15
The leading troops in the successful seaborne attack on Walcheren in November 1944, were the 4th Special Service Brigade (Brig. B. W. Leicester DSO) consisting of Numbers 41, 47, 48 Commando with 10 IA Commando, and No. 4 Army Commando. The three RM Commandos attacked Westkapelle with little support, owing to the weather. On a small strip of sand to the right 47 Royal Marine Commando landed, at a breech in the dyke caused by heavy RAF bombing raids, prior to the landings.
On 31 October the Commando moved by marching route to Oostende and embarked in 4 LCT. Stores were pre-loaded in LVT and Weasels and these in turn were loaded into LCI at Oostende.
Lt-Col. C. F. Phillips:
Midnight 31 October saw the force, which was about to embark on a precarious operation, in Oostende Harbour; here was suffused lighting by which one could discern dim shapes moving about from craft to craft and from craft to jetty. The forms of all manner of LVT, Weasels, Landing craft and all the pedimenta connected with a large scale amphibious operation.
Last minute plans both tactical and administrative, were being discussed when at about twenty past twelve the force weighed anchors and set out to sea. A few miles out of Oostende the force assembled, contacted its escort force and set sail for Westkapelle.
Cpl Ernie ‘Taffy’ Staphnill, A-Troop:
I had never seen so many ships of all sorts and sizes assembled as we moved off and joined our escort force about 6 miles offshore. The R.A.F. had already breached the dykes in three places. Lt-Col. Phillips who was the Brigade Cdr signalled the instructions to move off at 6 a.m. the next morning and we arrived just off the island about 9 a.m.
47 RM Commando approaching Walcheren near Westkapelle 1 November 1944. (Press release photo)
Mne Fred Wildman, Heavy Weapons:
Our briefings confirmed that this is what we were training for, and we found ourselves heading for Oostende and being loaded onto landing ships along with our amphibious crafts. There was now a huge gap in the dyke on Walcheren and that was to be our landing spot. After some time, a destroyer came alongside our LST and boomed-out ‘You may now go in 47 and Good luck to you all’.
Lt-Col. C. F. Phillips:
The island is in the form of a round cornered square about ten miles across both ways. This square is set in such a way that its corners point NW, SW, SE and NE. Round its edges are dykes varying in height from 30 feet in some places to about 200 feet in others, these forming a barrier between the North Sea and the fertile land behind the dykes which lies below sea level. The RAF had breached these dykes in three places—firstly in the NW corner near the village of Westkapelle, secondly in the SW corner near Flushing and thirdly in the NE corner near Veere, and so in this way the hinterland was flooded to varying depths from mere saturation up to depths of some 10 or 11 feet, thus isolating the dykes on which stood the German coast defences guarding the all important channel of the Scheldt up to Antwerp. The importance of the operation may well be judged by the fact that ‘As long as Walcheren was in German hands, Antwerp was useless to the Allies as a port’.
Landing Craft approaching the beach of Walcheren island at Westkapelle 1 November 1944. (Press release photo)
The intention was that 4 Commando Brigade with its various supporting arms was to capture Walcheren.
Initially 4 Commando’s task was to sail from Breskens and create a bridgehead in Flushing. This they successfully did.
At Westkapelle 41, 47, 48 Commandos with 10 IA Commando were to land in the gap
On the Northern and Southern shoulders of the gap respectively, 41 and 48 were to land small parties in order to secure bridgeheads for the rest of the force.
During the approach to the beaches HMS Warspite, the Monitors HMS Erebus and Roberts bombarded the known German batteries. LCG and LCT (R) and smoke laying craft were all gallantly doing their tasks.
Extract of the Westkapelle map as used by 47 RM Commando.
Sherman flail tanks landing on Walcheren. (Photo courtesy of Pat Hagan)
Sherman flail tank landing on Walcheren. (Photo courtesy of Pat Hagan)
Cpl Ernie ‘Taffy’ Staphnill, A-Troop:
The three Commando units were then given instructions to attack. 41 Commando was to attack the gap to the side farthest away from us and 48 Commando was to attack the other two gaps. My unit 47 Commando would then follow through after they had secured a foothold.
Lt-Col. C. F. Phillips:
The German batteries at the same time as being pounded were replying very accurately and were exacting a heavy toll.
The Troop carrying LCT touched down at about 0930 hrs, discarding their amphibian contents, and then tried to clear the beach. Some were successful, others were hit and were forced to beach, under shell fire amidst slight disorganization.
41 Commando moved off to the North to Domburg, 48 went South towards Zoutelande followed by 47 Royal Marine Commando.
Weasels and Buffaloes landing on Walcheren. (Photo courtesy of Pat Hagan)
LVT Buffaloes landing on Walcheren. (Photo courtesy of Pat Hagan)
RM Commando men on the beach of Walcheren. (Photo courtesy of Pat Hagan)
Mne Fred Wildman, Heavy Weapons:
As we headed towards the gap we were hit by a shell which set one of the Buffaloes on fire, mindful of my experience in Normandy, I was quickly up on deck with my boot laces undone, ready to dive overboard. To my amazement, I spotted the Buffalo that I should have been on, sailing around the LST. I gave a yell and Capt. O’Connell shouted something uncomplimentary, but brought the Buffalo round to my side. I like to think that he didn’t want to lose his No. 1 mortar-man and I certainly didn’t want to be left behind. The Buffalo was packed with bodies which became very handy because it gave me a much softer landing, and on doing so, suddenly produced some choice language as I landed on them.
As we sailed towards the gap, we saw several of our rocket ships right underneath the big guns on the dyke, several of them were on fire and it looked to us that they were getting a real hiding.
We turned our attention back to the gap where we off loaded all our equipment and started our trek towards the rear of the big guns.
Lt-Col. C. F. Phillips:
47 Royal Marine Commando’ s first setback was caused by two of their LCT being beached on the North side of the gap instead of the Southern side. This resulting in the splitting of the Commando into approximately two equal parts.
LVT disembarking from the landing craft on the beach of Walcheren. (Photo courtesy of Pat Hagan)
Men of 47 RM Commando on the beach of Walcheren, November 1944.
Cpl Ernie ‘Taffy’ Staphnill, A-Troop:
However the CO had not allowed for the tide and half of 47 Commando had landed the other side of the gap and hit the stakes and the mines as they came in. You could hear the screams and explosions going off everywhere. All hell was let loose and at the same time the Germans were firing down at us and our warships were firing at them. Debris was everywhere. My half of 47 Commando was O.K. and after leaving the landing craft I was in the outside lane and with great difficulty I managed to drive through the gap, but I was scared stiff.
Lt-Col. C. F. Phillips:
After various adventures the whole Commando was assembled about seven o’clock that evening, just south of the Radar station, having suffered approximately 30 casualties on the run in and during the assembly. Of their 20 Weasels which set out from Oostende, only three were left. Unfortunately much of the wireless equipment was lost in these Weasels including the FOB’s sets.
Cpl Ernie ‘Taffy’ Staphnill, A-Troop:
On reaching my assembly point I discharged the supplies I was carrying and then had to await further instructions. It was nightfall before we had regrouped and so we all settled down for the night before going forward again. I had to take on board some of my comrades in A-Troop and proceed inland to get to a farmhouse from the rear. We didn’t know if the enemy was inside. As it happened there was only one German sitting outside on guard but not knowing we were approaching, we had taken him completely by surprise. As soon as he saw us he lifted his hands above his head and shouted ‘kamerad’. My N.C.O. and four others immediately jumped out and made him go in front of them inside of the farm. The Germans surrendered straight away, and they were immediately disarmed and locked away. There were sixteen prisoners in all, and we left two men on guard until the prisoners could be returned to our ships. After that I was more or less picking up supplies and taking them up to the forward troops or bringing back any wounded. I always kept just inside of the dyke because it was the shallowest part and I could see if there were any mines or obstacles in the way.
Mne Fred Wildman, Heavy Weapons:
Just after we landed, Jimmy Day a huge popular chap who had a lovely sense of humour was killed by an air burst shell. We started our march along the narrow road, hauling our trolley with our mortars and shells behind us, ready to give covering fire for the attacks that were going to happen.
After a while, the light began to fade and we were told to bed down ready for action in the morning.
Lt-Col. C. F. Phillips:
On the second day of the Operation (2 November) 47 advanced through 48 Commando and thus took over the lead of the advance to the Flushing gap.
Slight opposition was met during the late forenoon and early afternoon on the outskirts of Battery W11, and in the evening (1700 hrs) an attack was unsuccessfully made on W11. The troops were then rather scattered and the five Tp Cdrs of the fighting troops were all casualties.
The Commando reorganized into one forward section and one rear section for the night, during which the forward section was counter-attacked. This attack was, however, repulsed.
Extract of the Vlissingen West map showing the W11 batteries near Dishoek.
Cpl Ernie ‘Taffy’ Staphnill, A-Troop:
By this time 48 Commando had managed to capture the first Gun Emplacement and then moved forward along the dyke to take the next one and eventually capture the village of Zoutelande, but by this time they were nearly exhausted. My unit 47 Commando then passed through them to take the next Gun Emplacement and to capture the village of Dishoek, and so on to the last Battery W11. Here it was quite a battle. We were repulsed at first and had to settle down for the night and then repulse their counter attack. At first light under a smokescreen we attacked again and managed to get underneath their big guns. These were set in great big concrete emplacements 14 feet thick but could not fire downwards. Once underneath the guns 47 Commando charged, and although only having small firepower and hand grenades the Germans soon gave in. It was left then to only take their H.Q. This was set in a large building and guarded by quite a few troops. Expecting to have quite a fight on our hands it came as quite a surprise when after only a few shots fired they surrendered. Their General, and all his staff and quite a number of his troops, came outside and after speaking with our CO were marched off as PoW.
Mne Fred Wildman, Heavy Weapons:
By now, we were at a tank barrier and some of us thought it might be better to go onto the village further along the road and get some cover. This we did, but no sooner had we started for the village when Lofty Rippener was killed by a sniper’s bullet, so we changed track and came back to our side of the barrier. This turned out to be a good move, because in the morning a party of about 20 Germans came along the road with their hands up. Soon after that, the remaining gun turrets were captured, which effectively ended the battle.
Capt. Guy ‘Jeep’ O’Connell, Heavy Weapons:
Very like 48 we’d been heavily shelled and mortared, and at 4 p.m. with three quarters of the Commando left, we began our attack across nearly a mile of steep sand hills, studied with mines and wire for the first defences of W11. Under fire from enemy mortars and machine guns the whole way, the leading troops reached the edges of the battery, but our losses were so heavy we could get no further. A pocket of enemy were holding out behind us. All the troop Commanders were casualties, and many of the men. Most of our radio sets were out of action. Night was falling, ammunition was very short. The Adjutant went forward to reorganize the isolated forward troops. By midnight we had one position with fifty men, a quarter of a mile from the battery and another back on a German searchlight position. Everyone was very weary. We had little food since we landed, and the going over the loose sand had been heavy. Rations and ammunition were man-handled over the dunes during darkness, and the wounded carried back. A cold wind was blowing, and the sand got into our eyes and ears, and worst of all into our weapons. Then Jerry launched a counter attack from some woods on the inshore side of the dunes. They came at us, calling on the Royal Marines to surrender. Well, by way of reply, we gave them all we got, drove them off and except from being shelled, weren’t troubled for the rest of the night. Next day a plan was made to attack W11, which was given another shelling from Breskens, even fiercer and more concentrated.
Captain G. J. ‘Jeep’ O’Connell.
Lt-Col. C. F. Phillips:
On 3 November the Battery was finally taken in the morning and then a mop up down the dunes ensued, German troops surrendering the whole way down until they reached the final AA Battery HQ. The enemy gave four or five bursts of MG fire and then negotiated their surrender. Thus was the Flushing gap reached bordering the Scheldt clearing.
Capt. Guy ‘Jeep’ O’Connell, Heavy Weapons:
With the help from the guns at Breskens and our own mortars, machine guns and smoke, we captured W11 and took lots of prisoners. One thing I remember is pushing on and taking three or four more positions down to the second gap; that’s the Flushing gap. And we were just able to see No. 4 Commando, about four hundred yards from us on the other side.
Some of the W11 battery bunkers just after the war.
Lt-Col. C. F. Phillips:
The rest of the days on Walcheren were spent recovering and burying the dead, tending the wounded, guarding the German PoWs, of whom a certain number were formed into a fatigue party under a very competent Feldwebel. This party was worked to capacity. They moved stores, coal, beds, supplies, ammunition and everything.
Cpl Ernie ‘Taffy’ Staphnill, A-Troop:
47 Commando then had the job of reclaiming their dead and burying them in body bags in a shallow plot, which at a later date was interred at the Bergen op Zoom War Graves Cemetery. We used the PoW to do this, and afterwards put them into working parties to do the same for their dead. After being exposed for three or four days they didn’t smell very good.
Lt-Col. C. F. Phillips:
On 10 November the Commando moved by LCT back to Breskens and on to Wenduine.
4 Commando in Flushing moved across the gap the day after 47 had reached it and joined the Northern Area (41 RM and 10 IA Commandos) and helped them in the successful completion of their battle.
Cpl Ernie ‘Taffy’ Staphnill, A-Troop:
Afterwards the Commando made its way down to the Flushing area where we handed over our Weasels to some naval personnel. The whole operation took 8 to 10 days, after which we moved back to Wenduine via Breskens, and rested up for a few days to sort ourselves out before moving on. Capt. J. P. Wood, who I normally drove around, was promoted to Maj. and became the senior troop Cdr.
BBC War Report:
While the American armies came to grips with the Siegfried Line defences, Canadian and British troops engaged in bitter and difficult fighting in Holland. Their primary object was to clear the shores on either side of the Scheldt Estuary so that shipping could pass unmolested in and out of Antwerp. The bombing of the dikes on Walcheren Island, the hard fighting for the Breskens pocket, and the Commando landings on Walcheren and Beveland were actions which tore away the German grip on the vital entrance to Antwerp.
It was to be a hard winter all along the line, but in Holland there was the added discomfort of widespread flooding. Water—rain and flood water—became in itself a powerful adversary. For the defender it was uncomfortable, for the attacker it was at times almost insurmountable.
Report by the 2nd Tactical Air Force RAF on Operation ‘CROSSBOW’:
SECRET
AIR TECHNICAL INTELLIGENCE
HQ (MAIN) 2nd TAF
ROYAL AIR FORCE
CROSSBOW REPORT NO. C-229/RAF.
Report on Examination of ‘Big Ben’ firing sites at SEROOSKERKE (M.R.D.129360) on Walcheren Island.
Introduction
On 12/11/44 a trip was made by rowing boat from Middelburg to Serooskerke, with one officer and two other ranks of the RAF Regiment, in the company of a certain Dr. Dryver of Middelburg, who spoke English and who had information on Big Ben launching sites at Serooskerke. After one and a half hours rowing against a strong northerly wind, the village was reached and the local police were contacted in the absence of the burgomaster.
Sources of Information
Through the police, who also knew quite a lot about the rockets, a meeting with several inhabitants of the village was arranged, including a farmer who lived in a cottage about 150 yards from one of the launching points and the daughter of the blacksmith who had actually taken photographs with a box camera, of the only rocket that had been brought through the village in daylight.
The farmer had watched several rocket launchings from his cottage and was able to give a fairly coherent account of the proceedings, while the blacksmith’s daughter was able to supply two prints showing glimpses of the rocket on its trailer, together with the paper negatives and a further undeveloped film containing photographs she said she had taken of the rocket going up.
Further information was obtained from other people in the vicinity as a check on the chief informants and a detailed examination of the site was carried out, enabling the following general description of rocket launchings at Serooskerke to be compiled.
Times and Dates of Big Ben Firings
It appears that only about six rockets were fired in all from Serooskerke, at the following times and dates:
16.9.44—0730 hours and 0830 hours (approx.)
17.9.44—0630 hours and 0700 hours (approx.)
18.9.44—a.m. (see x below) and 2000 hours approx.
x This incident uncertain, not definitely confirmed.
Firing Site
The firing took place from the grounds of a large house on the east side of the road out of Serooskerke to Ostcapelle (M.R.D.127360). This house had been used as billets for German troops for the last two or more years and there were a number of concrete and earth air raid shelters in the grounds. None of the construction normally associated with firing sites was found and the only work that had been carried out was the clearing of two small areas about 25 yards in diameter amongst the beech trees near the house and the placing of a small concrete trig point at the S.E. corner of the house. The first clearing was under water and could not be inspected, but it was reported to be about 200 yards south of the house. The second was about 30 yards east of the house and its centre was 40 yards from the trig point on a bearing of 4° Mag. The surrounding beech trees were about 70 ft. high and the gap in the branches through which the rocket passed was not more than 30 ft. in diam.
The informants stated that the rocket was fired direct from the ground, which was hard at the time, although it is possible that a wooden or steel platform might have been put down just before launching and taken up immediately afterwards. One of the policemen who inspected the ground shortly after firing had taken place said that the grass and surrounding tree trunks were blasted and scorched leaves blown off the trees, but at the time of the examination, little damage was apparent and quite a number of leaves were still on the trees actually adjacent to the clearing.
Rocket Firing Personnel
The rocket firing team consisted of about 80 men dressed in grey-green uniforms with no distinctive markings. They were in the charge of a certain Hauptman Böhme, aged about 30 who wore a grey-green uniform with red piping on the epaulettes and cuffs and the figures 338 in red on the shoulders. This team was sufficient to operate two rockets as the rockets were usually brought up in pairs and sometimes fired within a few minutes of each other, one from each firing point.
Vehicles
The convoy of the rocket team consisted of about 15 vehicles including one or two rocket trailers with their tractors and about 6 tank cars, one or two of which were usually frosted and presumably contained liquid oxygen. No radio vans or signals personnel were seen in the convoy and it was not thought that any radio activity went on in the neighbourhood at the time of launching.
The rocket trailer itself was a steel ladder-like construction, which also comprised the jack for lifting the rocket on to its base. This had a revolving bogey with four wheels at the rear and it is thought, a similar bogey at the front. The rocket was strapped on to the trailer with steel bands and also held by a framework at the front and rear, about 4 or 5 feet of the nose of the rocket projected over the rear of the trailer during transit. It was covered by a tight fitting cloth cover camouflaged green and brown while on the trailer.
Route taken by Rockets and Temporary Storage
The convoy usually travelled by night, coming across the Beveland Causeway and through Middelburg to Ter Hooge, where there was a German Headquarters. Here the rockets might be left dispersed under the trees on their trailers for one or two days. There were no special shelters provided for their protection at this place and they were brought on to Serooskerke, also by night as a rule and fired off the same or the next day that they arrived at the firing point.
Preparations for Firing
On arrival at the firing site, the tractor of the rocket trailer was unfastened and driven away and the rocket presumably uncovered and the fastenings undone. The jack on the trailer was then brought into operation and the rocket raised in a vertical position. At this point, a tall step ladder was brought up and placed beside the rocket and a man climbed up and opened a door about 1´ 8˝ square in the side of the nose, approx. 4´–5´ from the extreme top. He remained working here for three quarters of an hour, during which time the tank cars were brought up and the rocket filled up. The farmer who lived 150 yards from the firing site could watch through the trees the whole process which took 4–5 hours in each case. He only remembered seeing the liquid oxygen car and could not recall any other tank cars drawn up near the rocket at the same time. Filling was said to take 2–3 hours and the liquid oxygen was contained in a spherical tank with a motor driven pump mounted behind it on the chassis. The whole tank was covered with frost during the filling process.
When the filling was completed, the rocket was wrapped up in a tight fitting camouflaged cover—possibly the same one as the transit cover—and for about one hour, about 50 men were working round the rocket and sounds of hammering and metallic noises were heard.
All the men then retired to the shelters which were 50 to 100 yards away and about one quarter of an hour later, the rocket went up. Just before it rose, sheets of flame came from it and the covering commenced to burn. Almost immediately it shot up, accompanied by an earth shaking noise like a heavy bombardment. Informants did not think any electrical apparatus was installed in the shelters before the firing and did not see any wires leading to the rocket, although none had a really clear view at any time.
The rocket left a spiral white trail as it went up and the flame could be followed to a very great height on a clear day, even after the rocket began to curve over it was said. The rockets always turned to the west and never in any other direction. On two occasions rockets were filled and failed to start up or rise. They were then taken down and sent back.
Blast Effects on Firing
As stated previously, little damage was caused to surrounding trees and the house 30 yards away from one firing point was undamaged. Before each rocket firing, villagers were warned to open their windows but no damage to property ever occurred. The village was never evacuated before firing and very few security precautions were observed except for guarding all entries to the grounds around the house.
Details of Special Points.
Very little additional information on the rocket itself was obtained beyond that already known. One policeman who saw the rocket uncovered on its trailer said it was camouflaged green and brown all over and had a 3´ diam. hole in the extreme nose but otherwise he had little to tell.
One peculiar point made by three independent witnesses, was the statement that for a brief period at the time of each launching, three dark rays appeared slanting up from the ground over the firing site from the direction of Veere (almost due east of Serooskerke). These looked something like the dark spaces between the rays of the sun shining through clouds. The rocket appeared to go up to where these rays disappeared and then curved over to the west. The above sounds fantastic, but is reported exactly as told.
A further search and inquiries will be made in the Veere area for any uncommon occurrences at the time.
Further information may be forthcoming from one Uffs Günther, aged about 45, tall and thin, wearing glasses and having blond hair. This man was present at all the firings and was taken prisoner at Middelburg, according to the farmer interrogated.
ADDENDUM TO CROSSBOW REPORT NO.C-223/RAF.
While at the De Schelde shipbuilding yard at Flushing on 12th November, 1944, 6 of the ‘Large steel Vessels’, as described in the above report, were seen on the dockside there. These were said to have been intended by the Germans as look-out posts and Machine Gun positions, to be mounted in concrete on the ‘Bunkers’ around Walcheren Island. They had been lying there for 2 years, together with other material for defence purposes. The hole in the top was to be for a periscope. They were not thought to have been connected with ‘CROSSBOW’.
PoW Mne Fred Batt’s diary continues:
August 5—November 25:
Our reception in Marlag (M) was very cordial and we were given clothes and cigarettes by our fellow prisoners and made to feel that life was not too bad really. The process of settling down took some time and we gradually became accustomed to a really boring life, wandering around the camp, watching football, reading and lounging, never getting quite enough to eat. So life progressed with but one or two small things to provide variation—for example we got rather full in the camp and the Germans had to erect another hut. This was really amusing to us as there were about 850 men in the camp and yet German tradesmen did all the work whilst every prisoner locked in. Then shortly after this a terrific batch of prisoners from Belgium came in, men who had been captured only three or four days in some cases and so could give us some really up-to-date news for a change. As these men were Army however, they were soon moved on and life came back to normal with the exception that we now got only ½ a parcel a week and 25 cigarettes. This state of affairs continued even now and we are only cheerful because we realise the difficulties under which Germany labours.
A list of the entertainments in the camp and a rough plan of the camp I will append elsewhere in this log, and from now on will enter as a diary the main events of Gefangener life.
November 29:
Succeeded in attending a show in Marlag (o) called ‘Grouse in June’, a very amusing play in which Americans are looking for gold close to Auchterlochy lodge which is 34 miles from the nearest railway station. The contrast between an old Scotsman from the west and three or four Americans was highly entertaining.
November 30:
Moved from 9 Room 3 Block to 11 Room 4 Block at my own request. The former room is occupied by all my own unit and I regret that their standard of intelligence is mainly so low that it is impossible to conduct an intelligent conversation.
Wreckage left on the beach near Westkapelle. (Press release photo)