Grand Masters 1191-1292/93

ROBERT OF SABLÉ, 1191-1193/94

Robert of Sablé came from Anjou, the core of the lands that Richard the Lionheart controlled before he became king of England. Robert was a follower of the Lionheart who supported the revolt of Richard and his elder brother Henry, “the Young King,” against their father, Henry II.1 He was in Richard’s entourage when the new king went on crusade and served both as treasurer of the king and as a messenger during the crusade.2

He must have been a very recent member of the Templars when he was elected to succeed Gerard of Ridefort, who was killed at the 1191 siege of Acre. The Eracles chronicler states, “Afterwards, the Templars elected a man of high birth who was in their house, named Brother Robert of Sablé as their master.”3 The way they express it, he may just have been visiting at the time.

On the way to the Holy Land, Richard had taken a few days off to conquer the island of Cyprus. He really didn’t need another island and so he offered to sell it to his friend Robert and his Templars. He asked only one hundred thousand bezants for the whole thing, a real bargain. 4 The Templars didn’t have that much money so they gave the king a down payment of forty thousand bezants’ worth of property and sent some men to Cyprus to tell the natives about the deal and collect the taxes.

This turned out to be a big mistake.

[T]hey thought they could govern the people of the island in the same way they treated the rural population in the land of Jerusalem. They thought they could ill-treat, beat and misuse them and imagined they could control the island of Cyprus with a force of 20 brothers. The Greeks hated their rule and were oppressed by it. . . . They rose in rebellion and came to besiege them in the castle of Nicosia. When the Templars saw such a multitude of people coming to besiege them, they were greatly taken aback. They told them that they were Christians, just as they were, that they had not come there by their own strength, and that, if they would let them quit the island of Cyprus, they would go willingly.5

The Cypriots, still smarting from the injuries inflicted by Richard’s army, preferred to take revenge on the Templars. However, the twenty brothers managed to defeat the mob and get back to Acre, where it was decided that Cyprus wasn’t worth the manpower needed to tame it.

Robert of Sablé went to Richard and asked him to return the deposit and take his island back. Richard said he’d be happy to take back Cyprus but he had decided that the property the Templars had given him in payment wasn’t worth what they had said and so he wasn’t going to give it back.6In those days there was no grace period to rethink a purchase so the Templars just had to grin and bear it.

Richard then sold the island to Guy of Lusignan. Guy had been king of Jerusalem through his wife, Sybilla. Sybilla and their two daughters had died around 1190, presumably in an epidemic. The crown, such as it was, since Jerusalem had fallen to Saladin in 1187, passed to Sybilla’s sister, Isabelle.7Guy had never been all that popular with anyone but Sybilla. He went to Richard and offered to buy the island on the same terms as those given to the Templars. Guy then borrowed money from some merchants in Tripoli and paid Richard, who had now managed to sell the island twice.8

Guy remarried and his descendants ruled Cyprus for the next three hundred years.

I don’t know if the relationship between Richard and Robert of Sablé cooled after this. Kings can get away with a lot. In 1192, when Richard decided to return to England, he asked Robert for ten knights and four sergeants to guard him on the trip.9Forced to travel through the land of his enemy, Leopold of Austria, Richard was taken captive and held two years before his ransom could be paid.

Robert did not neglect the administrative side of his job. In 1191 he made sure that the new pope, Celestine III, confirmed all the rights that previous popes had granted the Templars.10Other than that, his time as Grand Master was one of the more tranquil ones.

Robert de Sablé died on September 28, in either 1193 or 1194.

GILBERT ERAIL, 1194-1200

Gilbert was another career Templar. He had served in Jerusalem, where he was grand commander of the city in 1183.11 He then went to Spain, where he was living when he learned of his election as Grand Master.

One of the first things Gilbert did in 1194 was to get a papal confirmation of the privileges of the order.12 This was something that no Templar master ever took for granted. Those privileges were the base of the Templar economy.

He was in Acre by March 5, 1198, perhaps before.13 During his tenure the Templars became involved in property disputes with the Hospitallers over rights in the town of Vilania. This became so intense that the matter had to be settled by the pope, Innocent III.14

When Gilbert was excommunicated by the bishop of Sidon, Innocent stepped in again, saying that only he could excommunicate Templars.15I haven’t been able to find out what Gilbert had done to offend the bishop but I’m sure he was glad that he had been to renew the regulation that only the pope could excommunicate a Templar.

Gilbert died on December 21, 1200. His time as Grand Master seems to have been one of consolidation after the loss of so much land to Saladin. The fleeting mentions of his arguments with others in Acre are tantalizing but they don’t seem to have been interesting enough for chroniclers to make much of them.


Philip was another Angevin who came to the Holy Land with Richard I. He was a younger son who had already married and had sons of his own when he left on crusade. He encouraged fighting rather than making truces with the Moslems.16While Innocent III supported him, the pope also wrote that he had succumbed to the sin of pride and abuse of his privileges.17Philip died November 12, 1209.


William of Chartres is also known as William of Puiset. He was from a family that had a tradition of supporting the crusading movement. Before becoming Grand Master he was wounded in an ambush by the Armenians under Leo, Roupenid prince of Cilicia.18In 1215 William was one of the signers of an agreement concerning property rights among the Templars, Hospitallers, and the Order of Santiago, brokered by Pope Alexander III.19He was also the Grand Master during the first part of the Fifth Crusade in which the Christian armies under Andrew of Hungary and the excommunicated Frederick II attempted to defeat Egypt.20William’s father, Count Milo of Bar-sur-Seine, and his brother, Walter, both fought and died on that same crusade.21 William became ill while with the crusaders in Damietta and died August 26, 1219.


Peter of Montaigu was probably elected in an emergency meeting of the order at Damietta, following the death of William of Chartres. Like William, Peter’s family was very much involved in the religious life of the East. Peter’s brother, Guérin, was Grand Master of the Hospital, giving a whole new meaning to the fraternal rivalry between the two orders. One of his uncles was Eustorge, archbishop of Nicosia. 22 Another uncle, Bernard, was bishop of Puy, in the French Alps. Peter also had a cousin who didn’t enter the religious life but married on Cyprus and died there, fighting imperial troops.23

Although his family was from the Auvergne region of France, Peter spent his early career in Spain and Provence, becoming master of the Templars of the region in 1206.24He distinguished himself in battle in Spain, especially at the battle of al-Aqsa, where he and his Templars arrived in time to save the day.25

The Fifth Crusade was another resounding defeat and Peter was one of those who had to mop up. He wrote a letter of frustration to the preceptor in England, Alan Martel. In it he describes the misery of the army when the Egyptians opened the sluice gates in the Nile Delta, cutting off the supply routes. “Destitute of provisions, the army of Christ could neither proceed further nor retreat nor flee anywhere, . . . It was trapped like a fish in a net.”26

The letter ends like most from the crusades, with a plea for more funds.

Peter was also caught up in the struggle between the Holy Roman Emperor, Frederick II, and the popes. This was the old battle between the temporal and spiritual powers. Italy was part of Frederick’s inheritance, which brought him into conflict with the Papal States. Then he married Isabelle, the heiress to the throne of Jerusalem, which gave him some interest in retaking the city. Frederick managed to be excommunicated by a number of popes, dying unrepentant in 1250.

When Frederick arrived in Acre, after the defeat of the army at Damietta, the Templars and the Hospitallers refused to follow him, since he was shunned by the Church. This eventually led to a nasty scene in which, according to some, Frederick accused the Templars of trying to murder him.27They accused him of treachery.28

Although Frederick soon left Acre, he got his revenge on the Templars and the Hospitallers by confiscating all their property in Italy and imprisoning many of the brothers there. The property still hadn’t been returned when Peter died in 1231. The treaty of reconciliation between Frederick and the pope wasn’t made until 1239, when Armand of Périgord was Grand Master. As we shall see, this may not have been accidental.


Armand of Périgord probably came from Guienne, in the south of France. He had been Templar preceptor in Sicily and Calabria before becoming Grand Master and it was widely believed that his election was influenced by the Holy Roman Emperor, Frederick II, who controlled Sicily at that time.29However, there seems to be no proof of that.

Most of Armand’s career as Grand Master was spent in skirmishes with both Moslem and imperial forces. Frederick had arranged through negotiations for the Christians to have most of Jerusalem back, as well as signing an eight-year truce with the sultan of Cairo.

Armand did nothing to uphold the truce. The most notable of his actions resulted in another Templar slaughter. In 1237, against the advice of Walter, count of Jaffa, he led a band of knights against Moslem troops who were “foraging in the region between Atlit and Acre.” The Templars were badly defeated. Only the Grand Master and nine of his men escaped.30

Armand slowly learned the reality of life in the Latin kingdoms, what was left of them. He began to understand the complexity of the relations among the descendants of Saladin. They were arguing over who had the best claim to the Ayyubid kingdoms; choosing up sides, and fighting each other, just as the Christian lords did. And there were some who were willing to ally themselves with the Christians in order to defeat their brothers and cousins. In 1237, Armand believed it would be possible to divide and conquer the Ayyubids.31

In November 1239 another force of fresh blood arrived from the West, this time under the command of Thibaud, count of Champagne. The knights he brought with him were eager for battle and plunder and annoyed by the hard-learned caution that the masters of the Temple and Hospital showed. Henry, count of Bar, announced that he hadn’t come all this way to sit around and that he and his men were riding out the next day to “forage.”

They [the Masters] knew very well that neither their intentions nor their motives were good, that they were inspired by envy, malice, pride and greed. . . . They told them [the knights] clearly that if they rode to war as they intended, they would well be . . . killed or taken prisoner, to the great shame and harm of Christendom. The foragers replied forcefully that they would do nothing of the kind; they had come there to fight unbelievers and did not mean to keep putting off any encounter.32

Henry and his men sallied forth to the plain near Gaza where they had heard that the local people had sent many of their animals for safekeeping. They decided to camp awhile, have dinner, sleep, and then sneak out in the morning and capture the horses. “Such was their pride and their arrogance that they felt little or no concern about their enemies, into whose land they had thrust so far forward and who were very near them. Then they learned indeed that Our Lord will not be served in that way.”33

The sultan Al-Adil Abu Bakr II happened to be in Gaza and learned of the slowly approaching raiding party. He summoned all fighting men from the region and they went to meet the invaders. By morning, some of the crusaders were getting nervous and decided to turn back. But Henry of Bar and many others decided to fight.

They were surrounded and annihilated. Any survivors were taken to Cairo and sold into slavery.34

Although the Rothelin chronicler, living in Acre, felt that the men got what they deserved, some in Europe saw it differently. Both the Templars and the Hospitallers were criticized for failing to support Henry of Bar.35 There was even a poem, supposedly written by the enslaved count of Monfort and smuggled to the West.

If the Hospitallers
Templars and brother knights
Had shown our men the way,
Had ridden as they should,
Then all our chivalry
Would not in prison lie.36

Perhaps it was to quell these negative views of the order that a year later Armand, on behalf of the Temple, gave the master and the brothers of St. Lazarus the rents from property they owned in the English quarter of Acre.37

The settlers from the West had learned a lot about Near Eastern politics in the five generations they had been there. In the 1240s they were keenly aware of the struggle that was going on among the heirs of Saladin in Egypt and Damascus. The Templars supported Damascus; the Hospitallers, Egypt. In 1244, the Templars, under Armand of Périgord, apparently convinced the Christian forces to support Damascus with military aid. The combined armies marched into Gaza and, on October 18, were soundly defeated at the battle of La Forbie (Harbiya).38

Among the dead were Peter, the archbishop of Tyre, and the bishop of St. George of Ramla. Walter of Châteauneuf, master of the Hospitallers, was captured. He didn’t regain his freedom until 1250.

Armand of Périgord was also captured at La Forbie. He died in prison; no one knows when.


William of Sonnac was the preceptor of Aquitaine when he was chosen as the new Grand Master. Before that he had been the commander of the Templar house at Auzon.39Since no one was certain if Grand Master Armand was dead, William may have felt that he was always just an acting Grand Master. If so, it was one hard act.

William accompanied King Louis IX on his expedition to Egypt, where the Grand Master was forced into a battle in the town of Mansourah, in which Robert, the brother of the king, was killed. Everyone agreed that the attack was a mistake, with most of the blame going to Robert. Jean de Joinville, seneschal of Champagne, says, “The Templars, as their Grand Master told me later, lost on this occasion some two hundred and eighty men-at-arms, and all mounted.”40 There seems such a weight of despair in that simple statement. In all the years of the Templars, the total number of knights in the East never averaged more than three hundred. Even assuming that many of the dead were sergeants, the Templars had still lost more than a quarter of their fighting men.

William, who had already lost the use of one eye in an earlier encounter, was blinded and killed in battle in Egypt on February 11, 1250.


When William of Sonnac was killed, Renaud of Vichiers was marshal of the order. Not only was there no time for a proper election, there also weren’t enough Templars left alive to hold one. Renaud took over until their return from Egypt to Acre where enough men could be collected.

When King Louis of France and many of his noblemen were held for ransom, Renaud took it upon himself to allow Jean de Joinville to take money from the chests that the Templars were holding for various depositors, in order to free the king.41

When the king and the remnants of the army returned to Acre, “the king, on account of the consideration the Temple had shown him, helped make him Master of the Temple.”42 There may not have been much protest from the remaining Templars. Renaud had done well under terrible circumstances.

Louis seemed to think that made the score even between them. He certainly showed Renaud no further favors. In 1251 Renaud sent his marshal, Hughes de Jouy, to negotiate an agreement with the sultan of Damascus to share a rich farming region between the two lands. When Hughes came back to Acre to have King Louis IX ratify the treaty, Louis was furious that it had been done without his authority. He had the Templars parade barefoot through the camp to his tent. Renaud was forced to hand the treaty back to the sultan’s representative and say loudly that he regretted acting without the king’s permission. Hughes was banished from the kingdom of Jerusalem.43

Renaud died January 20, 1256.44Louis lasted long enough to lead another ruinous crusade. Renaud is mostly forgotten. Louis was made a saint. I think there should be a recount.

THOMAS BÉRARD, 1256-1273

When Thomas Bérard became Grand Master, he was faced with a terrifying new threat to all the peoples of the Near East and also the lesser but more immediate troubles of the incessant squabbling among the inhabitants of the various sections of Acre.

Most of the quarreling was among the merchants of the Italian city-states Genoa, Pisa, and Venice. They all had financial stakes in Acre and were fierce competitors for trade throughout the eastern Mediterranean.

“In 1258, during the civil disturbance known as the War of St. Sabas, the master of the temple, Thomas Bérard, took refuge in the tower of St. Lazarus when his own stronghold was subjected to crossfire between the Pisans, Genoese and Venetians.”45

This seems to have been a normal day at the office for Thomas.

But he also had to continue the effort to regain land lost over the past eighty years. In 1260, the Templars and the Ibelin lords attacked a large encampment of Turks near Tiberias. They were routed and many Templars were killed or captured. Among the prisoners were future Grand Masters William of Beaujeu and Thibaud Gaudin. The marshal of the Templars, Stephen of Saissy, survived and, perhaps because of this, Bérard believed that he had showed either cowardice or treachery. He stripped Stephen of his habit and sent him back home.46Considering the shortage of manpower, Stephen must have been a pretty poor example of a Templar.

But these were all small matters compared to the long-dreaded arrival of the Mongols in the Near East. Under Genghis Khan, they had already conquered much of China and were now moving into the ancient Persian Empire. Tales of their cruelty flew like crows through the towns in their path. However, since they were considered “pagans” there was hope among the leaders of the Church that they could be brought into the Christian community and would join forces to liberate Jerusalem again. Franciscan missionaries were sent east as the Mongols drew near.

From his vantage point Thomas saw that this was a forlorn hope. He wrote many times to the West, trying to make them see the seriousness of the situation. One letter, sent in 1261 to the Templar treasurer in London, has survived:

Although in our usual way we have previously informed you on many occasions of the terrible and awesome arrival of the Tartars [Mongols] . . . they are now here in front of our walls, knocking at our gates and now is not the time to hide their skirmishes under a bushel bur rather openly to reveal their stupendous and amazing exploits that have shaken Christendom externally with the weapons of great pain and fear.47

The letter continues with a recitation of all the lands the Mongols had taken; how the people of Antioch begged to be allowed to pay tribute rather than be destroyed; how the city of Aleppo was flattened. Then Thomas comes to the essential reason for his letter:

Because of the poverty and weakness of the Christians we do not see the possibility of holding on to the other lands and places unless the Lord show his mercy. . . . May you be in no doubt that unless help comes quickly to us from your countries, whatever our ability to resist the attack and onslaught of such a great horde, there is no doubt that the whole of Christendom this side of the sea will be subject to Tartar rule. Added to this, you should know that because of the important and countless expenses incurred in fortifying our said castles and the city of Acre to improve matters, our house is suffering and has suffered such huge runs on our money that it is recognized that we are in a dangerous financial situation.48

Thomas was serious about the dire financial situation. He would have been willing to take out loans from the Italians but they had all left the city. He was ready to pawn the crosses and incense burners and anything else in the house.

While waiting for help, Thomas did everything he could to find cash. In 1261 he negotiated with the archbishop of Nicosia for the payment to tithes owed to the order from land in Cyprus.49

He sold Templar land in Lucca to the Franciscans.50When the heirs of Saint Francis have more money than the Templars, you know the world is upside down.

Thomas Bérard died on March 25, 1273.51 After him the sky fell in on the last of the crusader states.


The election of William of Beaujeu [or Clermont] as Grand Master was announced by Hugh Revel, the Grand Master of the Hospitallers, in a letter to the count of Flanders. “The good men of the Temple have chosen, as master and governor of the Temple, Brother Guillaume de Beaujeu. . . . The messengers of the Temple have left for France, taking the purse [empty, no doubt] and the news.”52 Master Hugh continues to say that things are bad in the Holy Land and “the funds that the lord king of France requested of the lord pope for the sustenance of the land are now as lost.”53

It was not an auspicious beginning.

William was born, probably in France, about 1230.54He was connected to the family of Beaujeu-Forez, which was distantly related to the royal family of France. William joined the Templars as a young man and was in the East by the time he was thirty when he was captured by the Turks at a battle near the town of Tiberius.55Even before that, in 1254, he may have been preceptor of a commandery in Lombardy.56In 1272, he is listed as the master of the Knights Templar in Sicily.57He was there when he was elected.

Knowing how bad the situation was in Acre, William spent two years “visiting all the houses of the Temple in the kingdoms of France and England and Spain” rather than going to the city at once.58His secretary reports proudly that “he amassed a great treasure and then came to Acre.”59

But would it be enough?

As with many of the other Grand Masters, William came from a family with strong crusading traditions. A relative, Humbert of Beaujeu, had died with Saint Louis at Damietta in Egypt.60While William was trying to preserve the last of the Latin cities in the East, his brother Louis, constable of France, died on crusade in Spain with King Philip III.61

Despite the outside threats, the Templars still found themselves getting caught up in local politics. Because the lord of Jubail had become a lay brother of the Temple, William took his side in a feud with the bishop and prince of Tortosa. William sent thirty Templars to help the lord of Jubail. As a consequence, “the prince had the house of the Temple in Tripoli knocked down, and cut down the Templars’ woods.”62

After all the fear of a Mongol invasion, the end of the Latin kingdoms came from Egypt, just as many of the later kings and crusaders had feared.

William of Beaujeu died at the siege of Acre in 1291, run through with a spear as he rode into battle.63

THIBAUD GAUDIN, 1291-1292/93

The next-to-last Grand Master of the Temple had spent many years in the East. He had been captured by the Turks and, after his release, was commander of the ever-diminishing land of Jerusalem.64During the siege of Acre, Thibaud and a few of the Templars escaped from the city in ships and went to the Templar castle of Sidon farther up the coast. The sultan sent “one of his emirs, Sanjar al Shuja’i, who besieged the castle on the sea with siege engines.”65 Thibaud “saw his position assaulted and thought he ought not to begin his term of office by abandoning the castle.”66

But guess what? “He took counsel with the brethren and with their consent he went off to Cyprus, promising them that he should send them relief.”67I suspect that the anonymous Templar of Tyre went with him or we wouldn’t know anything of this. When Thibaud got to Cyprus, he didn’t seem all that energetic about getting help for the men left behind. Finally, other Templars who had made it to the island sent word back to Sidon that no help was coming.68

The castle of Sidon was abandoned to the Mamluk sultan, who had it razed.

Thibaud Gaudin remained in Cyprus and sent back to Europe for more men to replace those who had fallen at Acre. Amazingly, they came.69

It’s hard to say if, having abandoned two Templar bases, Thibaud could have inspired his men with fighting fervor. But we are not to know, for he died April 16, probably in 1292.70

Now the whole mess was in the hands of Jacques de Molay, the last Grand Master. His fate deserves a chapter of its own, but first we must return to other views of the thirteenth-century crusades.


Malcolm Barber, The New Knighthood (Cambridge University Press, 1994) p. 119.


Helen Nicholson tr., The Chronicle of the Third Crusade (Ashgate, Aldershot, 1997) p. 165.


Peter W. Edbury tr., The Conquest of Jerusalem and the Third Crusade [Eracles] (Ashgate, Aldershot, 1998) p. 83.


Ibid., p. 112.






Hans Mayer, The Crusades, tr. John Gillingham (Oxford University Press, 1972) p. 146.


Edbury, p. 113.


Ibid., pp. 121-22.


Rudolf Heistand ed., Papsturkunden für Templer und Johanniter (Göttingen, 1972-84) p. 402.


Barber, p. 122.


Heistand, p. 407. (From Celestine III, who had already given a confirmation to Robert, but it never hurts to be sure.)


Barber, 122-23.


Ibid., p.125.




Ibid., p. 123.


Ibid., p. 126


Ibid., pp. 121-22.


Heistand, p. 278.


For more on William, please see chapter 23, The Crusades of Louis IX.


Oliver of Paderborn, The Conquest of Damietta, tr. John J. Gavigan (University of Pennsylvania Press, 1948) p. 30, note 16.


Ibid., p. 68.


“Histoire des Archeveques Latin de l’Île de Chypre,” in Archives de l’Orient Latin Tome II (Paris, 1884) p. 214.


Barber, p. 128.


James M. Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade 1213-1221 (University of Pennsylvania Press, 1986) p. 126.


Quoted in Barber, p. 130.


Lionel Allshorn, Stupor Mundi: The Life and Times of Frederick II, Emperor of the Romans, King of Sicily and Jerusalem, 1194-1250 (Martin Secker, 1912) p. 95.


Barber, p. 135.


Ibid., p. 136.


Ibid., pp. 137-38.




The Rothelin Continuation of the History of William of Tyre, in Crusader Syria in the Thirteenth Century, tr. Janet Shirley (Ashgate, Aldershot, 1999) p. 46.


Ibid., p. 48.


Ibid., p. 50.


Barber, p. 139.


Rothelin, p. 53.


“Fragment d’un Cartulaire de l’Ordre de Saint Lazare, en Terre-Sainte,” Archives de l’Orient Latin Tome II (Paris, 1884) pp. 156-57, charter no. 39.


John France, Western Warfare in the Age of the Crusades 1000-1300 (Cornell University Press, 1999) p. 217.


Alain Jacquet, Templiers et Hospitaliers en Touraine: sur les traces des monines chevaliers (Sutton Saint-Cyr-sur-Loire, France 2002) p. 143.


Joinville, “Vie de St. Louis,” in Chronicles of the Crusades tr. Margaret R. B. Shaw (Penguin, UK 1963) p. 219.


Ibid., p. 258.


Ibid., p. 267.


Ibid., p. 294.


Alain Demurger, Jacques De Molay: Le crepuscule des templiers (Paris: Biographie Payot, 2002) p. 61.


David Marcombe, Leper Knights (Boydell, UK 2003) p. 11.


The Templar of Tyre ed and tr. Paul Crawford (Ashgate, Aldershot, UK 2003) pp. 36-37.


Thomas Bérard in The Templars: Selected Sources Translated and Annotated, Malcolm Barber and Keith Bate (Manchester University Press, 2002) p. 101.


Barber and Bate, p. 104.


“Histoire des Archeveques Latin de l’Île de Chypre,” p. 237.


Fulvio Bramato, Storia dell’Ordine Dei Templari in Italia Vol. II Le Inquisizioni, Le Fonti (Rome: Atanò, 1994) p. 131.


“Etudes sur les Derniers Temps de Royaume de Jérusalem,” in Archives de l’Orient Latin Tome II (Paris, 1884) p. 398.


“Six lettres relatives aux croisades,” in Archives de l ’Orient Latin Tome I (Paris, 1884) p. 390.


Ibid., p. 391.


Barber, p. 178.


The Templar of Tyre, p. 37.


Bramato, p. 127.


Ibid., p. 146.


The Templar of Tyre, p. 69.




Demurger, pp. 64-66. See chapter 23, The Templars and the Saint.


The Templar of Tyre, p. 85.


Ibid., p. 72.


For a more complete telling of this please see, The Last Stands.


The Templar of Tyre, p. 37.


Ibid, p. 118.








Barber, p. 291.


Ibid., p. 288.

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