, 2019.

38. John Mooney, “Explainer: Getting Inside the Urban Hope Act—and ‘Renaissance Schools,’ ” NJ Spotlight, September 30, 2014.

39. Jim Walsh, “Court Rules for Camden Voters in School Fight,” Courier Post, April 24, 2018. For an overview of the charter school movement in Camden, see Stephen Danley and Julia Sass Rubin, “What Enables Communities to Resist Neoliberal Education Reforms? Lessons from Newark and Camden,” Journal of Urban Affairs 24 (April 2019): 663–84.

40. Keith E. Benson, “Commentary: School Fight About Gentrification,” Courier Post, September 25, 2015.

41. Aaron Moselle, “Tale of Two Cities: Poverty in Camden Ebbs, Philly Rate Stays Flat,” WHYY, September 14, 2017; and Moselle, “Camden on the Rise? New Data Show Poverty Is Falling,” WHYY, October 31, 2017.

42. Louis Cappelli Jr., “Camden’s Bright Future Depends on Businesses,” Philadelphia Inquirer, January 25, 2018.

43. See https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/camdencitynewjersey/PST045217, accessed August 27, 2018.

44. Saul, “As Companies Rush to Camden”; Erin Arvedlund, “Wanted: Workers in Camden,” Philadelphia Inquirer, May 6, 2018; Leigh Buchanan, “The Complicated Business of Building a Startup Scene from Scratch in Camden, New Jersey,” Inc., December 13, 2018; and Paige Gross, “On-Demand Design Startup Penji Is Moving from Camden to Philadelphia,” Technically Philly, November 25, 2019.

45. Anjalee Khemlani, “Downside to Growth: Camden’s New Wave of Companies Is Struggling to Find Employees,” ROI-New Jersey, September 12, 2018; Jennifer Updike, “Stunted Growth?”; Kevin Riordan, “Finding Camden Tax Breaks, Not Workers,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 14, 2018; Khemlani, “In Camden, CEO’s Comments Bring Workforce Issues to Forefront,” ROI-New Jersey, September 14, 2018, http://www.roi-nj.com/2018/09/14/industry/in-camden-ceos-comments-bring-workforce-issues-to-forefront/; and Conner Smith, “Camden Mayor Plans Help for Job-Seekers,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 20, 2018.

46. Mallach, Divided City, 261. Putthoff describes his role at Hopeworks in a posting as he prepared to leave for a new assignment in 2015: “16 Years of Hopeworks: Father Jeff Putthoff, SJ,” June 2, 2015, https://sites.google.com/site/putthoff/home/16-years-of-hopeworks-father-jeff-to-leave/untitled, accessed November 14, 2018.

47. Smith, “Camden Mayor Plans Help for Job-Seekers.” Whether it was incidental or not, Singh’s public relations problems only intensified in the following days with a report that Holtec was refusing to negotiate for union representation for metal workers or to let the company use the union’s skilled-worker training program. Joseph N. DiStefano, “Holtec’s Union Battle,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 29, 2018.

48. John Reitmeyer, “NJ Tax-Incentive Programs Under Microscope—High Cost of Camden Jobs Noted,” NJ Spotlight, July 19, 2018. New Jersey Economic Development Authority, “Review of Grow New Jersey and Economic Development and Growth Programs,” report to Governor Phil Murphy, July 18, 2018, https://spruceblob01.blob.core.windows.net/stwpnjeda-Final-Incentives-Report_Governor.aspx.

49. Andrew Seidman, “Murphy Points to Gains, Decries ‘Rigged’ Incentives,” Philadelphia Inquirer, January 16, 2019; Laura McCrystal and Andrew Seidman, “Audit Faults Tax-Credit Oversight,” Philadelphia Inquirer, January 10, 2019; email blast from Freeholder Director Louis Cappelli, January 15, 2019; and Econsult Solutions, Inc., “The Positive Impacts of Investments in Camden, NJ on Social Determinants of Health,” January, 15, 2019, http://econsultsolutions.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/RURCBOG-Report-FINAL_2019-01-09.pdf.

50. Phaedra Trethan, “George Norcross on Christie, Corporate Tax Breaks, ‘Camden Rising,’ ” Courier Post, March 6, 2019. Norcross further justified the program in an op-ed, “We Need Tax Incentives to Continue to Rebuild Camden,” NJ.com, March 11, 2019. Claims of Camden’s fiscal wellbeing were sharply challenged. See Catherine Dunn and Andrew Seidman, “Camden Tax Break Aid Hurts Revenue,” Philadelphia Inquirer, July 15, 2009 and the paper’s subsequent editorial, “Camden is Not Rising,” July 17, 2019.

51. David Wildstein, “Tax Incentive Task Force Makes First Criminal Referral,” New Jersey Globe, April 12, 2019.

52. Nancy Solomon and Jeff Pillets, “NJ Power Broker at Center of Tax-Break Controversy,” ProPublica, May 1, 2019.

53. Nick Corasaniti and Matthew Haag, “The Tax Break Was $260 Million—Benefit to the State Was Tiny: $155,520,” New York Times, May 1, 2019; and Catherine Dunn, “Warning If Firms Lied for N.J. Cash,” Philadelphia Inquirer, May 3, 2019. Clearly a point man for the incentives program, Sheehan handled the sale of the 76ers’ excess tax credits and secured the unusual right for Holtec to serve as redeveloper of a portion of Camden’s Morgan Village neighborhood adjacent to the company’s plant. See George Woolston, “Holtec International Seeking to Redevelop Morgan Village,” Tap into Camden, May 5, 2018.

54. “Camden Loses Out—Again,” Philadelphia Inquirer, May 7, 2019; Will Bunch, “A Well Oiled Machine,” Philadelphia Inquirer, May 12, 2019; and Inga Saffron, “Not a Good Look,” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 28, 2019.

55. Joint statement of Mayor Frank Moran, City Council President Curtis Jenkins, State Senator Nilsa Cruz-Perez, and Freeholder Director Louis Cappelli Jr. on Governor Phil Murphy’s attack on Camden, May 2, 2019.

56. Matt Arco, “Chris Christie Unleashes on Phil Murphy as Special Task Force Probes Tax Credit Program Under Ex-Governor,” NJ.com, May 2, 2019; email blast statement by Freeholder Director Louis Cappelli Jr., Mayor Frank Moran, Camden Council President Curtis Jenkins, and State Senator Nilsa Cruz Perez calling for Ronald Chen’s resignation, May 6, 2019; email blast from Louis Cappelli, “Prominent Former Govs, Elected Officials, AFL-CIO President, NAACP State President, and Recent Remarks from Lt. Gov. Oliver Part of Presentation on Progress in Camden,” May 16, 2019; email blast from Donald Norcross and Frank Moran, June 10, 2019; Cory Booker and Donald Norcross, “Progress in Camden Is Real,” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 12, 2019; Anjalee Khemlani, “Norcross Files Suit Against Murphy, Challenging Legitimacy of EDA Task Force,” ROI-NJ, May 21, 2019; and Catherine Dunn, “Norcross, Firms Sue Murphy, Task Force,” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 22, 2019.

57. Ronald Chen and Jim Walden, “Murphy Task Force Probing N.J. Tax Incentives: Time to Set the Record Straight,” NJ.com, May 13, 2019. Serving as outside council to the investigation, Walden drew particular criticism from George Norcross. Although based in New York City, Walden had many Philadelphia-area connections as well as stellar credentials for his role in the investigation. See Catherine Dunn and Andrew Seidman, “In Camden Probe, a Most Diligent Digger,” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 30, 2019.

58. “Governor’s Task Force on EDA Tax Incentives,” first published report, June 17, 2019, 13–14, https://www.politico.com/states/f/?id=0000016b-67c1-df00-a9fb-6fe1d7840001.

59. “Governor’s Task Force on EDA Tax Incentives,” 20–21.

60. Jeff Pillets and Nancy Solomon, “How a Politically Powerful Family Muscled a Nonprofit out of Some of a City’s Most Valuable Land,” WNYC and ProPublica, October 3, 2019; Catherine Dunn and Andrew Seidman, “Tax-Break Programs in NJ Under Scrutiny,” Philadelphia Inquirer, October 20, 2019; and Dunn and Seidman, “Norcross and Friends’ Waterfront Catch,” Philadelphia Inquirer, December 22, 2019. Editorial, “Put Camden to Work,” Philadelphia Inquirer, October 24, 2019.

61. Phaedra Trethan, “Camden Works, Announced in September 2018, Launches,” Courier Post, October 28, 2019. This essay included a “white paper” laying out plans for the organization, which Kris Kolluri amplified for me in a conversation in Haddonfield, New Jersey, January 24, 2020. Kolluri provided updated figures in a March 16, 2020, report to Camden officials, which he shared with me by email the same day.

62. Pranshu Verma, “Norcross Critic Ejected by Police at Hearing,” Philadelphia Inquirer, November 19, 2019. The incident provoked considerable commentary in addition to drawing a large photo on the front page of the Inquirer. See Kevin Riordan, “The Forgotten People of Camden,” Philadelphia Inquirer, November 24, 2019; and Camden resident Ronsha Dickerson, “Activist Shows Camden’s Rifts,” Philadelphia Inquirer, December 3, 2019. Norcross offered a defense of Altman’s right to speak, even as he continued to defend the program in an essay under the headline “Put the Focus Back on Camden’s Renaissance,” Philadelphia Inquirer, December 20, 2019.

63. Kevin Riordan, “Camden Re-Created,” Philadelphia Inquirer, May 19, 2015; and Riordan, “When George Norcross Calls …” Philadelphia Inquirer, April 15, 2018. The Inquirer reported that when Norcross bought a $10.9 million home on what it called a “luxurious Everglades Island” in Palm Beach, Florida, he asked Trump, who was described as his friend of twenty years, for an opinion on the purchase. “I took Donald to this house; we walked through three properties. He said it was spectacular, an exquisite location.” Toni Callas, “The Norcrosses Add a Palm Beach Home,” Philadelphia Inquirer, April 26, 2006.

64. Allison Steele, “At Ex-Prison Site, Signs of Change in Camden,” Philadelphia Inquirer, March 16, 2017; and Phaedra Trethan, “From Prison to Park: Camden’s Cooper’s Poynt Opens,” Courier Post, August 5, 2015. In a meeting with me on November 12, 2018, Trethan assured me that members of the North Camden community valued the park and had taken ownership of it, though there was no denying that it was physically isolated from residents.

65. “Sixers Organization Partners with Camden for New Children’s Learning Center,” TAP into Camden, June 17, 2019.

66. Mallach, Divided City, 242–43, citing Clarence N. Stone, “Urban Regimes and the Capacity to Govern: A Political Economy Approach,” Journal of Urban Affairs 15, no. 1 (1993): 1–28; email blast from George E. Norcross, August 2, 2019; and Emily Bader, “Cooper Foundation Accepting Applications for First-Ever Camden City Community Grant Program,” ROI, August 2, 2019. See also Alan Mallach, “How Not to Do Economic Development,” Shelterforce, September 30, 2016.

67. Audrey G. McFarlane, “Race, Space, and Place: The Geography of Economic Development,” San Diego Law Review 295 (1999): 244–45.

68. Under a list of frequently asked questions distributed at a meeting it hosted in Morgan Village on June 12, 2018, the Camden Redevelopment Agency answered the question of how it would guarantee local employment as part of the redevelopment process by asserting, “The City requires a Community Benefits Agreement for all major redevelopment projects, and the agreement for this project could include local employment goals.” “Morgan Village Redevelopment Plan Community Meeting,” June 12, 2018, http://camdenredevelopment.org/getattachment/af7b4453-0997-4c06-ab32-09bf247c413e/Morgan-Village-Plan-–-Community-Meetings.aspx, accessed July 1, 2019.

69. While some unfamiliar with the circumstances of the reorganization of Camden’s police force looked to it as a possible model for “defunding,” that position was not shared by city residents, according to local news reports. Joseph Goldstein and Kevin Armstrong, “Could This City Hold the Key to the Future of Policing in America?” New York Times, July 12, 2020; “Portrait of Police Reform: How Camden, NJ Rebuilt Its Police Department,” WBUR, Boston, June 11, 2020; Alison Steele and Sean Collins Walsh, “Camden: Is It a Model for Others?” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 10, 2020; April Saul, “After George Floyd, Can Camden Policing Live Up to National Praise?” WHYY, August 22, 2020; and Steven Rodas, “Faith Leaders Make Demands of Camden PD, Including Reallocation of Budget,” Tap into Camden, August 20, 2020.

70. Although opposition to the tax cuts formed in the city as revelations about the abuses of the tax subsidy program began to pour out, it was largely driven by ad hoc alliances and never represented the kind of citywide protest Camden Churches Organized for People had brought to public meetings over the years. See George Woolston, “Camden Workers Protest Tax Incentives Outside Chamber of Commerce Event,” TAP into Camden, February 6, 2019; Catherine Dunn, “Camden Leaders Seek Hiring Numbers,” Philadelphia Inquirer, May 9, 2019; and Dunn, “Activists Demand a Probe of Land Deals,” Philadelphia Inquirer, January 16, 2020.

Chapter 4. Milwaukee

1. Sabrina Tavernise, “Many in Milwaukee Neighborhood Didn’t Vote—and Don’t Regret It,” New York Times, November 20, 2016. Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, “Did Obama’s Tenure Hurt Black Turnout in 2016?” New York Times, February 5, 2020. Taylor’s critique of Obama grew directly from her book From #Black Lives Matter to Black Liberation (Chicago: Haymarket, 2016), chap. 5, “Barack Obama: The End of an Illusion,” 135–52. Asserting that Black communities had been devastated under Obama’s watch, Glaude described his administration’s major Black initiative as a “Band Aid for a gunshot wound.” Eddie S. Glaude Jr., Democracy in Black: How Race Still Enslaves the American Soul (New York: Broadway, 2016), 7.

2. Brentin Mock, “Why Milwaukee Is the Worst Place to Live for African Americans,” CityLab, October 30, 2016.

3. Jack Norman, “Congenial Milwaukee: A Segregated City,” in Unequal Partnerships: The Political Economy of Urban Redevelopment in Postwar America, ed. Gregory D. Squires (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1989), 181; Deanna H. Schmidt, “Urban Triage: Saving the Savable Neighbourhoods in Milwaukee,” Planning Perspectives 26, no. 4 (2011): 574; and Gregory D. Squires, Capital and Communities in Black and White: The Intersections of Race, Class, and Uneven Development (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 110.

4. Tula A. Connell, Conservative Counterrevolution: Challenging Liberalism in 1950s Milwaukee (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2016), 99–100; Patrick D. Jones, The Selma of the North: Civil Rights Insurgency in Milwaukee (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2009), 25; and James E. Causey, “Home Ownership Has Not Delivered on Dreams for African-Americans,” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, April 27, 2017.

5. Simon Ezra Balto, “ ‘Occupied Territory’: Police Repression and Black Resistance in Postwar Milwaukee, 1950–1968,” Journal of African American History 98 (Spring 2013): 229–52.

6. Norman, “Congenial Milwaukee,” 186.

7. John M. McCarthy, Making Milwaukee Mightier: Planning and the Politics of Growth, 1910–1960 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2009); Connell, Conservative Counterrevolution, 112–15; and Joel Rast, “Annexation Policy in Milwaukee: An Historical Institutionalist Approach,” Polity (January 2007): 55–78.

8. McCarthy, Making Milwaukee Mightier, 196.

9. Eric Fure-Slocum, Contesting the Postwar City: Working-Class and Growth Politics in 1940s Milwaukee (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), chaps. 6 and 7.

10. Connell, Conservative Counterrevolution, 177.

11. Jones, Selma of the North, 1–2, 109–11. See also the online feature of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, “Fifty-Year Ache: How Far Has Milwaukee Come Since the 1967 Civil Rights Marches?” https://projects.jsonline.com/topics/50-year-ache/#:~:text=Anywhere%20from%2014%2C000%20(Milwaukee%20police,march%22%20in%20the%20city’s%20history.&text=Johnson%20signs%20the%20Civil%20Rights,as%20the%20Fair%20Housing%20Act.

12. Jill Florence Lackey, “The Rise and Fall of Bronzeville,” Urban Milwaukee, August 8, 2017.

13. Schmidt, “Urban Triage,” 570, 580.

14. Norman, “Congenial Milwaukee,” 191.

15. Derrick Z. Jackson, “Milwaukee’s Invisible Racial Cage,” Boston Globe, August 17, 2006; and John Eligon and Robert Gebeloff, “Segregation, the Neighbor That Won’t Leave,” New York Times, August 21, 2016.

16. John O. Norquist, The Wealth of Cities: Revitalizing the Centers of American Life (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1998), viii, 206.

17. “Park East Freeway,” Preservation Institute website, http://www.preservenet.com/freeways/FreewaysParkEast.html; and Milwaukee Department of City Development, “From Spur to Spectacular,” https://city.milwaukee.gov/DCD/Projects/ParkEastredevelopment.

18. Tom Daykin, “Riverwalk Condo Developments Transformed Milwaukee Riverfront,” Rivers Reborn Special Report, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, June 8, 2014; Michael H. Carriere and David Schalliol, The City Creative: The Rise of Urban Placemaking in Contemporary America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2021), 68–70; and Michael Leccese and Kathleen McCormick, eds., Charter of the New Urbanism (New York: McGraw Hill, 2000), 114–15.

19. Milwaukee Department of City Development, “Riverwalk History,” https://city.milwaukee.gov/DCD/Projects/RiverWalk/RiverWalk-History; Oral history excerpt, “North Side Beerline B,” under the auspices of Urban Anthropologies, Inc., http://neighborhoodsinmilwaukee.org/Beerline%20B.pdf; and Tom Daykin, “Proposal Would Extend Milwaukee’s RiverWalk from Downtown into Menomonee Valley,” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, June 5, 2017.

20. Judith T. Kenny and Jeffrey Zimmerman, “Constructing the ‘Genuine American City’: Neo-Traditionalism, New Urbanism and Neo-Liberalism in the Remaking of Downtown Milwaukee,” Cultural Geographies 11 (January 2004): 87–89.

21. Milwaukee Department of City Development, “Park East Redevelopment Plan,” https://city.milwaukee.gov/Zoning-Topics/Redevelopment-Zoning-RED/Park-East-Redevelopment-Plan.htm.

22. Jeremey Janene, “Say Hello to ‘Vignette,’ ” Urban Milwaukee, January 13, 2017; and Mandell Group website, https://mandelgroup.com/apartments/the-north-end/.

23. Manuel Pastor Jr., Chris Benner, and Martha Matsouoka, This Could Be the Start of Something Big: How Social Movements for Regional Equity Are Reshaping Metropolitan America (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009), 82–85; Sandra Zupan, “Enacting an Equitable Agenda: Exploring Community Strategies in Milwaukee’s Inner-City Redevelopment,” Urban Geography 32, no. 7 (2011): 143–65; and Park East Redevelopment Compact, https://www.forworkingfamilies.org/sites/default/files/documents/PERC.0.pdf.http://www.commongroundwi.org/mke-rising/.

24. Milwaukee Bucks, “Bucks Retain Local Firms to Assist with SBE Inclusion and Workforce Development,” press release, posted on Urban Milwaukee, February 15, 2016; Jeramey Jannene, “Bucks Beat Hiring Goals on Arena,” Urban Milwaukee, May 23, 2018.

25. Rev. Martin Pable, for Common Ground, “Bucks Don’t Need Taxpayer Support,” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, June 6, 2015; Michael Powell, “An Arena Fairy Tale with Blurred Morals,” New York Times, October 16, 2014; Don Walker, “Common Ground Takes Arena Fight to Bucks Owner, Cites Foreclosures,” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, October 18, 2014; and Bruce Murphy, “Common Ground’s $30 Million Victory for City,” Urban Milwaukee, September 20, 2018.

26. Michael Horne, “Bucks Sign Contract for Park East Land,” Urban Milwaukee, September 9, 2015; Mary Spicuzza and Charles F. Gardner, “Bucks President Walks Back Comments on Milwaukee Being ‘Most Segregated, Racist’ Place,” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, September 27, 2016; Jeramey Jannene, “Bucks Beat Hiring Goals on Arena,” Urban Milwaukee, May 23, 2018; and Bruce Murphy, “Taxpayers Make Bucks, Brewers Rich,” Urban Milwaukee, April 16, 2019.

27. Juliet Saltman, A Fragile Movement: The Struggle for Neighborhood Stabilization (New York: Greenwood, 1990), 123–59; and Schmidt, “Urban Triage,” 584–85. Although the pace of change appeared to be slowing in the 1990s, according to an extensive report issued in the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s academic journal, it accelerated rapidly into the early years of the twenty-first century. Edward Valent and Gregory Squires, “Sherman Park, Milwaukee,” Cityscape 4, no. 2 (1998): 105–30.

28. Common Ground, http://www.commongroundwi.org/mke-rising/, accessed September 20, 2018.

29. Jabril Faraj, “Sherman Park Housing Program off to Rocky Start,” Milwaukee Neighborhood News, August 21, 2017.

30. Sherwin Hughes, “The Forum: MERI Offers No Solutions, No Hope for Sherman Park,” On Milwaukee, January 11, 2017.

31. Norquist, Wealth of Cities, 62–63.

32. Justin Glawe, “Donald Trump, in Whitest Wisconsin, Finally Makes His Pitch to African Americans,” Daily Beast, August 17, 2016. By blaming critics of the police for undermining law and order, Trump echoed themes prominent in Republican circles following the clashes that followed the deaths of Michael Brown and Freddie Gray in Ferguson and Baltimore, respectively, not the least the Manhattan Institute’s Heather MacDonald. See her essay, “Why Milwaukee Burns: Black Social Breakdown and Anti-Cop Ideology Put Another American City to the Torch,” City Journal, August 15, 2016.

33. George Joseph, “How Wisconsin Became the Home of Black Incarceration,” CityLab, August 17, 2016.

34. Flint Taylor, “In Milwaukee, a History of Racist Violence Fuels Mistrust of the Police Department,” In These Times, September 7, 2016; and Jabril Faaj, “Sherman Park Residents, Leaders Say Anger Stems from Unequal Treatment,” Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service, April 17, 2016.

35. Georgia Pabst, “David Clarke Defeats Chris Moews in Sheriff’s Race,” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, August 13, 2014; and Jaweed Kaleem, “Amid Milwaukee Unrest, a Conservative Black Sheriff Clashes with the City’s Liberal White Police Chief,” Los Angeles Times, August 19, 2016. Although Flynn was undoubtedly more liberal than Clarke, news reports noted that police under his control pulled over Black motorists at seven to twelve times the rate they pulled over white people, compared to Milwaukee County where the rate at which African Americans were stopped was twice that of whites. Mock, “Why Milwaukee Is the Worst Place to Live for African Americans.”

36. David Clarke, Cop Under Fire: Moving Beyond Hashtags of Race, Crime and Politics for a Better America (Brentwood, Tenn.: Worthy, 2017); Daniel Bice, “David Clarke Tops Himself with Latest Tirade,” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, November 6, 2015; and Paul Ingram, Dan Shearer, and Jorge Encinas, “Bannon Boosts ‘Private’ Border Wall at Sahuarita Event,” Tucson Sentinel, February 9, 2019.

37. Without describing the actual conditions of zip code 53206 within Milwaukee’s North Side ghetto, Jenna Loyd and Anne Bonds depict the area as a special target for stigmatization among conservatives in their article, “Where Do Black Lives Matter? Race, Stigma, and Place in Milwaukee, Wisconsin,” Sociological Review 66, no. 4 (2018): 898–918. The social effects of incarceration are brought to life in the 2018 film Milwaukee 53206, produced as part of the Reframing series shown on WORLD channel. See Matt Mueller, “Local Doc ‘Milwaukee 53206’ to Start WORLD Channel’s ‘America ReFramed’ Series,” About Milwaukee, March 30, 2018. Details of conditions in that section of the city can be found in John Pawasarat and Lois M. Quinn, “New Indicators of Neighborhood Need in Zip Code 53206: Neighborhood Indicators of Employment and Economic Well-Being of Families, Barriers to Employment, and Untapped Opportunities,” University of Wisconsin Employment and Training Institute, 2007, https://dc.uwm.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1066&context=eti_pubs; and John Pawasarat and Lois M. Quinn, “Update on the Housing Crisis in Zip Code 53206,” University of Wisconsin Employment and Training Institute, 2007, https://dc.uwm.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1064&context=eti_pubs.

38. Ian Stewart and Lulu Garcia-Navarro, “Wisconsin Political Activists Hope a ‘Silent Canvass’ Will Win Back Black Voters,” National Public Radio, August 19, 2018; Alan Pyke, “Block by BLOC, Wisconsin Black Women Prove the Simple Truth About How Democrats Have Failed,” Think Progress, August 15, 2018; and Jake Malooley, “Milwaukee’s Angela Lang Is Organizing for Apocalypse Now,” Milwaukee Sentinel-Journal, July 21, 2020.

39. David A. Graham, “The End of the David Clarke Era,” Atlantic, August 15, 2018; and Don Behm, “Earnell Lewis Sets Priorities as Next Milwaukee Sheriff with One More Election to Go,” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, August 15, 2018.

40. Jenna Johnson, “In Milwaukee, an Inner City Group Tackles a Key Democratic Need: Turning Out Black Voters,” Washington Post, October 24, 2019.

41. “Liberate MKE: Campaign Encourages Milwaukee Leaders to Draft Budget Reflecting Community Priorities,” Milwaukee Independent, September 28, 2019; Zoe Sullivan, “How Milwaukee Activists Are Organizing to Move Money from Cops to Community,” Next City, January 3, 2020; and Katherine Landergan, “Giving Money to Residents, No Strings Attached,” Politico, February 16, 2020.

42. City of Milwaukee, “A Place in the Neighborhood: An Anti-Displacement Plan for Neighborhoods Surrounding Downtown Milwaukee,” February 2018, https://city.milwaukee.gov/ImageLibrary/Groups/cityDCD/planning/plans/AntiDisplacement/Anti-DisplacementPlanSummary.pdf.

43. MKE United, Greater Downtown Action Agenda website, https://www.mkeunited.com/; Alex Zank, “Milwaukee Aldermen Approve Policy Aimed at Preventing Displacement in Neighborhoods Near Downtown,” BizTimes, August 1, 2019; and “$300,000 Fund Launched to Prevent Gentrification Around Downtown Milwaukee,” Milwaukee Business Journal, November 20, 2019.

44. Robert Steuteville, “Park East Corridor: The Freeway Teardown That Helped Put Milwaukee on the National Stage This Summer,” Milwaukee Independent, February 13, 2020.

45. Mark Sommerhauser, “All Eyes on Milwaukee: The 2020 Democratic Convention Is Coming to Wisconsin,” Wisconsin State Journal, March 12, 2019.

Chapter 5. New Haven

1. This meeting, which I helped organize and attended, is described briefly in Phillip Allan Singerman, “Politics, Bureaucracy, and Public Policy: The Case of Urban Renewal in New Haven,” unpublished PhD dissertation, Yale University, 1980, 354. Singerman does not mention either Einhorn or Johnson, though he does report the presence of a number of community activists at the meeting who both opposed the Democratic redevelopment policy and jeered Republican attempts to differentiate themselves. That Johnson would consider voting for Einhorn was surprising beyond his performance that night. As Singerman also reports, Einhorn rose to prominence in the Republican Party only after he became a leader in opposing a proposed redrawing of school district lines that would have involved busing to achieve greater racial balance.

2. “Open Letter to Mayor Lee,” reprinted in AIM, The bulletin of the American Independent Movement, August 31, 1967;” and “Upset in New Haven,” New York Times, August 22, 1967.

3. John Dillon, “Stitching a Downtown Back Together,” Yale Alumni Magazine, March/April 2015.

4. David J. Narot, “The Prime Mover: Mayor Richard C. Lee,” Yale Alumni Magazine, May 1966, 22, 24. The same issue contained profiles of eight Yale personnel involved in the city’s revitalization, along with an interview with dissenters Peter Countryman, who had dropped out of his undergraduate studies in the early 1960s to form a northern counterpart to the SNCC, the Northern Student Movement, and his wife, Joan, both of whom were living in the Hill area at the time.

5. Jeanne R. Lowe, Cities in a Race with Time: Progress and Poverty in America’s Renewing Cities (New York: Random House, 1967), 405–6. Lowe was not totally disinterested in her subject, serving when she wrote the book as a publicist for Urban America, Inc., the successor organization to the American Council to Improve Our Neighborhoods, an organization that emerged directly in response to the National Housing Act of 1954 to become a prime advocate of revitalization through “urban renewal.” Among its founders was James Rouse, who had played a key role in fashioning the 1954 act. As president of the organization in 1958, Rouse sought to promote the unified design of cities. Nicholas Dagen Bloom, Merchant of Illusion: James Rouse, America’s Salesman of the Businessman’s Utopia (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2004), 43–44.

6. Lee quote in Robert H. Dahl, Who Governs? (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), 120, cited in Norman Fainstein and Susan S. Fainstein, “New Haven: The Limits of the Local State,” in Susan S. Fainstein, Norman I. Fainstein, Richard Child Hill, Dennis Judd, and Michael Peter Smith, Restructuring the City: The Political Economy of Urban Development, rev. ed. (White Plains, N.Y.: Longman, 1986), 40–41.

7. For later criticism of Oak Street’s redevelopment in particular, see Rob Gurwitt, “Death of a Neighborhood,” Mother Jones, September/October 2000. Jeanne R. Lowe, “Lee of New Haven and His Political Jackpot,” Harper’s, October 1957, cited in Fred Powledge, Model City: A Test of American Liberalism: One Town’s Efforts to Rebuild Itself (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1970), 37. In fact, the New Haven Development Guide for 1961 opened a section on housing and relocation under the heading “A City Free from Slums.”

8. Although the area was targeted in the 1940s for clearance to make way for a highway interchange into the city and again later to make way for a mall, part of the residential area survived, while land on the other side of the highway was cleared and developed as an industrial park. Mary Hommann, Wooster Square Design (New Haven: New Haven Redevelopment Agency, 1965); Powledge, Model City, 39–41; Fainstein and Fainstein, “New Haven,” 51; and Lizabeth Cohen, Saving America’s Cities: Ed Logue and the Struggle to Renew Urban America in the Suburban Age (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2019), 130.

9. Both plans involved high levels of displacement of businesses as well as residents. For details of the Church Street renewal effort, see Raymond E. Wolfinger, The Politics of Progress (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1974), chap. 10. For Dixwell, see Mandi Isaacs Jackson, Model City Blues: Urban Space and Organized Resistance in New Haven (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2008), chap. 2, 52–79. Displacement figures reported in Douglas Rae, City: Urbanism and Its End (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), 339.

10. Rotival statement in Architectural Forum, July 1958, cited by Cohen, Saving America’s Cities, 53.

11. Powledge, Model City, 34–35; Fainstein and Fainstein, “New Haven,” 36–52; Singerman, “Politics, Bureaucracy, and Public Power,” 113–14, 196–99; and Rae, City, 318–22. Lizabeth Cohen’s biography of Lee’s redevelopment administrator, Edward Logue, confirms the picture of top-town leadership directed almost obsessively by the hard-driving Logue. See Cohen, Saving America’s Cities, esp. 85–109.

12. Powledge, Model City, 47–48.

13. Powledge, Model City, 51; Cohen, Saving America’s Cities, 73; and Rae, City, 348.

14. Russell D. Murphy, Urban Entrepreneurs and Urban Poverty: The Strategies of Policy Innovation in New Haven’s Model Anti-Poverty Project (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1971), 50–51, 53. Murphy further reports that the Kerner Commission’s examination of the New Haven riots singled out the lack of adequate community engagement as a cause, charging that “well intentioned programs designed to respond to the needs of ghetto residents were not worked out and implemented sufficiently in cooperation with the intended beneficiaries” (146).

15. Fainstein and Fainstein, “New Haven,” 51; and Powledge, Model City, 136–41.

16. Blum, who was pictured in the May 1966 Yale Alumni Magazine section “Frustrated Radicals,” had been a participant in Freedom Summer 1964, the voter registration program that brought a thousand northern college students to Mississippi to advance voter registration and raise civic consciousness through a network of “freedom schools.” A campus activist at Yale, Wilhelm extended his commitment to become a union organizer, starting at Yale, where in 1969 he went to work for Local 35, the service and maintenance workers composed largely of minority residents of the city. Seeking further support for the union at the university, he sought to organize clerical workers, succeeding only after many years of effort with the creation of Local 34 in 1983. He subsequently left the university to join the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees union, becoming its head in 1998. That union became central to New Haven’s most recent revitalization period. Paul Bass, “Wilhelm Stepping Down,” New Haven Independent, October 17, 2012. Notably, Peter Countryman leveled the criticism of New Haven’s renewal program that later became gospel, charging in 1966 that redevelopment, by driving so many displaced African Americans and Puerto Ricans to the Hill area, was creating a new slum. “Frustrated Radicals,” 44. Mark Gelfand’s early authoritative volume on urban renewal confirms that assessment, as he reports that New Haven destroyed more than ten times the number of low-rent units it built during the early Lee years. Gelfand, A Nation of Cities: The Federal Government and Urban America, 1933–1965 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), 215. Jackson, Model City Blues, 86–88, details the HNU’s accomplishments.

17. Jackson, Model City Blues, 84–109, 124–27. Fred Harris’s account of how the Hill Parents Association formed and the actions that followed is captured in a series of interviews accompanied by stunning black-and-white photographs of the Hill neighborhood. The book, Street Time (New York: Grossman, 1972), was compiled by Richard Balzer.

18. Jackson, Model City Blues, 138–51; and Balzer, Street Time, 33–37, 40–43. Despite instances of reprisal against the Hill Parents Association, the organization maintained a good deal of support on the liberal Yale campus, evidenced in part by the formation of a Yale Friends of the Hill Parents Association, as announced in a full-page advertisement in the Yale News for October 30, 1967. Among those signatories calling for tangible support for the association “in order to continue its attack on the problems of community development” were students Brian Dowling, the model for Garry Trudeau’s BD character for the Doonesbury comic strip, and his teammate, future NFL star Calvin Hill, along with secretary of the university Reuben A. Holden, art historian and frequent critic of urban renewal Vincent Scully, and Yale chaplain and Freedom Rider William Sloane Coffin.

19. AIM Newsletter, August 31, 1967; March 5, 1968; and February 1, 1969. After a brief association with Black Panthers in New Haven, Harris left New Haven for Detroit, where he came to be known as Apostle Harris, the pastor of the New Risen Christ Ministries. See Oralander Brand-Williams, “Slain Kids’ Bereaved Grandfather ‘About 2nd Chances,’ ” Detroit News, October 6, 2016.

20. Blocked by incumbents within his own party from running for governor or the senate, Lee turned down several possible federal appointments, choosing instead to take a series of fellowships at Yale, where he was given an office and taught courses based on his experience in New Haven. Wolfinger, Politics of Progress, 202.

21. Fainstein and Fainstein, “New Haven,” 55–74.

22. Eleanor Charles, “Downtown New Haven’s Multifaceted Rehabilitation,” New York Times, November 29, 2002; DataHaven, “Number-Crunching New Haven: 17 Data Points That Point to a Changing City,” Hartford Courant, New Haven Living Magazine, December 1, 2016, http://www.ctdatahaven.org/blog/number-crunching-new-haven-17-data-points-point-changing-city.

23. Eleanor Charles, “Downtown New Haven; An Infusion of Energy in Yale’s Backyard,” New York Times, April 3, 2005; Mark Alden Branch, “Then and Now: How a City Came Back from the Brink,” Yale Alumni Magazine, May/June 2009; Amanda Erickson, “New Haven, Conn., Makes the Transition from Crime to Coffee Shops,” Washington Post, January 16, 2014; and Mary E. O’Leary, “Gilvarg to Leave New Haven City Planner Post,” New Haven Register, October 16, 2017.

24. Jon Nordheimer, “Son of Privilege, Son of Pain: Random Death at Yale’s Gate,” New York Times, June 28, 1992.

25. Mark Alden Branch, in “The City’s Turn,” Yale Alumni Magazine, Summer 1998, attached singular importance to the 1991 murder of Christian Prince, writing that his death “marked the moment when Yale recognized that its future and New Haven’s were inextricably linked. The immediate response to the tragedy was a campus wide improvement in security, including an expansion of the Yale police force.… But it soon became apparent that defending the borders was not enough: To remain attractive to potential students and faculty, Yale would need to help the entire New Haven region address the nationwide urban problems of crime, a shrinking job base, and a moribund downtown. President Levin came into office in 1993 calling upon the University to ‘look for opportunities to make constructive changes instead of just reacting.’ ” Richard Levin was not the first to tout a new effort to work with the city. Both his predecessor, Benno Schmidt, and DeStefano’s predecessor, Frank Logue (Yale, 1948), made their own efforts to forge a city-university partnership. See Adam Liptak, “New Times for New Haven,” Yale Alumni Magazine, May 1987; “Yale Plans to Invest $50 Million in New Haven,” New York Times, May 21, 1987; and Frank Logue, “Seizing the Urban Initiative,” Yale Alumni Magazine, Summer 1994. Richard Levin summarized the partnerships developed under his direction as he made the transition to appointing Bruce Alexander: “Yale and New Haven: A Progress Report,” Yale Alumni Magazine, November 1997, 21.

26. Alexander Garvin, The Heart of the City: Creating Vibrant Downtowns for a New Century (Washington, D.C.: Island, 2019), 120; and Alan Mallach, The Divided City: Poverty and Prosperity in Urban America (Washington, D.C.: Island, 2018), 69. Most telling, perhaps, was Yale’s effort over several years to displace the Au Bon Pain restaurant at a marquee spot at the corner of York Street and Broad with something more upscale, a goal it succeeded in achieving in 2017 with the opening of the California-based outdoor apparel company Patagonia. Paul Bass, “Chain Chain Chain …” New Haven Independent, November 25, 2014; and Markeshia Ricks, “Ribbon Cut at New Patagonia Outpost,” New Haven Independent, August 31. 2017. For the larger context of Yale’s effort to spruce up the Broadway commercial corridor, see Jennifer Kaylin, “Fixing Up the Neighborhood, Yale Alumni Magazine, November 1993.

27. Elissa Gootman, “An Intricate Bond: New Haven’s Past and Future Are So Tied to Yale, but It Took 300 Years for the Two to Get Along,” New York Times, February 18, 2001. Janet D’Arcy, “Yale’s Retail Recipe Not Everyone’s Piece of Cake,” Hartford Courant, August 26, 2001. The loss of revenue to the city was not complete, Gootman reports, because a state provision passed in 1978 compensated cities for 75 percent of any property tax lost to tax-exempt status, a law Yale lobbyists strongly supported.

28. Gordon Lafer, “Land and Labor in the Post-Industrial University Town: Remaking Social Geography,” Political Geography 22 (2003): 93, 111.

29. Ian Thomas MacDonald, “Introduction: The Urbanization of Strategy and Struggle,” in Unions and the City: Negotiating Urban Change, ed. MacDonald (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2017), 4–5.

30. Harold Myerson, “The New New Haven,” American Prospect, May 23, 2013. Among the bonds between the union and city property owners, Myerson pointed out, was the realization that with both Yale and Yale New Haven exempt from standard property taxes, the burden of paying for city services fell disproportionately on homeowners, who faced some of the highest property tax rates in the country. Andrea van den Heever (then Andrea Cole) detailed the community engagement that blossomed during the 1996 strike, and its importance, in “How Yale Workers Defied Union Busting,” in the September/October issue of Dollars and Sense, a project of the Economics Affairs Bureau, which describes itself as “a worker-run, collectively managed organization. This organizational structure fits with the mission to challenge orthodox economics, to promote progressive economics, and to help build a movement for a new economic system.” Cole, Dollars and Sense, http://www.dollarsandsense.org/archives/1998/0998cole.html.

31. Steven M. Seigel, “Community Benefits Agreements in a Union City: How the Structure of CBAs May Result in Inefficient, Unfair Land Use Decisions,” Yale Law School Legal Scholarship Repository, Student Legal History Papers, 2013, paper 28, pp. 29–35, http://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/student_legal_history_papers/. The Yale New Haven clash is put in the larger context of a shift among unions toward regional organizing, in Amy B. Dean and David B. Reynolds, A New New Deal: How Regional Activism Will Reshape the American Union Movement (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009), 199–205.

32. Melinda Tuhus, “CORD ‘Fires Up’ a Cold Night,” New Haven Independent, December 14, 2005.

33. Paul Bass, “A ‘Win-Win-Win’ Deal Struck on Cancer Center,” New Haven Independent, March 22, 2006.

34. Paul Bass, “Union Election Off; Arbitrator Says Hospital Broke Law,” New Haven Independent, December 13, 2006; Bass, “Levin Blasts Hospital,” New Haven Independent, December 14, 2006; Melissa Bailey, “An Outraged City Confronts a Hospital’s Betrayal,” New Haven Independent, December 14, 2006; Seigel, “Community Benefits Agreements,” 34–35; and Jackson, Model City Blues, 225–27. The development agreement, signed June 6, 2006, can be found online at http://www.ctneweconomy.org/wp-content/uploads/city_of_new_haven_yale_new_haven_hospital_final_development_agreement.pdf.

35. Allan Appel, “Hill to Howard Ave. Builders: Talk to Us!” New Haven Independent, June 21, 2017; Allan Appel, “Round One Goes to Intercontinental,” New Haven Independent, July 19, 2007; Melissa Bailey, “Hospital’s Impact on Hill Debated,” New Haven Independent, August 7, 2007; Paul Bass, “Bulldoze a Block, Make $1.7M,” New Haven Independent, January 23, 2009.

36. Hill to Downtown Community Plan Summary, 2013, http://www.new havenct.gov/gov/depts/city_plan/plans.n.projects/hill.to.downtown.htm.

37. “New Haven Removes Badly-Planned Highway to Reconnect and Revitalize Downtown,” Revitalization News, February 1, 2017.

38. C. J. Hughes, “A Plan in New Haven to Right a Highway’s Wrong,” New York Times, July 17, 2012; Thomas MacMillan, “Alexion Flees Cheshire for New Haven,” New Haven Independent, June 19, 2012; Aliyya Swaby, “Newest Big Employer Opens Doors, New Haven Independent, February 29, 2016; and Alexis Zanghi, “Making a Better City out of ‘Model City,’ ” CityLab, September 28, 2016. See also the Downtown Crossing website, https://downtowncrossingnewhaven.com/.

39. Dillon, “Stitching a Downtown Back Together,” and Mary O’Leary, “Plans for Major Development at Former New Haven Coliseum Site Delayed, Not Dead,” New Haven Register, April 6, 2017.

40. Jonathan Hopkins, “Raze? Preserve? Renew?” New Haven Independent, October 30, 2015; and Markeshia Ricks and Paul Bass, “City Teams with Northland to Rebuild,” New Haven Independent, May 17, 2016.

41. Laurel Leff, “How Labor Beat City Hall,” New Haven Independent, September 15, 2011; and Paul Bass, “Outside City Hall, A New Way of Doing Business,” New Haven Independent, December 31, 2012.

42. Thomas MacMillan, “She’s Ready to Fight for a ‘Renaissance,’ ” New Haven Independent, December 13, 2011; and Connecticut Center for a New Economy, “A Renaissance for All of Us,” December 2011, 6.

43. Connecticut Center for a New Economy, “Renaissance,” 15–17. The case study of Winchester was not surprising, given codirector Scott Marks’s criticism from the start that the company had not done enough to ensure benefits to nearby residents. See Thomas MacMillan, “Amid Barbs, Winchester Project Advances,” New Haven Independent, July 22, 2010.

44. While the union did not overtly tie its demands to securing support for a jobs pipeline, it did reiterate its ongoing argument that the welfare of its members and that of local residents were inseparable. See Melissa Bailey, “2,000 Rally for Pipeline—and Put Eli on Notice,” New Haven Independent, April 26, 2012.

45. Melissa Bailey, “Yale Works OK New Contract—6 Months Early,” New Haven Independent, June 27, 2012; and Paul Bass, “’New Haven Works’ Promises a Pipeline,” New Haven Independent, August 20, 2012. New Haven Works is well summarized in Jennifer Kaylin’s report, “Helping New Haven Work,” Yale Alumni Magazine, May/June 2015.

46. Paul Bass, “’Labor’ Agenda Takes Shape in 1st Year,” New Haven Independent, December 28, 2012.

47. Allan Appel, “Will Hill Help Steer Its ‘Renewal’?” New Haven Independent, September 21, 2012; Thomas MacMillan, “Hill: Don’t Gentrify Us Out,” New Haven Independent, April 23, 2013; Markeshia Ricks, “Hill Puts Brakes on Building Plan,” New Haven Independent, December 1, 2015; Ricks, “Hill Plans Proceed,” New Haven Independent, March 30, 2017; and Ricks, “Lots Transformed into ‘Parkside Crossing,’ ” New Haven Independent, May 23, 2019. Parkside website at https://parksidenewhaven.com/amenities/, accessed October 26, 2020.

48. Markeshia Ricks, “Affordable Housing Urged, Duncan Hotel Redux Blasted,” New Haven Independent, October 16, 2017; Alivya Swaby, “Affordable Housing Elusive in Boom,” New Haven Independent, March 11, 2016; and Markeshia Ricks and Paul Bass, “City Teams with Northland to Rebuild,” New Haven Independent, May 17, 2016.

49. Markeshia Ricks, “Neighbors Press Builder on Jobs, Rents,” New Haven Independent, July 28, 2017.

50. Allan Appel, “New Haven Activism: ‘New Haven Rising’ Rises,” New Haven Independent, July 19, 2012; Jennifer Klein, “New Haven Rising,” Dissent, Winter 2015; and Christopher Peak, “Yale Slammed on Local Hiring Promise,” New Haven Independent, February 22, 2019.

51. Paul Bass, “Shareholders Vote to Sell Off a ‘Unicorn,’ ” New Haven Independent, April 4, 2016.

52. Paul Bass, “Alexion Takes the Money and Runs,” New Haven Independent, September 12, 2017; and Stephen Singer, “Alexion Exits New Haven for Boston, Agrees to Repay Millions in State Aid,” Hartford Courant, September 12, 2017.

53. Markeshia Ricks, “Rent Struggles Highlight Housing Challenge,” New Haven Independent, June 7, 2018; and Thomas Breen, “1,500 Affordable Units Down—23,500 to Go,” New Haven Independent, October 23, 2018.

54. Thomas Breen, “Housing Panel Targets, Zoning, Suburbs,” New Haven Independent, January 10, 2019.

55. Thomas Breen, “Can Building Boom Fill the Gap?” New Haven Independent, September 11, 2018.

56. Christopher Keating, “Challenger Justin Elicker Defeats Incumbent Toni Harp in New Haven Democratic Primary,” Hartford Courant, September 10, 2019; and Paul Bass, Thomas Breen, Christopher Peak, and Melissa Bailey, “Elicker Crushes Harp in Mayoral Election,” New Haven Independent, November 5, 2019. Formed in 1982, the New Haven Land Trust’s role has been the conservation and promotion of open land in the city, not the accumulation of abandoned properties for resale and redevelopment.

57. See the opinion editorial by activist Boise Kimber, “Anti-Harp Campaign Has No Bounds,” New Haven Independent, October 31, 2019; and Thomas Breen, “40 March for Harp, Target Enemies,” New Haven Independent, November 2, 2019.

58. Justin Elicker, “Inaugural Call: ‘We Have to Believe in One Another,’ ” New Haven Independent, January 2, 2020.

59. Thomas Breen, “On the Brink of a ‘Bigger City,’ ” New Haven Independent, January 3, 2020.

60. Thomas Breen, “Elicker: State of City ‘Precarious,’ ” New Haven Independent, February 3, 2020.

61. In offering $5,000 for downpayment and closing costs and $2,500 a year for ten years, Yale had boosted $237 million in property sales. Garvin, Heart of the City, 118.

62. Markeshia Ricks, “Tax Yale Effort Revived,” New Haven Independent, March 16, 2016; Paul Bass, “Yale Tax Fight Turns to Tech,” New Haven Independent, April 27, 2016; and Bass, “Budget Deal Leaves City with $8M Hole,” New Haven Independent, May 6, 2016.

63. Lafer, “Land and Labor,” 95–98; and Dan Diamond, “A Tarnished Hospital Tries to Win Back Trust,” Politico, December 31, 2017. See also Michelle Chen, “When the Biggest Employer in Town Isn’t Employing the Town,” Nation, December 12, 2015; and Drake Bennett, Janet Lorin, and Michael McDonald, “How Yale Got Crazy Rich,” Bloomberg Businessweek, September 16, 2019. Yale architecture student and an astute critic of the city’s development strategies, Jonathan Hopkins details Yale’s intent to buffer itself from undesirable sites associated with poverty and decline, in “Developing Dixwell to Connect and Buffer the Yale Campus,” 2016, https://newhavenurbanism.wordpress.com/?s=developing+dixwell. Comparing Yale’s voluntary payment in lieu of taxes to the city unfavorably to that of Princeton and Dartmouth, former Alder Matt Smith listed a number of ways Yale could pay its “fair share” to New Haven. By leveraging the power of its intellectual property, he contended, the university could help make New Haven more self-sufficient. Smith, “Time for a Yale ‘Fair Share,’ ” New Haven Independent, November 24, 2020.

64. Nemerson quoted in Breen, “Can Building Boom Fill the Gap?”; and Jackson, Model City Blues, 229.

Chapter 6. Washington, D.C.

1. Howard Gillette, Jr., Between Justice and Beauty: Race, Planning, and the Failure of Urban Policy in Washington, D.C. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), 163, 156–57; and Paul S. Green and Shirley S. Green, “Old Southwest Remembered: The Photographs of Joseph Owen Curtis,” Washington History 1 (Fall 1989): 42–57.

2. Glen Elsasser, “Capital City, Capital Crisis,” Chicago Tribune, June 21, 1996. Stories proliferated about Washington’s economic and social problems in the 1990s. See, for instance, Juan Williams’s essay for the Outlook section of the Washington Post, “D.C.: Dreaming of Statehood but Ignoring a Nightmare,” April 12, 1992. The New York Times ran its own critique, a three-part series by Leslie Wayne beginning July 25, 1996, under the heading “Monument to Decay.”

3. Stephanie Overman, “Valedictorian of the Creative Class?” Virginia Business, March 29, 2018, posted on the Coalition for Smarter Growth website, http://www.smartergrowth.net/news-parent/news/valedictorian-of-the-creative-class/; and Jonathan O’Connell, “For Amazon’s Next Headquarters, D.C. Pitches Four of Its Trendiest Neighborhoods,” Washington Post, October 16, 2017.

4. Dana Hedgpeth, “Southwest Waterfront Will Finally Get Over the ’60s,” Washington Post, October 9, 2006; and Jonathan O’Connell, “Due Southwest,” Washington Post, March 8, 2014.

5. Theresa Vargas, “ ‘I Still See the Scars’: Those Who Remember 1968 See Beyond the City’s Progress,” Washington Post, March 26, 2018; and Paul Schwartzman and Robert E. Pierre, “From Ruins to Rebirth During the Chaos,” Washington Post, April 6, 2008.

6. First given voice by a 1979 column by Lillian Wiggins in the Washington Afro-American, “The Plan” retained a robust afterlife. Henry S. Jaffe and Tom Sherwood, Dream City: Race, Power, and the Decline of Washington, D.C. (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), 132–33.

7. The song “Chocolate City,” spoken by George Clinton and released in 1975, popularized the notion of Washington as the Chocolate City: “There’s a lot of chocolate cities, around/We’ve got Newark, we’ve got Gary/Somebody told me we got L. A./And we’re working on Atlanta/But you’re the capital, CC.”

8. Sabrina Tavernise, “A Population Changes, Uneasily,” New York Times, July 17, 2011.

9. James Borchert, Alley Life in Washington: Family, Community, Religion, and Folklife in the City, 1850–1970 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1980).

10. Gillette, Between Justice and Beauty, 147–50.

11. Gillette, Between Justice and Beauty, chaps. 7 and 8; Howard Gillette, “Introduction: For a City in Transition, Questions of Social Justice and Economic Viability Remain,” in Capital Dilemma: Growth and Inequality in Washington, D.C., ed. Derek Hyra and Sabiyha Prince (New York: Routledge, 2016), 4.

12. Chris Myers Asch and George Derek Musgrove, Chocolate City: A History of Race and Democracy in the Nation’s Capital (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017), 381, 461. Asch and Musgrove chose to title their book Chocolate City in large part to assert the importance of the city’s rich Black history at a time when many African Americans feared it was at risk of being lost as the city shifted to a different demographic and cultural base. Not just a feel-good song, Sabiyha Prince contends, “Chocolate City” spoke to Washington’s situation as a celebration of Black urban life and political self-determination. “In a convergence of demographics, expressive culture, and politics,” she writes, “perhaps CC entered the lexicon as a signal of African American’s refusal to fade into the complacency of assimilation or defeat.” Prince, African Americans and Gentrification in Washington, D.C.: Race, Class, and Social Justice in the Nation’s Capital (London: Routledge, 2014), 2. Notably, longtime resident observer Jefferson Morley titled his essay on Barry at the time of his death, “Marion Barry’s Death Is Yet Another Blow to the ‘Chocolate City,’ ” concluding, “Now Barry is gone but his people remain, a dispossessed pocket in a multihued metropolis where ambitious millennials, tasteful restaurants, gleaming condos, and disturbing inequality are all flourishing. With the departure of its favorite son, what remains of the Chocolate City has lost its voice.” New Republic, November 24, 2014.

13. The New Yorker’s David Remnick, who as a Washington-based reporter had previously covered Barry, captured well Barry’s ability to come back politically, writing at the time of Barry’s death, “Barry won. And he won largely because there were enough people in the city who were willing to accept his self-forgiving narrative (who among us is not fallen?) and had at least some memory of the city’s plantation legacy. This was the city that had been run by Theodore Bilbo, a Klansman who, as the chair of the Senate committee that ran D.C., suggested that thousands of Black residents be driven out of town to work on farms, shipped to Africa, or sequestered in a stadium.… Barry knew this history, knew the sense of lingering anger, and played on it.” Remnick, “Postscript: Marion Barry (1936–2014),” New Yorker, News Desk, November 23, 2014.

14. These charges were well documented and circulated at the time. The most thorough assessment of the District’s structural problems at the time can be found in Carol O’Cleireacain, The Orphaned Capital: Adopting the Right Revenues for the District of Columbia (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 1997).

15. David A. Vise, “Clinton Backs Federal Help for District,” Washington Post, December 14, 1996; Editorial, “A Big Win for the District,” Washington Post, July 31, 1997; Glen Elsasser and James Warren, “For D.C. Residents, an Increase in Aid, a Decrease in Power,” Philadelphia Inquirer, August 6, 1997; and David A. Vise, “Clinton Signs D.C. Budget Plan,” Washington Post, November 20, 1997. For a history of the federal payment and its arbitrariness over time, see O’Cleireacain, Orphaned Capital, 149–54.

16. Fred Siegel, The Future Once Happened Here: New York, D.C., L.A. and the Fate of America’s Big Cities (New York: Free Press, 1997), 66, 110.

17. The account of Barry’s tenure in office is drawn largely from my essay “Protest and Power in Washington, D.C.: The Troubled Legacy of Marion Barry,” in African-American Mayors: Race, Politics, and the American City, ed. David R. Colburn and Jeffrey S. Adler (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2001), 200–26. See also Gillette, Between Justice and Beauty, chap. 10; and Howard Gillette, Jr., “Washington, D.C., in White and Black: The Social Construction of Race and Nationhood,” in Composing Urban History and the Constitution of Civic Identities, ed. John J. Czaplicka and Blair A. Ruble (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), 192–210. Journalists tended to give Barry’s successor, Anthony Williams, more credit than he deserved for ending federal control. Assuming office in 2000, he barely contributed to the requirement that the city balance its budget four years running before federal controls would be lifted, which was done in September 2001.

18. Susannah F. Schaller, Business Improvement Districts and the Contradictions of Placemaking: BID Urbanism in Washington, D.C. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2019), 7.

19. That case is laid out most succinctly by Francis X. Clines, “Washington Mayor Gets Things Done,” New York Times, May 21, 2000. Clines is one journalist who mistakenly credits Williams for the end of federal oversight. There is no doubt, though, that Williams, unlike Barry, avoided using his racial identity as an African American as a political tool. For the contrast, see Felix Gillette, “Mum’s the Nerd,” Washington City Paper, October 24, 2003.

20. Marc A. Weiss, “The Economic Resurgence of Washington, D.C.: Citizens Plan for Prosperity in the 21st Century,” Global Urban Development, November 2002, https://www.globalurban.org/Lessons_of_WDC_Economic_Strategy.pdf. The plan itself is available at National Association to Restore Pride in America’s Capital, https://www.narpac.org/ECRESURG.HTM.

21. Weiss, “Citizens Plan.” Weiss’s 1987 book The Rise of the Community Builders: The American Real Estate Industry and Urban Land Planning (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987) painted a sympathetic picture of early efforts to design ideal communities.

22. Jonathan O’Connell, “The Rent Is Too High in Big Cities: This Mayor Has a Plan to Fix It,” Washington Post, September 16, 2016.

23. Schaller, Business Improvement Districts, 87–88; Paul Schwartzman, “Lawsuit: D.C. Policies to Attract Affluent Millennials Discriminated Against Blacks,” Washington Post, May 25, 2018; D.C. Office of Planning, “Creative DC Action Agenda,” https://planning.dc.gov/page/creative-dc-action-agenda, accessed July 10, 2018; and Office of the Deputy Mayor for Planning and Economic Development, “Creative Economy Strategy for the District of Columbia,” https://dmped.dc.gov/sites/default/files/dc/sites/dmped/publication/attachents/Creative%20Economy%20Strategy%20of%District%20%of%20Columbia%20Full%20Report_0717.pdf. creative-economy-strategy-full-report.

24. Chris Myers Asch and George Derek Musgrove, “ ‘We Are Headed for Some Bad Trouble’: Gentrification and Displacement in Washington, DC, 1920–2014,” in Hyra and Prince, eds., Capital Dilemma, 123–27. Washington’s growth was all the more impressive during the recession, given the modest returns of the first part of the new century. See Rachel L. Swarns, “The Nation’s Capital Struggles to Lure Residents to the City,” New York Times, January 1, 2006.

25. Patrick Sharkey, Uneasy Peace: The Great Crime Decline, the Renewal of City Life, and the Next War on Violence (New York: Norton, 2018), 20–22; Marc Fisher, “O Street Market: Symbol of Violence Becomes a Marker for D.C.’s Resurgence,” Washington Post, November 19, 2013; and City Market at O website, https://www.citymarketato.com/, accessed October 24, 2018. For an assessment on how dog runs serve as markers of social differentiation and discrimination in gentrifying areas, see Sylvie Tissot, “Of Dogs and Men: The Making of Spatial Boundaries in a Gentrifying Neighborhood,” City and Community 10 (September 2011): 215–46.

26. Michael Biesecker and Jonathan Lemire, “EPA Chief Paid $50 a Night for DC Condo Linked to Lobbyist,” Associated Press, first reported on ABC News, March 30, 2018; and Juliet Eilperin and Brady Dennis, “After Leaving $50-a-Night Rental, EPA’s Scott Pruitt Had No Fixed D.C. Address for a Month,” Washington Post, April 4, 2018. The brand new 13/U apartment complex that Pruitt eventually landed in exuded luxury on its website, proclaiming that it “brings a new level of sophisticated living to DC’s U Street apartments. Savor unrivaled features, unmatched amenities, unexpected details, and unparalleled lifestyle services.” At https://13thandu.com/, accessed April 10, 2018.

27. Blair A. Ruble, Washington’s U Street: A Biography (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010). For an account of Fauntroy’s organizing effort, see Gillette, Between Justice and Beauty, 173–89.

28. Tracy Jan, “How Foreign Investors Are Transforming a Long-Forgotten D.C. Neighborhood,” Washington Post, November 22, 2017.

29. Martin Di Caro, “One Year Later, How Has the Streetcar Changed the H Street Corridor?” WMAU radio, February 27, 2017; and Brandi Thompson Summers, Black in Place: The Spatial Aesthetics of Race in a Post-Chocolate City (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019), 143, 150, 167. Avec on H Street website, https://aveconh.com/amenities/, accessed November 14, 2019.

30. Alesia Montgomery, “Reappearance of the Public: Placemaking, Minoritization and Resistance in Detroit,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 40 (July 2006): 777.

31. O’Connell, “The Rent Is Too High.”

32. Claire Zippel, D.C. Fiscal Policy Institute, “A Broken Foundation: Affordable Housing Crisis Threatens DC’s Lowest-Income Residents,” December 8, 2016, https://www.dcfpi.org/all/a-broken-foundation-affordable-housing-crisis-threatens-dcs-lowest-income-residents-2/.

33. The 2015 figure was compiled by Governing Magazine, “Washington, D.C., Gentrification Maps and Data, https://www.governing.com/gov-data/washington-dc-gentrification-maps-demographic-data.html; and Katherine Shaver, “D.C. Has the Highest ‘Intensity’ of Gentrification of Any U.S. City, Study Says,” Washington Post, March 19, 2019. The study was compiled by the National Community Reinvestment Coalition. A further study, conducted by the Institute on Metropolitan Opportunity directed by Myron Orfield at the University of Minnesota, reached a similar conclusion: Marissa J. Lang, “Gentrification in D.C. Means Widespread Displacement, Study Finds,” Washington Post, April 26, 2019.

34. Johanna Bockman, “Removing the Public from Public Housing: Public–Private Redevelopment of the Ellen Wilson Dwellings in Washington, D.C.,” Journal of Urban Affairs 34, no.2 (2021): 308–28.

35. Brian McCabe, “DC’s New Communities Initiative, Explained,” Greater Greater Washington website, February 10, 2021, https/ggwash.org/view/80371/what-is-dc’s-new-communities-initiative-anyway. Often referred to as security in tenancy protection, “the right to return” has been sought at a federal level following different waves of displacement, through urban renewal and through Hope VI provisions converting complexes housing low-income residents to mixed-income occupancy. See Jaime Alison Lee, “Rights at Risk in Privatized Public Housing,” Tulsa Law Review 50 (Spring 2015): 781–82.

36. Office of the Deputy Mayor for Planning and Economic Development, “New Communities Initiative (NCI),” https://dmped.dc.gov/page/new-communities-initiative-nci, accessed August 3, 2018.

37. Jenny Gathright, “More Than a Decade Later, Some Former D.C. Public Housing Residents Worry If They’ll Ever Return,” WMAU, April 8, 2019.

38. 2 M Street website, https://2mstreet.com/, accessed August 2, 2018.

39. Mark Anderson, “How D.C.’s Plan to Save Low-Income Housing Went Wrong,” Washington City Paper, October 29, 2014; and Aaron Weiner, “Report: D.C. Should Redevelop Public Housing Without Replacing Units First,” Washington City Paper, September 9, 2014; Quadel Consulting and Training, “Policy Advisor’s Recommendation on the District of Columbia’s New Communities Initiative,” August 2014, http://dcnewcommunities.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/Policy-Advisors-Recommendations-on-the-NCI-Program.pdf; and Andrew Giambrone, “Almost a Decade After Demolition, a Storied Site in NoMa Gets a Big Redevelopment Plan,” Washington City Paper, November 30, 2017.

40. Torti Gallas website, https://tortigallas.com/case-study/arthur-capper-carrollsburg, accessed August 2, 2018.

41. Marc Fisher, “Ballpark Boomtown,” Washington Post, July 14, 2018; and Thomas Boswell, “Nationals Park Has Become an Urban Development Triumph: Who Knew?” Washington Post, September 14, 2016. Less publicly commented on at the time were the costs to taxpayers of the $670 million the city paid for the new stadium: $135 million upfront and another $535 million in borrowing. David Cranor, “Was Nationals Park Worth It for DC?” Greater Greater Washington, August 27, 2013. The prospect of subsidizing the stadium was controversial from the start. See also Asch and Musgrove, Chocolate City, 443–44.

42. While the Washington city housing department praised the project as “the first HOPE VI project in the country to provide one-for-one replacement of demolished public housing units in the same footprint as the original developments,” Laura Lang and David Morton provide a much more jaundiced view of the relocation experience in their essay “ ‘Hood Winked: Making Public Housing Livable Is as Simple as Getting Rid of the People Who Live There,” Washington City Paper, September 27, 2002. Fourteen years after the complex’s demolition, some parts of the site remained parking lots for visitors to Nationals Ballpark. Nena Perry-Brown, “What Privatizing DC Public Housing Looks Like So Far,” StreetSenseMedia, September 9, 2020.

43. O’Connell, “The Rent Is Too High”; and Lisa Sturtevent, “The New District of Columbia: What Population Growth and Demographic Change Mean for the City,” Journal of Urban Affairs 36, no. 2 (2013): 276–99.

44. Carolyn Gallaher, The Politics of Staying Put: Condo Conversion and Tenant Right-to-Buy in Washington, D.C. (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2015); and Judy Meima, “Lessons from 20 Years of Enabling Tenants to Buy Their Buildings,” Shelterforce, November 23, 2020.

45. Brian Kraft, “Columbia Heights: Passageway for Urban Change,” in Washington at Home: An Illustrated History of Neighborhoods in the Nation’s Capital, ed. Kathryn Schneider Smith, 2nd ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), 255–56; Kathryn Howell, “ ‘It’s Complicated …’: Long-Term Residents and Their Relationship to Gentrification in Washington. D.C.,” in Hyra and Prince, eds., Capital Dilemma, 262–63.

46. J. B. Wogan, “Why D.C.’s Affordable Housing Protections Are Losing a War with Economics,” Governing, February 2015.

47. Andrew Giambrone, “D.C. Affordable Housing Program Begins Seeing Results,” Washington City Paper, August 18, 2017.

48. Brian McCabe, “Rent Control, Explained,” Greater Greater Washington, blog, September 13, 2016.

49. Erik Eckholm, “Washington’s Grand Experiment to Rehouse the Poor,” New York Times, March 21, 2008; and Daniel Kravetz, “What an Affordable Housing Victory Looks Like in DC,” Shelterforce, June 9, 2015. For a description of the fund and how it works, see DC Fiscal Policy Institute, “The Housing Production Trust Fund,” April 11, 2016, https://www.dcfpi.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/16-04-HPTF-Brief.pdf.

50. Mary Hui, “D.C. Establishes $10 Million Fund to Preserve Disappearing Affordable Housing,” Washington Post, November 26, 2017.

51. John Muller, “Congress Heights Awaits Entertainment and Sports Arena,” East of the River News, January 19, 2018.

52. Aaron Wiener, “Gridlock in Congress Heights: A Promised Neighborhood Transformation Gets Messy,” Washington City Paper, January 22, 2015; and Abigail Hauslohner and Jonathan O’Connell, “Poorer Tenants Fear Being Pushed Out by Planned Congress Heights Complex,” Washington City Paper, October 14, 2015.

53. Robert Stuteville, “Seeking Equitable Redevelopment in Southeast DC,” CNU Journal, November 20, 2017.

54. Abigail Hauslohner, “Why a Law Meant to Protect the Poor from Gentrification Doesn’t Really Work,” Washington Post, February 6, 2016; Anthony Giambrone, “Sanford Capital to ‘Negotiate Exclusively’ with Congress Heights Tenants over Their Property’s Future,” Washington City Paper, November 17, 2017; and Giambrone, “Sanford Capital Abruptly Offloads Valuable Land in Congress Heights, Increasing Tensions,” Washington City Paper, January 11, 2018.

55. Jon Bannister, “Newly Introduced Comprehensive Plan Amendments Aim to Combat Development Appeals,” Bisnow Washington, DC, January 9, 2018; and Paul Schwartzman, “D.C. Mayor Seeks to Stop Costly Legal Delays to Development Projects,” Washington Post, February 28, 2018.

56. DC Grassroots Planning Coalition, “Equity in Planning Discarded by Office of Planning,” January 20, 2018, http://www.dcgrassrootsplanning.org/equity-in-planning-discarded-by-office-of-planning/, accessed October 24, 2018; “D.C.’s Plan for Future Growth Fails Low-Income Residents, Activists Say,” WAMU, March 21, 2018; and testimony by scholars of race, housing, and urban planning in Washington, D.C., submitted April 3, 2018, by Sarah Jane Shoenfeld, codirector of Mapping Segregation in Washington, D.C. Schoenfeld detailed how the city’s comprehensive plan sustained the lasting effects of redlining in a 2017 posting, “DC’s Comprehensive Plan, a Document We Use Today, Preserves the Racial Segregation of Our Past,” Greater Greater Washington, June 13, 2017. I was one of the twenty-one signatories to the testimony.

57. JBG Smith website, hpps://www.jbgsmith.co/about/placemaking.

58. Jon Banister, “For Other Southwest D.C. Developers, the Wharf Is a Rising Tide Lifting All Boats,” Bisnow, December 1, 2017.

59. Montgomery, “Reappearance of the Public,” 777.

60. See Brett Williams, Upscaling Downtown: Stalled Gentrification in Washington, D.C. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988); and Gabriella Gahlia Modan, Turf Wars: Discourse, Diversity, and the Politics of Place (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2007).

61. “Trolley Turnaround Park Opens (11th & Monroe)—Ribbon Cutting to Come,” Parkview DC website, https://parkviewdc.com/2012/02/20/trolley-turnaround-park-opens-11th-monroe-ribbon-cutting-to-come/, accessed April 19, 2018; and Howell, “It’s Complicated,” 269–73. For the reflections of a self-described placemaker who came to see the damage created by her efforts to use underutilized spaces for arts enhancements, see Philippa P. B. Hughes, “Regrets of an Accidental Placemaker,” Shelterforce, June 14, 2018.

62. Schaller, Business Improvement Districts, 4, chaps. 5 and 8.

63. Louis website, https://www.thelouisdc.com/?gclid=EAIaIQobChMI1tvjsdrQ2gIVg6zICh0h_guQEAEYASAAEgKK3vD_BwE, accessed April 23, 2018. On the Louis, a JBG Companies investment, see Amanda Abrams, “In D.C., a Street’s Grit Gives Way to Glamour,” New York Times, May 2, 2012. Derek S. Hyra, Race, Class, and Politics in the Cappuccino City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017); and Hyra, “Addressing Social Segregation in Mixed-Income Communities,” Shelterforce, May 4, 2016.

64. Sharon Zukin, Naked City: The Death and Life of Authentic Urban Places (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 4. Zukin lays out her theoretical cultural approach to political economy in “Gentrification: Culture and Capital in the Urban Core,” Annual Review of Sociology 13 (1987): 129–47.

65. Melissa J. Lang, “ ‘Where’s My Go-Go Music?’ Residents Say Turn Up the Funk After a Complaint Silenced a D.C. Intersection,” Washington Post, April 9, 2019.

66. Describing the Shay and its companion JB Smith building, Atlantic Plumbing retail outlets, as “catnip for millennials,” the Washingtonian on November 12, 2015, reported the effort to brand the area as “North Shaw” by offering “real, local coffee (Compass Coffee) to drink; a place where they can feel good about spending their paychecks (via Warby Parker’s buy-one-give-one program); shops they can multitask in (Warby Parker at The Shay offers eye exams along with their selection of glasses, Frank & Oak—just one of multiple menswear stores at The Shay—markets shaves and cuts alongside apparel, and suit shop Read Wall has a ping pong table); trendy new way for them to get around town (DC’s bike commuters will get a burst of speed when Riide opens with their electric bicycles); nice clothes they don’t have to dry clean (Kit and Ace’s technical cashmere is machine washable); and a grocery store that does whole foods better than Whole Foods (local foods and brews will still be available at the second installation of Glen’s Garden Market when it opens at The Shay).”

67. Lang, “Where’s My Go-Go Music?” See also Natalie Hopkinson, Go-Go Live: The Musical Life and Death of a Chocolate City (Durham: Duke University Press, 2012). A former Washington Post reporter who chronicled Go-go at its height in the city and subsequently a professor at Howard University, Hopkinson wrote eloquently about the effects of change on prevailing Black culture. See “I Won’t Let D.C. Lose Its Flavor,” Washington Post, June 17, 2001”; “Farewell to Chocolate City,” New York Times, June 23, 2012; and “Apple Comes to Washington,” Washington Post, May 12, 2017.

68. Marissa J. Lang, “ ‘The Music Will Go On’: Go-Go Returns Days After a Complaint Silenced a D.C. Store,” Washington Post, April 10, 2019; Anna Spiegel, “Glen’s Garden Market Will Close in Shaw,” Washington Post, March 26, 2018; and Marisa M. Kashino, “There’s a New Retail Strategy at the Shay: Will It Work?” Washingtonian, December 14, 2018.

69. Paul Schwartzman, “Lawsuit: D.C. Policies to Attract Affluent Millennials Discriminated Against Blacks,” Washington Post, May 25, 2018. See also Dominic T. Moulden, Gregory D. Squires, and Aristotle Theresa, “The Right to Stay Put,” Washington Post, September 18, 2018. Theresa’s action followed a successful effort to block the redevelopment as mixed housing of the Barry Farm public housing complex in Southeast Washington and an additional suit to block a nearby high-rise known as Poplar Point at the Anacostia Metro stop. See Fenit Nirappil, “Court Delivers Blow to D.C.’s Plan to Redevelop Barry Farm Public Housing Complex,” Washington Post, April 26, 2018; and Natalie Delgadillo, “Community Activists Are Trying to Stop This Development from Going Up in Anacostia,” WAMU, July 2, 2018. Theresa’s argument reflected Hyra’s comments about hypersegregation and were further affirmed in a subsequent column for Shelterforce: Frankie Blackburn, Bill Traynor, and Yerodin Avent, “Practical Ideas for Addressing Micro-Segregation in Mixed Income Communities,” July 6, 2018. The authors had themselves worked in Washington’s “New Communities” program.

70. Paulette Matthews, Greta Fuller, C.A.R.E. et.al. v. District of Columbia Zoning Commission, et.al. before U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia civil case 1:18-cv872, https://dockets/justica/com/docket/district-of-columbia/dcdce/1:2018cv00872/195501., accessed August 3, 2018.

71. Paul Schwartzman, “District Government Asks Court to Throw Out $1 Billion Gentrification Lawsuit,” Washington Post, July 2, 2018; and Roger K. Lewis, “A Lawsuit Won’t Begin to Solve the Lack of Affordable Housing in D.C.,” Washington Post, June 22, 2018.

72. Fenit Nirappil, “D.C. Council Approves Blueprint for Development with Greater Emphasis on Housing,” Washington Post, October 8, 2019; and Ally Schweitzer, “Activists Have Sued to Stop Developers, Citing the Comprehensive Plan: Now They Can’t,” WMAU, October 9, 2019.

73. Moran quoted in Annie Lowrey, “The Bucks Stopped Here,” New York Times Magazine, January 10, 2013.

Chapter 7. Oakland

1. Dawn Phillips, “Rising Up in the Trump Moment: We Are the Ones We’ve Been Waiting For,” Causa Justa∷Just Cause website, https://cjjc.org/mediapress/rising-trump-moment-ones-waiting/. Formed in 2000 in an effort to put just cause eviction protections on the Oakland ballot, the organization broadened its scope and added to its name over the next fifteen years as it consolidated with the St. Peter’s Housing Committee and People Organized to Win Employment Rights. See “Causa Justa∷Just Cause Marks 20 Years of Struggle,” Indybay, February 20, 2020, https://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2020/02/20/18830866.php.

2. Matt Haber, “Brooklyn by the Bay,” New York Times, May 4, 2014. Haber’s reference to Brooklyn followed by six months a similar reference to Oakland as the “Brooklyn of the West.” Joe Gose, “Another City by the Bay Comes into Its Own,” New York Times, December 25, 2013. These articles followed the Times’s designation of Oakland as a top travel destination on January 6, 2012.

3. Louis Nelson, “Trump: Administration ‘Looking at’ Oakland Mayor over Immigration Warning,” Politico, March 8, 2018.

4. For a review of the influx of African Americans to the city in the war years, see Donna Murch, Living for the City: Migration, Education, and the Rise of the Black Panther Party in Oakland, California (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), chap. 1, “Canaan Bound.”

5. Robert Self, American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 149.

6. Self, American Babylon, 242.

7. In addition to Self’s account, see especially Murch, Living for the City; and Robyn C. Spencer, The Revolution Has Come: Black Power, Gender, and the Black Panther Party in Oakland (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016).

8. Chris Rhomberg, No There There: Race, Class, and Political Community in Oakland (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), 183–85.

9. As Robert Self characterizes the tactics behind expansive suburban development in the Bay Area, “Postwar suburbanization in the United States was driven by the politics of making markets in property and in maintaining exclusionary access to those markets.” American Babylon, 97.

10. Evelyn Nieves, “As a Mayor, Jerry Brown Is Down to Earth,” New York Times, February 11, 2000; and Lou Cannon, “Mayor’s ‘Magic’ Turns City’s Luck Around,” Washington Post, February 17, 1999.

11. Heather MacDonald, “Jerry Brown’s No-Nonsense New Age for Oakland,” City Journal, Autumn 1999.

12. Frank Bruni, “Jerry Brown, in New Incarnation, Brings Celebrity to Oakland Race,” New York Times, May 16, 1998; “Oakland Ecopolis,” https://critical-sustainabilities/ucsc/oakland-ecopolis/; Alex Salazar, “Designing a Socially Just Downtown,” Shelterforce, April 23, 2006; and Zusha Elinson, “As Mayor, Brown Remade Oakland’s Downtown and Himself,” New York Times, September 2, 2010.

13. Salazar, “Designing a Socially Just Downtown.”

14. Salazar, “Designing a Socially Just Downtown.” One of the founders of Just Cause Oakland, Salazar volunteered his services as an architect to the project.

15. Calthorpe Associates website, https://www.hdrinc.com/portfolio/uptown.district, accessed July 31, 2018.

16. Causa Justa∷Just Cause, Development Without Displacement: Resisting Gentrification in the Bay Area, April 2014, p. 22, https://cjjc.org/publication/development-without-displacement-resisting-gentrification-in-the-bay-area/.

17. The work of the task forces and their accomplishments is detailed in Kitty Kelly Epstein, Organizing to Change a City (New York: Peter Lang, 2012).

18. Susie Cagle, “Oakland Wants You to Stop Calling It the ‘Next Brooklyn,’ ” Next City, December 15, 2014; Steve King, “Who Owns Your Neighborhood: The Role of Post-Foreclosure Oakland?” Urban Strategies Council, June 2012; Darwin BondGraham, “Neill Sullivan’s Oakland,” East Bay Express, April 2, 2014; and King, “Déjà Vu All Over Again?” Shelterforce, November 12, 2012.

19. Quan interview with Sophie Quinton, “Can Oakland Escape San Francisco’s Shadow?” Atlantic, October 6, 2013.

20. Sarah Goodyear, “Why Jean Quan Failed Oakland’s Grass Roots,” Next City, December 2, 2013; and “Oakland Mayor Quan Unveiling Her Own 10,000-Resident Plan,” San Francisco Chronicle, March 6, 2014.

21. Darwin BondGraham, “Oakland’s Housing Affordability Crisis Is the Worst Among Major US Cities,” East Bay Express, September 9, 2015; and Alan Greenblatt, “ ‘The Oakland I’m From,’ ” Governing, March 2018.

22. Patricia Kirk, “Oakland Rising,” Urban Land, October 2, 2015; Chip Johnson, “New Model of Development on the Rise in Downtown Oakland,” San Francisco Chronicle, May 23, 2014; and Mitchell Schwarzer, “Privatizing the Public City: Oakland’s Lopsided Boom,” Places, May 2019.

23. Matthai Kuruvila, “Brown Unveils Oakland Waterfront Deal,” San Francisco Chronicle, April 19, 2013; and Signature Development Group website, http://www.signaturedevelopment.com/development/brooklyn-basin/, accessed July 2, 2018.

24. Adrian Glick Kudler, “Brooklyn Rises on the Oakland Waterfront,” Curbed, June 29, 2016, https://www.curbed.com/2016/6/29/12010862/brooklyn-basin-oakland-gentrification.

25. Sam Levin, “The Fight to Develop West Oakland,” East Bay Express, July 9, 2014. In a subsequent article, “Oakland Readies for a Housing Boom,” East Bay Express, December 24, 2014, Levin explained that activists objected to neighborhood plans because the city considered them apart from any citywide provisions for affordable housing and thus not subject to their provisions. Causa Justa opposed the plan. See its posting at Causa Justa∷Just Cause, “West Oakland Specific Plan Is NO Plan for Us,” https://cjjc.org/mediapress/west-oakland-specific-plan-is-no-plan-for-us/.

26. Causa Justa∷Just Cause, Development Without Displacement. In a 2015 council hearing on the affordable housing crisis in the city, the primary author of the A Roadmap Toward Equity report, Kalima Rose of PolicyLink, pointed directly at the way investors bought up homes during the recession and turned them into rental properties exempt from rent control, among other causes. Kalima Rose and Margaretta Lin, A Roadmap Toward Equity: Housing Solutions for Oakland, Califonia (Oakland: Oakland City Council and PolicyLink, 2015). Darwin BondGraham, “Oakland City Council Discusses the Housing Crisis, but Action Still Awaits,” East Bay Express, October 1, 2015.

27. Carolyn Jones, “Gentrification Transforming Face of Oakland,” San Francisco Chronicle, April 9, 2014.

28. Rachel Swan, “Oakland Department to Pursue Race Equity in Policies, Services,” San Francisco Chronicle, June 23, 2015; and Oakland Department of Race and Equity website, https://www.oaklandca.gov/departments/race-and-equity, accessed July 2, 2018.

29. Oakland Housing Council, Oakland at Home: Recommendations for Implementing A Roadmap Toward Equity, 2016, https://www.enterprisecommunity.org/download?fid=1345&nid=4354. Cap-and-trade funding came from the state in the form of incentives to build around rapid transit stations, and in Oakland the West Oakland BART stop was among the targets of that program. See Scott Morris, “Developer Considers Building Office Towers at West Oakland BART,” Hoodline News, March 26, 2018.

30. Darwin BondGraham and Robert Gammon, “Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf Unveils Ambitious Plan for Housing Affordability,” East Bay Express, March 3, 2016.

31. Darwin BondGraham, “Oakland Eyes Affordable Housing Plan in Secret,” East Bay Express, November 25, 2015; BondGraham and Gammon, “Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf Unveils Ambitious Plan”; and Rachel Swan, “Oakland to Impose Impact Fees on New Housing Development,” San Francisco Chronicle, April 20, 2016.

32. Darwin BondGraham, “Oakland Tenant Advocates File Ballot Initiative to Strengthen Rent Control and Eviction Protections,” East Bay Express, March 3, 2016; and BondGraham, “Oakland Rising Co-Authors Renters’ Rights Bill for 2016 November Ballot,” East Bay Express, March 4, 2016.

33. Robert Ogilvie, “How Is Oakland Doing on Its Affordable Housing Goals?” SPUR (San Francisco Bay Area Planning and Urban Research Association) website, April 26, 2017, https://www.spur.org/news/2017-04-26/how-oakland-doing-its-affordable-housing-goals, accessed September 14, 2018. SPUR’s position on the sale of public land was equally at odds with the activist position, falling much closer to the council staff position favoring a mix of market housing with below-market housing when the opportunity presented itself. Sarah Karlinsky, “What’s the Best Use for Oakland’s Publicly Owned Land?” SPUR, January 17, 2018, https://www.spur.org/news/2018-01-17/what-s-best-use-oakland-s-publicly-owned-land.

34. Vanessa Riles, “Public Land Should Be Used for Public Good,” Shelterforce, November 13, 2008; Darwin BondGraham, “Oakland City Attorney Said Luxury Tower Deal Is Illegal,” East Bay Express, July 6, 2015; Ali Tadayon, “Oakland’s New Public Land Policy Gives Affordable Housing a Big Edge,” East Bay Express, December 31, 2018; and Tadayon, “Oakland Housing Development Re-Approved Despite Criticism,” East Bay Express, September 25, 2019.

35. SPUR, “A Downtown for Everyone: Shaping the Future of Downtown Oakland,” September 9, 2015, https://www.spur.org/publications/spur-report/2015-09-09/downtown-everyone; “Schaaf’s Proposals for Building Affordable Housing on Public Land Challenged,” Oakland Post, August 1, 2018; and Tadayon, “Oakland’s New Public Land Policy.”

36. Darwin BondGraham, “Plans for a ‘New’ Oakland Are Taking Shape, but Existing Residents Are Demanding More Equitable Development,” East Bay Express, June 21, 2016; Rachel Dovey, “Oakland Launches Downtown Plan 2.0,” Next City, August 2, 2017; and Downtown Oakland Specific Plan: Social Equity Working Group Meetings Summary Report, 2017, http://www2.oaklandnet.com/oakca1/groups/ceda/documents/report/oak067073.pdf. See also City of Oakland, “Downtown Oakland Specific Plan (Downtown Oakland),” https://www.oaklandca.gov/topics/downtown-oakland-specific-plan, accessed September 14, 2018.

37. Robert Ogilvie, “The Best Equity Plan for Downtown Oakland: Grow for Everyone’s Sake,” SPUR, February 15, 2017, https://www.spur.org/news/2017-02-15/best-equity-plan-downtown-oakland-grow-everyone-s-sake.

38. PolicyLink, “Oakland’s Displacement Crisis: As Told by the Numbers,” https://www.policylink.org/find-resources/library/oakland-displacement-crisis.

39. Robert Gammon, “Coliseum City Unveiled,” East Bay Express, December 14, 2011; City of Oakland, Department of Planning and Zoning, “Oakland Specific Plan,” https://oaklandca.gov/topics/downtown-oakland-specific-plan; and “5,750 Market Rate Units, No Affordable Housing Yet for Coliseum City,” Oakland Post, March 20, 2015.

40. “Oakland Residents Speak Out to Be Part of the Plan,” Paradise Post, March 10, 2016; and East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy website, http://workingeastbay.org/about/, accessed June 27, 2018.

41. Ben Ross, “A’s Plan Howard Terminal Stadium, Oakland Coliseum Site Redevelopment,” NBC Sports, November 28, 2018.

42. Ali Tadayon, “A’s Coliseum Plan Could Transform Surrounding Area,” East Bay Times, January 20, 2019; and Steven Tavares, “County to Sell Its Share of Coliseum Complex to Oakland A’s,” East Bay Express, May 1, 2019.

43. “Port of Oakland Board Votes to Advance A’s Howard Terminal Ballpark Plan,” CBS News, May 13, 2019; and Steven Tavares, “Port of Oakland to Approve Term Sheet with A’s,” East Bay Express, May 7, 2019.

44. “Environmental Justice Group to Work with Oakland A’s on New Stadium Agreement,” San Francisco Chronicle, February 22, 2019. The city of Oakland maintained a chronicle of the CBA agreement process on its website, “Howard Terminal Proposal Community Benefits Agreement (CBA),” https://www.oaklandca.gov/topics/community-benefits-agreement-cba-for-the-oakland-as-waterfront-ballpark-district-at-howard-terminal, accessed April 13, 2020. Despite the extensive effort to balance public costs with community benefit, delays in securing further public funds for transportation and other improvements prompted the A’s to consider relocating once again, with Major League Baseball’s encouragement. “Major League Baseball Greenlights Oakland A’s to Consider Relocating,” KIPX, May 11, 2021; and Danielle Moran, “Oakland’s Baseball Future Hangs on a Waterfront Deal,” CityLab, May 25, 2021.

45. “Oakland Equity Indicators: Measuring Change Toward Greater Equity in Oakland,” Executive Summary, 2018, https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/2018-Equity-Indicators-Executive-Summary.pdf.

Chapter 8. Pittsburgh

1. See, for example, Deb Smit, “The Economist Names Pittsburgh the Most Livable City (on the Mainland) Again,” NEXTpittsburgh, August 25, 2014. Tracy Neumann summarizes this series of landmark designations for the city, concluding her examination of Pittsburgh’s modern recovery efforts by saying, “In the second decade of the twenty-first century, much as it was in the 1960s and 1980s, Pittsburgh remains an international model for urban regeneration.” Neumann, Remaking the Rust Belt: The Postindustrial Transformation of North America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016), 209.

2. Florida quoted in Glen Thrust, “The Robots That Saved Pittsburgh,” Politico, February 4, 2014.

3. Scott Andes, Mitch Horowitz, Ryan Helwig, and Bruce Katz, “Capturing the Next Economy: Pittsburgh’s Rise as a Global Innovation City,” Brookings Institution, September 2017; Bruce Katz and Scott Andes, “Why the Future Looks Like Pittsburgh,” CityLab, September 24, 2017; and Neumann, Remaking the Rust Belt, 212–13.

4. The account of the two Pittsburgh renaissances is drawn largely from Neumann. She traces such sophisticated partnerships to the aftermath of the debt crisis of 1975 in New York City, with the consolidation of powers to restore solvency through the newly created Municipal Assistance Corporation. The consolidation of financial interests in restructuring New York’s finances, she suggests, provided arrangements between public and private members of a partnership devoted to growing the city to recovery in ways that were more flexible than those rooted in urban renewal legislation. Neumann, Remaking the Rust Belt, 57–58.

5. Howard Gillette, Jr., “The City: Film as Artifact,” in Gillette, Civitas by Design: Building Better Communities from the Garden City to the New Urbanism (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), 45–59.

6. Patrick Vitale, “Decline Is Renewal,” Journal of Urban History 41 (January 2015): 36; and Neumann, Remaking the Rust Belt, 28. Smoke abatement, as Angela Gugliotta points out, was easier to deal with than inadequate earnings, long hours, or lack of unionization, giving business the aura of reform “without abandoning the basic instrumentalist logic of capitalism: to improve Pittsburgh’s environment and certain aspects of its economic future, while simultaneously turning away from Pittsburgh’s oldest industries toward wider global investments.” Gugliotta, “How, When, and for Whom Was Smoke a Problem in Pittsburgh,” in Devastation and Renewal: An Environmental History of Pittsburgh and Its Region, ed. Joel A. Tarr (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2003), 123.

7. Jeanne R. Lowe, Cities in a Race with Time: Progress and Poverty in America’s Renewing Cities (New York: Random House, 1967), 148–49.

8. Joe W. Trotter and Jared N. Day, Race and Renaissance: African Americans in Pittsburgh Since World War II (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2010), 7–43.

9. Ben Brantley, “The World That Created August Wilson,” New York Times, February 5, 1995; John L. Dorman, “August Wilson’s Pittsburgh,” New York Times, August 15, 2017; and Mark Whitaker, Smoketown: The Untold Story of the Other Great Black Renaissance (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2018).

10. John Bodner, Lives of Their Own: Blacks, Italians, and Poles in Pittsburgh, 1900–1960 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 196–97; and Roy Lubove, Twentieth-Century Pittsburgh: Government, Business, and Environmental Change (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1969), 84–85.

11. Gregory J. Crowley, The Politics of Place: Contentious Urban Redevelopment in Pittsburgh (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2005), 59–66; Allen Dieterich-Ward, Beyond Rust: Metropolitan Pittsburgh and the Fate of Industrial America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016), 84–85; and Kelly Hutzell, “Pittsburgh’s Plans: Triumphs and Tribulations of Urban Renewal,” in Imagining the Modern: Architecture and Urbanism of the Pittsburgh Renaissance, ed. Chris Grimley, Michael Kubo, and Rami el Samahy (New York: Monacelli, 2019), 37–42.

12. For a detailed report of that resistance, see Laura Grantmyre, “Conflicting Visions of Renewal in Pittsburgh’s Hill District, 1950–1968,” special issue, Urban History 43 (November 2016), on “Urban Sights: Urban History and Visual Culture” website, http://scalar.usc.edu/anvc/urban-sights-visual-culture-and-urban-history/conflicting-visions-of-renewal-in-pittsburghs-hill-district-1950-1968-by-laura-grantmyre.

13. Dan Fitzpatrick, “The Story of Urban Renewal,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, May 21, 2000; and William J. Mallett, “The Lower Hill Renewal and Pittsburgh’s Original Cultural District,” Pittsburgh History 75 (1991–92):176–90.

14. Trotter and Day, Race and Renaissance, 57, 103; and Mindy Thompson Fullilove, Root Shock: How Tearing Up City Neighborhoods Hurts America, and What We Can Do About It (New York: Ballantine, 2004). For a rich visual treatment of the transformation of the area, see Diana Nelson Jones, “Traces of a Lost Neighborhood,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, June 18, 2018, https://newsinteractive.post-gazette.com/lower_hill/.

15. Lowe, Cities in a Race with Time, 148–62. In line with Allegheny Conference on Community Development’s business and top-down orientation, Barbara Ferman reports, ACTION-Housing had only limited success at a time of rising neighborhood empowerment. Ferman, Challenging the Growth Machine: Neighborhood Politics in Chicago and Pittsburgh (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1996), 76–82. Lubove, Twentieth-Century Pittsburgh: Government, Business, and Environmental Change, 142–76, traces ACTION-Housing’s evolution to that of a neighborhood-oriented service agency.

16. Lubove, Twentieth-Century Pittsburgh: Government, Business, and Environmental Change, 106.

17. Roy Lubove, Twentieth-Century Pittsburgh: The Post-Steel Era (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996), 260. Although taking a more nuanced and critical view of the partnership between downtown and neighborhood organizations, John T. Metzger affirms the positive effects of each sector working together, in “Remaking the Growth Coalition: The Pittsburgh Partnership for Neighborhood Development,” Economic Development Quarterly 12, no. 1 (1998): 12–29.

18. Christine H. O’Toole, “Slumbering Pittsburgh Neighborhood Reawakens,” New York Times, March 2, 2010; and Nathaniel Popper, “Pittsburgh’s Time of Transition,” New York Times, February 14, 2013.

19. Hill Community Development Corporation website, http://hilldistrict.org/connect, accessed May 24, 2018.

20. Urban Land Institute (ULI) Case Studies, “Crawford Square,” https://casestudies.uli.org/crawford-square-5/; Michael A. Fuoco, “Crawford Square One of Many Vibrant New Hill Projects,” Pittsbugh Post-Gazette, April 12, 1999; Trotter and Day, Race and Renaissance, 184; and Lynette Clemetson, “Revival for a Black Enclave in Pittsburgh,” New York Times, August 9, 2002.

21. Carl Redwood and Bonnie Young Laing, “Organizing for Economic Justice,” in Community Development in the Steel City, ed. Akwugo Emejulu (Community Development Journal, March 2012), https://hdcg1.wildapricot.org/Resources/Documents/community-development-in-the-steel-city%20-%20BY%20Laing%20_%20Redwood.pdf; and Chris Young, “One Hill Ratifies CBA, but Not Everyone Is Happy,” Pittsburgh City Paper, August 15, 2008. For a more detailed account of the process leading up to the community benefits agreement, written by a participant, see Emma T. Lucas-Darby, “Community Benefits Agreements: A Case Study in Addressing Environmental and Economic Injustices,” Journal of African American History 97 (Winter-Spring 2012): 92–109.

22. “Governor Wolf Joins Federal, State and Local Officials to Open New Lower Hill Infrastructure in Pittsburgh,” press release, October 7, 2016, https://www.governor.pa.gov/governor-wolf-joins-federal-state-and-local-officials-to-open-new-lower-hill-infrastructure-in-pittsburgh/, accessed May 25, 2018; and Jen Kinney, “Pittsburgh ‘Cap’ Park Plans to Honor Neighborhood History,” Next City, April 3, 2018. A full account of the circumstances that resulted in highways cutting off the Hill district from downtown can be found in the application for the Cap park grant, http://i-579captiger.com/I-579Cap01/Narrative.pdf.

23. Mark Belko, “Penguins Yield $15 Million in Credits but Gain Extra Time to Develop Civic Arena Site,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, November 6, 2011; Margaret J. Krauss, “What Do the Pittsburgh Penguins Have to Do with Affordable Housing?” WESA radio, May 29, 2017; and Emily Klein, “The Hill District, a Community Holding on Through Displacement and Development,” Public Source, December 27, 2017. The breakdown of subsidies was $7.5 million in state funding per year over thirty years from the Pennsylvania Economic Development and Tourism Fund, $10 million from the state, and $5.5 million from the Sports Exhibition Authority, according to Juliette Rihl, in “This Pittsburgh Group Wants All Developers Getting Public Subsidies to Agree to Community Benefits,” Public Source, May 21, 2018.

24. Stepney quoted in Diana Nelson Jones, “East Liberty Becomes a Vibrant Community,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, June 8, 2009; and “What’s Next for East Liberty?” NEXTpittsburgh, May 6, 2014; Tim Schooley, “Tracking the Boom in Pittsburgh’s East End,” Pittsburgh Business Times, May 19, 2015.

25. Walnut Capital website, http://walnutcapital.com/company/overview/, accessed May 25, 2018.

26. Talia Lakritz, “The 10 Hottest US Neighborhoods Right Now,” Business Insider, October 3, 2017.

27. Nila Payton, “Pittsburgh’s Progress Is Leaving Families Like Mine Behind,” Public Source, May 3, 2018.

28. Patricia Sabatini, “Deal Could Clear Way for Penn Plaza Development in East Liberty,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, October 30, 2017; Jason Vrabel, “Game of Chance: Mass Eviction in Pittsburgh,” Shelterforce, February 13, 2018; and Ryan Deto, “Fight over Penn Plaza Highlights City’s Inability to Plan Neighborhood Growth Equitably,” Pittsburgh City Paper, May 30, 2018. Gerhardt quoted in Vrabel, “Key Moments in the Penn Plaza Displacement Saga,” Public Source, April 10, 2018.

29. Affordable Housing Task Force Findings and Recommendations to Mayor William Peduto and the Pittsburgh City Council, May 2016, pp. 6, 9, http://apps.pittsburghpa.gov/mayorpeduto/FinalReport_5_31_16_(1).pdf. Notably, the task force specified that inclusionary provisions would include but not be limited to tax abatements, tax incremental finance (TIF), and height and density bonuses and that the number of affordable units would be set at a level commensurate with the amount of public subsidy. Its recommendations for protecting tenants paralleled protections that had been in place in Washington, D.C., since the 1980s. See Chapter 6 for further information on this program. Some critics, including Helen Gerhardt, argued that all new developments should be inclusionary, pointing out that only 17 percent of inclusionary zoning policies in the country are incentive based. Ryan Dito, “Housing Advocates Request Pittsburgh Officials Create Mandatory Inclusionary Zoning Requirements,” Pittsburgh City Paper, April 29, 2016.

30. Mark Belko, “Peduto Strikes Deal to Save Affordable Housing at Crawford Square,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, January 28, 2016.

31. Haley Frederick, “Affordable-Housing Advocates Challenge Pittsburgh City Council on Housing Opportunity Fund Inaction,” Pittsburgh City Paper, November 16, 2017; Adam Smeltz, “Pittsburgh City Council Agrees to Transfer Tax Increase,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, December 19, 2017; Michael Anderson, “Pittsburgh Enacts Housing Opportunity Fund,” Center for Community Change, Winter 2017, https://housingtrustfundproject.org/pittsburgh-enacts-housing-opp-fund/, accessed May 29, 2018; and Rich Lord, “Hitting the Wall: An Affordable Housing Program Meant to Increase Homeownership Hasn’t Opened Many Doors,” Public Source, February 17, 2020. Tom Lisi, “How Will Another $10 Million Impact Affordable Housing?” Public Source, June 4, 2019.

32. Hood Design Studio, “The Hill: A Village in the Woods Conceptual Plan,” September 3, 2009, https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/415693/Greenprint%20I%20-%20II%20Final%20Report.pdf?t=1487281297720.

33. Tony Rapp, “Master Plan for Pittsburgh’s Lower Hill District Revealed,” Trib Live, November 18, 2015; Kim Lyons, “Bold Master Plan for Hill District Development Seeks to Reconnect Neighborhood,” NEXTpittsburgh, November 19, 2015; and Charles Rosenblum, “A Proposed Highway Cap Won’t Help the Lower Hill,” Pittsburgh City Paper, August 10, 2016. The new Lower Hill Master Plan, released January 25, 2016, is available at https://archello.com/project/new-lower-hill-master-plan.

34. Paul J. Gough and Justine Coyne, “U.S. Steel Abandons Plan to Build Headquarters at Former Civic Arena Site,” Pittsburgh Business Times, November 5, 2015; and Mark Belko, “Now Starting for the Penguins, a Different Housing Developer,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, August 8, 2018.

35. John Delano, “Pittsburgh Penguins Unveil New Civic Arena Site Redevelopment Plans,” KDKA CBS Pittsburgh, March 8, 2019; Christian Morrow, “Development Beginning Soon on Civic Arena Site,” Pittsburgh Courier, May 23, 2019; Bill O’Toole, “Penguins Announce Master Plan for Civic Arena Area, Breaking Ground This Fall,” NEXTpittsburgh, March 8, 2019; and Tom Lisi, “After Years of Waiting, Hill District Residents Consider the Penguins’ Latest Plan for the Civic Arena Site,” Public Source, March 14, 2019.

36. Diana Nelson Jones, “ ‘New’ Lawrenceville Is Coping with Its Own Success,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, September 25, 2016.

37. Lawrenceville Corporation, “The Model and Our Approach,” http://lvpgh.com/clt/about/, accessed November 15, 2018; and Emily McConville, “Lawrenceville Corporation Breaks Ground on Community Land Trust,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, July 3, 2017.

38. Jason Vrabel, “Inclusionary Zoning Could Help Pittsburgh Generate More Affordable Housing, but Progress Has Taken Years,” Public Source, October 15, 2018. The Pittsburgh City Planning Commission extended the experiment two years later, until mid-2021, to give the Peduto administration time to revise the program and consider making it permanent. Public Source, December 8, 2020.

39. Founded in 1843 by the Sisters of Mercy, a Catholic religious congregation from Ireland, Mercy merged with the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center in 2008. For an account of the important role hospital expansion and development had in reshaping postindustrial Pittsburgh, see Andrew T. Simpson, The Medical Metropolis: Health Care and Economic Transformation in Pittsburgh and Houston (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019).

40. According to a thorough assessment of the approval process, J. Dale Shoemaker, in “UPMC Mercy Expansion: How the ‘Community Benefits Agreement’ Between UPMC and the City Came to Be,” Public Source, July 8, 2019, UPMC needed the commission’s approval because it was working under an Institutional Master Plan, which under city law, allows institutions, like Carnegie Mellon University and UPMC, to forgo individual approvals for development projects, usually for a ten-year period.

41. Bob Bauder, “Opponents of UPMC Pack Pittsburgh City Council Hearing on Health System’s $2B Expansion,” Trib Live, July 17, 2018; and Brittany Hailer, “Pittsburgh City Council Withholds Approval of UPMC’s Expansion Plan After a Four-Hour Hearing,” Public Source, July 17, 2018.

42. Brittany Hailer, “City Council Votes in Favor of UPMC Mercy Expansion After a Controversial Community Benefits Agreement,” Public Source, July 31, 2018; Shoemaker, “UPMC Mercy Expansion”; Daniel Moore, “In Rift over UPMC Hospital, a Union and a Mayor Expose Split Views,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, August 30, 2018; and Sarah Boden, “UPMC Breaks Ground on Uptown Facility Where It Hopes to Help Cure Blindness,” WESA, March 14, 2019.

43. Jennifer Bannon, “Forging Urban Frontiers,” Carnegie Mellon Today, February 29, 2016; Eve Picker website, http://evepicker.com/; and associated CityLab website, http://www.citylabpgh.org/blogs/tinyhouses/, both accessed November 16, 2018.

44. Tony Rapp, “Garfield Tiny House Sells for $109,000 Asking Price,” TribLive, March 22, 2016.

45. Sandra Tolliver, “How to Build More Affordable Housing? Garfield Is Experimenting with ADUs,” NEXTpittsburgh, March 19, 2018; and Katie Herzog, “Tiny House, Big Drama in Pittsburgh Gentrification Battle,” Grist, May 19, 2016.

46. Andes et al., “Capturing the Next Economy,” 31, 36.

47. InnovatePGH, “Programs and Initiatives,” https://www.innovatepgh.com/initiatives, accessed May 29, 2018.

48. Bruce Katz and Jeremy Nowak, The New Localism: How Cities Can Thrive in the Age of Populism (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2017), 83, 73.

49. P4 website, p4pittsburgh.org; Lauri Gravina, “Making Pittsburgh the Model for the Sustainable City, NEXTpittsburgh, April 20, 2015; Amy Mendelson, “Why Uptown Is an Up-and-Coming Neighborhood (Think Eco-Innovation),” NEXTpittsburgh, June 8, 2015; and Mark Belko, “Walnut Capital Scoops Up More Oakland Property for Possible Bakery Square-Like Development,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, October 31, 2017.

50. Jamil Bey, Tayler L. Clemm, and Dana L. Griggs, “Recommendations for an Equity, Justice, and Inclusion Agenda for Pittsburgh,” UrbanKind Institute, September 2016, www.p4pittsburgh.org/media/W1siZiIsIjIwMTYvMTAvMDcvMW1ldmlpb3Rmcl9VcmJhbktpbmRfcmVjb21tZW5kYXRpb25zX2Zvcl9QaXR0c2J1cmdoX3NfRXF1aXR5X0FnZW5kYS5wZGYiXV0/UrbanKind-recommendations_for_Pittsburgh%27s_Equity_Agenda.pdf.

51. Neumann, Remaking the Rust Belt, 151–57.

52. Deb Smit, “What’s Next for Almono, the Biggest Development in Pittsburgh?” NEXTpittsburgh, November 16, 2015; Michael Machosky, “Almono Mega-Development in Hazelwood Aims to Be a ‘24/7 Neighborhood,’ ” NEXTpittsburgh, September 2, 2017; Richard King Mellon website, “Reimagining the LTV Coke Works Site: Hazelwood Green,” https://www.rkmf.org/pages/hazelwood-green; and Heinz Endowments, h: Magazine of the Heinz Endowments, issue 1, 2019, https://www.heinz.org/UserFiles/Library/2019_h_magazine_Issue_1-Complete-for-web.pdf.

53. Stephanie Hacke, “Hazelwood Holds the Largest ‘Redevelopment Opportunity’ in Pittsburgh: How Talk of Amazon and Change Is Affecting Residents,” Public Source, February 26, 2018.

54. Margaret J. Krauss, “Hazelwood Plans for Its Future, Welcomes Renamed Almono Site,” WESA radio, October 16, 2017. J. Dale Shoemaker, “Homewood Residents Get First Glimpse of ‘Comprehensive Community Plan’ to Tackle Housing, Development, Transit and More,” Public Source, April 24, 2019.The plan can be accessed at Pittsburgh City Planning, Greater Hazelwood Neighborhood Plan,https://apps.pittsburghpa.gov/redtail/images/7601_Final_Hazelwood_Plan.pdf.

55. Sandra Tolliver, “Introducing ONEPGH, The City’s First Comprehensive ‘Resilience Strategy,’ ” NEXTpittsburgh, March 8, 2017; Rachel Dovey, “Pittsburgh Releases Resilience Strategy,” Next City, March 8, 2017; and Bob Bauder, “Peduto Asks Nonprofits, Corporations to Help with $3 Billion in ‘OnePGH’ Improvements,” TribLive, April 17, 2018. Under the subhead “Endemic Stresses That Impact Pittsburghers,” the city’s resilience strategy posted at OnePGH detailed the history of segregation, including redlining, that had the effect of segregating African Americans in place, concluding, “Historical and structural racial discrimination is evident in Pittsburgh’s neighborhood segregation, and economic inequities continue to play a role in influencing the quality of life of many of Pittsburgh’s residents of color.” OnePGH, “Pittsburgh’s Resilience Strategy,” https://apps.pittsburghpa.gov/redtail/images/8300_OnePGH_Resilience_Strategy.pdf, accessed August 15, 2018.

56. City of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh Equity Indicators Annual Report 2017, https://pittsburghpa.gov/equityindicators/indicators.html. Ashley Murray, “Pittsburgh’s Second Equity Indicators Report Shows Racial Disparities Still Prominent,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, April 18, 2019; Lacretia Wimbley, “Mayor Peduto Creates Office to Address Inequities in and Outside of Local Government,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, May 10, 2019; J. Dale Shoemaker, “Pittsburgh’s Black Residents Feel Consequences of Inequality More Starkly Than in Other U.S. Cities, New City Report Finds,” Public Source, September 17, 2019; and Ashley Murray, “Pittsburgh’s Black Population Trails Other Cities in Quality of Life, Report Says,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, September 17, 2019.

57. Jerry Dickinson, “Pittsburgh is America’s Apartheid City,” Public Source, February 22, 2021.

Chapter 9. Newark

1. Ras J. Baraka, “Amazon Jobs Don’t Have to Come at the Expense of a Community: Newark Can Be Proof,” Washington Post, February 17, 2019; and Bill Bradley, “The Anti-Cory Booker: Meet Newark’s New Populist Mayor,” Next City, May 14, 2014.

2. Erin Banco, “NJ Offered Amazon a 7B Deal: Is It Worth It?” NJ.com, October 20, 2017.

3. See, for example, Ronald Smothers, “In Riot’s Shadow, a City Stumbles On,” New York Times, July 14, 1997. A Newark resident, Smothers covered the 1967 uprising in Newark for the Washington Post.

4. Ralph Blumenthal, “Newark Hopes for Revival Far Beyond Arts Center,” New York Times, October 15, 1997; and Rachelle Garbarine, “In Downtown Newark, Hopeful Signs,” New York Times, December 20, 1998. See also the more cautionary assessment, Kathe Newman, “Newark, Decline and Avoidance, Renaissance and Desire: From Disinvestment to Investment,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 594 (July 2004): 34–48.

5. Jason Nark, “Is Newark the Next Brooklyn?” Politico, March 19, 2015; and Rick Rojas, “Revival Comes to Newark, but Some Worry It’s ‘Not for Us,’ ” New York Times, August 8, 2017.

6. Karen Yi, “ ‘I Got a Ph.D. from the Streets,’ Presidential Hopeful Cory Booker Says from His Newark Home,” NJ.com, February 1, 2019.

7. Published in 1969, Portnoy’s Complaint was not the only book Roth devoted to his native city and his sense of loss as it changed in the 1960s. See Steven Malanga, “Philip Roth’s Newark,” City Journal, June 11, 2017.

8. Richard Florida, The New Urban Crisis: How Our Cities Are Increasing Inequality, Deepening Segregation, and Failing the Middle Class—and What We Can Do About It (New York: Basic, 2017), xi–xiii.

9. Robert Curvin, Inside Newark (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2014), 87–88. A cofounder of the New Jersey chapter of CORE and a key figure in electing the city’s first Black mayor, Kenneth Gibson, Curvin died the year after publication of his inside account of Newark’s modern political landscape.

10. Mark Krasovic, The Newark Frontier: Community Action in the Great Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016), chap. 2, “Community Action Comes to Newark,” 35–63.

11. Ronald Porambo, No Cause for Indictment: An Autopsy of Newark (Hoboken: Melville House, 1971), 83; and Krasovic, Newark Frontier, 89.

12. Krasovic, Newark Frontier, 84–89. Krasovic provides a concise account of the uprising that followed, on pp. 115–23. See also Kevin Mumford, Newark: A History of Race, Rights, and Riots in America (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 125–48.

13. Tom Hayden, Rebellion in Newark: Official Violence and Ghetto Response (New York: Random House, 1967), 71.

14. Krasovic, Newark Frontier, 153–223.

15. To commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the uprisings, the New Jersey Historical Society, based in Newark, sponsored both a conference and an exhibition, which remained in place until 2017. Before his death in 2014, Rutgers–Newark historian Clement Price gave tours of the riot area. For his reflections on the legacy of the uprising, see Clement Alexander Price, “History and Memory: Why It Matters That We Remember,” in Baltimore ’68: Riots and Rebirth in an American City, ed. Jessica I. Elfenbein, Thomas L. Hollowak and Elizabeth M. Nix (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2011), 259–64. See also Nancy Solomon, “40 Years On, Newark Re-Examines Painful Riot Past,” National Public Radio Weekend Edition, July 14, 2007.

16. Curvin, Inside Newark, 183–85.

17. Curvin, Inside Newark, 198–201; Jason Reich Stevenson, The Fire This Time: Development Conflict in Rebuilding Newark, New Jersey, senior honors thesis, Harvard College, March 2000, http://webatomics.com/jason/Images/thesisintro.pdf; and Damien Cave, “While Devils Get a Home, Newark’s Poor Keep Looking,” New York Times, May 1, 2005.

18. Howard Gillette, Jr., “New Community Corporation,” in Encyclopedia of New Jersey, ed. Maxine N. Lurie and Marc Mappen (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2004), 568; Julia Rabig, The Fixers: Devolution Development and Civil Society in Newark, 1960–1990 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016), chap. 8, 212–36; and “Mgsr. William J. Linder, a Force for Transformation in Newark, Is Dead at 82,” NJ.com, June 8, 2018.

19. Kathe Newman and Philip Ashton, “Neoliberal Urban Policy and New Paths of Neighborhood Change in the American Inner City,” Environmental and Planning A 36 (July 2004): 1166.

20. Stevenson, Fire This Time, 84–85.

21. Stevenson, Fire This Time, 186–215.

22. Andrew Jacobs, “Newark’s Competing Visions of Itself,” New York Times, May 10, 2002; Damien Cave, “Politics Is Driving Eviction in Newark, Tenants Say,” New York Times, March 22, 2006; and Cave, “After 5 Terms as Newark Mayor, James Opts Not to Run Again,” New York Times, March 28, 2006.

23. Editorial, “Why Newark Matters,” New York Times, July 15, 2006.

24. Toni L. Griffin, “Hurricanes, Civil Unrest and the Restoration of the American City: Lessons from Newark for a New Planning Response,” in New Orleans Under Construction, ed. Michael Sorkin, Carol McMichael Reese, and Anthony Fortenot (London: Verso, 2014).

25. Between 2000 and 2006, Griffin served as vice president and director of design for the Anacostia Waterfront Corporation in Washington, D.C., leading the planning for the Washington Nationals Ballpark District, and held the position of deputy director for revitalization planning and neighborhood planning in the D.C. Office of Planning.

26. Newark: The Living Downtown Plan, May 23, 2008, https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1K-GHtmJUgy8nk3sd17tGT59mqgjs49S3; Shifting Forward/2025: Newark Master Plan Re-Examination Report, February 2009, 7, 17, https://cdm17229.contentdm.oclc.org/digital/collection/p17229coll35/id/9406.

27. Like Detroit, housing values fell precipitously during the recession. In 2014 building permits were half what they were in 2000, mortgages barely a third, and sales prices 40 percent lower adjusted for inflation despite soaring values in the years before the recession. Alan Mallach, The Divided City: Poverty and Prosperity in Urban America (Washington, D.C.: Island, 2018), 134.

28. Julia Ramey Serazio, “Cory Booker’s Star-Studded State of the City Address,” Next City, February 10, 2009.

29. Karen Yi, “Shaq Is Opening a 79M Apartment Tower in NJ,” NJ.com, May 21, 2019; and Apts.com website, https://www.apartments.com/50-rector-park-brand-new-waterfront-rentals-newark-nj/dmnk0bh/, accessed December 11, 2019.

30. Andrea Gillespie, The New Black Politician: Cory Booker, Newark, and Post-Racial America (New York: New York University Press, 2012), 50–51, 88–101; Curvin, Inside Newark, 240; Ronda Kaysen, “With Help from Others, Newark Is Building for Business,” New York Times, July 5, 2011; and Tom de Poto, “Christie Cuts Ribbon on Panasonic’s New Headquarters in Newark,” Star-Ledger, September 17, 2013.

31. Dale Russakoff, The Prize: Who’s in Charge of America’s Schools? (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2015); and Kate Zernike, “Newark Schools Chief Appointed by Christie Resigns After a Stormy Tenure,” New York Times, June 23, 2015.

32. Richard Kahlenberg, “Taking on Class and Racial Discrimination in Housing: Cory Booker’s Big Idea to Rein in Exclusionary Zoning,” American Prospect, August 2, 2018.

33. Nick Corasaniti and Stephanie Saul, “ ‘Newark’s Original Sin’ and the Criminal Justice Education of Cory Booker,” New York Times, March 27, 2019.

34. Curvin, Inside Newark, 260; and Kate Zernike, “Promise vs. Reality in Newark on Mayor’s Watch,” New York Times, December 13, 2012.

35. Curvin, Inside Newark, 239.

36. Kate Zernike, “Newark Mayoral Race Seen as Referendum on Booker,” New York Times, May 8, 2014.

37. Ras Baraka, “A Black Fire! Eulogy for My Father Imamu Amiri Baraka” (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 2014).

38. According to a 2017 report authored by Rutgers–Newark law professor David Troutt, Newark homeowners lost an estimated $2 billion in property value as a result of the 6,810 foreclosures between 2008 and 2012. Troutt, Making Newark Work for Newarkers: Housing and Equitable Growth in the Next Brick City—A 2017 Analysis, p. 21, Rutgers Center on Law, Inequality, and Metropolitan Equity, https://law.rutgers.edu/sites/law/files/CLiME%20Report%202018.pdf.

39. Joe Tyrrell, “Keeping Newark Homeowners at Home, Despite Looming Foreclosure,” NJ Spotlight, December 5, 2012; David Dayen, “Newark’s Terrible New Foreclosure Fix Idea,” New Republic, May 8, 2013; James Queally, “ACLU, NJ Leaders Join Fight to Protect Cities Using Eminent Domain to Fight Foreclosure Crisis,” Star-Ledger, April 7, 2014; and John Atlas, “Newark Mayor-Elect Ras Baraka Has Proposed a Plan to Help Homeowners Keep Their Foreclosed Properties,” NJ.com, June 24, 2014.

40. Joe Tyrrell, “Tale of Two Towns: Newark, Irvington Mayors Tackle Housing Issues,” NJ Spotlight, September 25, 2014; and Tyrrell, “Baraka’s Vision for Newark’s West Ward Unrealized in Development Plan,” NJ Spotlight, September 9, 2016. For background on reverse eminent domain and an explanation about why it was such a fundamental challenge to the existing political economy of urban financial capitalism, see Brett Christophers and Christopher Niedt, “Resisting Devaluation: Foreclosure, Eminent Domain Law, and the Geographical Political Economy of Risk,” Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 48 (March 2016): 485–503.

41. Nick Corasaniti, “Cory Booker on His Side, Newark’s Mayor Charts a Pragmatic Second Term,” New York Times, May 9, 2018.

42. “Newark’s Radical Mayor Has Been Good for Business,” WYNC News, May 1, 2018; and Mark J. Bonamo, “Baraka Touts Newark’s Redevelopment at Regional Business Meeting,” Tap into Newark, June 21, 2017.

43. Yi, “Shaq Is Opening a $79M Apartment Tower.”

44. Alison Gregor, “Newark Project Aims to Link Living and Learning,” New York Times, March 6, 2012; Joshua Burd, “RBH Group, City Officials Unveil Transformative Teachers Village Project in Newark,” RealestateNJ, October 10, 2017; Karen Yi, “Newark Adopts ‘Groundbreaking’ Affordable Housing Ordinance,” NJ.com, October 4, 2017; “Mayor Baraka Signs Two Measures Making Newark a National Affordable Housing Leader at City Hall Ceremony,” Newark press release, October 11, 2017; and Jared Brey, “Newark Developers Adjusting to New Inclusionary Zoning Mandate,” Next City, June 27, 2019.

45. Tehsuan Glover, “Latest in Newark Residential Development to Bring a New Vibe Downtown,” Newark Times, February 26, 2018; and Vibe website, https://vibenewark.com/, accessed May 1, 2020.

46. Douglas Century, “Heard the One About Hip Newark?” New York Times, May 14, 2000; Vince Baglivo, “Newark’s Ironbound the Focus of New Projects and Plans,” New Jersey Business, August 29, 2016; Darrell Simmons, “Manhattan’s High Line Designer Tapped for Newark’s Riverfront Park,” Jersey Digs, July 6, 2016; and American Society of Landscape Architects, New York, 2016 Merit Award, “Newark River Walk,” https://www.aslany.org/portfolio-item/newark-riverfront-park/.

47. Karen Yi, “Timber Tower Will Anchor $1.7B Project Replacing Shuttered Bears Stadium,” NJ.com, January 30, 2019; Rebecca Liebson, “As Newark Rises, Could Black Residents Be Pushed Out? New York Times, November 26, 2019; Riverfront Square website, https://riverfrontsq.com/, accessed January 17, 2020; “Newark Is a City on the Rise with Riverfront Square and More,” sponsored content: Lotus Equity Group, roi-nj.com, December 10, 2018, https://www.roi-nj.com/2018/12/10/real_estate/newark-is-a-city-on-the-rise-with-riverfront-square-and-more-sponsored-content-lotus-equity-group/, accessed January 17, 2020; and Elaine Pofeldt, “In and Around Newark’s Ironbound Projects Proliferate and Rents Rise,” TheRealDeal, November 2019.

48. Justin Davidson, “Mayor Ras Baraka Is Trying to Walk a Narrow Path: Bring in New Money and Development Without Shoving Out Old Newarkers,” New York Intelligencer, November 5, 2018.

49. Rebecca Panico, “Newark Housing Authority Hopes to Lure Investors to Terrell Homes with Opportunity Zones,” Tap into Newark, June 17, 2019; and Rockefeller Foundation, “The Rockefeller Foundation Launches $5.5 Million Opportunity Zone Community Capacity Building Initiative for Select U.S. Cities: Newark, N.J. Is First City Selected, with Co-Funding from Prudential Financial,” May 21, 2019, https://www.rockefellerfoundation.org/about-us/news-media/rockefeller-foundation-launches-opportunity-zone-community-capacity-building-initiative-newark-first-city-selected/.

50. New Jersey Institute for Social Justice, Bridging the Two Americas: Employment and Economic Opportunity in Newark and Beyond, May 2017, https://www.njisj.org/just_the_facts_bridging_the_two_americas_employment_economic_opportunity_in_newark_beyond.

51. Karen Yi, “Mayor Ras Baraka Touts a ‘Newark Forward’ in State of the City,” NJ.com, March 21, 2017; Newark press release, “Mayor Ras Baraka Announces Groundbreaking Initiative to Drastically Reduce Newark Unemployment,” June 27, 2017, https://www.newarknj.gov/news/newark-unemployment; Newark Alliance website, https://newark-alliance.org/anchor/; and Justine Porter and Birch Ha Pham, “What Anchor Institutions Can Do by Working Together,” Shelterforce,” October 22, 2018. Karen Yi, “Newark Institutions Want Their Employees to Live in the City, and They Are Willing to Pay You for It,” NJ.com, April 30, 2019. At the heart of the collaborative initiative was the goal of hiring 2,020 Newark residents to new opportunities in the city by 2020, a goal that was popularized separately under the name Newark 2020. See Jessica Mazzola, “Newark Mayor Makes a Big Money Promise to the Poor in His City,” NJ.com, June 26, 2017. Anchor institutions—most often educational and medical facilities—are those organizations whose expansive physical plant as well as functions keep them anchored in urban areas rather than seeing them decamp for other regional locations.

52. City of Newark, Newark Forward: A Blueprint for Equitable Growth and Opportunity in Newark, October 2018, https://www.newarknj.gov/news/newark-forward-report. The task force named to produce the report was cochaired by Rutgers–Newark chancellor Nancy Cantor and Essex County Urban League president and CEO Vivian Cox Fraser. The report owed a great deal to David Troutt, founding director of the Rutgers–Newark Center on Law, Inequality and Metropolitan Equity. Conceived as a way to “promote more equitable approaches to public law and policy amid rapid demographic change, shrinking government resources and enduring racial and economic divides,” a commission for equitable growth, as the center’s 2017 report conceived it, could anticipate displacement as growth accelerates, even in the absence of gentrification. The report caught Baraka’s attention to the point that he invited Troutt to incorporate his ideas into city government. The new commission followed from a wide-ranging list of suggestions Troutt submitted to the city in October 2017, Making Newark Work for Newarkers. Known for her commitment to building strong university-community relations from her previous position at Syracuse University, Cantor laid out her philosophy in describing her work at Syracuse in Nancy Cantor, Peter Englot, and Marilyn Higgins, “Making the Work of Anchor Institutions Stick: Building Coalitions and Collective Expertise,” Journal of Higher Education Outreach and Engagement 17, no. 3 (2013): 17–46.

53. Karen Yi, “Changing Newark Requires Bold Ideas: Mayor Proposes Guaranteed Income for All,” NJ.com, March 13, 2019. The full text of the address can be found at “Newark Mayor Gives 2019 State of City: Jobs Schools, Inequality,” Newark Patch, March 13, 2019, https://patch.com/new-jersey/newarknj/newark-mayor-gives-2019-state-city-jobs-schools-inequality.

54. Jared Kofsky, “Report Calls for Newark to Establish Land Bank to Sell Off City Owned Properties,” New Jersey Digs, December 13, 2018; Brent Johnson, “Murphy Just Gave N.J. Cities a New Weapon to Revitalize Abandoned Buildings,” NJ.com, July 10, 2019; and Tom Bergeron, “Newark Wins Funding, Assistance as 1 of 10 Cities Picked for Economic Mobility Initiative Sponsored by Bloomberg Philanthropies,” Newark ROI, June 18, 2019.

55. Nick Corasaniti, “Tainted Water, Ignored Warnings, and a Boss with a Criminal Past in Newark,” New York Times, August 24, 2019; Karen Yi, “Was Newark’s Water Crisis Preventable? Records Reveal Problems Festered for Years,” NJ.com, December 18, 2019; Michael Sol Warren, “A 120M Plan Will Fix Newark’s Water: Here’s How Long It Will Take and Who Is Paying,” NJ.com, August 26, 2019; and Davidson, “Mayor Ras Baraka Is Trying to Walk a Narrow Path.” The crisis stemmed, at least in part, from Mayor Booker’s transfer of water service to a separate entity, one that was riddled with corruption, according to Corasaniti’s report.

56. Mark J. Bonamo, “Could Newark’s Lead Problems Affect Investment, Development in Resurgent City?” NJ Spotlight, November 1, 2019.

57. Newman, “Newark, Decline and Avoidance,” 36; and Davidson, “Mayor Ras Baraka Is Trying to Walk a Narrow Path.”

Conclusion

1. Matt Furber, John Eligon, and Audra D. S. Burch, “National Guard Called as Minneapolis Erupts in Solidarity for George Floyd,” New York Times, May 28, 2020. According to their report, Blacks in Minneapolis earned one-third as much as white residents, graduated from high school at much lower rates, and lived in households with much less wealth than their white counterparts. Sarah Holder identified that professor as University of Minnesota economist Samuel L. Meyers Jr., in “Why This Started in Minneapolis,” CityLab, June 5, 2020.

2. AFRO News, “OSI to Support Community-Based Projects Marking the Fifth Anniversary of the Baltimore Uprising,” April 30, 2020, https://afro.com/osi-to-support-community-based-projects-marking-the-fifth-anniversary-of-the-baltimore-uprising/, accessed May 12, 2020.

3. Editorial, “Five Years After Freddie Gray’s Death, Has Anything Changed in Baltimore?” Baltimore Sun, April 17, 2020.

4. Alfred Lubrano, “Incomes Rose and Poverty Fell—Then COVID Struck,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 16, 2020. According to the same report, median household income nationally reached $68,703 in 2019, making Washington and Oakland the only cities among those considered here above that level.

5. Tracy Jan, “Minneapolis Had Progressive Policies, but Its Economy Still Left Black Families Behind,” Washington Post, June 30, 2020.

6. Nathalie Baptiste, “Staggering Loss of Black Wealth Due to Subprime Scandal Continues Unabated,” American Prospect, October 13, 2014; Chuck Collins, Dedrick Asante-Muhammed, Josh Hoxie, and Emanuel Nieves, “The Ever-Growing Gap: Failing to Address the Status Quo Will Drive the Racial Wealth Divide for Centuries to Come,” Institute for Policy Studies, August 8, 2016, https://ips-dc.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/The-Ever-Growing-Gap-CFED_IPS-Final-2.pdf; Joe Cortright, “How Housing Intensifies the Racial Wealth Gap,” CityLab, September 22, 2017; and Gillian B. White, “In D.C. White Families Are on Average 81 Times Richer Than Black Ones,” CityLab, November 28, 2016. See also Mehrsa Baradaran, The Color of Money: Black Banks and the Racial Wealth Gap (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2017), 249–50; and Patrick Sharkey, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, and Yaryna Serkez, “The Gaps Between White and Black America, in Charts,” New York Times, June 19, 2020.

7. Nikole Hannah-Jones, “What Is Owed,” New York Times, June 24, 2020.

8. Peter K. Eisinger, The Politics of Displacement: Racial and Ethnic Transition in Three American Cities (New York: Academic, 1980), 198–99.

9. Susan S. Fainstein, The Just City (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010), 172. See also Derek Hyra’s assessment of how best to mediate the effects of gentrification, in “Commentary: Causes and Consequences of Gentrification and the Future of Equitable Development Policy,” Cityscape 18, no. 3 (2016): 173.

10. Catherine Dunn, “N.J. Lawmakers OK Billions in Tax Breaks,” Philadelphia Inquirer, December 22, 2020; Editorial, “What’s the Hurry?” Philadelphia Inquirer, December 21, 2020; and Sophie Neito-Munoz, “Massive $14B Corporate Tax Break Bill Heads to Murphy’s Desk Less Than a Week After It Was Announced,” NJ.com, December 21, 2020.

11. Other cities institutionalizing equity as public policy include the Atlanta mayor’s Office of Equity, Diversity and Inclusion; Austin, Texas’s Equity Office; Portland’s Office of Equity and Human Rights; San Francisco’s Office of Racial Equality; and Chicago’s Office of Equity and Racial Justice.

12. Rich Lord, “Changing Course in a Crisis: Pittsburgh’s Urban Redevelopment Authority Looks to Refocus While Fighting the Pandemic’s Effects,” Public Source, April 16, 2020; and HR&A Advisors, URA Organizational Strategy, Final Report, March 2020, https://drive.google.com/file/d/1gvWKatyb0ii5vVcveXjAXgRuyLuvWTMw/view. Rich Lord, “Once a Foil of the City’s Master Builders, Sam Williamson Now Guides the URA While Leading a Union, Advocates and a Political ‘Army,’ ” Public Source, April 20, 2020; “City Launches Planning Process for All 90 Neighborhoods,” Public Source, September 12, 2020; and Sarah Holder, “2021 Will Be the Year of Guaranteed Income Experiments,” CityLab, January 4, 2021. Peduto lost the 2021 primary election for mayor to state representative Ed Gainey, who claimed Peduto had not done enough to advance equity measures. Without an opponent announced for the general election, Gainey was widely expected to become the first Black to hold the office in Pittsburgh. Charlie Wolfson and Juliette Rihl, “Gainey Topples Peduto in Primary,” Public Source, May 18, 2021.

13. See the announcement of the new center at Detroit Future City, “DFC Opens Center to Advance Economic Equity in Detroit, Region,” January 22, 2020, https://detroitfuturecity.com/2020/01/22/dfc-opens-center-to-advance-economic-equity-in-detroit-region/. Detroit Future City, “Economic Equity: A Vision for Detroit,” released October 2020, https://detroitfuturecity.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/REPORT-DFC-Center-Economic-Equity-Shared-Vision-October-2020.pdf. DFC released its first equity report in May, 2021. The Kresge grant was part of a larger $7 million “advancing racial justice” initiative supporting a range of organizations at select sites across the country. Kresge Foundation, “Racial Justice Grantmaking,” November 19, 2020, https://kresge.org/initiative/racial-justice-grantmaking/.

14. James Brasuell, “How Oakland Is Fixing Its Pandemic Equity Problem,” Planetizen, November 16, 2020; and Steven Tavares, “DA Reopens Oscar Grant Investigation to Look at BART Officer’s Actions in Fatal 2009 Shooting,” East Bay Express, October 6, 2020.

15. Baltimore City Department of Housing and Community Development, A New Era of Neighborhood Investment: A Framework for Community Development, February 2019, https://planning.baltimorecity.gov/sites/default/files/DHCD%20Community%20Development%20Strategy_compressed.pdf.

16. Council of the District of Columbia, B23-0038—Racial Equity Achieves Results Amendment Act of 2019, Legislative History, https://lims.dccouncil.us/Legislation/B23-0038, accessed May 28, 2020; and Michael Brice-Saddler, “D.C. Joins Montgomery, Fairfax in Launching Racial Equity Office,” Washington Post, February 1, 2021.

17. East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy, “Moving Towards a Moral Budget in Oakland,” http://workingeastbay.org/whats-new/moving-towards-a-moral-budget-in-oakland/. Significantly, Vanita Gupta, who served three years as head of the Justice Department’s civil rights division under President Obama, used the term “moral budget” in discussing the reallocation of resources devoted to policing in a moderated exchange in the New York Times Magazine for June 21, 2020, under the title “Can Policing Change?”

18. Government Alliance on Race and Equity, “Milwaukee County Passes Ordinance on Racial Equity!” May 26, 2020, https://www.racialequityalliance.org/2020/05/26/milwaukee-county-passes-ordinance-on-racial-equity/, accessed May 28, 2020; “Racial Equity Ordinance Signed into Law,” Urban Milwaukee, April 30, 2020; and Alison Dirr and Elliot Hughes, “Milwaukee Mayor’s Working Group on Police Accountability and Reform Brings Hope for Actual Change, but also Skepticism,” Milwaukee Sentinel-Journal, September 17, 2020.

19. “Indianapolis Mayor Joe Hogsett Would Tie Tax Incentives to Companies’ Higher Wages,” Indianapolis Star, July 6, 2019; and HR&A Advisors, Inclusive Incentives: A Roadmap for Economic Development in Indianapolis, July 2019, https://citybase-cms-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/77cee643c403482f8f467a7fe64e46bf.pdf. The report drew on a 2018 Brookings Institution report: Chad Shearer, Isha Shah, and Mark Muro, Advancing Opportunity in Central Indiana, Brookings Institution, December 18, 2018, https://www.brookings.edu/research/advancing-opportunity-in-central-indiana/. Indianapolis Neighborhood Housing Partnership, “INHP Launches Equitable Transit-Oriented Development Loan Fund,” February 26, 2019, https://www.inhp.org/news/etod-launch.

20. Amy Liu, “A Better Way to Attract Amazon’s Jobs,” New York Times, February 16, 2019.

21. See, for instance, Robert McCartney, “Amazon in Seattle: Economic Godsend or Self-Centered Behemoth?” Washington Post, April 8, 2019.

22. Building Connections, Seattle Department of Construction and Inspections, “Equitable Development Initiative,” December 1, 2016, https://buildingconnections.seattle.gov/2016/12/01/the-equitable-development-initiative/; City of Seattle, “Race and Social Justice Initiative,” https://www.seattle.gov/rsji; and City of Seattle, Seattle 2035: Managing Growth to Become an Equitable and Sustainable City, December 2018, http://www.seattle.gov/Documents/Departments/OPCD/OngoingInitiatives/SeattlesComprehensivePlan/CouncilAdopted2019.pdf.

23. Daniel Beekman, “Justice Department Questions Racial Justice Training Held for Seattle City Employees,” Seattle Times, September 6, 2020; and Glenn Harris and Julie Nelson, “A ‘Possible America’ Begins with Anti-Racist Training,” Seattle Times, September 20, 2020.

24. Adam Belz, “Minneapolis to Establish Division of Race and Equity at City Hall,” Minneapolis Star Tribune, December 8, 2017; Elizabeth Glidden, “Moving from Rhetoric to Results: Minneapolis Creates Division of Race and Equity,” Government Alliance on Race and Equity, January 23, 2018, https://www.racialequityalliance.org/2018/01/23/moving-rhetoric-results-minneapolis-creates-division-race-equity/#:~:text=In%20December%202017%2C%20the%20Minneapolis%20City%20Council%20approved,reduce%20and%20eliminate%20racial%20inequities%20throughout%20City%20government.

25. Christopher Magan, “Twin Cities Ranks 92nd out of 100 Metros for Racial Equity, NAACP Report Finds,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, December 6, 2019. Like the New York Times, the NAACP’s Economic Inclusion Plan noted a paradox in a state ranking “among the very best in overall quality of life and among the very worst in racial and ethnic disparities.” Its report laid out the reasons why the paradox existed. NAACP, The Twin Cities Economic Inclusion Plan, https://mn.gov/cmah/assets/NAACP%20Economic%20Inclusion%20Plan%20TwinCities%20Report_tcm32-413638.pdf, accessed September 18, 2020.

26. Jared Brey, “The Organizers Who Want Single-Family Zoning Abolished in Minneapolis,” Next City, December 17, 2018; Erick Trickey, “How Minneapolis Freed Itself from the Stranglehold of Single-Family Homes,” Politico, July 11, 2019; Minneapolis 2040, “Land Use and Built Form,” https://minneapolis2040.com/topics/land-use-built-form/; and Richard D. Kahlenberg, “How Minneapolis Ended Single-Family Zoning,” Century Fund, October 24, 2019, https://tcf.org/content/report/minneapolis-ended-single-family-zoning/. Notably, the New York Times, in devoting an entire section of its Sunday opinion section to “The Cities We Need” at the height of the pandemic, on May 17, 2020, called for greater housing density and inclusion as a way of making cities both more affordable and less segregated, goals closely aligned with the Minneapolis initiative.

27. Devoted to identifying and eliminating “the barriers to an inclusive, just, and sustainable society and to create transformative change toward a more equitable nation,” the Haas Center is directed by john powell, a lead figure in the Thompson v. HUD suit in Baltimore challenging the segregative effect of public housing locations and a consultant to equity actions in Camden during the period of state takeover.

28. See, for instance, the recording of the Equity Summit 2018 session “Reimagining Cities: Local Vanguards for National Change,” featuring Julian Castro, among others, at https://www.policylink.org/equity-in-action/equity-summit-2018.

29. The Anacostia Museum’s “Right to the City” was among four exhibitions influenced by Lefebvre’s concept reviewed in the Journal of American History, including the National Building Museum’s “Evicted,” as inspired by the book of the same title by Matthew Desmond. “Both exhibits illuminate the ways urban landscapes are shaped through capital investment and disinvestment and through discriminatory practices,” public history review editors Kathleen Franz and Catherine Gudis point out. “Introduction,” Journal of American History 106 (June 2019): 127.

30. David Harvey, Rebel Cities: From the Right to the City to Urban Revolution (New York: Verso: 2012), 138; and Alesia Montgomery, “Reappearance of the Public: Placemaking, Minoritization and Resistance in Detroit,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 40 (July 2016): 786. For further discussion of “the right to the city,” see Mark Purcell, “Possible Worlds: Henri Lefebvre and the Right to the City,” Journal of Urban Affairs 36, no. 1 (2013): 141–54; and Neil Brenner, Peter Marcuse, and Margit Mayer, eds., Cities for People, Not for Profit: Critical Urban Theory and the Right to the City (New York: Routledge, 2012).

31. Edesio Fernandes, “Constructing the ‘Right to the City’ in Brazil,” Social and Legal Studies 16 (June 2007): 211–15.

32. Fainstein, Just City, 18. At the practical level of urban planning Toni Griffin, whose work in Detroit, Washington, and Newark embraced elements of equity, uses the same term to inform the center she founded at the City College of New York and the compilation of essays it published to illustrate her approach of applying equity indicators very much like those adopted in Pittsburgh and Oakland. Toni L. Griffin, Ariella Cohen, and David Maddox, eds., The Just City (New York: J. Max Bond Center on Design for the Just City, 2015).

33. Amna A. Akbar, “The Left Is Remaking the World,” New York Times, July 11, 2020.

34. Fainstein, Just City, 183–84; and Charles M. Blow, “The Civil Rights Act of 2020,” New York Times, June 10, 2020.

35. Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, “The Black Plague,” New Yorker, April 16, 2020, https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-columnists/the-black-plague; and Taylor, “Five Years Later, Do Black Lives Matter?” Jacobin, December 30, 2019.