CHAPTER 12

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Cornish Ports in the Eighteenth Century

Helen Doe

For much of Britain in the eighteenth century foreign trade increased significantly with the growth of the imports from the colonies, despite the regular interruption caused by the almost constant wars. Where London had once been the dominant port, the fortunes of many ports around the coast of Britain were transformed by the raw goods pouring in from America, the West Indies and the East Indies. Liverpool grew to become the second port in the country and the manufacturing and extractive industries increased the need for coal and drove exports from the North and from South Wales. By the end of the eighteenth century the gap had widened significantly between the large and small ports. Ports gained or lost from their relative geographic positions, the requirements for improvements to their facilities and trade, whether it was foreign, coastal or highly specialised. Foreign trade brought wealth and the increased size of ships challenged port facilities. However, in Cornwall, with no major trading centres and a limited hinterland to drive demand for imports, the main themes of the Cornish ports in the eighteenth century were minerals, fish and the important coastal trade. It is these trades that affected the development of the ports at this time.

The Coastal Trade

On 4 April 1792 nine loads of timber, 2,000 bricks, 19,000 laths and a ‘bed and stead’ were unloaded at the Mevagissey pier. The total harbour dues on this load were 6s 1½d, the timber dues being 3s and the bedstead was charged at 1½d. It was a typical small coastal import: wood for ship and house building, bricks for houses and someone’s prize purchase, an imported bed, perhaps for the new house.1 Across Cornwall and the South West the coastal trade was a critical transport link. For a port, foreign and coastal trade are as demanding as each other of harbour space.

Together with the mundane household items, the cargoes carried coastwise included important bulk commodities: salt, timber and coal inwards and copper, tin and lead outwards. Salt was an essential bulk item for a wide variety of uses; its primary use was as a preservative, particularly for Newfoundland fish and the pilchard industry. When war disrupted imports from the Mediterranean it was brought in from Cheshire and Droitwich.2 The port books that recorded the movements of cargoes can, however, be misleading, as only those items that were dutiable were noted, so fresh fish and locally quarried stone that were shipped coastwise went unrecorded and left little other evidence.3 For instance, Padstow exported tiles and stones to Bridgwater and Minehead on a regular basis.4

During the eighteenth century the mines of Cornwall, with their rich and productive seams of copper and tin, drove much shipping, either through the north-coast ports or extensively through the south, via Truro and Penryn. Exporting via the south coast was not without risk. While the Fal had the benefits of deep water and shelter, the copper traders had the hazardous problem of rounding Lands End and the Lizard, which doubled the distance from Wales, where the copper ore was smelted, and increased the risk of the vessel foundering, as the ore was a dense and heavy load for the wooden vessels in which it was carried. Shipments of tin are harder to trace; it was mainly sent coastwise to London, from where it was exported to the Baltic and to the Levant. The Mediterranean was a good market for tin and much was smuggled out by those engaged in the pilchard trade, no coinage being paid.5

Detailed study of the port books from the beginning of the eighteenth century shows how Padstow and St Ives had a great reliance on the extractive industries. For example:

Some 93 per cent of shipments clearing Padstow and 91 per cent from St Ives carried extractive goods, 46 per cent and 33 per cent carried metals, and 7 per cent and 19 per cent included manufactures respectively, almost wholly destined for Bristol and Chepstow. Trade revolved around the shipment of three vital commodities: copper ore and mundic; tin and bar tin; and pewter and pewter crafts.6

However, it was a good and very regular trade because the return cargo was coal: with no local coal deposits in Cornwall importation was essential for domestic and industrial use. The Cornish mines were leading the way in the use of steam to power the engines that enabled the mines to work at deeper levels. Dartmouth-born Newcomen invented his mine engine in 1709 and by the 1770s there were about seventy engines in use in Cornish mines to drain the workings.7

Large quantities of coal were required to produce one ton of refined copper and it was cheaper to bring ore to the coal than vice versa. ‘Nearly all the copper ore smelted at Swansea in eighteenth century was shipped from Cornwall or to a lesser extent Devon and perhaps 50 to 75 small vessels were regularly employed by the second half of the century’.8 Not all of these vessels were owned or registered in Cornwall. Records are very patchy but in 1776, of eleven vessels known to be employed only three were Cornish. The others were from Neath or Swansea.9 This is not to say that Cornishmen were not engaged in the business, as many had moved to Swansea as shipowners and the smelting works were ‘almost entirely in non Welsh hands’, such as those of the Vivian and Bath families from Cornwall.10 There was a local attempt to set up a smelting works at Hayle, but it was not a great success owing to the high cost of fuel, the increased need for coal in the steam-powered engines of the mines and a reluctance to lose the two-way trade with South Wales which kept freight rates down.11

Table 12.1 Coastal Traders between Cornish Ports and London in 1796

Number

Total Tons

Voyages repeated annually

Falmouth

1

50

4

Fowey

2

100

5

Padstow

2

100

4

Penzance

4

400

3

Bristol

6

900

2

Source: British Parliamentary Papers A Return of all Coasting Vessels and their Tonnage in the Port of London, 1796

Table 12.2 Coastal Trade Movements (’000 tons), 1791

Coastwise with cargo

1791


Entering

Clearing

Cornwall

Truro

25

30

Cornwall

St Ives

19

19

Cornwall

Falmouth

14

7

Cornwall

Padstow

6

12

Cornwall

Fowey

12

4

Cornwall

Penzance

8

3

Cornwall

Scilly

1

1

Devon

Exeter

41

18

Devon

Plymouth

46

10

Devon

Dartmouth

18

6

Devon

Barnstaple

11

4

Devon

Bideford

9

6

Dorset

Poole

18

29

Dorset

Weymouth

13

22

Somerset

Bristol

103

68

Somerset

Bridgwater

24

12

Source: G. Jackson, ‘The Ports’, in D. Aldcroft and M. Freeman (eds), Transport in Victorian Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988) Table 20.

In the absence of internal transport systems, coasting trading services were essential and traders ran between ports, carrying goods and passengers. Vessels ran a regular service between the Cornish ports and London, the numbers involved in 1796 being indicated in Table 12.1. But while all of this added to high volumes and constant activity, it did not bring big profits. Outside Bristol and Exeter there were few large merchants and many a small coastal vessel was owned by its master, the vessel providing a living for him and his small crew. While the number of vessels from the combined ports of Cornwall is greater than the number from Bristol, at that time a major English port, their tonnage indicates that they were small vessels.

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12.1 Looe

Source: Fredrick Whymper, The Sea: Its Stirring Story of Adventure, Peril and Heroism (London, Cassell, nd. 1880s), Vol. 4, p. 212

The overall figures for coastal trade movements in the Cornish ports at the end of the century show that Truro, as the economic heart of Cornwall, had the greatest amount of coastal trade, but most of the ports had less activity than their busier neighbours in Devon (see Table 12.2). This does not include those vessels that were entering or clearing in ballast, a situation that happened for a variety of reasons and is shown in the disparity between the numbers for some ports. The ballast problem was not just due to the export balance of the mineral ports. In the early part of the century some Penzance vessels had to return to port from Bristol in ballast or obtain freightage to other ports, since getting a return cargo was often a laborious and fractious process involving large networks of merchants and dependent upon many variables. The alternative of waiting for a return cargo in a busy port such as Bristol with expensive port dues was not an option, since port officials did not want too many coasters filling up what was an overstretched port facility.12

A more detailed look at the movement in two ports on the south coast shows the range of vessels and cargoes. In 1743 there were forty vessels noted as entering the port of Looe during the year. The most frequent visitors were barges from Plymouth, the nearest large port with which there were considerable trade links. There were boats from Brixham with fish, presumably fresh fish for the market in Looe. Coal and culm came from Tenby and Neath and Joseph Poignant brought salt from France. One vessel, master Henry Woods, arrived from Plymouth on 30 December in ballast and the cryptic note of ‘smuggler’ was made against his name.13 A similar list exists for Fowey in 1799 and the coal and culm vessels were noted separately. This was seasonal trade, with most of the imports arriving in the summer and early autumn. The majority of the vessels were locally owned; the Peggy made seven trips, the Peterel eight, the Anne and William six. These were presumably trading with Wales and yet the Industry of Sunderland made two visits within four weeks in June.14

For many small merchants diversity and flexibility was crucial for success. Zephaniah Job was involved in a wide range of trades, including foodstuffs, agricultural goods, timber, seeds, lime, coal, bricks and textiles. He even became a government supplier providing wheat and oats for the navy.15

Foreign Trade

Direct trade with the Iberian peninsula and the Mediterranean, as major areas of pilchard consumption, remained strong during the century. Davis showed the importance of the trade with Spain, Portugal and Italy in 1715–17, when Falmouth, Looe and other Cornish ports had significant trade:

Lead and tin, though small in value helped to fill up outward bound ships, and quantities of colonial goods especially pepper, went to Spain. From early years of eighteenth century the harbours of Cornwall sent out large numbers of tiny craft laden with salt pilchards.16

War interrupted trade and the ports that exported fish to the Mediterranean, particularly the pilchards beloved in Italy, were affected. There were Cornish links with other places, such as the Atlantic islands, which were suppliers of wine; the Enys family of Penryn were noted importers until 1704, when the Methuen treaty gave portwine a privileged position.17

In Cornwall the pilchard fisheries were the mainstay of harbours such as Newlyn, Mevagissey and the tiny harbour of Polkerris. While fresh fish was sold locally the salt pilchards were loaded into small craft of thirty to forty tons bound for the Mediterranean. A parliamentary report in 1785 set up to enquire into the state of the pilchard fisheries concluded that the trade was of national importance as:

· a fishery and nursery of seamen

· a raw material

· consuming numerous articles of British manufactures

· connected with the important Trade of salt and other articles

· an indispensable article for home consumption, within the important District of Miners.

· an article of exportation18

Table 12.3 South West Ports in 1791: Foreign-Going Movements (’000 tons)

Entering

Clearing

Total

Cornwall

Falmouth

14

13

27

Cornwall

Truro

3

5

8

Cornwall

Penzance

3

2

5

Cornwall

Fowey

4

No data

4

Cornwall

St Ives

2

1

3

Cornwall

Padstow

0

1

1

Devon

Dartmouth

11

9

20

Devon

Exeter

9

8

17

Devon

Plymouth

10

4

14

Devon

Barnstaple

3

2

5

Devon

Bideford

1

1

2

Dorset

Weymouth

1

2

3

Dorset

Poole

15

14

29

Somerset

Bristol

79

71

150

Somerset

Bridgwater

1

1

2

Source: G. Jackson, ‘The Ports’, in D. Aldcroft and M. Freeman (eds), Transport in Victorian Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988), Table 19.

In the previous four years 50,000 hogsheads had been exported, of which 1,000 had gone to Madeira and to the West Indies, 1,500 to Ostend and the remainder to the Mediterranean. It should be borne in mind that one hogshead of fifty gallons contained from 3,000 to 4,000 fish cured with six bushels of salt. The report also revealed the added benefits of the pilchard trade in the trade of other goods, both exports and imports:

Orders from the Mediterranean for lead, tin, copper, leather and other articles to have been conditional on the furnishing a fifth of the assortment in value of pilchards; and in default of pilchards, that the order of tin plate has gone to Hamburgh and the leather to Ireland. Other advantages moreover attend the furnishing the article in question to the Italian trades; the British vessel freighting a certain proportion of pilchards to Venice is allowed to take return of currants from the Venetian islands which cargo is otherwise restricted to Venetian bottoms, to the great loss delay and disadvantage both in carrying trade and commodity behalf the British merchant. Tin and other weighty staples of Cornwall are admitted as ballast go freight free to the places of destination and thereby adduce the alternative of a more certain market or of a higher profit to the British exporter19

However, for the fishing ports the business was variable owing to the unpredictability of the fish shoals and interruptions through war. Zephaniah Job in Polperro moved into the pilchard trade quite late, in 1790, and encountered many difficulties in dealing with merchants in Leghorn and Venice owing to the changing war-time situation.20 Exports in the late eighteenth century from Mevagissey ranged from 1,981 hogsheads to 13,415 in its best year (see Figure 12.1). While these figures are the exports from Mevagissey an examination of the names of the exporting companies show the interconnectivity between the main merchants of the ports. Joseph Banfield, L. Daubuz and G.C. Fox and Son were mainly based in Falmouth but had interests in seines in Mevagissey.21

Figure 12.1 Pilchard Exports from Mevagissey, 1790 to 1803 Figure 12.2 Numbers of ships entering the Port of Fowey, 1799–1800

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Figure 12.2 Numbers of ships entering the Port of Fowey, 1799–1800

image

Source: Cornwall Record Office B/los 295

From October 1799 to September 1800 vessels using the port of Fowey had a wide variety of ports of origin. Figure 12.2 shows the activity profile in the port. The high numbers in October included fourteen brigs and sloops arriving in one day. Through the year vessels of foreign origin comprised a Danish brig, a Prussian brig carrying fish and four Norway brigs with timber. English ports trading with Fowey included Ipswich, Yarmouth, Tenby and Liverpool and ships noted as packets or traders came from Exeter, Bristol and Jersey. More locally, vessels came from Looe, Plymouth and Charlestown, Falmouth and Penzance. Where cargoes were noted they included fish, timber, hemp, hides and bark.22

Building Works and Port Investment

For one port in Cornwall, fish and minerals were not the most important trades. A highly specialised business enabled Falmouth to out-perform its neighbours in foreign trade. In 1688 the Post Office recognised the significance of the westerly position of Falmouth and made it the base for its packet service. The natural deep-water harbour guaranteed scheduled departure at any state of tide and it was also the first base on returning from the Atlantic. Set up with just two hired vessels, the Post Office selected, appointed and paid for the crew. By 1702 packets were sailing to the West Indies, North and South America, Lisbon, Gibraltar and Malta. By 1808 thirty-nine packets were based in Falmouth, together with 1,200 officers. That year saw more than 3,000 passengers and as a consequence coach services and hostelries boomed.23 Local shipbuilding and repair facilities benefited greatly from such trade.

These trades had an impact on the ports as they competed to improve facilities and speed up turnaround times. The south coast was well served with deep-water natural harbours, such as Fowey and Falmouth, that could handle increasing trade without the need for costly port improvements. Falmouth, with its large sheltered harbour at the entrance to the English Channel, was a port of refuge and a port of call for ships of all nationalities. In more exposed ports a protective pier was needed to allow vessels to ride safely at anchor and this feature was typical of many west country ports. A pier was built into the sea to form a curve of a cove or two arms from a straight beach. Both types of pier port needed protection by surrounding hills and the sheltered coves of Cornish coasts, such as St Ives on the north coast and Gorran on the south coast, were ideal for this first type. These piers were subject to immense forces and needed constant and expensive attention.24 Because they were small and compact they worked best when developed for purely local needs, such as a shelter for fishing boats or for mineral export, as inland connections were by definition very difficult. Polkerris, one of the smallest havens, had its pier built to shelter fishing boats in 1735.25 Mevagissey was another pier port. Its harbour was enhanced in 1779 by act of parliament and the harbour commissioners charged dues to meet the costs of both the building and ongoing maintenance.

In some specialist mineral ports, hills and precipitous roads to water level helped, as gravity feed was the cheapest means of loading the ships.26 Portreath was limited by its size and difficult and narrow entrance, but became more viable once its pier was built in 1760.27 Francis Basset had commenced creation of the first quay in 1713 but the major changes in 1760 were extensive and expensive. Basset spent £12,000 on a pier, with lock gates so that vessels could be fully protected from the sea. He continued to spend money, extending a further £3,000 from 1778 to 1781 in order to increase the copper exports.28 The growth of copper and tin mining near St Ives meant that the harbour could no longer cope and the civil engineer John Smeaton’s design for a new outer pier was finished in 1770. Smeaton’s name occurs in the context of several Cornish ports and it was his design that enabled the first purpose-built port in Cornwall. Charlestown, built at the fishing village of West Polmear near St Austell, was financed by Charles Rashleigh to ship minerals and construction commenced in 1791.

image

12.2 Mevagissey inner harbour (Helen Doe)

Trevanaunce, which served Truro and the mines of St Agnes, was a story of local determination. From 1632 there were repeated efforts to construct a breakwater. None of them lasted more than twenty years and it was not until 1793, with a new Company, an Act of Parliament and a better understanding of the engineering needs, that at last a miniature harbour was created.29 Hayle had problems not only with shifting sand but also over access, as there were disputes between the Cornish Copper Company and Harvey’s foundry. The Copper Company wanted to expand its merchant activity to enable larger vessels to gain access to the canal and to gain a monopolistic position on the trade of the port. Improvements to the port in 1788–89 included the building of embankments by dumping copper slag, enabling the larger Scandinavian timber ships to gain access. The dispute with the Harvey foundry related to access – becoming known locally as the thirty years war – and ended in a legal battle eventually won by Harvey’s.30

Even Falmouth and Fowey, with their natural sheltered deep-water harbours, still needed to invest to attract and retain trade, which meant improving the facilities for loading and unloading and keeping the harbour free from obstruction. For instance, dredging operations were carried out in Falmouth in 1796.31 This kind of local investment was a particular problem for Fowey, as the waters of Fowey were still under the jurisdiction of Lostwithiel, several miles up river. The collection of the port fees was farmed out by the burgesses of Lostwithiel to the highest bidder, which led to some curious appointments. Bamfydle Collins, a peruke maker, held the lease for seven years from 1748 and William Husband, a hatter, took the lease in 1761 for five years. It was not a system that encouraged investment in the harbour and, with some ships coming in ballast to take out the minerals, the port needed both to be alert to the problem of illegal dumping of ballast as well as maintaining the depths of the harbour, which was susceptible to silting up.32

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12.3 Engraving of Fowey dated 1813 showing a vessel in frame (Helen Doe)

Access to and from ports for the delivery or dispersal of goods also needed to be considered and the Bude canal, although not built until the nineteenth century, was first proposed in 1793. The prospectus was glowing, suggesting that Bude would become a ‘considerable commercial Town’.33 It was an ambitious engineering scheme that aimed to take the route from Bude to Holsworthy in Devon across very difficult undulating terrain. It was envisaged it would cost nearly £30,000 exclusive of the cost of buying the land. Seventy-five miles of canal would need to be cut and five tunnels were required as well as bridges, an iron railroad and an inclined plane. These were costs that could only expand. Apart from the expansion of Bude, the proposers claimed that 75,000 acres which were currently unprofitable or waste would be improved by the availability of the conveyance of manure. New markets for lime would be opened at South Tawton, Lifton and St Stephens; the latter were currently unable to get easy access to coal, which had to be brought in by land carriage and was expensive. Surplus produce could be sold more easily along the canal and general merchandise distribution improved. Knowledgeable subscribers to an ambitious scheme such as this were unlikely to be impressed by simple thoughts of the increasing investment value of their shares, as it was likely that they would be called upon to subscribe more. The advantages were aimed at the local landowners through whose land the proposed canal would pass, many of whom were among the early subscribers.

image

12.4 Boscastle entrance (Helen Doe)

Conclusion

The expansion of foreign trade put considerable strains on the handling ability of British ports and by 1772 the major foreign trade was through just ten ports nationally.34 Cornwall did not have a major trading port like Bristol, whose position on the West Coast and a large hinterland made it an entrepôt for West Indian trade. With a limited commercial hinterland Cornwall remained largely an exporting county. It was also relatively poor agriculturally compared to Devon, Somerset and Dorset, but its advantage was its extractive industries and fishing, in which Devon also participated. Another advantage was its closeness to the continent, which had helped in developing trade with southern Europe and the Mediterranean. Cornwall’s direct foreign trade may have been largely in fish but the importance of the trade to the Mediterranean countries brought many added benefits in other trading connections. Cornwall’s minerals, on the other hand, were mainly exported to foreign countries from non-Cornish ports. What cannot be calculated is the considerable invisible earnings from the extensive packet trade out of Falmouth, such as the bullion trade from Portugal.35

The extractive industries drove much development of the ports and coastal trade. It was coastal trade that enabled even the smallest port to play a part in the economy of the region. Starkey comments that the high volume of coastal traffic, both inter- and intra- regional, was of greater significance to the relatively slow-growing economies of south Devon than international commerce,36 while Jackson argues that ports should not be measured in terms only of throughput, proportion of national customs duties or shares of imports or exports of particular goods as their significance lies in their role within an integrated system. Smaller ports had a role to play in supporting larger ports, which would otherwise be overwhelmed by too many ships. ‘Liverpool and Hull may have shipped out Wedgwood’s pots but the china clay came from Charlestown. Charlestown was a tiny port; but who would say it was unimportant?’37 There was considerable interconnectivity of the Cornish ports, both with each other and with a wide range of other ports. The relatively small ports of Cornwall, particularly those that had plenty of harbour room to build vessels or to accommodate out of season vessels, played their part in a complex and integrated coastal economy.

Hussey has emphasised the necessary flexibility of coastal trade and the nature of the trading being performed by small master-merchants, thus providing a fluid, regular and highly organised service. ‘Coasting formed a highly organised system of trade that interlocked a fluid hierarchy of ports and localities into a cohesive whole.’38 While the glory and the big profits went to a few large ports and their merchants, the coastal trader who shifted timber, coal, fish and the occasional bedstead performed an essential task in Cornwall’s development.

Notes and References

1 Courtney Library, Royal Institute of Cornwall: Mapplebeck Collection. File 8. Extracts from Mevagissey Harbour Books.

2 David Hussey, Coastal and River Trade in Pre-Industrial England: Bristol and its Region, 1680–1730 (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 2000), pp. 154–55.

3 Ralph Davis, The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1962), pp. 15–16.

4 Hussey, Coastal and River Trade in Pre-Industrial England, p. 96.

5 John Rowe, Cornwall in the Age of the Industrial Revolution 2nd edn (St Austell: Cornish Hillside Publications, 2006), p. 57.

6 Hussey, Coastal and River Trade in Pre-Industrial England, p. 95.

7 Roger Burt and Michael Atkinson, ‘Mining’ in Crispin Gill (ed.), The Duchy of Cornwall (Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1987), pp. 194–215, at p. 203.

8 Robin Craig, ‘The Copper Ore Trade’, in Robin Craig (ed.), British Tramp Shipping, 1750–1914 (St John’s, Newfoundland: International Maritime Economic History Association, 2003), pp. 59–84, at p. 61.

9 Craig, ‘The Copper Ore Trade’, p. 61.

10 Craig, ‘The Copper Ore Trade’, p. 69.

11 Rowe, Cornwall in the Age of the Industrial Revolution, pp. 63–64.

12 Hussey, Coastal and River Trade in Pre-Industrial England, pp. 35–38.

13 Cornwall Record Office [hereafter CRO]: X 48/8/3 Account of ships and boats that came into Looe from November 1743.

14 CRO: B/Los 295 Harbour dues of Corporation of Lostwithiel, 1799–1800.

15 Martin Wilcox, ‘Maritime Business in Eighteenth-Century Cornwall: Zephaniah Job of Polperro’ Troze 2:2 (2010), p. 5, www.nmmc.co.uk, online journal of the National Maritime Museum Cornwall.

16 Davis, The Rise of the English Shipping Industry, p. 229.

17 June Palmer (ed.), Cornwall, the Canaries and the Atlantic: The Letter Book of Valentine Enys, 1704–1719 (Truro: Institute of Cornish Studies, 1997).

18 British Parliamentary Papers [hereafter BPP], 1785: Report from the Committee appointed to enquire into the State of the Pilchard Fisheries, pp. 3–4.

19 BPP, 1785: State of the Pilchard Fisheries, p. 6.

20 Wilcox, ‘Maritime Business in Eighteenth-Century Cornwall’, pp. 5–6.

21 Helen Doe, ‘The Smugglers’ Shipbuilder’, Mariner’s Mirror 92:4 (2006), pp. 427–42, at p. 431.

22 CRO: B/Los 295 Harbour dues of Corporation of Lostwithiel 1799–1800.

23 D. Mudd, The Falmouth Packets (Bodmin: Bossiney Books, 1978), p. 6; Tony Pawlyn, The Falmouth Packets, 1689–1851 (Truro: Truran, 2003).

24 Gordon Jackson, The History and Archaeology of Ports (Tadworth: World’s Work, 1983), p. 36.

25 Richard Pearse, The Ports and Harbours of Cornwall (St Austell: H.E. Warne, 1963), p. 51.

26 Jackson, The History and Archaeology of Ports, p. 37.

27 D.B. Barton, ‘Portreath and its Tramroad’, in D.B. Barton, Essays in Cornish Mining History, Vol. 2 (Truro: Bradford Barton, 1970), pp. 126–58, at pp. 126–28.

28 D.B. Barton, ‘Portreath and its Tramroad’, pp. 128–29.

29 Pearse, The Ports and Harbours of Cornwall, p. 124; J. Redfearn, ‘Trevanaunce Cove, the Harbour and its Shipping, 1632 to recent times’, in S. Fisher (ed.), British Shipping and Seamen 1630–1960 some studies (Exeter: University of Exeter, 1984), pp. 1–33.

30 W.H. Pascoe, The History of the Cornish Copper Company (Redruth: Dyllansow Truran, 1981), pp. 61–81.

31 CRO: K 109 Dredging of Falmouth Harbour 1796.

32 CRO: B/Los 295 Harbour dues of Corporation of Lostwithiel 1799–1800.

33 CRO: AD/945/3/2,3 Bude Prospectus and Report.

34 Jackson, The History and Archaeology of Ports, p. 31.

35 Stephen Fisher, ‘Lisbon as a Port Town in the Eighteenth Century’, in Stephen Fisher (ed.), Lisbon as a Port Town, the British Seaman and other Maritime Themes (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1988), pp. 9–36, at p. 20.

36 David J. Starkey, ‘The Ports, Seaborne Trade and Shipping Industry of South Devon, 1786–1914’, in Michael Duffy, Stephen Fisher, Basil Greenhill, David J. Starkey, and Joyce Youings (eds), The New Maritime History of Devon, Vol. II: From the late Eighteenth Century to the Present Day (London: Conway, 1994), pp. 32–47, at p. 37.

37 Jackson, The History and Archaeology of Ports, pp. 16–17.

38 Hussey, Coastal and River Trade in Pre-Industrial England, p. 54; John Armstrong, ‘The Significance of British Coastal Shipping in British Domestic Transport, 1550–1830’, International Journal of Maritime History, 2:2 (1991), pp. 63–94.

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