A NOTE ON TERMS
1. On the question of names, see: ‘Naming the Country Viet Nam’, in George Dutton, Jayne Werner, and John Whitmore, eds., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012), pp. 258–9; ‘Naming the Country Dai Nam (1838)’, in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, pp. 259–60; Alexander Woodside, Vietnam and the Chinese Model: A Comparative Study of Vietnamese and Chinese Government in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988 [first published in 1971]), pp. 120–21. For an excellent discussion of this matter and more generally of Sino-Vietnamese interactions running to the fifteenth century, see Kathlene Baldanza, Ming China and Vietnam: Negotiating Borders in Early Modern Asia (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016).
INTRODUCTION. THE MANY DIFFERENT VIETNAMS
1. For an overview of this bay, see: Ian Storey and Carlyle Thayer, ‘Cam Ranh Bay: Past Imperfect, Future Conditional’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, vol. 23, no. 3, December 2001. On the 7th Fleet, see Edward Marolda, Ready Seapower: A History of the U.S. Seventh Fleet (Washington, DC: Naval History & Heritage Command, Department of the Navy, 2011).
2. I reached the number of forty-three years (for the existence of nineteenth-century Vietnam) by subtracting 1802 (the date at which a unified Vietnam appeared under Gia Long), from 1858, when the French attacked and began colonizing Cochinchina/southern Vietnam. From that total of fifty-six years, I then deducted another thirteen years (the period from 1834 to 1847), which corresponds to the time when Vietnam was part of the larger, Dai Nam imperial states (which also included most of Cambodia and large parts of today’s eastern Laos). I did not include in my count the periods of time during which the Democratic Republic of Vietnam led by Ho Chi Minh and the Associated State of Vietnam led by Bao Dai existed. Although both claimed sovereignty over all of Vietnam, neither state ever exercised total territorial control during the entire First Indochina War between 1945 and 1954. The same goes for the post-1954 period. Two Vietnamese states continued to exist. Military force allowed the Democratic Republic of Vietnam to vanquish the Republic of Vietnam in 1975, leading to the official creation of one unitary communist-led nation-state which enjoyed full territorial sovereignty from 1976 onward—the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. This means that an S-like Vietnam existed for forty-three years in the nineteenth century, six months in 1945 and forty years (as of 2016) in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The sum of these numbers makes eighty-three years and some months.
3. Until at least the fifteenth century, Viet and non-Viet peoples proliferated along the coast between China and central Vietnam. John Whitmore, ‘Ngo (Chinese) Communities and Montane-Littoral Conflict in Dai Viet, ca. 1400–1600’, Asia Major, 3rd series, vol. XXVII, part 2 (2014), pp. 53–85; and his ‘The Rise of the Coast: Trade, State and Culture in Early Dai Viet’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 37, no. 1 (2006), pp. 103–22; and Li Tana, ‘A View from the Sea: Perspectives on the Northern and Central Vietnamese Coast’, in ibid., pp. 83–102.
4. See among others: Jacques Népote, ‘Quelle histoire? Pour quels Vietnams?’, Péninsule, nos. 11/12 (1985/6), http://peninsule.free.fr/articles/peninsule_11_12_article_1.pdf, accessed 11 January 2016; Liam Kelley, Beyond the Bronze Pillars: Envoy Poetry and the Sino-Vietnamese Relationship (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2005); Olga Dror, Cult, Culture, and Authority: Princess Lieu Hanh in Vietnamese History (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2007); Emmanuel Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes au nord du Viêt Nam, une bureaucratie à l’épreuve(Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose, 2004); Li Tana, Nguyen Cochinchina: Southern Vietnam in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, Southeast Asia Program Publications, 1998); Keith Taylor, A History of the Vietnamese (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), pp. 620–26; and Keith Taylor, ‘Surface Orientations in Vietnam: Beyond Histories of Nation and Region’, Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 57 (1998), pp. 949–78.
5. Frances FitzGerald, Fire in the Lake: The Vietnamese and the Americans in Vietnam (New York: Little, Brown & Company, 1972).
6. Andrew Delbanco, ‘The Civil War Convulsion’, The New York Review of Books (19 March 2015), at http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2015/mar/19/civil-war-convulsion, accessed 20 April 2015. A highly influential scholar of the Vietnam War, Gabriel Kolko, welcomed the Vietnamese communist victory in his Anatomy of a War: Vietnam, the United States, and the Modern Historical Experience (New York: Pantheon Books, 1994 (first published in 1985)), p. xii. In 1999, Robert Templer started to move us beyond the Vietnam War generation’s American war-centered take on Vietnam’s past. See his Shadows and Wind: A View of Modern Vietnam (London: Penguin, 1999).
7. R. B. Wong, ‘Redefining the Modern World’, at http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/chinawh/web/s2/index.html, accessed 3 July 2014 (for the citation); Dror Ze’evi, ‘Back to Napoleon? Thoughts on the Beginning of the Modern Era in the Middle East’, Mediterranean Historical Review, vol. 19, no. 1 (June 2004), pp. 73–94.
8. Pierre Brocheux, Histoire du Vietnam contemporain: La nation résiliente (Paris: Editions Fayard, 2011), p. 12; Pierre Brocheux and Daniel Hémery, Indochina: An Ambiguous Colonization (1858–1954) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), introduction. See also the roundtable review of this book in the Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 4, no. 3 (Fall 2010), pp. 244–58; see Brocheux’s epilogue, in Histoire du Vietnam contemporain, pp. 251–2; Christopher Goscha, Vietnam or Indochina? Contesting Concepts of Space in Vietnamese Nationalism (Copenhagen: NIAS, 1995).
9. For a selection of those who have started rethinking the question of modernity in less Western centric ways, see: John Darwin, After Tamerlane: The Rise and Fall of Global Empires, 1400–2000 (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2008), pp. 25-27; Dror Ze’evi, ‘Back to Napoleon?’, pp. 73–94; R. B. Wong, China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997); Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001); Alexander Woodside, Lost Modernities: China, Vietnam, Korea and the Hazards of World History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006); S. L. Eisenstadt, ‘Multiple Modernities’, Daedalus, 129, 1 (2000), pp. 1–29; Emmanuel Poisson, ‘Les Mandarins sont-ils modernes?’, Revue Histoire, no. 62 (2014), pp. 22–4. On Voltaire and China, see: Arnold H. Rowbotham, ‘Voltaire, Sinophile’, Modern Language Association, vol. 47, no. 4 (December 1932), pp. 1050–65. For the ways by which Western colonial states pick up on preexisting non-Western ones they take over, see: Christopher Bayly, Empire and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in India, 1780–1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Poisson, Mandarins et subalterns; Olivier Tessier, ‘Outline of the Process of Red River Hydraulics Development during the Nguyen Dynasty’, in Mart Stewart and Peter Coclanis, eds., Environmental Change and Agricultural Sustainability in the Mekong Delta (Springer Science, 2011), pp. 45–68; and Jean-Pascal Bassino, ‘Indochina’, in Joel Mokyr, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Economic History (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2005), online at http://oxfordindex.oup.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780195105070.013.0365, accessed 25 June 2015. For a path-breaking account of Minh Mang’s reign, see Choi Byung Wook, Southern Vietnam under the Reign of Minh Mang (1820–1841): Central Policies and Local Response (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 2004). Wynn Wilcox provides a useful critique of the French colonial myth demonizing Minh Mang as a ‘cruel tyrant’. Wynn Wilcox, Allegories of the Vietnamese Past, Yale Southeast Asia Studies, no. 61 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), pp. 62–83. Contrary to Foucauldian takes on modern discipline and incarceration, Peter Zinoman has shown that in colonial Vietnam the French were quite ‘un-modern’, content to rely on the pre-existing Vietnamese prison system rather than transform it in panoptic ways. Peter Zinoman, The Colonial Bastille: A History of Imprisonment in Vietnam, 1862–1940 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001).
10. On the need to break with Eurocentric periodizations of modernity and history in general, see: Jack Goody’s The Theft of History (London: Cambridge University Press, 2012) and Jerry Bentley, ‘Cross-cultural Interactions and Periodization in World History’, The American Historical Review, Vol. 101, No. 3 (June 1996), pp. 749–770.
11. Darwin, After Tamerlane; Dominic Lieven, Empire: The Russian Empire and Its Rivals (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002); Jane Burbank, Mark von Hagen, and Anatolyi Remnev, eds., Russian Empire: Space, People, Power, 1700–1930 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007); Népôte, ‘Quelle histoire?’; Hermann Kulke, ‘The Early History and the Imperial Kingdom in Southeast Asian History’, in David Marr and A. C. Milner, eds., Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th Centuries, 2nd edn (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1990), pp. 1–22; Jane Burbank and Frederick Cooper, Empires in World History: Power and the Politics of Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010); Gabriel Martinez-Gros, Brève histoire des empires (Paris: Seuil, 2014); James Millward, Ruth Dunnell, Mark Elliott, and Philippe Foret, eds. New Qing Imperial History: The Making of Inner Asian Empire at Qing Chengde (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004); Pierre Boilley and Antoine Marès, ‘Empires, Introduction’, Monde(s), no. 2 (2012), pp. 7–25; Peter Perdue, China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005); and Millward, New Qing Imperial History; and Geoff Wade, ‘Ming Chinese Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia’, in Karl Hack and Tobias Rettig, eds., Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 73–104.
12. Bernard Fall, The Two Vietnams (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1963). Ta Chi Dai Truong was the first to take up the question of Vietnam’s eighteenth-century civil war being a part of its twentieth-century one. Ta Chi Dai Tuong, Lich su noi chien Viet Nam tu 1771 den 1802 (Los Angeles: An Tiem, 1991 (first published in 1973)). Wynn Wilcox, ‘Allegories of the U.S.-Vietnam War: Nguyen Anh, Nguyen Hue and the “Unification Debates”’, Crossroads, vol. 17, no. 1 (2003), pp. 129–60. Upon exiting the Chinese empire in the tenth century, the Vietnamese were hardly a regional superpower. Powerful Tai/Lao, Cham, Khmer and Yunnanese (Nanzhao) states came very close to eliminating the fledgling state in the Red River.
13. See William Cronon et al., Under an Open Sky: Rethinking America’s Western Past (New York: W. W. Norton, 1992); and Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815, 2nd edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011). On Said’s discomfort with Frances FitzGerald’s Fire in the Lake, see: John Carlos Rowe, The Cultural Politics of the New American Studies, note 21, online at http://quod.lib.umich.edu/o/ohp/10945585.0001.001/1:4.1/--cultural-politics-of-the-new-american-studies?rgn=div2;view=fulltext, accessed 28 August 2014. Professor Rowe says that Said ‘had conceived Orientalism in angry response to the liberal Western scholarship represented by Frances FitzGerald’s Fire in the Lake. That might be pushing it a bit far, but Edward Said was definitely aware of FitzGerald’s heavy reliance on the French Orientalist Paul Mus. See Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (London: Vintage, 1993), p. 252 and p. 423, note 43. For a critique of Orientalism in French Indochina, see: Nola Cooke, ‘Colonial Political Myth and the Problem of the Other: French and Vietnamese in the Protectorate of Annam’, PhD dissertation (Canberra: Australian National University, 1992).
CHAPTER 1. NORTHERN CONFIGURATIONS
1. Charles Wheeler, ‘Buddhism in the Re-ordering of an Early Modern World: Chinese Missions to Cochinchina in the Seventeenth Century’, Journal of Global History, vol. 2, no. 3 (November 2007), pp. 303–24; Li, Nguyen Cochinchina, pp. 108–10; and Liam Kelley, ‘Vietnam through the Eyes of a Chinese Abbot: Dashan’s Haiwai Jishi (1694–95)’, MA dissertation (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i, 1996).
2. Haydon Cherry, ‘Digging Up the Past: Prehistory and the Weight of the Present in Vietnam’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 4 (2009), pp. 84–144; and Charles Higham, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
3. On the nature of the early Vietnamese state, see: O. W. Wolters, History, Culture, and Region in Southeast Asian Perspectives (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1982), pp. 1–33 (the mandala citation is on p. 14); Hermann Kulke, ‘The Early History and the Imperial Kingdom in Southeast Asian History’, in Marr and Milner, Southeast Asia in the Ninth to Fourteenth Centuries, pp. 1–22; Nam C. Kim, ‘Lasting Monuments and Durable Institutions: Labor, Urbanism, and Statehood in Northern Vietnam and Beyond’, Journal of Archaeological Research, vol. 21, no. 3, pp. 217–67; Nam Kim, Lai Van Toi and Trinh Hoang Hiep, ‘Co Loa: An Investigation of Vietnam’s Ancient Capital’, Antiquity, no. 84 (2010), pp. 1011–27; and Nam C. Kim, The Origins of Ancient Vietnam (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015).
4. On early Chinese imperial expansion, see: Geoff Wade, ed., Asian Expansions: The Historical Experiences of Polity Expansion in Asia (London: Routledge, 2015), starting with Wade’s insightful introduction, pp. 1–30. For early Eurasian parallels, see: Jane Burbank and Mark von Hagen, eds., Russian Empire: Space, People, Power, 1700–1930 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007).
5. See: Peter Bol, ‘Geography and Culture: The Middle Period Discourse on the Zhong guo—the Central Country’, in Ying-kuei, Space and Cultural Fields: Spatial Images, Practices and Social Production (Taibei: Center for Chinese Studies, 2009), pp. 61–106; Kenneth Pomeranz, ‘Empire and “Civilising” Missions, Past and Present’, Daedalus (Spring 2005), pp. 34–45; Keith Taylor, A History of the Vietnamese (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013), pp. 14–29; Philippe Papin, ‘Géographie et politique dans le Viêt-Nam ancien’, Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, vol. 87, no. 2 (2000), pp. 609–28; Philippe Papin, ‘Le Pays des Viets du Sud’, L’Histoire, no. 62 (2014), pp. 7–17; Erica Brindley, ‘Representations and Uses of Yue Identity along the Southern Frontier of the Han—200–111 BCE, Early China, nos. 33–4 (2010–11), pp. 1–35, and her ‘Barbarians or Not? Ethnicity and Changing Conceptions of the Ancient Yue (Viet) Peoples (400–50 BC)’, Asia Major, vol. 16, no. 1 (2003), pp. 10–15. The names of today’s ‘Yunnan’ and ‘Hainan’ provinces also reflect this southern orientation in the Middle Kingdom’s early imperial gaze. Yunnan means ‘South of the Clouds’, whereas Hainan means the ‘South of the Sea’.
6. I rely heavily in this section on Charles Holcombe, ‘Early Imperial China’s Deep South: The Viet Regions through Tang Times’, T’ang Studies, vols. 15–16 (1997–8), pp. 125–56; Papin, ‘Géographie et politique dans le Viêt-Nam ancien’, pp. 609–28; James Anderson and John Whitmore, eds., China’s Encounters on the South and Southwest (Leiden: Brill, 2015); Papin, ‘Le Pays des Viets du Sud’, p. 8; Taylor, A History of the Vietnamese, pp. 19–50; Erica Brindley, Ancient China and the Yue: Perceptions and Identities on the Southern Frontier, c.400 BCE–50 CE (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015).
7. The Lac Viet tribe lived in the Red River delta, but they could be found as far north as Hunan and Hebei provinces. Holcombe, ‘Early Imperial China’s Deep South’, pp. 131–2, 145–7.
8. Holcombe, ‘Early Imperial China’s Deep South’, pp. 135–6; Papin, ‘Le Pays des Viets du Sud’, pp. 612–14; Taylor, A History of the Vietnamese, pp. 19–50; Nola Cooke, Li Tana and James Anderson, eds., The Tongking Gulf Through History (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), pp. 1–24, 39–52; Papin, ‘Géographie et politique dans le Viêt-Nam ancien’, pp. 609–28.
9. Li Tana, ‘A Geopolitical Overview’, in Cook et al., The Tongking Gulf through History, pp. 1–24; Bérénice Bellina and Ian Glover, ‘The Archaeology of Early Contact with India and the Mediterranean World’; Pierre-Yves Manguin, ‘The Archaeology of Early Maritime Polities of Southeast Asia’, both in Ian Glover and Peter Bellwood, eds. Southeast Asia, From Prehistory to History (London: Routledge, 2004), chapters 4 and 12; O. W. Wolters, ‘The Development of Asian Maritime Trade from the Fourth to the Sixth Centuries’, in Geoff Wade, ed., China and Southeast Asia, vol. 1 (London: Routledge, 2009), pp. 75–104. For the citation, see: Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, pp. 15–16. Lapis lazuli is a deep-blue gemstone that can be ground into a much sought-after pigment.
10. Edward Schafer, The Vermilion Bird: T’ang Images of the South, 2nd edn (no place: Floating World Editions, 2008); and for the citation: Xue Zong, ‘Customs of the South, 231 ad’, in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, p. 26.
11. Kathlene Baldanza, Ming China and Vietnam: Negotiating Borders in Early Modern Asia (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016); and Kelley, Beyond the Bronze Pillers. Nguyen Son made the Long March with Mao Zedong in the 1930s and went on to become a general in the Chinese Red Army before returning to Vietnam in 1945 to become a general during the war against the French.
12. Li Tana, ‘Jiaozhi (Giao Chi) in the Han Period Tongking Gulf’, and Brigitte Borell, ‘Han Period Glass Vessels in the Early Tongking Gulf Region’, both in Cooke et al., The Tongking Gulf Through History, pp. 39–52 and 53–66.
13. Jürgen Osterhammel and Niels Petersson, Globalization: A Short History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), pp. 31–81; and John D. Phan, ‘Re-Imagining “Annam”: A New Analysis of Sino-Viet-Muong Linguistic Contact’, Chinese Southern Diaspora Studies, vol. 4 (2010), pp. 3–24. My thanks to Liam Kelley for drawing out the Norman analogy for me.
14. Woodside, Lost Modernities; Benjamin Elman, ed., Rethinking Confucianism (Los Angeles: University of California, 2002); Liam Kelley, ‘Confucianism in Vietnam: A State of the Field Essay’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 1, nos. 1–2 (2006), pp. 314–70; Kelley, Beyond the Bronze Pillars, 1–36. Ralph Smith spoke of ‘cycles of Confucianization’ in ‘The Cycle of Confucianization in Vietnam’, in Walter Vella, ed., Aspects of Vietnamese History (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1973), pp. 1–29.
15. For more on the origins of the Vietnamese language, see: Mark Alves, ‘Linguistic Research on the Origins of the Vietnamese Language: An Overview’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 1, nos. 1–2 (2006), pp. 110–11.
16. On linguistic matters, see: Alves, ‘Linguistic Research on the Origins of the Vietnamese Language’, pp. 104–30 and John Phan, ‘Muong Is Not a Subgroup’, Mon-Khmer Studies, no. 40 (2011), pp. 1–18; and Cuong Tu Nguyen, Zen in Medieval Vietnam (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1997).
17. On cults and spirits in Vietnam, see Ta Chi Dai Truong, Than, nguoi va dat Viet (Westminster, CA: Nha Xuat Ban Van Nghe, 1989); Olga Dror, Cult, Culture, and Authority, Princess Lieu Hanh in Vietnamese History (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2007), and her translation and discussion of Father Adriano di St Thecla, A Small Treatise on the Sects among the Chinese and Tonkinese (Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program Publications, 2002); Alain Forest, Yoshiaki Ishizawa and Leon Vandermeersch, eds., Cultes populaires et sociétés asiatiques (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1991); Léopold Cadière, Croyances et pratiques religieuses des Vietnamiens (Paris: Publications de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, 1992); Maurice Durand, ‘Recueil des puissances invisibles du pays de Viet de Ly Te Xuyen’, Dan Viet Nam, no. 3 (1949), pp. 1–44. For Eurasian comparisons, see: Patrick Geary, ‘Peasant Religion in Medieval Europe’, Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie, vol. 12 (2001), pp. 185–209, http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/asie_0766-1177_2001_num_12_1_1170, accessed 10 August 2015; Jean-Claude Schmitt, Le Saint Lévrier, guérisseur d’enfants depuis le XIIIe siècle (Paris: Flammarion, 1979); and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘Connected Histories: Notes towards a Reconfiguration of Early Modern Eurasia’, in Victor Lieberman, ed., Beyond Binary Histories, Re-imagining Eurasia to c. 1830 (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1999), pp. 289–316.
18. Holcombe, ‘Early Imperial China’s Deep South’, pp. 137–41.
19. See Schafer, The Vermilion Bird; Holcombe, ‘Early Imperial China’s Deep South’, pp. 135–144; and for the citation: Shen Quanqi, ‘Life in the South’, in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, p. 12.
20. Holcombe, ‘Early Imperial China’s Deep South’, pp. 155–6.
21. Ibid., pp. 139–56; Li Tana, The Tongking Gulf Through History, pp. 9–10; Li Tana, ‘A View from the Sea’; Bin Yang, ‘Horses, Silver, and Cowries: Yunnan in Global Perspective’, Journal of World History, vol. 15, no. 3 (September 2004), pp. 281–322. Perso-Arab trade with Chinese ports was particularly intense. Claudine Salmon, ‘Les Persans à l’extrémité orientale de la route maritime (IIe A.E.–XVIIe siècle),’ Archipel, vol. 68 (2004), pp. 23–58.
22. I rely heavily on Keith Taylor, ‘The “Twelve Lords” in Tenth Century Vietnam’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 14, no. 1 (March 1983), pp. 46–62.
23. On early statecraft in Southeast Asia and Eurasia, see the essays in Marr and Milner, Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th Centuries; Kenneth Hall and John Whitmore, eds., Explorations in Early Southeast Asian History: The Origins of Southeast Asian Statecraft (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1976); Victor Lieberman, Strange Parallels, vol. 1: Integration on the Mainland: Southeast Asia in Global Context, c. 800–1830 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), and his Beyond Binary Histories.
24. Liam Kelley, ‘The Biography of the Hong Bang Clan as a Medieval Vietnamese Invented Tradition’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 7, no. 2 (2012), pp. 87–130; and more generally Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Patrick Geary, The Myth of Nations: The Medieval Origins of Europe(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002).
25. Kelley, ‘The Biography of the Hong Bang Clan’, pp. 87–130; Keith Taylor, ‘Authority and Legitimacy in Eleventh Century Vietnam’, in Marr and Milner, Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th Centuries, pp. 139–76; John Whitmore, ‘Chu Van An and the Rise of “Antiquity” in Fourteenth-Century Dai Viet’, Vietnam Review, no. 1 (1996), pp. 50–61; and more generally Dror, Cult, Culture, and Authority.
26. Taylor, ‘Authority’; Dror, Cult, Culture, and Authority; and Liam Kelley, ‘Constructing Local Narratives: Spirits, Dreams, and Prophecies in the Medieval Red River Delta’, in Anderson and Whitmore, China’s Encounters on the South and Southwest, pp. 78–105; and for the citation, see: Le Te Xuyen, ‘The Cult of Phung Hung (1329)’, in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, pp. 37–8.
27. Ly Nhan Tong, ‘Poems on a Buddhist Land (ca. 1100)’, in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, p. 35 (for the first citation); Le Van Huu, ‘Buddhist Cults (1272)’, in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, pp. 46–7 (for the second citation); O. W. Wolters, Two Essays on Dai-Viet in the Fourteenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, 1988); John Whitmore, ‘Building a Buddhist Monarchy in Ða.i Viêt: Temples and Texts under Lý Nhân-tông (r. 1072–1127)’, in D.C. Lammerts, ed., Buddhist Dynamics in Premodern and Early Modern Southeast Asia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2015), pp. 283–306; Nguyen The Anh, ‘From Indra to Maitreya: Buddhist Influence in Vietnamese Political Thought’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 33, no. 2 (June 2002), pp. 225–41; Nguyen The Anh, ‘Le Bouddhisme dans la pensée politique du Viêt-Nam traditionnel’, Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, vol. 89, no. 1 (2002), pp. 127–43. On the Chinese parallel, see Cuong Tu Nguyen, Zen in Medieval Vietnam.
28. ‘Lady God of the Earth (Late Eleventh Century)’, in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, pp. 47–8.
29. Jacques Gernet, Le Monde chinois (Paris: Armand Colin, 1999), pp. 290–306; John Stevenson, John Guy, Louise Cort, eds., Vietnamese Ceramics: A Separate Tradition (London: Art Media Resources, 1997); John Guy, ‘Vietnamese Ceramics and Cultural Identity, Evidence form the Ly and Tran Dynasties’, in Marr and Milner, Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th Centuries, pp. 255–70; Momoki Shiro, ‘Dai Viet and the South China Sea Trade from the 10th to the 15th Century’, Crossroads, vol. 12, no 1 (1998), pp. 1–34; John Whitmore, ‘The Rise of the Coast: Trade, State and Culture in Early Dai Viet’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 37, no. 1 (February 2006), pp. 103–22. For the immediate postcolonial period, see James Anderson, ‘“Slipping Through Holes”: The Late Tenth- and Early Eleventh-Century Sino-Vietnamese Coastal Frontier as a Subaltern Trade Network’, in Cooke et al., The Tongking Gulf Through History, pp. 87–100.
30. Le Van Huu, ‘Music of Champa (1272)’, in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, pp. 82–3 (for the citation); Shiro, ‘Dai Viet and the South China Sea Trade from the 10th to the 15th Century’; Whitmore, ‘The Rise of the Coast: Trade, State and Culture in Early Dai Viet’.
31. Shiro, ‘Dai Viet and the South China Sea Trade from the 10th to the 15th Century’; Whitmore, ‘The Rise of the Coast: Trade, State and Culture in Early Dai Viet’.
32. Jack Weatherford, Genghis Khan and the Making of the Modern World (New York: Random House, 2004).
33. Shiro, ‘Dai Viet and the South China Sea Trade’; Li Tana, ‘A View from the Sea’, pp. 83–102; Nola Cooke, ‘Nineteenth-Century Vietnamese Confucianization in Historical Perspective: Evidence from the Palace Examinations (1463–1883)’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 25, no. 2 (September 1994), pp. 270–312; and Shawn McHale, ‘“Texts and Bodies”: Refashioning the Disturbing Past of Tran Vietnam (1225–1400)’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, vol. 42, no. 4 (1999), pp. 494–518.
34. I rely heavily on John Whitmore’s research on the role Ming colonization played in the making of a new, postcolonial Vietnam under the Le. Whitmore, ‘Literati Culture and Integration in Dai Viet’; his Vietnamese Adaptations of Chinese Government Structure in the Fifteenth Century, Yale Southeast Asian Studies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970), and his ‘The Thirteenth Province: Internal Administration and External Expansion in Fifteenth-Century Dai Viet’, in Wade, Asian Expansions, pp. 120–43, among others.
35. Geoff Wade and Sun Laichen, eds., Southeast Asia in the Fifteenth Century: The China Factor (Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2010); Timothy Brook, The Troubled Empire: China in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties (Belknap Press, 2013); and Geoff Wade, ‘The ‘Native Office’ System: A Chinese Mechanism for Southern Territorial Expansion over Two Millennia’, in Wade, Asian Expansions, pp. 69–91.
36. Sun Laichen, ‘Military Technology Transfers from Ming China and the Emergence of Northern Mainland Southeast Asia (c. 1390–1527)’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 34 (2003), pp. 495–517; Sun Laichen, ‘Saltpetre Trade and Warfare in Early Modern Southeast Asia’, in Fujita Kayoko, Momoki Shiro and Anthony Reid, eds., Offshore Asia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2013), pp. 130–84; Geoff Wade, ‘The Zheng He Voyages: A Reassessment’, in Wade, ed., China and Southeast Asia, vol. 2 (London: Routledge, 2009), pp. 118–41; Geoff Wade, ‘Ming Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia’, in ibid., pp. 212–44.
37. Baldanza, Ming China and Vietnam, pp. 90–91.
38. Geoff Wade, ‘Ming China and Southeast Asia in the 15th Century: A Reappraisal’, Working Paper Series no. 28 (Singapore: Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, 2004), pp. 1–7; John Whitmore, Vietnam, Ho Quy Ly and the Ming (1371–1421) (New Haven: Yale Center for International and Area Studies, 1985).
39. Whitmore, ‘The Thirteenth Province’, pp. 120–43; Wade, ‘Ming China and Southeast Asia in the 15th Century’, pp. 1–7; and Woodside, Lost Modernities, more generally.
40. Sun Laichen, ‘Assessing the Ming Role’, in Wade and Sun, Southeast Asia in the Fifteenth Century, p. 98; Whitmore, Vietnam, Ho Quy Ly and the Ming; and Li Tana, ‘The Ming Factor and the Emergence of the Viet in the 15th Century’, in Wade and Sun, Southeast Asia in the Fifteenth Century, pp. 83–103.
41. Li, ‘The Ming Factor and the Emergence of the Viet in the 15th Century’; and Whitmore, ‘Literati Culture and Integration in Dai Viet’.
42. Liam Kelley, ‘Vietnam as a “Domain of Manifest Civility” (Van Hien Chi Bang)’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 34, no. 1 (February 2003), pp. 63–76; Whitmore, ‘The Thirteenth Province’; and Kathlene Baldanza, ‘De-civilizing Ming China’s Southern Border’, in Yongtao Du and Jeff Kyong-McClain, eds., Chinese History in Geographical Perspective (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2015), pp. 55–69.
43. Le Thanh Tong, ‘Edict on Champa (1470)’, in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, p. 142 (for the citation); and Roxanne Brown, The Ceramics of South-East Asia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 28–9.
44. Li, ‘The Ming Factor and the Emergence of the Viet in the 15th Century’, pp. 87–90; John Whitmore, ‘The Last Great King of Classical Southeast Asia, Che Bong Nga and the Fourteenth Century Chams’, in Tran Ky Phuong and Bruce Lockhart, eds., The Cham of Vietnam: History, Society, and Art (Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2011), pp. 168–203.
45. Alain Forest, Les Missionnaires français au Tonkin et au Siam, Livres I–III (Paris: Harmattan, 1998).
46. ‘The French’, however, did not create the Romanized system alone as is so often assumed. See Roland Jacques, ‘Le Portugal et la romanisation de la langue vietnamienne. Faut-il réécrire l’histoire?’, Revue française d’histoire d’outre-mer, vol. 85, no. 318 (1998), pp. 21–54.
47. See Olga Dror and Keith Taylor, eds., Views of Seventeenth-Century Vietnam (Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program Publications, 2006); Forest, Les Missionnaires français au Tonkin et au Siam, Livre II, pp. 213–14, and Les Missionnaires française, livre III, pp. 289–318; and Jacob Ramsay, Mandarins and Martyrs: The Church and the Nguyen Dynasty in Early Nineteenth-Century Vietnam (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008), pp. 27–8. Dutton provides higher numbers for Tonkin for an earlier period. George Dutton, The Tay Son Uprising: Society and Rebellion in Eighteenth-Century Vietnam (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2006), pp. 176–9.
48. See Father Adriano di St Thecla, A Small Treatise.
49. George Dutton, Moses to Lisbon: Philiphê Binh as an Envoy of the Padroado Catholics of Tonkin, forthcoming.
50. Subrahmanyam, ‘Connected Histories’.
51. Father Adriano di St Thecla, A Small Treatise; Olga Dror’s discussion of this matter on pp. 40–41; and Ueda Shin’ya, ‘On the Financial Structure and Personnel Organisation of the Trinh Lords in Seventeenth to Eighteenth-Century North Vietnam’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 46, no. 2 (June 2015), pp. 246–73.
52. Keith Taylor, ‘Nguyen Hoang and Vietnam’s Southward Expansion’, in Anthony Reid, ed., Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power, and Belief (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), p. 64. See also Li, Nguyen Cochinchina.
53. ‘A comprehensive archaeological map of the world’s largest preindustrial settlement complex at Angkor, Cambodia’, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS), vol. 104, no. 36 (September 2007), at www.pnas.org/content/104/36/14277.full, accessed 22 September 2014.
54. Salmon, ‘Les Persans à l’extrémité orientale’, pp. 23–58.
55. For a fascinating discussion of such things, including Mongol and Arabic perceptions of the region, see Léonard Aurousseau, ‘Sur le nom de Cochinchine’, Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, vol. 24, no. 1 (1924), pp. 563–79; and Nasir Abdoul-Carime, ‘In memoriam Gabriel Ferrand 1864–1935’, Péninsule, no. 68 (2014), pp. 213–26.
56. Li Tana, ‘The Eighteenth-Century Mekong Delta and Its World of Water Frontier’ in Nhung Tuyet Tran and Anthony Reid, eds., Viet Nam: Borderless Histories (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2006), pp. 147–62; Victor Lieberman, Strange Parallels, vol. 1, and his ‘The Southeast Asian Mainland and the World Beyond’, in Wade, Asian Expansions, pp. 92–119.
57. Claudine Salmon, ‘Réfugiés Ming dans les Mers du sud vus à travers diverses inscriptions (ca. 1650–ca. 1730)’, Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, vol. 90, no. 1 (2003), pp. 177–227.
58. Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010 (first published in 1991)); Charles Wheeler, ‘One Region, Two Histories: Cham Precedents in the History of the Hoi an Region’, in Nhung Tuyet Tran and Reid, eds., Viet Nam, p. 183.
59. Nguyen The Anh, ‘The Vietnamization of the Cham Deity Po Nagar’, in K. W. Taylor and John K. Whitmore, eds., Essays into Vietnamese Pasts (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1995), pp. 42–50.
60. Nguyen Hoang ‘Deathbed Statement to his Son (1613)’, in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, p. 155 (for the citation)
61. My discussion of the Tay Son relies heavily on the work of Ta Chi Dai Tuong, Lich su noi chien Viet Nam tu 1771 den 1802) (Los Angeles: An Tiem, 1991 (first published in 1973)); George Dutton, The Tay Son Uprising; Li, Nguyen Cochinchina: Southern Vietnam in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries; and Maurice Durand, Histoire des Tây Son (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2006).
62. Emmanuel Poisson, ‘Ngo The Lan et la crise monétaire au Viet Nam à la fin du XVIIIe siècle’, Cahiers numismatiques (2007), pp. 45–59.
63. Keith Taylor, ‘Surface Orientations in Vietnam: Beyond Histories of Nation and Region’, Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 57, no. 4 (November 1998), p. 965; and Dutton, The Tay Son Uprising, p. 17.
64. Dutton, The Tay Son Uprising, p. 3; and Le Quang Dinh, ‘Vietnamese Geographical Expansion (1806)’ in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, p. 260 (for the citation).
65. Nguyen Du, ‘A Dirge for All Ten Classes of Beings’ (1815?), in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, p. 300.
CHAPTER 2. A DIVIDED HOUSE AND A FRENCH IMPERIAL MERIDIAN LINE?
1. Claudine Salmon and Ta Trong Hiep, ‘L’Emissaire vietnamien Cao Ba Quat (1809–1854) et sa prise de conscience dans les “contrées méridionales”’, Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, vol. 81, no. 1 (1994), pp. 125–49; Chen Ching-ho, ‘Les “Missions officielles dans les Ha chau” ou “contrées méridionales”, de la première période des Nguyen’, Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, vol. 81, no. 1 (1994), pp 101–21; and Liam Kelley, ‘Batavia through Vietnamese Eyes’, at http://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstream/id/11148/license.txt/;jsessionid=4F45DB5950FCD029343C74CDEEE-ABBFA, accessed 13 August 2015.
2. For two excellent examples of this, see Thien Do, Vietnamese Supernaturalism: Views from the Southern Region (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003); Philip Taylor, Goddess on the Rise: Pilgrimage and Popular Religion in Vietnam (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004).
3. Alexander Woodside, Vietnam and the Chinese Model, 2nd edn (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988).
4. On Confucianism and the Nguyen bureaucracy, I rely heavily on Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes; his ‘L’Infrabureaucratie vietnamienne au Bac Ky (Tonkin) de l’indépendance au protectorat (fin du XIXe–début du XXe siècles)’, Le Mouvement social, no. 194 (2001), pp. 7–24; Wook, Southern Vietnam; Woodside, Vietnam and the Chinese Model; Nola Cooke, ‘Nineteenth-Century Vietnamese Confucianism in Historical Perspective: Evidence from the Palace Examinations (1463–1883)’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 25, no. 2 (September 1994), pp. 270–312; and Kelley, ‘Confucianism in Vietnam’.
5. Philippe Langlet, L’Ancienne Historiographie d’Etat au Vietnam (Paris: Publications de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, 1990); Nola Cooke, ‘The Myth of Restoration: Dang-Trong Influences in the Spiritual Life of the Early Nguyen Dynasty (1802–1847)’, in Anthony Reid, ed., The Last Stand of Asian Autonomies (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1997), pp. 269–95; and Nola Cooke, ‘Southern Regionalism and the Composition of the Nguyen Ruler Elite’, Asian Studies Review, vol. 23, no. 2 (1999), pp. 205–31.
6. Frédéric Mantienne, ‘The Transfer of Western Military Technology to Vietnam in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries: The Case of the Nguyen’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 34, no. 3 (October 2003), pp. 519–34; Li Tana, ‘Ships and Shipbuilding in the Mekong Delta, c. 1750–1840’, in Nola Cooke and Li Tana, eds., Water Frontier: Commerce and the Chinese in the Lower Mekong Region, 1750–1880 (Singapore: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004), pp. 119–38.
7. I rely here on Wook, Southern Vietnam; Woodside, Vietnam and the Chinese Model; Langlet, L’Ancienne Historiographie de l’Etat au Vietnam; Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes; Yoshiharu Tsuboï, L’Empire vietnamien face à la France et à la Chine 1847–1885 (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1987).
8. Cited in Norman Owen, The Emergence of Modern Southeast Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2005), p. 115.
9. Lieberman, Strange Parallels, vol. 1; and Nguyen The Anh, ‘Dans quelle mesure le XVIIIème siècle a-t-il été une période de crise dans l’histoire de la péninsule indochinoise’, in Philippe Papin, ed., Parcours d’un historien du Viêt Nam: Recueil des articles écrits par Nguyen The Anh (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2008), pp. 159–70.
10. Claudine Salmon and Ta Trong Hiep, ‘Li Van Phuc et sa découverte de la cité du Bengale (1830)’, in Frédéric Mantienne and Keith Taylor, eds., Monde du Viet Nam (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2008), pp. 143–95.
11. Cited in Wook, Southern Vietnam, p. 59.
12. Wook, Southern Vietnam, chapters 4 and 5; Woodside, Vietnam and the Chinese Model, chapters 1–3; Ramsay, Mandarins and Martyrs, chapter 2.
13. Wook, Southern Vietnam, chapters 4 and 5; and Ramsay, Mandarins and Martyrs, chapter 2.
14. Woodside, Vietnam and the Chinese Model, pp. 234–95; Nguyen The Anh, ‘Les Conflits frontaliers entre le Vietnam et le Siam à propos du Laos au XIXe siècle’, in Parcours d’un historien, pp. 31–43; Nguyen The Anh, ‘Siam-Vietnamese Relations in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century as Seen through Vietnamese Official Documents’, in Parcours d’un historien, pp. 44–57.
15. Woodside, Vietnam and the Chinese Model, pp. 234–95; quote cited by David P. Chandler, A History of Cambodia (Boulder: Westview Press, 1983), p. 126. See also Li Tana’s translation of ‘Tran Tay Phong Tho Ky’: The Customs of Cambodia’, Chinese Southern Diaspora Studies, vol. 1 (2007), pp. 148–57.
16. Chandler, A History of Cambodia, chapter 7; and David P. Chandler, ‘An Anti-Vietnamese Rebellion in Early Nineteenth Century Cambodia: Pre-Colonial Imperialism and a Pre-Nationalist Response’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 6, no. 1 (March 1975), pp. 16–24.
17. Emmanuel Poisson, ‘Les Confins septentrionaux du Viet Nam et leur administration’, in Mantienne and Taylor, Monde du Viet Nam, pp. 329–39; and especially Nguyen Thi Hai, Monarchie et pouvoirs locaux au Viêt Nam: Le Cas de la marche frontière de Cao Bang (1820–1925), PhD dissertation (Paris: Université Paris Diderot, 2015).
18. Frédéric Mantienne, Pierre Pigneaux (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2012).
19. I rely here on Ramsay, Mandarins and Martyrs, pp. 41–91. Langlet, L’Ancienne Historiographie d’Etat au Vietnam, pp. 86–9, 131–44; Ta Chi Dai Truong, Than, Nguoi va Dat Viet (California: Van Nghe, 1989), pp. 238–9.
20. Ramsay, Mandarins and Martyrs, pp. 68–91.
21. Ibid.
22. ‘The Society for the Propagation of the Faith,’ New Avent, www.newadvent.org/cathen/12461a.htm, accessed 25 September 2014; Nola Cooke, ‘Early Nineteenth-Century Vietnamese Catholics and Others in the Pages of the Annales de la Propagation de la foi’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 35, no. 2 (June 2004), pp. 261–85; and Ramsay, Mandarins and Martyrs, chapter 4.
23. Laurent Burel, ‘L’Action missionnaire française en Centre et Nord Vietnam (1856–1883)’, Revue française d’histoire d’outre mer, vol. 82, no. 309 (1995), pp. 489–503.
24. See the contributions by Anthony Reid, Yumio Sakurai, James Kong Chin, Li Tana, Choi Byung Wook, Nola Cooke, Geoff Wade and Carl Trocki, in Cooke and Li, Water Frontier; Li, ‘Ships and Shipbuilding’; Nguyen The Anh, ‘Traditional Vietnam’s Incorporation of External Cultural and Technical Contributions: Ambivalence and Ambiguity’, in Parcours d’un historien, pp. 732–46 (for the citation); Mark McLeod, ‘Nguyen Truong To: A Catholic Reformer at Emperor Tu-Duc’s Court’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 25, no. 2 (September 1994), pp. 313–30; Georges Boudarel, ‘Un Lettré catholique qui fait problème: Nguyen Truong To’, in Alain Forest and Yoshiharu Tsuboi, eds., Catholicisme et sociétés asiatiques (Paris/Tokyo: L’Harmattan/Sophia University, 1988), pp. 175–6; and Ta Trong Hiep, ‘Le Journal de l’ambassade de Phan Thanh Gian en France (4 juillet 1863–18 avril 1864)’, in Claudine Salmon, ed., Récits de voyage des Asiatiques (Paris: EFEO, 1996), pp. 335–66.
25. On the destabilizing effects of natural disasters, see Katie Dyt, ‘King Tu Duc’s “Bad Weather”: Nature Disasters in Vietnam, 1847–1883’, Conference, Vietnam Update 2011, Australian National University; Nguyen The Anh, ‘Quelques aspects économiques et sociaux du problème du riz au Vietnam dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle’, and his ‘La Réforme de l’impôt foncier de 1875 au Viet Nam’, in Parcours d’un historien, pp. 171–83, pp. 202–11, respectively. On rural population growth, see Steve Déry, La Colonisation agricole du Viet-Nam (Laval: Presses de l’Université du Québec, 1994), p. 54.
26. Emmanuel Poisson, ‘Détruire ou consolider les digues du delta du fleuve Rouge’, Aséanie (2009), pp. 77–96; Van Nguyen-Marshall, In Search of Moral Authority: The Discourse on Poverty, Poor Relief, and Charity in French Colonial Vietnam (Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 2008), pp. 1–30; Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Millenarianism and Peasant Politics in Vietnam (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983); and Ramsay, Mandarins and Martyrs.
27. Nguyen-Marshall, In Search of Moral Authority, p. 10; Langlet, L’Ancienne Historiographie de l’Etat au Vietnam, p. 86; Ramsay, Mandarins and Martyrs, p. 117 (for the statistics).
28. For general accounts of the French conquest of Vietnam, see Mark W. McLeod, The Vietnamese Response to French Intervention, 1862–1874 (New York: Praeger, 1991); Brocheux and Hémery, Indochina; and Charles Fourniau, Vietnam. Domination coloniale et résistance nationale (1858–1914) (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2002).
29. Jan de Vries, ‘The Industrial Revolution and the Industrious Revolution’, Journal of Economic History, vol. 54, no. 2 (1994), pp. 249–70; Christopher Bayly, Imperial Meridian: The British Empire and the World 1780–1830 (New York: Longman, 1989); and John Darwin, The Empire Project: The Rise and Fall of the British World-System, 1830–1970, 2nd edn (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2011); David Todd, ‘A French Imperial Meridian, 1814–1870’, Past and Present, no. 210 (February 2011), pp. 155–86; Christopher Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004); Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001). On ‘gentlemanly capitalism’, see Peter Cain and Anthony Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion 1688–1914 (London: Longman, 1993). For a Burmese case study, see Anthony Webster, Gentlemen Capitalists: British Imperialism in South East Asia 1770–1890) (London: Tauris Academic Studies, 1998).
30. John Laffey, ‘Municipal Imperialism in France: The Lyon Chamber of Commerce, 1900–1914’, in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 119, no. 1 (February 1975), pp. 8–23 (on ‘municipal imperialism’); John Laffey, ‘Roots of French Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century: The Case of Lyon’, French Historical Studies, vol. 6, no. 1 (1969), pp. 78–92; Jean-François Klein, Un Lyonnais en Extrême-Orient. Ulysse Pila Vice-roi de l’Indo-Chine (1837–1909) (Lyon: Lugd, 1994); and Hubert Bonin, Catherine Hodeir and Jean-François Klein, eds., L’Esprit économique impérial? Réseaux et groupes de pressions du patronat colonial en France et dans l’Empire (1830–1962) (Paris: SFHOM, 2008).
31. See chapter 3 for a discussion of the meaning of ‘Cochinchina’.
32. Charles-Robert Ageron, France coloniale ou parti colonial? (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1978); Marc Meuleau, Des pionniers en Extrême-Orient. Histoire de la Banque de l’Indochine (1875–1975) (Paris: Fayard, 1990).
33. Charles-Robert Ageron, ‘L’Exposition coloniale de 1931: Mythe républicain ou mythe impérial’, in Pierre Nora, ed., Les Lieux de mémoire. La République (Paris: Gallimard, 1997 (first published in 1984)), pp. 493–551, and his ‘L’Opinion publique face aux problèmes de l’Union française (étude de sondages)’, in Les Chemins de la décolonisation de l’Empire français, 1936–1956(Paris: Editions du CNRS, 1986), pp. 33–48; Alice Conklin, In the Museum of Man: Race, Anthropology, and Empire in France, 1850–1950 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013).
34. Pierre Loti in Le Figaro, 17 October 1883, published in its original uncensored version in Gulliver, no 5 (January, February, March 1991), pp. 211–12. The censored version is also available in this edition. A comparison of the two makes for instructive reading.
35. Cited by Henry McAleavy, Black Flags in Vietnam: The Story of a Chinese Intervention (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1968), pp. 213–14.
36. The Japanese began removing Korea from the Chinese orbit at exactly the same time. Like the French, they signed a treaty at Tianjin at almost the same time, forcing the Chinese to recognize that Beijing no longer had exclusive relations with Korea.
37. Despite his critique of Ferry’s subjugation of foreign peoples, Georges Clémenceau soon advocated the colonial cause. He even prefaced Auguste Pavie’s account of the ‘peaceful’ conquest of Laos. Agathe Larcher-Goscha, ‘On the Trail of an Itinerant Explorer: French Colonial Historiography on Auguste Pavie’s Work in Laos’, in Christopher Goscha and Soren Ivarsson, eds., Contesting Visions of the Lao Past (Copenhagen: NIAS, 2003), pp. 209–38.
38. Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1994); Patrick Tuck, The French Wolf and the Siamese Lamb, 2nd edn (Bangkok: White Lotus, 2009); and Soren Ivarsson, Creating Laos: The Making of Lao Space between Siam and Indochina, 1860–1945 (Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 2008).
CHAPTER 3. ALTERED STATES
1. Mark McLeod, ‘Truong Dinh and Vietnamese Anti-Colonialism, 1859–64: A Reappraisal’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 24, no. 1 (March 1993), pp. 88–105; Mark McLeod, The Vietnamese Response to French Intervention, 1862–1874 (New York: Praeger, 1991), pp. 66–70; ‘Truong Cong Dinh to Phan Thanh Gian’, document 6, in Truong Buu Lam, ed., Patterns of Vietnamese Response to Foreign Intervention, 1858–1900 (New Haven: Yale Southeast Asian Studies, 1967), pp. 23–74.
2. Aurousseau, ‘Sur le nom de Cochinchine’.
3. See Peter Zinoman, The Colonial Bastille: A History of Imprisonment in Vietnam, 1862–1940 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001). The Poulo Condor prison closed in 1975 and now serves as a major tourist attraction. In the early eighteenth century, the British East India Company had first operated this island, not the Nguyen. The Bulletin officiel de la Cochinchine française appeared for the first time in 1865.
4. Ramsay, Mandarins and Martyrs, p. 156; and Fourniau, Vietnam, p. 106.
5. Fourniau, Vietnam, p. 217. Although he focused on northern Vietnam, Emmanuel Poisson’s work on the Nguyen bureaucracy at this conjuncture is required reading: Mandarins et subalternes; and his ‘L’Infrabureaucratie vietnamienne’.
6. Fourniau, Vietnam, p. 108 (for the citation); and Louis Vignon, Un programme de politique coloniale: Les Questions indigènes (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1919), pp. 238–9.
7. Fourniau, Vietnam, p. 107 for the citation.
8. On his efforts, see document 8, translated and commented by Truong Buu Lam, Patterns, pp. 81–6.
9. Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, chapter 5. Quote cited by Milton Osborne, The French Presence in Cochinchina and Cambodia, 1859–1905 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970), p. 71. See also Vignon, Un programme de politique coloniale, pp. 239–40.
10. Fourniau, Vietnam, p 573. This mirrored similar take-offs in Chinese immigration to other colonial states in the region, such as British Singapore and Malaya and Dutch Indonesia.
11. Chantal Descours-Gatin, Quand l’opium finançait la colonisation en Indochine (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1992), pp. 52–63; Philippe Lefailler, Monopole et prohibition de l’opium en Indochine. Le pilori des chimères (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2001); Fourniau, Vietnam, pp. 196–7; Gerard Sasges, Imperial Intoxication: Alcohol, Indochina, and the World (1897–1933) (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, forthcoming). On the Nguyen reliance on the Chinese Mac family, see chapter 2.
12. Cited by Fourniau, Vietnam, p. 103.
13. Fourniau, Vietnam, pp. 205, 297; and Ramsay, Mandarins and Martyrs, pp. 162–6.
14. Ibid., pp. 193–5; and Osborne, The French Presence pp. 84–5. On the alcohol monopoly and its rise, see: Gerard Sasges, ‘Scaling the Commanding Heights: The colonial conglomerates and the changing political economy of French Indochina’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 49 (2015), pp. 1485–1525.
15. Descours-Gatin, Quand l’opium, pp. 97–102; and Fourniau, Vietnam, p. 197.
16. Fourniau, Vietnam, pp. 217–18.
17. Cited by Osborne, The French Presence, p. 38.
18. Cited by Fourniau, Vietnam, p. 105; and Osborne, The French Presence, pp. 95–6.
19. Cited by Osborne, The French Presence, p. 38.
20. Ramsay, Mandarins and Martyrs, pp. 163–4; and Osborne, The French Presence, chapter 4; Fourniau, Vietnam, pp. 104–6.
21. I rely here on Nguyen The Anh, Monarchie et fait colonial au Viet-Nam (1875–1925): Le Crépuscule d’un ordre traditionnel (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1992); and Charles Fourniau, Annam-Tonkin, 1995–1896: Lettrés et paysans vietnamiens face à la conquête coloniale (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1989).
22. Cited by Fourniau, Vietnam, p. 374.
23. In the French empire, the positions of the ‘résident supérieur’ and that of the ‘résident général’ were roughly the equivalents of ‘commissioners’ in the British empire’s system. The term ‘résident supérieur’ replaced that of the ‘résident général’ at the turn of the twentieth century. This new office and its administrators existed at the regional (Tonkin, Annam, Cochinchina), provincial and district levels. Though an imperfect translation, in this book I make reference to the Commissioner of Annam rather than use the term ‘Résident supérieur’, and also refer to resident generals rather than ‘résidents générals’.
24. Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, chapter 5 in particular; Pasquier quote cited by Pierre Brocheux and Daniel Hémery, Indochine, la colonisation ambiguë (Paris: La Découverte, 2001), p. 93.
25. Jan T. Gross, ‘Themes for a Social History of War Experience and Collaboration’, in Istvan Deak et al., The Politics of Retribution in Europe: World War II and Its Aftermath (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 26; J. Kim Munholland, ‘“Collaboration Strategy” and the French Pacification of Tonkin, 1885–1897’, The Historical Journal, vol. 24, no. 3 (September 1981), pp. 629–50; and Michael Kim, ‘Regards sur la collaboration coréenne’, Vingtième siècle, no. 94 (April–June 2007), pp. 35–44.
26. Munholland, ‘“Collaboration Strategy”’, pp. 629–50; Charles Fourniau, Annam-Tonkin, chapter 2 in particular; and quote cited by Fourniau, Annam-Tonkin, p. 74.
27. Duong Van Mai Elliott, The Sacred Willow: Four Generations in the Life of a Vietnamese Family (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 13 (for the citation). See also: Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, pp. 78–145.
28. Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, pp. 78–9, 88–9, 101, 144–5 (on Hoang Cao Khai); and Fourniau, Annam Tonkin pp. 70–71.
29. Brocheux and Hémery, Indochine, table 3, p. 98. Indochina also included the small concession of Guangzhouwan (Zhanjiang).
30. On the ‘native code’, see James Barnhart, ‘Violence and the Civilizing Mission: Native Justice in French Colonial Vietnam, 1858–1914’, PhD dissertation (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1999); and Emmanuelle Saada, ‘Citoyens et sujets de l’empire français: les usages du droit en situation coloniale’, Genèses, vol. 4, no. 53 (2003/2004), pp. 4–24; Paul Isoart, ‘La Création de l’Union indochinoise’, Approches-Asie (4th trimester, 1992), p. 45. Until 1874, Tu Duc refused to sign any document recognizing the French occupation of western Cochinchina. Until that date, only eastern Cochinchina was a legally recognized colony. The French military administered the western provinces as occupied territories, by force.
31. Hue-Tam Ho Tai, ‘The Politics of Compromise: The Constitutionalist Party and the Electoral Reforms of 1922 in French Cochinchina’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 18, no. 3 (1984), pp. 374–5; and Osborne, The French Presence, table 1, p. 289. Between 1880 and 1904, land alienated from the indigenous population totaled 543,493 hectares.
32. Actually, in the context of the colonial state, Cambodian peasants also carried a heavy fiscal burden and, in so doing, helped finance projects that often included Vietnam.
33. David Marr, Vietnamese Anticolonialism (1885–1925) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), pp. 50–52.
34. Cited by Brocheux and Hémery, Indochine, p. 57.
35. Cited by Marr, Anticolonialism, p. 63.
36. Hoang Cao Khai and Phan Dinh Phung, Document 15, in Truong Buu Lam, Patterns, p. 124 (for the citation). See also Marr, Anticolonialism, pp. 66–8.
37. See Mark McLeod, ‘Nguyen Truong To: A Catholic Reformer at Emperor Tu-Duc’s Court’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 25, no. 2 (September 1994), p. 319, citing Phan Dinh Phung textually to this effect.
CHAPTER 4. RETHINKING VIETNAM
1. Agathe Larcher-Goscha, ‘Prince Cuong De and the Franco-Vietnamese Competition for the Heritage of Gia Long’, in Gisèle Bousquet and Pierre Brocheux, eds., Viet Nam Exposé (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2002), pp. 187–215; and Tran My Van, A Vietnamese Royal Exile in Japan: Prince Cuong De (1882–1951) (London: Routledge, 2005).
2. Marr, Anticolonialism, p. 107.
3. Both men submitted reforms to the Qing court in 1898. After a ‘100 days reform’, the court reversed course and cracked down on reformers. Liang Qichao and Kang Youwei fled the country for their lives. Lai To Lee, Hock Guan Lee, eds., Sun Yat-Sen, Nanyang and the 1911 Revolution(Singapore: ISEAS, 2011); and J. Kim Munholland, ‘The French Connection that Failed: France and Sun Yat-Sen, 1900–1908’, The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 1 (November 1972), pp. 77–95. Some 15 million Chinese were moving between China and Southeast Asia during the period of Western colonial domination. In the late twentieth century, 80 percent of the global overseas Chinese population resided in Southeast Asia. Pierre Trolliet, La Diaspora chinoise, 3rd edn (Paris: PUF, 2000), pp. 16, 43. An overseas Chinese skipper safely transported the future general secretary of the Vietnamese Workers Party, Le Duan, from southern Vietnam to Hanoi shortly after the First Indochina War ended in 1954.
4. Both citations from Marr, Anticolonialism, p. 125. For earlier periods, see Li Tana, ‘The Imported Book Trade and Confucian Learning in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-century Vietnam’, in Michael Aung-Thwin and Kenneth Hall, eds. New Perspectives on the History and Historiography of Southeast Asia (London: Routledge, 2011), pp. 167–82.
5. On Japan’s notions of racial and civilizational superiority, see Lionel Babicz, Le Japon face à la Corée à l’époque de Meiji (Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose, 2002); and Louise Young, Japan’s Total Empire: Manchuria and the Culture of Wartime Imperialism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).
6. Cited by Vinh Sinh, introduction, Overturned Chariot: The Autobiography of Phan-Boi-Chau (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1999), p. 12. See also Hiraishi Masaya, ‘Phan Boi Chau in Japan’, in Vinh Sinh, ed., Phan Boi Chau and the Dong-Du Movement (New Haven: Yale Center for International and Area Studies, 1988), pp. 52–82.
7. Letter to Okuma Shigenobu, cited by Marr, Anticolonialism, p. 113. See also Shiraishi Masaya, ‘Phan Boi Chau in Japan’, pp. 54–6.
8. Vinh Sinh, Phan Boi Chau and the Dong-Du Movement, p. 10; Marr, Anticolonialism, pp. 104–5, 136, 143–5; Ralph Smith, ‘The Development of Opposition to French Rule in Southern Vietnam 1880–1940’, Past & Present, no. 54 (February 1972), pp. 94–104 (p. 103 for the numbers); Pierre Brocheux, ‘Note sur Gilbert Chieu (1867–1919)’, Approches Asie (4th trimester, 1992), pp. 72–81 (p 77, note 87, for the number of 300 students). Gia Long’s primary wife was from the delta and her family tombs were maintained by the Nguyen until 1867. Marr, Anticolonialism, p. 102, note 13.
9. Marr, Anticolonialism, pp. 114–19.
10. See Vinh Sinh, ‘Chinese Characters as the Medium for Transmitting the Vocabulary of Modernization from Japan to Vietnam in the Early Twentieth Century’, Asian Pacific Quarterly (October 1993), pp. 1–16. Chau’s quotes cited by Marr, Anticolonialism, p. 129.
11. In 1868, this influential Japanese philosophe had created the famous ‘public school’, Keio Gijuku, in Tokyo to promote Western studies. It had become a great success by 1900 and is now one of Japan’s most prestigious universities. On Phan Boi Chau and Fukuzawa, see Vinh Sinh, ‘Phan Boi Chau and Fukuzawa Yukichi: Perceptions of National Independence’, in Vinh Sinh, Phan Boi Chau and the Dong-Du Movement, pp. 101–49.
12. Eugene Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France (1870–1914) (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976).
13. Jacques Dalloz, Francs-Maçons d’Indochine, 1868–1975 (Paris: Editions Maçonniques de France, 2002); Daniel Hémery, ‘L’Indochine, les droits humains entre colonisateurs et colonisés, la Ligue des Droits de l’Homme (1898–1954)’, Revue française d’histoire d’Outre-mer, vol. 88, no. 330–31 (2001), pp. 223–39; J. P. Daughton, An Empire Divided: Religion, Republicanism, and the Making of French Colonialism, 1880–1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 89–93; and Jules Roux, ‘Le Triomphe définitif en Indochine du mode de transcription de la langue annamite à l’aide des caractères romains ou “quôc ngu’”, conférence’ (Hanoi: Bibliothèque de la ‘Revue indigène’, 1912). Roux later translated Trinh’s Complete Account of the Peasants’ Uprising in the Central Region, which I have been unable to locate.
14. Phan Boi Chau, Overturned Chariot, p. 105.
15. Phan Chu Trinh, ‘Lettre de Phan Chu Trinh à Paul Beau’, Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, nos. 1–2 (1907), pp. 166–75.
16. Cited in Document 10, ‘Nguyen Truong To’, in Truong Buu Lam, ed., Patterns of Vietnamese Response to Foreign Intervention, 1858–1900, monograph series no. 11, Yale Southeast Asia Studies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967), pp. 89–103. For more on Nguyen Truong To, see Mark McLeod, ‘Nguyen Truong To: A Catholic Reformer at Emperor Tu-Duc’s Court’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 25, no. 2 (September 1994), pp. 313–30. On Chu Nom, see John Phan, ‘Rebooting the Vernacular in 17th Century Vietnam,’ in Rethinking East Asian Languages, Vernaculars, and Literacies 1000–1919 (Leiden: Brill, 2014), pp. 96–128, and his ‘Chu Nôm and the Taming of the South: A Bilingual Defense for Vernacular Writing in the Chi Nam Ngoc Am Giai Nghia’, The Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 8, no. 1 (2013), pp. 1–33.
17. Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, pp. 98–9, 135.
18. In fact, Fukuzawa Yukichi’s educational policies may well have been the school’s driving force: Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, chapter 5. Marr, Anticolonialism, p. 164. It was private in the sense that the French did not fund it. It also paralleled pre-existing Chinese and Vietnamese private schools for teaching classical studies. Similar ‘free schools’ would be created well into the twentieth century. The Constitutionalists began creating just such schools in the 1920s. The colonial authorities restricted them severely from 1924. R. B. Smith, ‘Bui Quang Chieu and the Constitutionalist Party in French Cochinchina, 1917–30’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 3, no. 2 (1969), p. 138.
19. Marr, Anticolonialism, pp. 166–9.
20. Cited in Ibid., p. 170.
21. A. E. Babut, ‘A propos de Phan Chu Trinh’, Nam Phong, no. 109 (1926), p. 26. On the prison, see Peter Zinoman, The Colonial Bastille: A History of Imprisonment in Vietnam, 1862–1940 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001).
22. Amadine Dabat, ‘Ham Nghi artiste: le peintre le sculpteur’, at http://aejjrsite.free.fr/goodmorning/gm136/gm136_HamNghiArtistePeintreSculpteur.pdf, accessed 26 January 2016; Lorraine Patterson, Exiles from Indochina in the Transcolonial World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming), and her ‘Prisoners from Indochina in the Nineteenth Century French Colonial World’, in Ronit Ricci, ed., Exile in Colonial Asia: Kings, Convicts, Commemoration (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2016); Hua Dong Sy, De la Mélanésie au Vietnam: Itinéraire d’un colonisé devenu francophile (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1993); Danielle Donet-Vincent, ‘Les Bagnes des Indochinois en Guyane (1931–1963)’, Outre-mers, vol. 88, nos. 330–31 (2001), pp. 209–21; Christian Schnakenbourg, ‘Les Déportés indochinois en Guadeloupe sous le Second Empire’, Outre-mers, vol. 88, nos. 330–31 (2001), pp. 205–8; Pierre Brocheux, ‘De l’empereur Duy Tan au prince Vinh San: L’Histoire peut-elle se répeter?’, Approches-Asie, n.s. (1989–1990), pp. 1–25; Hoang Van Dao, Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang: A Contemporary History of a National Struggle: 1927–1954 (Pittsburg: RoseDog Books, 2008), pp. 165–6; Robert Aldrich, ‘Imperial Banishment: French Colonizers and the Exile of Vietnamese Emperors’, French History & Civilization, vol. 5 (2014), at http://fliphtml5.com/vdxa/dxse, accessed 31 August 2015; and his Banished Potentates: The Deposition and Exile of Indigenous Monarchs under Colonial Rule, 1815–1945 (forthcoming).
23. Ngo Van, Au pays de la Cloche Fêlée (Cahors: L’Insomniaque, 2000), pp. 90–91 (for the citation). For the Atlantic, see Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker, The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2013). Christoph Giebel analyzes the construction of an official historiography about Vietnamese communism through Ton Duc Thang in his Imagined Ancestries of Vietnamese Communism: Ton Duc Thang and the Politics of History and Memory (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004). Maritime revolutionary connections are completely missing from his study. Indeed, the history of Chinese and Vietnamese maritime labor organization and revolution still await their historians. For an impressive early effort, see Didier de Fautereau, ‘Le Nationalisme vietnamien: Contribution des marins vietnamiens au nationalisme vietnamien (période entre deux guerres)’, MA dissertation (Paris: Université de Paris, 1975), chapters 1–2.
24. See Mireille Le Van Ho, Des Vietnamiens dans la grande guerre (Paris: Vendémiaire, 2014); Tyler Stovall, ‘The Color Line behind the Lines: Racial Violence in France during the Great War’, The American Historical Review, vol. 103, no. 3 (June 1998), pp. 737–69; John Horne, ‘Immigrant Workers in France during World War I’, French Historical Studies, vol. 14, no. 1 (Spring 1985), pp. 57–88; Kim Loan Vu Hill, Coolies into Rebels (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2011); and Li Ma, ed., Les Travailleurs Chinois en France dans la Première guerre mondiale (Paris: CNRS Editions, 2012), including Tobias Rettig, ‘Prevented or Missed Chinese-Indochinese Encounters during WWI: Spatial Imperial Policing in Metropolitan France’, pp. 387–407.
25. CGT is the Confédération générale du Travail.
26. Duong Van Giao, L’Indochine pendant la guerre de 1914–1918 (Paris: Librairie-Edition, 1925); Mireille Le Van Ho, ‘Le Général Pennequin et le projet d’armée jaune (1911–1915)’, Revue française d’histoire d’outre-mer, vol. 75, no. 279 (2nd trimester 1988), pp. 145–67; and Le Van Ho, Des Vietnamiens dans la grande guerre, the most important book published in any language on the Vietnamese in France during the Great War.
27. Agathe Larcher, ‘Réalisme et idéalisme en politique coloniale: Albert Sarraut et l’Indochine, 1911–1914’, MA dissertation (Paris: Université Paris VII, 1992), pp. 9–30 (citation p. 30). The Section française de l’Internationale ouvrière emerged officially in 1905. Despite his economic critique of colonialism as an extension of capitalism, Jaurès accepted the Republic’s empire but insisted that Republicans had to promote a humanist colonial policy with the needs of the colonized in mind. See Jean Jaurès, ‘Les Compétitions coloniales’, La Petite République (17 May 1896), in Revue Histoire (2010).
28. Peter Zinoman, ‘Colonial Prisons and Anti-Colonial Resistance in French Indochina: The Thai Nguyen Rebellion, 1917’, Modern Asian Studies 34 (2000), pp. 57–98.
29. Patrice Morlat, La Répression coloniale au Vietnam, 1908–1940 (Paris: Editions L’Harmattan, 1990); and Larcher, ‘Réalisme et idéalisme’, p. 131.
30. See Christopher Goscha, ‘“The Modern Barbarian”: Nguyen Van Vinh and the Complexity of Colonial Modernity in Vietnam’, European Journal of East Asian Studies, vol. 3, no. 1 (2004), pp. 135–69.
31. Agathe Larcher, ‘La Voie étroite des réformes coloniales et la “collaboration franco-annamite”, 1917–1928’, Revue francaise d’histoire d’outre mer, vol. 82, no 309 (4th trimester 1995), pp. 387–419.
32. Albert Sarraut, ‘Discours prononcé le 17 avril 1919 au Van-Mieu’, annex in Larcher, ‘Réalisme et idéalisme’, p. 1. On the French policy of collaboration, see Larcher, ‘La Voie étroite des réformes coloniales’, pp. 387–420.
33. See Christopher Goscha, Going Indochinese (Honolulu/Copenhagen: University of Hawai’i Press/Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 2012), p. 23.
34. The western Indochinese bureaucracy was divided into two administrative sub-systems, the first being the ‘adminstration française’, the Indochinese federal level in which the Vietnamese moved. The second was the protectorate ones under Lao and Khmer royal prerogative, subordinate to French Résident Supérieurs, and staffed by Cambodian chaifaikhets and Lao chaomuongs.The Indochinese level dealt with such federal matters as customs, immigration, security and the governing administrative matters of Laos and Cambodia in relation to the larger Indochinese system.
35. The French had transported over 5,000 Vietnamese to their New Caledonian colony to work in mines, agriculture and small-scale factories. André Chastain, ‘La Main-d’œuvre asiatique en Nouvelle-Calédonie’, La Dépêche coloniale et maritime (1 October 1929), p. 1.
36. All citations are in Goscha, Going Indochinese, chapters 1–2.
37. This is clearly at the heart of Nguyen Van Vinh’s political program. Ibid., chapter 2.
38. Christopher Goscha, ‘Bao Dai et Sihanouk: La Fabrique indochinoise des rois coloniaux’, in François Guillemot and Agathe Larcher-Goscha, eds., La Colonisation des corps (Paris: Vendémiaire, 2014), pp. 127–77; ‘Phan Chau Trinh, sujet de l’Empire d’Annam adresse cette lettre à l’Empereur régnant de l’Annam’, translated from the original in Chinese characters, dated 1922, Marseille, in box 371, Service de Protection du Corps Expéditionnaire (SPCE), Centre des Archives d’Outre-Mer, France; and Pasquier’s letter to Sarraut, 9 November 1922, in box 371.
39. Cited by Charles Ageron, France coloniale ou parti colonial (Paris: PUF, 1978), pp. 230–31. On Sarraut’s anticommunism, see Martin Thomas, ‘Albert Sarraut, French Colonial Development, and the Communist Threat, 1919–1930’, The Journal of Modern History, vol. 77, no. 4 (2005), pp. 917–55. On Euro-American collaboration against Southeast Asian nationalist and communist movements, see Frances Gouda, American Visions of the Netherlands East Indies/Indonesia (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2002); and Anne Foster, Projections of Power: The United States and Europe in Colonial Southeast Asia, 1919–1941 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010).
40. Cited in Goscha, ‘Bao Dai et Sihanouk’, pp. 137–8.
CHAPTER 5. THE FAILURE OF COLONIAL REPUBLICANISM
1. Based on Agathe Larcher-Goscha, ‘Bui Quang Chieu in Calcutta (1928): The Broken Mirror of Vietnamese and Indian Nationalism’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 9, no. 4 (Fall 2014), pp. 67–114.
2. On the Constitutionalists, I have relied on the following: Ralph Smith, ‘Bui Quang Chieu and the Constitutionalist Party in French Cochinchina, 1917–30’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 3, no. 2 (1969), pp. 131–50; Hue-Tam Ho Tai, ‘The Politics of Compromise’, pp. 371–91; Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Radicalism and the Origins of the Vietnamese Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), pp. 41–3; Megan Cook, The Constitutionalist Party in Cochinchina: The Years of Decline, 1930–1942 (Melbourne: Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1977); Milton Osborne, ‘The Faithful Few: The Politics of Collaboration in Cochinchina in the 1920s’, in Walter Vella, ed., Aspects of Vietnamese History (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1973), pp. 160–90; Patrice Morlat, La Répression coloniale au Vietnam, 1908–1940 (Paris: Editions L’Harmattan, 1990), p. 276; Pierre Brocheux, ‘Elite, bourgeoisie, ou la difficulté d’être’, in Philippe Franchini, ed., Saigon, 1925–1945 (Paris: Autrement, 1992), pp. 135–61; and especially Philippe Peycam, The Birth of Vietnamese Political Journalism, Saigon, 1916–1930 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012).
3. ‘L’Echo annamite: The Wish List of the Vietnamese People (1925)’, in Truong Buu Lam, Colonialism Experienced: Vietnamese Writings on Colonialism, 1900–1931 (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2000), pp. 208–27; and Louis Roubaud, Viet-Nam, la tragédie indo-chinoise(Paris: Librairie Valois, 1931), p. 262.
4. Huynh Thuc Khang, ‘Speech Delivered at the Opening Ceremony of the Third Session of the Chamber of People’s Representatives in Annam, 1 October 1928’, in Truong Buu Lam, Colonialism Experienced, pp. 262–3 (for the citation).
5. Truong Buu Lam, Colonialism Experienced, p. 78.
6. On the Constitutionalists and India, see Larcher-Goscha, ‘Bui Quang Chieu in Calcutta’, pp. 131–50. On the Indian National Congress and the making of the British Empire, see John Darwin, The Empire Project: The Rise and Fall of the British World-System, 1830–1970 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
7. On the rise of the youth and its radicalization, I have relied on the following: Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Radicalism; David Marr, Vietnamese Tradition on Trial, 1920–1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981); Shawn McHale, Print and Power: Confucianism, Communism, and Buddhism in the Making of Modern Vietnam (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004). For the statistics, see Marr, Vietnamese Tradition, chapter 1; and McHale, Print and Power, chapter 1.
8. Marr, Vietnamese Tradition, pp. 30–33. On censorship, see McHale, Print and Power, chapter 2. On Ho Chi Minh’s use of quoc ngu in France, see Sophie Quinn-Judge, Ho Chi Minh: The Missing Years (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), pp. 39–40.
9. Judith Henchy, ‘Performing Modernity in the Writings of Nguyen An Ninh and Phan Van Hum’, PhD dissertation (Seattle: University of Washington, 2005); Daniel Hémery, ‘Nguyen An Ninh’, in Franchini, Saigon 1925–1945, pp. 159–88; Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Radicalism, chapter 4; and Daniel Hémery, Révolutionnaires vietnamiens et pouvoir colonial en Indochine: Communistes, trotskystes, nationalistes à Saigon de 1932 à 1937 (Paris: François Maspero, 1975).
10. Nguyen An Ninh, ‘The Ideal of the Annamese Youth (1923)’, in Dutton et al., Sources of Vietnamese Tradition, pp. 382–9 (for the citation).
11. Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Radicalism, p. 13; and Nguyen An Ninh, ‘France in Indochina (1925)’, in Truong Buu Lam, Colonialism Experienced, pp. 190–207.
12. Cited by Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Radicalism, p. 143.
13. Cognacq quote cited by Hue-Tam Ho Tai in Ibid., pp. 143–144.
14. Agathe Larcher, ‘D’un réformisme à l’autre: La Redécouverte de l’identité culturelle vietnamienne, 1900–1930’, Série Etudes et Documents Etudes indochinoises IV (May 1995), pp. 85–96; Herman Lebovics, True France (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992).
15. Thanks in no small part to materials that continued to flow into Vietnam via the overseas Chinese community. See chapter 4.
16. On the VNQDD, I have relied on Hy Van Luong, Revolution in the Village: Tradition and Transformation in North Vietnam, 1925–1988 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1992).
17. Roubaud, Viet-nam, p. 120.
18. Ibid., p. 120 (for the citation). See also Paul Monet’s Les Jauniers: Histoire Vraie (Paris: Gallimard, 1930); Nguyen Thai Hoc, ‘Radical Nationalism in Vietnam’, in Harry J. Benda, et al., The World of Southeast Asia: Selected Historical Readings (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1967), pp. 182–5. Pierre Pasquier argued just the opposite to the Vietnamese on 15 October 1930. See his ‘In Defense of the Mission Civilisatrice in Indochina’, in Benda, The World of Southeast Asia, pp. 137–41.
19. I rely on the following studies for my discussion of Ho Chi Minh: Daniel Hémery, ‘Jeunesse d’un colonisé, genèse d’un exil, Ho Chi Minh jusqu’en 1911’, Approches Asie (4th semester 1992), pp. 114–17, 137; Quinn-Judge, Ho Chi Minh: The Missing Years; William Duiker, Ho Chi Minh: A Life (New York: Hyperion, 2000); Pierre Brocheux, Ho Chi Minh: Du révolutionnaire à l’icône (Paris: Payot, 2003); Daniel Hémery, Ho Chi Minh: De l’Indochine au Vietnam (Paris: Gallimard, 1990); and Martin Grossheim, Ho Chi Minh: Der geheimnisvolle Revolutionär: Leben und Legende (Munich: Beck, 2011).
20. See Hémery, ‘Jeunesse d’un colonisé’, p. 151.
21. Pierre Trolliet, La Diaspora chinoise, 3rd edn (Paris: PUF, 2000), pp. 11–16; and Fautereau, ‘Le Nationalisme vietnamien’, chapters 1–2.
22. Quinn-Judge, Ho Chi Minh, pp. 15–19. We still know little about how Asians understood and how seriously they actually took Wilson’s ideas. For the American side, see Erez Manela, The Wilsonian Moment: Self-Determination and the International Origins of Anticolonial Nationalism(New York: Oxford University Press, 2007).
23. This message is at the core of Truong’s autobiographical indictment of French colonial policy. Phan Van Truong, Une histoire de conspirateurs annamites à Paris (Montreuil: L’Insomniaque, 2003 (first published in 1926–8)). Quote cited by Quinn-Judge, Ho Chi Minh, p. 17.
24. Scott McConnell, Leftward Journey: The Education of Vietnamese Students in France 1919–1939 (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1989).
25. I rely heavily in this section on Quinn-Judge, Ho Chi Minh; and Céline Marangé, Le Communisme vietnamien 1919–1991: Construction d’un État-nation entre Moscou et Pékin (Paris: SciencesPo, Les Presses, 2012); and her ‘La Politique coloniale du parti communiste français: Le Rôle du Komintern et de Ho Chi Minh, 1920–1926’, Communisme (2013), pp. 47–76.
26. Christopher Goscha, ‘Pour une histoire transnationale du communisme vietnamien’, Communisme (2013), pp. 19–46.
27. Quinn-Judge, Ho Chi Minh, pp. 159–90; and Tobias Rettig, ‘Special Issue: Revisiting and Reconstructing the Nghê Tinh Soviets, 1930–2011’, South East Asia Research, vol. 19, no. 4 (2011), pp. 677–853; Brocheux and Hémery, Indochine, pp. 307–9.
28. Christopher Goscha, ‘Bao Dai et Sihanouk’.
29. ‘Conservative Nationalism in Vietnam’, in Benda, The World of Southeast Asia, pp. 179–81 (for the citation).
30. Bruce Lockhart, The End of the Vietnamese Monarchy (New Haven: Yale Center for International and Area Studies, 1993); Philippe Devillers, Histoire du Vietnam, de 1940 à 1952 (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952), pp. 63–4.
31. Section française de l’Internationale ouvrière, the origin of the French Socialist Party. On Nguyen An Ninh and the Popular Front period in Indochina, see: Judith Henchy, ‘Performing Modernity’; Daniel Hémery, Révolutionnaires vietnamiens; and his ‘A Saigon dans les années trente, un journal militant: “La Lutte” (1933–1937)’ Europe solidaire sans frontières (2005), at http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article2852 accessed on 15 June 2016.
32. Brocheux and Hémery, Indochina, p. 334.
33. Charles-Robert Ageron, ‘L’Exposition coloniale de 1931: Mythe républicain ou mythe impérial?’, in Pierre Nora (ed.), Les Lieux de mémoire, vol. 1 (Paris: Gallimard, 1997), pp. 493–515.
CHAPTER 6. COLONIAL SOCIETY AND ECONOMY
1. Simon Creek, Body Work: Sport, Physical Culture, and the Making of Modern Laos (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2014), pp. 1–3; Agathe Larcher-Goscha, ‘Du football au Vietnam (1905–1949): Colonialisme, culture sportive et sociabilités en jeux’, Outre-mers, vol. 97, no. 363–5 (2009), pp. 61–89; and my reading of the Annam Nouveau coverage of this incident.
2. Gerard Sasges, Imperial Intoxication: Alcohol, Indochina, and the World (1897–1933) (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, forthcoming); Olivier Tessier, ‘Outline of the Process of Red River Hydraulics Development during the Nguyen Dynasty’, in Mart Stewart and Peter Coclanis, eds., Environmental Change and Agricultural Sustainability in the Mekong Delta (New York: Springer Science, 2011), pp. 45–68; and Arthur Dommen, The Indochinese Experience of the French and the Americans (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001), p. 27.
3. Paul Mus, Sociologie d’une guerre (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952), p. 125.
4. Marguerite Duras, Cahiers de la guerre (Paris: POL Editeurs, 2006), p. 41; Goscha, Going Indochinese (Copenhagen: NIAS/University of Hawaii, 2013), pp. 46–7 (for the citation); Aline Demay, Tourism and Colonization in Indochina (1898–1939) (London: Cambridge Scholar Publishing, 2014); and especially Erich DeWald, ‘Vietnamese Tourism in Late-Colonial Central Vietnam, 1917–1945’, PhD dissertation (London: SOAS, 2012). On colonial Dalat, leisure, and society, see: Eric Jennings, Imperial Heights: Dalat and the Making and Undoing of French Indochina (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011).
5. David Del Testa, ‘Imperial Corridor’, Science Technology Society, vol. 4, no. 2 (September 1999), pp. 319–54; Pierre Brocheux, Histoire économique du Vietnam de 1860 à nos jours (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2009), pp. 63–4; and Brocheux and Hémery, Indochine, pp. 127–8; Jean-Pascal Bassino, ‘Indochina’, p. 2.
6. Brocheux and Hémery, Indochine, p. 127; Brocheux, Histoire économique, p. 64; and http://transmekong.com/fr_3.5_Messageries_Fluviales. On the Mekong Delta, development and the environment, see David Biggs, Quagmire: Nation-Building and Nature in the Mekong Delta (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2011); and Pierre Brocheux, The Mekong Delta: Ecology, Economy, and Revolution, 1860–1960 (Madison: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 2009). On the sea in the making of modern Vietnam, see Charles Wheeler, ‘Re-thinking the Sea in Vietnamese History’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 37, no. 1 (February 2006), pp. 123–53.
7. Brocheux, Histoire économique, pp. 64–7.
8. Brocheux and Hémery, Indochine, pp. 129–30.
9. Maks Banens, ‘Vietnam: A Reconstitution of its 20th Century Population History’, Asian Historical Statistics, COE Project, Institute of Economic Research (Tokyo: Hitotsubashi University, January 2000), p. 39, appendix 4. See also Bassino, ‘Indochina’, p. 2.
10. Bassino, ‘Indochina’, p. 2, 3; and Maks Banens, ‘Vietnam: A Reconstitution of its 20th Century Population History’, p. 39, appendix 4.
11. Brocheux, Histoire économique, pp. 76–7.
12. Ibid., pp. 83–8; Brocheux and Hémery, Indochine, pp. 125–6.
13. Tran Tu Binh, The Red Earth, Southeast Asia Series no. 66 (Athens: Ohio University, 1985), p. 30 (for the citation). On the rubber economy, see above all Eric Panthou, Les Plantations Michelin au Viêt-Nam (Clermont-Ferrand: Editions ‘La Galipote’, 2013).
14. Brocheux, Histoire économique, pp. 82–9; Brocheux and Hémery, Indochine, p. 125.
15. Brocheux and Hémery, Indochine, pp. 124–5.
16. The first American agent was in fact a Frenchman, Aimée Fonsales, a partner in the trading firm Denis Frères and the local agent for Standard Oil. Other Frenchmen working for Denis Frères operated this US Consular Agency until the first American diplomat arrived in 1907. James Nach, A History of the U.S. Consulate, Saigon, 1889–1950, unpublished manuscript kindly provided to the author by Mr. Nach.
17. Tracy C. Barrett, The Chinese Diaspora in South-East Asia: The Overseas Chinese in Indochina (New York: I. B. Tauris, 2012), pp. 13–15; Thomas Engelbert, ‘Vietnamese-Chinese Relations in Southern Vietnam during the First Indochina Conflict’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 3, no 3 (Fall 2008), pp. 191–230.
18. Frédéric Roustan, ‘Français, japonais et société coloniale du Tonkin: L’exemple de représentations coloniales’, French Colonial History, vol. 6 (2005), pp. 179–204.
19. Nadia Leconte, ‘La Migration des Pondichériens et des Karikalais en Indochine ou le combat des Indiens renonçants en Cochinchine pour la reconnaissance de leur statut (1865–1954)’, MA dissertation (Rennes: Université de Haute-Bretagne, Rennes 2, 2001); and Jacques Weber, ‘Les Pondichériens et les Karikalais en Indochine, 1865 à 1954’, http://cidif.go1.cc/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=130:26–261–le-combat-des-renoncants-en-cochinchine-pour-la-reconnaisance-de-leur-statut-de-n-leconte&catid=29:lettre-nd26&Itemid=3, accessed 28 August 2015.
20. For an in-depth study of the ‘Indians’ in Indochina, see: Natasha Pairaudeau, Mobile Citizens: French Indians in Indochina, 1858–1954 (Copenhagen: NIAS, 2016), and her ‘Vietnamese Engagement with Tamil Migrants in Colonial Cochinchina’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 5, no. 3 (Fall 2010), pp. 1–71.
21. For more on Corsicans, see Pascal Bonacorsi, ‘Les Corses en Indochine (XIXème–XXème siècles)’, MA dissertation (Paris: Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne, 2013); Jean-Louis Prestini, ‘Saigon Cyrnos’, in Philippe Franchini, Saigon, 1925–1945 (Paris: Autrement, 1992), pp. 92–103; Robert Aldrich, ‘France’s Colonial Island: Corsica and the Empire’, at http://www.h-france.net/rude/rudevolumeiii/AldrichVol3.pdf, accessed 20 January 2014.
22. Brocheux and Hémery, Indochine, pp. 185–6 for the citation; and Natasha Pairaudeau, ‘Vietnamese Engagement’, pp. 1–71, second citation at p. 17.
23. Goscha, Going Indochinese, p. 68.
24. Vu Trong Phung, The Industry of Marrying Europeans, trans. Thuy Tranviet (Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program Publications/Cornell, 2005); and Vu Trong Phung, Luc Xi, trans. Shaun Malarney (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2011); Malarney’s introductory essay to this novel, pp. 1–41; and Isabelle Tracol-Huynh, ‘La Prostitution au Tonkin colonial, entre races et genres’, Genre, sexualité & société, no. 2 (Fall 2009), https://gss.revues.org/1219, accessed 28 August 2015.
25. Kim Lefèvre, Métisse blanche (Paris: Editions Bernard Barrault, 1989).Christina Firpo, ‘Crises of Whiteness and Empire in Colonial Indochina: The Removal of Abandoned Eurasian Children from the Vietnamese Milieu, 1890–1956’, Journal of Social History, vol. 43, no. 3 (2010), pp. 587–613. It is no secret that many a soldier or even an administrator just up and left once their time in Indochina had expired.
26. Frederick Cooper and Ann Stoler, eds., Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), pp. 198–237.
27. Duras, Cahiers, pp. 41–2 (for the citation).
28. Tsai Maw-Kuey, Les Chinois au Sud Vietnam (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1968), p. 54; and Goscha, Going Indochinese, chapter 4.
29. On the Minh Huong, see Tsai Maw-Kuey, Les Chinois au Sud Vietnam and Elise Virely, ‘Métissage “asiatique” au Cambodge et en Cochinchine: Les Métis sino-vietnamiens et sino-cambodgiens, enjeux politiques et identité, 1863–1940’, MA dissertation (Lyon: Université de Lyon II, 2005).
30. The author of Métisse blanche, Kim Lefevre, owes the first part of her name to her Chinese stepfather. Kim Lefèvre, Métisse blanche, pp. 114–15, 174–5. Ho Chi Minh married Tang Tuyen Minh. See his letter to his wife, written in Chinese, in Daniel Hémery, Ho Chi Minh, de l’Indochine au Vietnam (Paris: Découvertes Gallimard, 1990), p. 145 and William Duiker, Ho Chi Minh, A Life (New York: Hyperion, 2000), pp. 143, 198–9.
31. Jean-Dominique Giacometti, ‘Prices and Wages in Vietnam before 1954’, Discussion Paper no. D98–14 (Tokyo: Institute of Economic Research, Hitosubahsi University, February 1999), p. 21.
32. See the nuanced study by Solène Granier, Domestiques indochinois (Paris: Vendémiaire, 2014) and Le Manh Hung, The Impact of World War II on the Economy of Vietnam (Singapore: Eastern University Press, 2004), pp. 77–80.
33. See Nola Cooke, ‘Colonial Political Myth and the Problem of the Other: French and Vietnamese in the Protectorate of Annam’, PhD dissertation (Canberra: Australian National University, 1992); Christopher Goscha, ‘La Fabrique indochinoise des rois coloniaux’, in François Guillemot and Larcher-Goscha, eds., La Colonisation des corps, de l’Indochine au Viet Nam (Paris: Vendémiaire, 2014), pp. 127–75; and Pascale Bezançon, ‘Louis Manipoud, un réformateur colonial méconnu’, Revue française d’Histoire d’Outremer, vol. 82, no. 309 (1995), pp. 455–87.
34. I rely heavily here on Cuong Tu Nguyen, ‘Rethinking Vietnamese Buddhist History: Is the Thien Uyen Tap Anh a “Transmission of the Lamp” Text?’ in Keith Taylor and John Whitmore, eds., Essays into Vietnamese Pasts (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995), pp. 81–115; Shawn McHale, Print and Power: Confucianism, Communism, and Buddhism in the Making of Modern Vietnam (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2003), pp. 70–151; Charles Wheeler, ‘Buddhism in the Re-ordering of an Early Modern World: Chinese Missions to Cochinchina in the Seventeenth Century’, Journal of Global History, vol. 2, no. 3 (November 2007), pp. 303–24; Li, Nguyen Cochinchina, pp. 101–12; Elise Anne de Vido, ‘Buddhism for This World: The Buddhist Revival in Vietnam, 1920–1951’, in Philip Taylor, ed., Modernity and Re-Enchantment: Religion in Post-Revolutionary Vietnam (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007), pp. 256–81; and her ‘The Influence of Chinese Master Taixu on Buddhism in Vietnam’, Journal of Global Buddhism, vol. 10 (2009), pp. 413–58.
35. De Vido, ‘The Influence of Chinese Master Taixu on Buddhism in Vietnam’, pp. 413–58.
36. De Vido, ‘Buddhism for This World’, pp. 256–81.
37. Philippe Papin, ‘Saving for the Soul: Women, Pious Donations and Village Economy in Early Modern Vietnam’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 10, no. 2 (Spring 2015), pp. 82–102; McHale, Print and Power, pp. 179–80; and de Vido, ‘Buddhism for This World’, pp. 256–81.
38. I rely here on the following: Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Millenarianism and Peasant Politics in Vietnam (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983); Jane Werner, Peasant Politics and Religious Sectarianism: Peasant and Priest in the Cao Dai in Viet Nam (New Haven: Yale University, Southeast Asia Center, 1981); Jérémy Jammes, Les Oracles du Cao Dai (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2014); Pascal Bourdeaux, ‘Approches statistiques de la communauté du bouddhisme Hoa Hao (1939–1954)’, in Christopher Goscha et Benoît de Tréglodé, eds., Naissance d’un Etat parti: le Viet Nam depuis 1945 (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2004), pp. 277–304; Ralph Smith, ‘An Introduction to Caodaism’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 33 (1970), pp. 335–49, 574–89; Victor Oliver, Caodai Spiritism (Leiden: Brill, 1972); Tran My-Van, ‘Beneath the Japanese Umbrella: Vietnam’s Hoa Hao during and after the Pacific War’, Crossroads, vol. 17, no 1 (2003), pp. 60–107.
39. Alexander Woodside, Community and Revolution in Modern Vietnam (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1976), pp. 120–22; and more generally Nguyen-Marshall, In Search of Moral Authority.
40. Frances Hill, ‘Millenarian Machines in South Vietnam’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 13, no. 3 (July 1971), pp. 325–50; and Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Millenarianism and Peasant Politics in Vietnam.
41. Jean Pascal Bassino, ‘Indochina’, p. 2; and Woodside, Community and Revolution, pp. 32–3.
42. I rely here on Daughton, An Empire Divided; Owen White and J. P. Daughton, eds., In God’s Empire: French Missionaries and the Modern World (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012); Charles Keith, Catholic Vietnam: A Church from Empire to Nation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012); and Charles Keith, ‘Catholicisme, bouddhisme et lois laïques au Tonkin (1899–1914)’, Vingtième siècle (July–September 2005), pp. 113–28.
43. Daughton, An Empire Divided, pp. 105–9.
44. Keith, Catholic Vietnam, pp. 1–3.
45. Ibid.
46. Charles Keith, ‘Annam Uplifted: The First Vietnamese Catholic Bishops and the Birth of a National Church, 1919–1945’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 3, no. 2 (2008), p. 137.
47. Keith, Catholic Vietnam, p. 139.
48. Ibid., p. 156.
49. Ibid.; and especially Claire Tran Thi Lien, ‘Les Catholiques vietnamiens et la RDVN (1945–1954): Une approche biographique’, in Goscha and de Tréglodé, Naissance d’un Etat Parti, pp. 253–76, and her ‘Les Catholiques vietnamiens, entre la reconquête coloniale et la résistance communiste (1945–1954)’, Approches-Asie, no. 15 (1997), pp. 169–88.
CHAPTER 7. CONTESTING EMPIRE AND NATION-STATES
1. Christopher Goscha, ‘This Is the End? The French Settler Community in Saigon and the Fall of Indochina in 1945’, paper delivered at the annual meeting of the French Historical Society, held on 24–6 April 2014.
2. See Akira Iriye, The Origins of the Second World War in Asia and the Pacific (Harlow: Longman, 1987), pp. 2–4.
3. Mark Mazower, Hitler’s Empire: How the Nazis Ruled Europe (London: Penguin, 2008).
4. Robert O. Paxton, Vichy France, Old Guard and New Order, 1940–1944 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1972).
5. Paul Isoart, ed., L’Indochine française (1940–1945) (Paris: PUF, 1982). For a recent in-depth account of the Japanese expansion into Indochine, see: Franck Michelin, ‘L’Indochine française et l’expansion vers le sud du Japon à l’orée de la Guerre du Pacifique’. PhD thesis (Paris: Université Paris Sorbonne, 2014).
6. The Go East program was the ancestor of the Viet Nam Phuc Quoc Dong Minh Hoi.
7. On Vichy in Indochina, see Eric Jennings, Vichy in the Tropics: Pétain’s National Revolution in Madagascar, Guadeloupe, and Indochina, 1940–1944 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001); Jacques Cantier and Eric Jennings, eds., L’Empire sous Vichy (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2004); Sébastien Verney, L’Indochine sous Vichy. Entre Révolution nationale, collaboration et identités nationales 1940–1945 (Paris: Riveneuve éditions, 2012); Anne Raffin, Youth Mobilization in Vichy Indochina and Its Legacies, 1940–1970 (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2005); Chizuru Namba, Français et Japonais en Indochine (1940–1945) (Paris: Karthala, 2012); Paul Isoart, ‘Aux origines d’une guerre: L’Indochine française (1940–1945)’, in Isoart, ed., L’Indochine française (1940–1945), p. 20; and François Guillemot, Dai Viet indépendence et révolution au Viet-Nam, l’échec de la troisième voie (1938–1955) (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2012), pp. 33–168. On fascism and Vietnamese nationalism, see: François Guillemot, ‘La tentation «fasciste» des luttes anticoloniales Dai Viet’, Vingtième Siècle, vol. 4, no. 104 (2009), pp. 45–66.
8. Quote from Jennings, Vichy in the Tropics, p. 184. (Interpolations as for the text quoted.) On Vichy politics, see: Philippe Devillers, L’Asie du Sud-Est, volume 2 (Paris: Sirey, 1971), p. 794. In 1943, under pressure from the settler community, Decoux transformed the Council into a Mixed Assembly with thirty Indochinese and twenty-five French citizens. Notabilités indochinoises at http://indomemoires.hypotheses.org/6926, accessed 26 August 2015.
9. All quotes from Pham Quynh, ‘L’Accord politique de Confucius et de Maurras’, La Patrie Annamite (20 April 1942), pp. 1–4. See also Clive Christie, Ideology and Revolution in South-East Asia, 1900–1980 (London: Curzon, 2001), pp. 88–9.
10. Norodom Sihanouk, L’Indochine vue de Pékin (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1972), p. 34.
11. Soren Ivarsson, Creating Laos: The Making of Lao Space between Siam and Indochina, 1860–1945 (Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 2008); and Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1994).
12. See excerpts from Jean Deoux’s memoirs, ‘French Indochina in the Co-Prosperity Sphere’, in Harry J. Benda and John A. Larkin, eds., The World of Southeast Asia, Selected Historical Readings (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1967), pp. 242–4. On the Tran Trong Kim government, see: Vu Ngu Chieu, ‘The Other Side of the 1945 Vietnamese Revolution: The Empire of Viet-Nam (March–August 1945)’, Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 45 (1986), pp. 293–328.
13. Alec Holcombe, ‘Staline et les procès de Moscou vus du Vietnam’, Communisme (2013), pp. 109–58.
14. In 1934–5, Chinese communists escaped nationalist attacks by fleeing to Yan’an in northern China, where they operated until the end of World War II.
15. David Marr, Vietnam, 1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), p. 174.
16. Ibid.
17. Tung Hiep, ‘Pha Tuong Paul Bert’, Trung Bac Chu Nhat (12 August 1945), p. 1.
18. The seal and sword would return to the French and then to Bao Dai and his family. http://www.vietnamheritage.com.vn/pages/en/1031294845453–Conversation-piece-of-the-Nguyen-Dynasty.html, accessed 26 August 2015. Quote cited by Devillers, Histoire du Vietnam de 1940 à 1952(Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1952), p. 138.
19. His Catholic wife, the Empress Nam Phuong, also abdicated and issued a letter the same day, defending her husband’s decision and the sacredness of Vietnamese independence. Bernard Fall, Le Viet Minh (Paris: Armand Colin, 1960), p. 165.
20. Marr, Vietnam, 1945; and Gabriel Kolko, Un siècle de guerres (Laval: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 2000), pp. 290–302.
21. This is one of the core arguments of David Marr’s book, Vietnam, 1945.
22. Martin Thomas, ‘Silent Partners: SOE’s French Indo-China Section, 1943–1945’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 34, no. 4 (October 2000), pp. 943–76.
23. Martin Shipway, The Road to War: France and Vietnam 1944–1947 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2003); Daniel Hémery, ‘Asie du Sud-Est, 1945: Vers un nouvel impérialisme colonial?’, in Charles-Robert Ageron and Marc Michel, eds., L’Ere des décolonisations (Paris: Karthala, 1995), pp. 65–84; and Stein Tønnesson, The Vietnamese Revolution of 1945 (London: Sage Publications, 1991).
24. Pierre Brocheux, ‘De l’empereur Duy Tan au prince Vinh San: L’Histoire peut-elle se répeter?’, Approches-Asie, n.s. (1989–90), pp. 1–25.
25. On this process, see Alec Holcombe, ‘Socialist Transformation in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam’, PhD dissertation (Berkeley: University of California at Berkeley, 2013); Pierre Brocheux, Ho Chi Minh: du révolutionnaire à l’icône (Paris: Payot, 2003); and Daniel Hémery, ‘Ho Chi Minh: Vie singulière et nationalisation des esprits’, in Christopher Goscha and Benoît de Tréglodé, eds., The Birth of a Party-State: Vietnam since 1945 (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2004), pp. 135–48.
26. See in particular: Hans van de Ven, Diana Lary and Stephen Mackinnon, Negotiating China’s Destiny in World War II (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014).
27. Initially, given that the Potsdam meeting occurred before the Japanese capitulation, the British and Chinese received authorization to conduct military operations in these two areas. Upon the Japanese defeat, Harry Truman issued Order no. 1, putting the Chinese and British in charge of accepting the Japanese surrender in their respective operational zones.
28. François Guillemot, Dai Viet, pp. 316–21.
29. Peter Dunn, who can hardly be accused of being hostile to the French, demonstrates this in his The First Vietnam War (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1985). On de Gaulle and the First Indochina War, see Frédéric Turpin, De Gaulle, les gaullistes et l’Indochine (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2005).
30. See Lin Hua, Chiang Kai-Shek, De Gaulle contre Hô Chi Minh: Viêt-Nam, 1945–1946 (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1994). Defeated Japanese troops fought on both sides of the colonial/national line. On the one hand, they helped the French reconquer southern Vietnam in late 1945. On the other hand, hundreds crossed over to the DRV and fought against that very colonial reconquest. See Christopher Goscha, ‘Alliés tardifs: Le Rôle technicomilitaire joué par les déserteurs japonais dans les rangs du Viet Minh (1945–1950)’, Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains, nos. 202–3 (April–September 2001), pp. 81–109.
31. Stein Tønnesson, ‘La Paix imposée par la Chine: L’Accord franco-vietnamien du 6 mars 1946’, Cahiers de l’Institut d’histoire du temps présent (1996), pp. 35–56; and Stein Tønnesson, Vietnam 1946: How the War Began (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), pp. 39–64. The idea that Ho’s words show that he harbored early on ‘traditional’ Vietnamese hostility toward ‘historic’ Chinese ‘imperialism’ is inaccurate. Ho made the comment with direct reference to the very difficult negotiations with the French over the annex and its requirement for the French to withdraw their troops within five years. On the 6 March accords, see Shipway, The Road to War, pp. 150–75; and Tønnesson, Vietnam 1946, pp. 39–64.
32. I rely heavily on Guillemot, Dai Viet, chapters 6 and 7.
33. Christopher Goscha, ‘Intelligence in a Time of Decolonization’, Intelligence and National Security, vol. 22, no. 1 (February 2007), pp. 100–138; and Marr, Vietnam, 1945, pp. 232–7.
34. Ngo Van Chieu, Journal d’un combattant Viet-Minh (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1955), pp. 84–90; and Nguyen Cong Luan, Nationalist in the Viet Nam Wars: Memoirs of a Victim Turned Soldier (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012), p. 66.
35. François Guillemot, ‘Autopsy of a Massacre: On a Political Purge in the Early Days of the Indochina War (Nam Bo 1947)’, European Journal of East Asian Studies, vol. 9, no 2 (2010), pp. 225–65; and Shawn McHale, ‘Understanding the Fanatic Mind? The Viet Minh and Race Hatred in the First Indochina War (1945–1954)’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 4, no. 3 (Fall 2009), pp. 98–138.
36. Christopher Goscha, Vietnam: Un Etat né de la guerre, 1945–1954 (Paris: Armand Colin, 2011), pp. 255–63.
CHAPTER 8. STATES OF WAR
1. Christopher Goscha, ‘A Popular Side of the Vietnamese Army: General Nguyen Binh and the War in the South’, in Christopher Goscha and Benoit de Tréglodé, eds., Naissance d’un Etat-Parti (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2004), pp. 324–53.
2. I rely here on the following: Devillers, L’Asie du Sud-Est, pp. 791–847; his Vingt ans et plus avec le Viet-Nam, 1945–1969 (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2010); Jacques Dalloz, La Guerre d’Indochine, 1945–1954 (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1987); Shipway, The Road to War; Tønnesson, Vietnam 1946: How the War Began; Brocheux and Hémery, Indochina: An Ambiguous Colonization.
3. L’Humanité (30 August 1944), p. 1, cited by Pierre Daprini, ‘From Indochina to North Africa: French Discourses on Decolonisation’, in Robert Aldrich and Martyn Lyons, eds., The Sphinx in the Tuileries and Other Essays in Modern French History (Sydney: University of Sydney, 1999), p. 223, note 5.
4. A. J. Stockwell, ‘Southeast Asia in War and Peace: The End of European Colonial Empires’, in Nicholas Tarling, ed., Cambridge History of Southeast Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 346; Martin Shipway, Decolonization and Its Impact: A Comparative Approach to the End of the Colonial Empires (Wiley, 2008); and Martin Thomas, Fight or Flight: Britain, France, and Their Roads from Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014). Quote from de Gaulle as cited by Jean-Marie Domenach, ‘Paul Mus’, Esprit, no. 10 (October 1969), p. 605.
5. Devillers, Histoire du Vietnam de 1940 à 1952, p. 244.
6. Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper, Forgotten Armies: The Fall of British Asia, 1941–1945 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), pp. 419–22; Charles Maurras was a rightwing French nationalist and monarchist who supported Pétain’s Vichy France; and Christopher Goscha, Historical Dictionary of the Indochina War: An International and Interdisciplinary Approach(1945–1954) (Copenhagen/Honolulu: NIAS/University of Hawai’i Press, 2011), p. 63. In 1942, this man, Camir Biros, published a Fascist-minded article on Vichy’s nationalist revolution in La Gazette de Hue. On the same page, Pham Quynh published his famous elegy of Maurras and Vietnamese royalist patriotism. See chapter 7.
7. For a glimpse into the mindsets of these administrators, see Pierre Gentil, ed., Derniers chefs d’un empire (Paris: Académie des Sciences d’Outre-Mer, 1972), pp. 235–363, especially the text of Albert Torel (pp. 310–15, p. 312 for the citation).
8. Daniel Hémery, ‘Asie du Sud-Est, 1945: Vers un nouvel impérialisme colonial?’, in Charles-Robert Ageron and Marc Michel, eds., L’Ere des décolonisations (Paris: Karthala, 1995), pp. 65–84.
9. Bui Diem, In the Jaws of History (with David Chanoff) (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), p. 44.
10. Dalloz, Francs-Maçons d’Indochine, 1868–1975, pp. 94–5.
11. To my knowledge, no scholar has studied the question of Cochinchinese separatism, whether French or Vietnamese. My discussion here relies largely on Devillers’ Histoire du Vietnam de 1940 à 1952, who had unparalleled access to the historical actors of the time. The francophile Catholic intellectuals Pham Ngoc Thao, Pham Ngoc Thuan, and Thai Van Lung crossed over to the communists on anticolonial grounds. The French tortured Thai Van Lung to death. Goscha, Historical Dictionary, pp. 372–4, 443.
12. Reproduced in Luoc Su Chien Si Quyet Tu: Sai Gon, Cho Lon, Gia Dinh, 1945–1954 (Ho Chi Minh City: Cau Lac Bo Truyen Thong Vu Trang, 1992), p. 149.
13. Readers will recall that the Nguyen refusal to pay taxes to the Trinh in the early seventeenth century set off civil war. On the complex series of events leading to the outbreak of war on 19 December, see Tønnesson, Vietnam 1946; Shipway, The Road to War; and Turpin, De Gaulle, les Gaullistes et l’Indochine (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2005), p. 310. The new national terms as cited by Philippe Devillers, Paris, Saigon, Hanoi: Les Archives de la guerre, 1944–1947 (Paris: Gallimard, 1988), p. 334.
14. Devillers, Paris, Saigon, Hanoi, pp. 334–5.
15. I borrow here from the title of Alistair Horne’s A Savage War of Peace: Algeria, 1954–1962 (New York: Macmillan, 1977).
16. See Goscha, Vietnam: Un Etat né de la guerre.
17. Vo Nguyen Giap, Muon hieu ro tinh hinh quan su o Tau (Hanoi: no publisher, 1939); and Truong Chinh, Khang chien nhat dinh thang loi, first serialized in the party journal, Su That, in 1947. For more on Sino-Vietnamese communist connections, see Greg Lockhart, Nation in Arms: The Origins of the People’s Army of Vietnam (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1989).
18. Goscha, ‘A Rougher Side of “Popular” Resistance’, in Christopher Goscha and Benoît de Tréglodé, eds., Naissance d’un État-Parti Le Viêt Nam depuis 1945 (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2004), pp. 325–53.
19. William Turley, ‘Urbanization in War: Hanoi, 1946–1973’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 48, no. 3 (Autumn 1975), pp. 370–97; and Christopher Goscha, ‘Colonial Hanoi and Saigon at War: Social Dynamics of the Viet Minh’s “Underground City”, 1945–1954’, War in History, vol. 20, no. 2 (2013), pp. 222–20.
20. Goscha, ‘Colonial Hanoi and Saigon at War’, p. 246 (for the first citation); and Lucien Bodard, La Guerre d’Indochine: L’Humiliation (Paris: Bernard Grasset, 1997), p. 373 (for the second citation).
21. Paul and Marie-Catherine Villatoux. La République et son armée face au ‘péril subversif’: Guerre et actions psychologiques (1945–1960) (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2005); and Christopher Goscha, ‘Vietnam and the World Outside: The Case of Vietnamese Communist Advisors in Laos (1948–1962)’, South East Asian Research, vol. 12, no. 2 (2004), pp. 141–85.
22. Annuaire des Etats-Associés, 1953 (Paris: Editions de l’Outre-mer et Havas, 1953), pp. 22, 66, 68. Quote from Nguyen Cong Luan, Nationalist in the Viet Nam Wars, Memoirs of a Victim Turned Soldier (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012), p. 86.
23. To listen to the song and follow the words, (as sung by Duy Quang), see http://www.nhaccuatui.com/bai-hat/ba-me-gio-linh-pham-duy-2005-duy-quang.0iKuIKw51s.html accessed on 15 June 2016. No detailed study of torture during the Indochina War exists, but non-communist Vietnamese memoirs provide terrible accounts of French Union violence. See Nguyen Cong Luan, Nationalist in the Viet Nam Wars, pp. 1–87 and Duong Van Mai Elliott, The Sacred Willow (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 148–9 for one example of many. For a Vietnamese account of the My Trach massacre, see: ‘Vu Tham Sat Lang My Trach’, at http://www2.quangbinh.gov.vn/3cms/?cmd=130&art=1186213703100&cat=1179730730203; and Goscha, Historical Dictionary, p. 302.
24. On the population increase of Saigon, see: http://recherche-iedes.univ-paris1.fr/IMG/pdf/200206GubryLeThiHuongPresentationHCMV.pdf, accessed 19 June 2013. For deaths on the Vietnamese side during the Indochina War, see: Ngo Van Chieu, Journal d’un combattant Viet-Minh, p. 106; R. J. Rummel provides a very similar number based on an analysis of available Western sources. See http://www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/SOD.CHAP6.HTM, accessed 17 June 2013. For the one million estimate for total Vietnamese deaths during the First Indochina War, see Bernard Fall, ‘This Isn’t Munich, It’s Spain’, Ramparts (December 1965), p. 23. Given that the DRV administered around ten million people during the conflict, this means it lost 5 percent of its total population. Of the 110,000 French Union deaths, 20,000 French nationals perished, that is 0.05 percent of the total population for 1954 in France (43 million). I am unaware of any Vietnamese attempt to assassinate French officials, sabotage French military installations, bomb or harm French civilians in France, though the DRV did assassinate Vietnamese enemies there. My thanks to Shawn McHale for help on this.
25. Nguyen Cong Luan, Nationalist in the Viet Nam Wars, p. 79.
26. Ibid., chapters 6 and 7; Michel Bodin, Les Africains dans la guerre d’Indochine, 1947–1954 (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2000); and Henri Amoureux, Croix sur l’Indochine (Paris: Editions Domat, 1955), p. 33 (for the number of children left behind).
27. I rely here on David Marr, Vietnam: State, War, and Revolution (1945–46) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013); Bernard Fall, Le Viet Minh (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1960); and Goscha, Vietnam: Un Etat né de la guerre.
28. ‘Oral History Interview of Dinh Xuan Ba, Entrepreneur and Former Assault Youth Member’, DVD 03, Hanoi, 5 June 2007 (by Merle Pribbenow).
29. See the ministerial decision of 31 August 1945 in Viet Nam Dan Quoc Cong Bao (29 September 1945), p. 13.
30. Politically astute Vietnamese may not have recognized Ho Chi Minh in August–September 1945, but they certainly knew from the Popular Front days that Vo Nguyen Giap, Truong Chinh, Tran Huy Lieu and others running the DRV were ICP members.
31. See Marr, Vietnam: State, War, and Revolution (1945–46), chapter 2.
32. Fall, Le Viet Minh, pp. 51–2.
33. Fall, Le Viet Minh, pp. 76–79, and Goscha, Vietnam: Un Etat né de la guerre, chapter 2.
CHAPTER 9. INTERNATIONALIZED STATES OF WAR
1. I rely on Devillers, Histoire du Vietnam de 1940 à 1952; his Book 8, ‘Vietnam’, in Devillers et al., L’Asie du Sud-Est, vol. 2 (Paris: Sirey, 1971), pp. 791–847; his Vingt ans et plus avec le Viet-Nam, 1945–1969 (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2010); and Dalloz, La Guerre d’Indochine, 1945–1954.
2. Pignon’s quote cited in Christopher Goscha, ‘Le Premier Echec contre-révolutionnaire au Vietnam’ (Paris: Mémoire de DEA, Université de Paris VII, 1994), notes 119–20, at p. 38. D’Argenlieu quote cited by Devillers, Histoire du Vietnam de 1940 à 1952, p. 367.
3. Claire Tran Thi Lien, ‘Les Catholiques vietnamiens pendant la guerre d’indépendance (1945–1954): Entre la reconquête coloniale et la résistance communiste’, PhD dissertation (Paris: Institut d’études politiques, 1996); Charles Keith, Catholic Vietnam: A Church from Empire to Nation(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012), pp. 208–41. The French knew, too, that Catholics were often anticolonialists. François Méjan, Le Vatican contre la France d’outre-mer? (Paris: Librairie Fischbacher, 1957), pp. 122–30.
4. What the latter couldn’t know was that George Bidault’s party would maintain that stance all the way to the conference table in Geneva. Jacques Dalloz, ‘L’Opposition M.R.P. à la guerre d’Indochine’, Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, vol. 43, no 1 (January–March 1996), pp. 106–18.
5. On non-communist nationalism and nationalist parties, see François Guillemot, Dai Viêt, indépendance et révolution au Viêt-Nam: L’Echec de la troisième voie (1938–1955) (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2012). On the genesis of the Associated State of Vietnam, see: Marie-Thérèse Blanchet, La Naissance de l’Etat associé du Viet-Nam (Paris: Editions M.-Th. Génin, 1954).
6. I have been unable to locate the exact contents of the ‘secret protocol’. French scholar Philippe Devillers states, however, that they limited the Associated State of Vietnam’s independence.
7. On Léon Pignon, see Daniel Varga, ‘La Politique française en Indochine (1947–50): Histoire d’une décolonisation manquée’, PhD dissertation (Aix-en-Provence: Université d’Aix-Marseille I, 2004), and his ‘Léon Pignon, l’homme-clé de la solution Bao Dai et de l’implication des États-Unis dans la Guerre d’Indochine’, Outre-mers, nos. 364–5 (December 2009), pp. 277–313.
8. Christopher Goscha, ‘Le Contexte asiatique de la guerre franco-vietnamienne: réseaux, relations et économie (1945–1954)’, PhD dissertation (Paris: Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, 2000), section Indochine. On the creation of the Associated State of Laos, see Jean Deuve, Le Royaume du Laos (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2003).
9. Lucien Bodard, La Guerre d’Indochine (Paris: Bernard Grasset, 1997), p. 131.
10. Varga, ‘Léon Pignon, l’homme-clé de la solution Bao Dai’, pp. 277–313; Mark Atwood Lawrence, Assuming the Burden: Europe and the American Commitment to War in Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), and his ‘Recasting Vietnam: The Bao Dai Solution and the Outbreak of the Cold War in Southeast Asia’, in Christopher Goscha and Christian Ostermann, eds., Connecting Histories: Decolonization and the Cold War in Southeast Asia (1945–1962) (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009), pp. 15–38.
11. Léon Pignon, ‘Reconnaissance de Ho Chi Minh par Mao Tse Tung’, pp. 10–11, 24 January 1950, no. 16/PS/CAB, signed Léon Pignon, dossier 6, box 11, series XIV, SLOTFOM, Centre des Archives d’Outre-mer, France.
12. Matthew Connelly, A Diplomatic Revolution: Algeria’s Fight for Independence and the Origins of the Post-Cold War Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).
13. Bodard, La Guerre d’Indochine, p. 153.
14. Ellen Hammer, The Struggle for Indochina (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1966), p. 246; Bodard, La Guerre d’Indochine, p. 502; Christopher Goscha, ‘Colonial Kings and the Decolonization of the French Empire: Bao Dai, Mohammed V, and Norodom Sihanouk’, forthcoming; and Bui Diem, In the Jaws of History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), pp. 67–70.
15. For the international context, see among others: Laurent Césari, Le Problème diplomatique de l’Indochine, 1945–1957 (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2013); Pierre Grosser, ‘La France et l’Indochine (1953–1956). Une “carte de visite” en “peau de chagrin”’, PhD dissertation (Paris: Institut d’études politiques, 2002); Mark Thompson, ‘Defending the Rhine in Asia: France’s 1951 Reinforcement Debate and French International Ambitions’, French Historical Studies, vol. 38, no. 3 (August 2015), pp. 473–99 (p. 473 for the citation); Lawrence Kaplan, ‘The United States, NATO, and French Indochina’, in Lawrence Kaplan and Denise Artaud, Dien Bien Phu and the Crisis of Franco-American Relations, 1954–1955 (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 1990); and Jasmine Aimaq, For Europe or Empire?, PhD dissertation (Lund: Lund University, 1994).
16. Goscha, ‘Le Contexte asiatique’, section Indochine. During his travels through the DRV in the early 1950s, American communist Joseph Starobin confirms the linkage between the French and DRV ‘associated states’. Joseph Starobin, Eyewitness in Indo-China (New York: Cameron & Kahn, 1954), pp. 50, 61–3.
17. ‘L’Union française et les Etats Associés de l’Indochine’, speech by Albert Sarraut opening the Conference of Pau, October 1950, p. 20.
18. Tuong Vu, ‘From Cheering to Volunteering: Vietnamese Communists and the Coming of the Cold War, 1940–1951’, in Goscha and Ostermann, eds., Connecting Histories, pp. 172–206; Goscha, ‘Choosing between the Two Vietnams: 1950’, in Goscha and Ostermann, eds., Connecting Histories, pp. 207–37; Goscha, ‘Courting Diplomatic Disaster? The Difficult Integration of Vietnam into the Internationalist Communist Movement (1945–1950)’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 1, nos. 1–2 (Fall 2006), pp. 59–103.
19. For the Chinese side, I rely on Chen Jian, Mao’s China and the Cold War (Chapell Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2001); and Qiang Zhai, China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950–1975 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2000).
20. Goscha, Vietnam: Un Etat né de la guerre.
21. Benoît de Tréglodé, Heroes and Revolution in Vietnam (Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2012); Georges Boudarel, ‘L’Idéocratie importée au Vietnam avec le maoïsme’, in Daniel Hémery et al., La Bureaucratie au Vietnam (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1983), pp. 31–106; and Goscha, Vietnam: Un Etat né de la guerre, pp. 434–49.
22. Ngo Van Chieu, Journal d’un combatant Viet-Minh, pp. 154–5.
23. Nguyen Cong Hoan, in David Chanoff and Doan Van Toai, ‘Vietnam’: A Portrait of Its People at War, 2nd edn (London: Tauris Park Paperbacks, 2009), p. 13.
24. Cited in Goscha, Historical Dictionary, p. 304.
25. Cited in Goscha, Vietnam: Un Etat né de la guerre, pp. 428–9.
26. Nguyen Ngoc Minh, ed., Kinh te Viet Nam tu cach mang thang tam den khang chien thang loi (1945–1954) (Hanoi: Nha Xuat Ban Khoa Hoc, 1966), p. 359, and note 16; Christian Lentz, ‘Making the Northwest Vietnamese’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 6, no. 2 (2011), pp. 68–105; his ‘Mobilization and State Formation on a Frontier of Vietnam’, Journal of Peasant Studies, vol. 38, no. 3 (2011), pp. 559–86.
27. Nguyen Ngoc Minh, Kinh te, p. 355. Quote from Thanh Huyen Dao, ed., Dien Bien Phu vu d’en face, paroles de bo doi (Paris: Nouveau Monde Editions, 2010), p. 37.
28. Annuaire des Etats-Associés, 1953 (Paris: Editions de l’outre-mer et Havas, 1953), pp. 68–70.
29. Maurice Rives, ‘Les Supplétifs indochinois’, in Yves Jeanclos, ed., La France et les soldats d’infortune au XXe siècle (Paris: Economica, 2003), p. 211–20; Michel Bodin, ‘Les Supplétifs du Tonkin, 1946–1954’, Revue historique des Armées, no. 194 (1994), p. 17; and Ivan Cadeau, Dien Bien Phu, 13 mars–7 mai 1954 (Paris: Tallandier, 2013).
30. The three classic and unsurpassed studies of the battle of Dien Bien Phu remain to this day: Bernard Fall, Hell in a Very Small Place (Cambridge: Da Capo Press, 2002, reprinted); Pierre Rocolle, Pourquoi Dien Bien Phu? (Paris: Flammarion, 1968); and Jules Roy, The Battle of Dien Bien Phu, 2nd edn (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2002 (first published in the French in 1963)).
31. Goscha, Vietnam: Un Etat né de la guerre, chapter 10 and conclusion.
32. The classic account of Vo Nguyen Giap’s decision to cancel the January attack is Georges Boudarel and François Caviglioli, ‘Comment Giap a failli perdre la bataille de Dien Bien Phu’, Nouvel Observateur (8 April 1983), pp. 35–6, 90–92, 97–100. See also Christopher Goscha, ‘Building Force: Asian Origins of 20th Century Military Science in Vietnam (1905–1954)’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 34, no. 3 (2003), pp. 535–60; and Goscha, Vietnam: Un Etat né de la guerre, chapters 9, 10 and conclusion.
33. John Prados, Operation Vulture (New York: Ibooks, 2002).
34. Goscha, Historical Dictionary, pp. 389 and 165.
35. The classic study of the Geneva negotiations on Indochina remains François Joyaux’s La Chine et le règlement du premier conflit d’Indochine, Genève 1954 (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1979).
36. Pierre Asselin, ‘The Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the 1954 Geneva Conference: A Revisionist Critique’, Cold War History, vol. 11, no. 2 (2011), pp. 155–95; his ‘Choosing Peace: Hanoi and the Geneva Agreement on Vietnam, 1954–55’, Journal of Cold War Studies, vol. 9, no. 2 (2007), pp. 95–126; Goscha, Vietnam: Un Etat né de la guerre, chapters 9, 10, conclusion; Goscha, ‘A Total War of Decolonization?’, in War & Society, vol. 31, no. 2 (August 2012), pp. 136–62; Goscha, ‘Cold War and Decolonisation in the Assault on the Vietnamese Body at Dien Bien Phu’, European Journal of East Asian Studies, vol. 9, no. 2 (2010), pp. 201–23.
37. Christopher Goscha, ‘Geneva 1954 and the “De-internationalization” of the Vietnamese Idea of Indochina?’, paper delivered during the conference entitled New Evidence on the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina, Cold War International History Project 2006, Washington DC, 17–18 February 2006, unpublished paper, pp. 1–47.
38. Ibid.
39. Qiang Zhai, China and the Vietnam Wars, pp. 58–60; Chen Jian, Mao’s China and the Cold War, pp. 142–3.
40. See note 36 for the evidence.
CHAPTER 10 . A TALE OF TWO REPUBLICS
1. Neil Jamieson, Understanding Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), pp. 241–446.
2. For this section, I rely heavily on François Guillemot, Dai Viet, indépendance et révolution au Viet-Nam (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2012); Jessica Chapman, Cauldron of Resistance: Ngo Dinh Diem, the United States, and 1950s Southern Vietnam (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013); Ellen Hammer, The Struggle for Indochina (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1966); Arthur Dommen, The Indochinese Experience of the French and the Americans (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001); and Edward Miller, ‘Vision, Power and Agency: The Ascent of Ngo Dinh Diem, 1945–54’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 35, no. 3 (October 2004), pp. 433–58.
3. Dommen, The Indochinese Experience, pp. 282–3. Kennedy quote cited by Dommen, The Indochinese Experience, p. 213; and on Kennedy’s visit to French Indochina, see especially Fredrik Logevall, Embers of War (New York: Random House, 2012), pp. xi–xxii.
4. Miller, ‘Vision, Power, Agency’, pp. 433–58.
5. Ibid. (citation at page 446).
6. John Hellman, Emmanuel Mounier and the New Catholic Left (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1981); and Michel Winock, Esprit (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1996).
7. Bao Dai, Le Dragon d’Annam (Paris: Plon, 1980), pp. 328–9 (for the citation). American diplomatic historian Seth Jacobs insists in his book on Ngo Dinh Diem that ‘[f]rom the beginning, Diem’s government was an American creation’. Seth Jacobs, America’s Miracle Man in Vietnam: Ngo Dinh Diem, Religion, Race, and U.S. Intervention in Southeast Asia (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004). See the round table on this book (p. 26 for the citation) at http://h-diplo.org/roundtables/PDF/AmericasMiracleMan-Roundtable.pdf, accessed 29 August 2015. This is a very American-centered view.
8. Pierre Grosser, ‘La France et l’Indochine (1953–1956)’, PhD dissertation (Paris: Institut d’Etudes politiques de Paris, 2002). On French policy toward German rearmament and the European army, see William Hitchcock, France Restored (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), chapters 5–6.
9. Cited by Philip Catton, Diem’s Final Failure (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2002), p. 7.
10. John Prados, ‘The Numbers Game: How Many Vietnamese Fled South in 1954?’, The VVA Veteran (January/February 2005), at http://www.vva.org/archive/TheVeteran/2005_01/feature_numbersGame.htm, accessed 16 September 2013.
11. Nguyen Cong Luan, Nationalist in the Vietnam Wars (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012), pp. 135–6 (for the citation).
12. Duong Van Mai Elliott, The Sacred Willow (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 240–42 (for the first citation); and Goscha, Historical Dictionary, pp. 297–8 (on Jean Moreau).
13. On the early years of the Republic of Vietnam, I rely on the following: Catton, Diem’s Final Failure; Edward Miller, Misalliance: Ngo Dinh Diem, the United States, and the Fate of South Vietnam (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013); Dommen, The Indochinese Experience; Chapman, Cauldron of Resistance; and Nu-Anh Tran, ‘Contested Identities: Nationalism in the Republic of Vietnam (1954–1963)’, PhD dissertation (Berkeley: University of California, 2013).
14. The domino theory holds that if Vietnam falls to communism then the rest of Asia goes as well. It is no accident that Pakistan was a member of both SEATO and the Middle East Treaty Organization created in 1955 (Iran, Iraq, Pakistan, Turkey, and the United Kingdom). Nor is it an accident that India, Burma, and Indonesia were absent from SEATO. Each of these new states had refused Atlantic pressure on them to recognize the Associated State of Vietnam led by Bao Dai or take sides in the Korean War. This also explains why Dulles tended to interpret Indian neutrality as a threat to his web of treaties running along the underside of Eurasia from Baghdad to Manilla.
15. Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber, founder of L’Express and close to Mendès France, put it this way on 22 July 1953 (citation); Kathryn Statler, Replacing France: The Origins of American Intervention in Vietnam (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2009); Fredrik Logevall, Embers of War. For a Eurasian perspective instead of an American one, see: Christopher Goscha, ‘La Géopolitique vietnamienne vue de l’Eurasie: Quelles leçons de la troisième guerre d’Indochine pour aujourd’hui?’, Hérodote, no. 157 (2015), pp. 23–38. No one puts their finger on the global, longue durée origins of America’s informal empire in the Pacific better than William Appleman Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy (New York: Norton & Norton, 2009). On early American trading missions visiting the newly created Vietnam born in 1802, see: Robert Hopkins Miller, The United States and Vietnam, 1787–1941 (Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific, 2005).
16. He was the son of Nguyen Van Tam discussed earlier in this book.
17. Officers now had the task of keeping Algeria French.
18. Phi Van Nguyen, ‘Les Résidus de la guerre: La Mobilisation des réfugiés du Nord pour un Vietnam non-communiste, 1954–1965’, PhD dissertation (Montreal: Université du Québec à Montréal, 2015); Peter Hansen, ‘The Virgin Heads South: Northern Catholic Refugees and their Clergy in South Vietnam, 1954–64’, in Thomas Dubois, ed., Casting Faiths: Imperialism and the Transformation of Religion in East and Southeast Asia (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009); his ‘Bac Di Cu: Catholic Refugees from the North of Vietnam, and Their Role in the Southern Republic, 1954–1959’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 4, no. 3 (Fall 2009), pp. 173–211; and Van Nguyen Marshall, ‘Tools of Empire?’ Vietnamese Catholics in South Vietnam’, Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, vol. 20, no. 2 (2009), p. 138–59.
19. Catton, Diem’s Final Failure, p. 32. Lansdale’s official job was head of the Saigon Military Mission in Saigon. He worked for the CIA.
20. Cited by Mark Lawrence, The Vietnam War: A Concise International History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 59.
21. Jessica Chapman, ‘Staging Democracy: South Vietnam’s 1955 Referendum to Depose Bao Dai’, Diplomatic History, vol. 30, no. 4 (September 2006), pp. 671–703.
22. On the extension of the DRV’s state control to all of northern Vietnam after the Geneva conference, see: Fall, Le Viet-Minh, pp. 75–85.
23. See Alex-Thai D. Vo, ‘Nguyen Thi Nam and the Land Reform in North Vietnam, 1953’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 10, no. 1 (Winter 2015), pp. 1–62.
24. On the land reform, I rely on a new body of scholarship based on Vietnamese and former East Bloc archives. Olivier Tessier, ‘Le “grand bouleversement” (long troi lo dat): Regards croisés sur la réforme agraire en République démocratique du Viet Nam’, Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, nos. 95–96 (2008–2009), pp. 73–134; Alex-Thai D. Vo, ‘Nguyen Thi Nam and the Land Reform’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, pp. 1–62; Alex Holcombe, ‘Socialist Transformation in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam’, PhD dissertation (Berkeley: University of California at Berkeley, 2014); Balazs Szalontai, ‘Political and Economic Crisis in North Vietnam, 1955–56’, Cold War History, vol. 5, no. 4 (2006), pp. 325–426.
25. Georges Boudarel, Cent fleurs écloses dans la nuit du Vietnam (Paris: Editions Jacques Bertoin, 1991), pp. 202–4; Szalontai, ‘Political and Economic Crisis in North Vietnam’, p. 401. Quote from Nguyen Trong Tan, ‘I Know Mr Cu, Mr Dinh, and Many Other Stories that Land Reform Cadre Boi Has Not Told’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 2, no 2 (Summer 2007), pp. 254–5.
26. Fall, Le Viet Minh, pp. 102–3 (for the citation on bringing back the dead); Alec Holcombe, ‘The Complete Collection of Party Documents: Listening to the Party’s Official Voice’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 3, no. 2 (Summer 2010), pp. 231–8. The party’s responsibility is what Lise London said that Ho Chi Minh admitted to her and her husband, both victims of Czech Stalinists, during the Vietnamese president’s visit to Prague in November 1957. Lise London, Le Printemps des camarades (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1996), pp. 190–94.
27. Nguyen Manh Tuong, Un excommunié: Hanoi, 1954–1991 (Paris: Que Me, 1991); and Fall, Le Viet Minh, p. 104. For an institutional history of the National Assembly in the 1950s, see Bertrand de Hartingh, Entre le peuple et la nation: La République démocratique du Viet Nam de 1953 à 1957 (Paris: EFEO, 2003).
28. On Vietnamese constitutionalism, see Mark Sidel, The Constitution of Vietnam: A Contextual Analysis (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2009), chapters 1–3 and Fall, Le Viet Minh, pp. 45–61, 75–85, 96–106; and Bernard Fall, ‘North Vietnam’s Constitution and Government’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 33, no. 3 (1960), p. 282.
29. Fall, Le Viet Minh, pp. 55–8; and Szalontai, ‘Political and Economic Crisis’, p. 412.
30. See Boudarel, Cent fleurs; Peter Zinoman, ‘Nhan Van Giai Pham and Vietnamese “Reform Communism” in the 1950s: A Revisionist Interpretation’, Journal of Cold War Studies, vol 13, no 1 (Winter 2011), pp. 80–100; Kim N. B. Ninh, World Transformed: The Politics of Culture in Revolutionary Vietnam, 1945–1965 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002). Created in 1950, the political directorate served, as in Maoist China, to establish the party’s control over the army and the training of political commissars for the army. Nguyen Chi Thanh also served with Vo Nguyen Giap on the party’s central military committee, the organ placing the PAVN under party leadership.
31. Conversations with liberal-minded Soviet legal experts in Moscow in mid-1956 emboldened Nguyen Mang Tuong in his calls for legal reform. Nguyen Manh Tuong, Un Excommunié.
32. Pushing him were Catholics who had suffered during the land reform of 1953–4, and had fled to the south and now wanted to take back that which they had lost. They often pushed Diem and the Vatican much further than either wanted to go. See Phi Van Nguyen, ‘Les Résidus de la guerre’. On Tran Duc Thao, see: Philippe Papin, ‘Itinéraire II. Les exils intérieurs’, in Jocelyn Benoist and Michel Espagne, eds., L’Itinéraire de Tran Duc Thao, phénoménologie et transferts culturels (Paris: Armand Colin, 2013), pp. 62–89.
33. Ngo Dinh Diem, ‘Statement of June 16, 1949’, in Major Policy Speeches by President Ngo Dinh Diem (Saigon: Presidency of the Republic of Viet Nam, Press Office, 1957), p. 3. On Diem, his thinking and background, I rely heavily on Miller, Misalliance and Catton, Diem’s Final Failure.
34. Sidel, The Constitution of Vietnam, pp. 15–26. On Diem’s internal politics, see: Nu Anh-Tran, Contested Identities: Nationalism in the Republic of Vietnam (RVN), 1954–1963 (forthcoming); and Phi Van Nguyen, ‘Les Résidus de la guerre’.
35. Catton, Diem’s Final Failure, pp. 52–7; and Miller, Misalliance, chapters 4–6.
36. Catton, Diem’s Final Failure, pp. 55–6; and Miller, Misalliance, chapters 2, 4–6; and William Turley, The Second Indochina War, 2nd edn (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2009), pp. 35–8.
37. Catton, Diem’s Final Failure, pp. 57–63; and Miller, Misalliance, chapters 4–6.
38. Turley, The Second Indochina War, pp. 35–8.
CHAPTER 11. TOWARD ONE VIETNAM
1. Cited by Martin Grossheim, ‘The Lao Dong Party: Culture and the Campaign against Modern Revisionism: The Democratic Republic of Vietnam before the Second Indochina War’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 9, no. 1 (2013), pp. 80–129, p. 94 (for the citation).
2. William Duiker, Ho Chi Minh (New York: Hyperion, 2000), pp. 493–4. On Chinese and Soviet policies, I rely on: Mari Olsen, Soviet–Vietnam Relations and the Role of China, 1949–1964, Changing Alliances (London: Routledge, 2006); Ilya V. Gaiduk, Confronting Vietnam: Soviet Policy towards the Indochina Conflict, 1954–1963 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003); Ilya V. Gaiduk, The Soviet Union and the Vietnam War (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1996); Qiang Zhai, China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950–1975 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000); Chen Jian, Mao’s China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2001).
3. Carl Thayer, War by Other Means: National Liberation and Revolution in Viet-Nam, 1954–60 (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1990); David Hunt, Vietnam’s Southern Revolution: From Peasant Insurrection to Total War, 1959–1968 (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2009); and especially David Elliott, The Vietnamese War: Revolution and Social Change in the Mekong Delta, 1930–1975 (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 2007) and Jeffrey Race, War Comes to Long An (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972).
4. The Geneva ceasefire regrouped the Pathet Lao into the two northern Lao provinces bordering the DRV, Phongsaly and Samneua. The Royal Lao Government (RLG) was the former Associated State of Laos. See the contributions in Christopher Goscha and Karine Laplante, eds., The Failure of Peace, 1954–1962 (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2010).
5. John Prados, The Blood Road: The Ho Chi Minh Trail and the Vietnam War (Wiley, 2000); and Christopher Goscha, ‘The Maritime Nature of the Wars for Vietnam: (1945–75): A Geo-Historical Reflection’, War & Society, vol. 24, no. 2 (November 2005), pp. 53–92.
6. Thayer, War by Other Means; Robert Brigham, Guerrilla Diplomacy: The NLF’s Foreign Relations and the Viet Nam War (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999); William S. Turley, The Second Indochina War, 2nd edn (Lantham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2009), p. 65. On PAVN troops numbers, see The Military Institute of Vietnam, Victory in Vietnam, translated by Merle L. Pribbenow (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2002), p. 311, endnote 6. In all 50,000 military personnel went south between 1959 and 1964, most of them southerners who had regrouped to the north in 1954–5.
7. The PLAF was an institutional part of the PAVN. Turley, The Second Indochina War, pp. 45, 63.
8. See among many others: David Kaiser, American Tragedy: Kennedy, Johnson, and the Origins of the Vietnam War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002); and Fredrik Logevall, Choosing War: The Lost Chance for Peace and the Escalation of War in Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001).
9. Lorenz Luthi, The Sino-Soviet Split (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008), chapter 10.
10. Turley, The Second Indochina War, p. 62.
11. Lansdale quote cited in Philip Catton, Diem’s Final Failure (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2002), p. 20. Walt Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non Communist Manifesto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960). Studies of US modernization theory in the global South are numerous. For a useful historiographical account, see Christopher T. Fisher, ‘Nation Building and the Vietnam War: A Historiography’, Pacific Historical Review, vol. 74 (August 2005), pp. 441–56; and Nick Cullather, ‘Development? It’s History,’ Diplomatic History 24 (Fall 2000), pp. 641–53. For a study of the Kennedy era, see Michael E. Latham, Modernization as Ideology: American Social Science and ‘Nation Building’ in the Kennedy Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000). For an excellent discussion of the Republic of Vietnam’s attempts at modernization, see: Edward Miller, Misalliance: Ngo Dinh Diem, the United States, and the Fate of South Vietnam (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013).
12. For more on the difficulties of putting theory into practice, see Miller, Misalliance; and Catton, Diem’s Final Failure.
13. Frances FitzGerald, Fire in the Lake: The Vietnamese and the Americans in Vietnam (Boston: Little, Brown & Company, 1972), especially the first section, ‘The Vietnamese’, pp. 3–230. The American diplomat quote is cited by Catton, Diem’s Final Failure, p. 24.
14. On France and collaboration, see Henry Rousso, The Vichy Syndrome (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991). The Times of Vietnam quote as cited by Catton, Diem’s Final Failure, p. 79.
15. Race, War Comes to Long An on the expansion of the NLF in the south.
16. For more on the strategic hamlets project, see Miller, Misalliance; and Catton, Diem’s Final Failure. Vann’s quote as cited in Mark Moyar, Triumph Forsaken: The Vietnam War, 1954–1965 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 194. See also Neil Sheehan, A Bright Shining Lie: John Paul Vann and America in Vietnam (New York: Vintage, 1989).
17. Edward Miller, ‘Religious Revival and the Politics of Nation Building: Re-interpreting the 1963 “Buddhist Crisis” in South Vietnam’, Modern Asian Studies (August 2014), pp. 1–60; Phi Van Nguyen, ‘Les Résidus de la guerre’; and Giac Duc, in Chanoff and Toai, Vietnam, pp. 39–40.
18. See John Prados, ‘Ngo Dinh Diem in the Crosshairs’, National Security Archives (2 October 2013), http://nsarchive.wordpress.com/2013/10/02/ngo-dinh-diem-in-the-crosshairs, accessed 21 October 2013. See also his ‘Kennedy Considered Supporting Coup in South Vietnam, August 1963’, ibid., at http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB302, accessed 21 October 2013. The coup (though not the assassination) had received a green light from Kennedy.
19. Judy Stowe, ‘Révisionnisme au Vietnam’, Communisme, nos. 65/6 (2001), pp. 233–52; Martin Grossheim, ‘Revisionism in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam: New Evidence from the East German Archives’, Cold War History, vol. 5, no. 4 (2006); Pierre Asselin, Hanoi’s Road to the Vietnam War, 1954–1965 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013); Lien-Hang T. Nguyen, Hanoi’s War: An International History of the War for Peace in Vietnam (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012); Ang Cheng Guan, The Vietnam War from the Other Side (London: Routledge/Curzon, 2002); and Ralph Smith, ‘Ho Chi Minh’s Last Decade, 1960–69’, Indochina Report, no. 27 (April June 1991), unpaginated.
20. On the question of conventional vs. guerilla war, see Christopher Goscha, ‘“A Total War” of Decolonization? Social Mobilization and State-Building in Communist Vietnam (1949–54)’, War & Society, vol. 31, no. 2 (October 2012), pp. 136–62.
21. Using the Party’s recently published documents, Pierre Asselin and Lien-Hang Nguyen have provided us the most up-to-date version of this debate. See: Asselin, Hanoi’s Road to the Vietnam War; and Nguyen, Hanoi’s War.
22. Turley, The Second Indochina War, p. 83.
23. Nguyen Chi Thanh sent the famous army writer and veteran of Dien Bien Phu, Tran Dan, to re-education camp for daring to call into question the army’s war.
24. See among others: Larry Berman, Lyndon Johnson’s War: The Road to Stalemate in Vietnam (New York: W. W. Norton, 1991); Logevall, Choosing War; and Michael Hunt, Lyndon Johnson’s War: America’s Cold War Crusade in Vietnam, 1945–1968 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1997).
25. For a detailed, often counterfactual account of Johnson’s decision-making, see Logevall, Choosing War.
26. On Le Duc Tho’s angry reply to non-communist southerners in his entourage in 1949, see: Goscha, Vietnam: Un Etat né de la guerre, p. 88.
27. Chen Jian, ‘China and the Vietnam Wars’, in Peter Lowe, ed., The Vietnam War (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1998), pp. 170–75; and Qiang Zhai, China and the Vietnam Wars, pp. 134–9.
28. Peter Busch argues that British support for Kennedy in Vietnam was intense: All the Way with JFK? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). Malaya became independent in 1957, Singapore in 1965. Turley, The Second Indochina War, pp. 98–9. For the mercenary view, see Logevall, Choosing War and Robert Blackburn, Mercenaries and Lyndon Johnson’s ‘More Flags’(McFarland & Co., 1994). For a non-mercenary approach, see Richard Ruth, In Buddha’s Company: Thai Soldiers in the Vietnam War (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2010).
29. Turley, The Second Indochina War, p. 110.
30. Vu Hung, in Chanoff and Toai, Vietnam, p. 160 (for the citation).
31. Fall, ‘This Isn’t Munich, It’s Spain’, p. 27. Ibid., p. 24. On the bombing of Cambodia, see: Taylor Owen and Ben Kiernan, ‘Bombs over Cambodia’, The Walrus (October 2006) at http://www.yale.edu/cgp/Walrus_CambodiaBombing_OCT06.pdf, accessed 28 August 2015. For Laos, see Vatthana Pholsena, ‘Life under Bombing in Southeastern Laos (1964–1973) through the Accounts of Survivors in Sepon’, European Journal of East Asian Studies, vol. 9, no. 2 (2010), pp. 267–90; and Turley, The Second Indochina War, p. 123. Helping the Americans in the air war were partner countries, such as Australia, New Zealand and the Republic of Vietnam. North Korea flew jets for the DRV.
32. Truong Nhu Tang, with David Chanoff and Doan Van Toai, A Viet Cong Memoir (New York: Vintage Books, 1986), pp. 167–8.
33. Citations come from Huong Van Ba, in Chanoff and Toai, Vietnam, p. 154; Tran Xuan Niem, in Chanoff and Toai, Vietnam, p. 67; Le Thanh, in Chanoff and Toai, Vietnam, pp. 63–4; and Xuan Vu, in Chanoff and Toai, Vietnam, p. 186.
34. For Hanoi’s total death count, see: Lich su Khang Chien Chong My Cuu Nuoc, 1954–1975, tap VIII Toan Thang (Hanoi: Nha Xuat Ban Chinh Tri Quoc Gia, 2008), p. 463 (my thanks to Merle Pribbenow for bringing this document to my attention). If one accepts Bernard Fall’s estimate that as many as one million people died during the First Indochina War, the total loss of Vietnamese life exceeds four million for the period between 1945 and 1975. Fall, ‘This Isn’t Munich, It’s Spain’, p. 23. On Bernard Fall, see: my ‘Sorry about that . . . Bernard Fall, the Vietnam War and the Impact of a French Intellectual in the U.S.’, in Christopher Goscha and Maurice Vaïsse, eds. La Guerre du Vietnam et l’Europe (1963–1973) (Brussels: Bruylant, 2003), pp. 363–82.
35. On the Phoenix Program, see Dale Andradé, Ashes to Ashes: The Phoenix Program and the Vietnam War (Lexington: Lexington Books, 1990); Mark Moyar, Phoenix and the Birds of Prey (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997); and Race, War Comes to Long An. On war-driven urbanization, see: Samuel Huntington, ‘The Bases of Accommodation’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 46, no. 4 (July 1968), p. 652; Tam Quach-Langlet, ‘Saigon, capitale de la République du Sud Vietnam (1954–1975): Ou une urbanisation sauvage’, P. B. Lafont, ed., Péninsule indochinoise, études urbaines (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1991), pp. 185–206; and Nguyen Van Thich, in Chanoff and Toai, Vietnam, p. 170 (for the citation).
36. Nguyen Tan Thanh, in Chanoff and Toai, Vietnam, pp. 44–5.
37. François Guillemot, ‘Death and Suffering at First Hand: Youth Shock Brigades during the Vietnam War, 1950–1975’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 4, no. 3 (Fall 2009), pp. 17–63; and François Guillemot, Des Vietnamiennes dans la guerre civile. L’Autre Moitié de la guerre. 1945–1975 (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2014).
38. The bibliography on the Tet Offensive is massive. I’ve relied mainly on the following: James H. Willbanks, The Tet Offensive: A Concise History (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007); Turley, The Second Indochina War, pp. 143–4; Merle Pribbenow, ‘General Vo Nguyen Giap and the Mysterious Evolution of the Plan for the 1968 Tet Offensive’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 1, no. 2 (Summer 2008), pp. 1–33; Lien-Hang T. Nguyen, ‘The War Politburo: North Vietnam’s Diplomatic and Political Road to the Tet Offensive’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 1, nos. 1–2 (Fall 2006), pp. 4–58; Sophie Quinn-Judge, ‘The Ideological Debate in the DRV and the Significance of the Anti-Party Affair, 1967–1968’, Cold War History, vol. 5, no. 4 (2005), pp. 479–500; and Lien-Hang T. Nguyen, Hanoi’s War.
39. This is known as the Khe Sanh riddle: Why did the PAVN commit to Khe Sanh instead of the Tet offensive on southern cities? Did the high command seek to fight a ‘Dien Bien Phu’ at Khe Sanh or was it just a diversion? Ray Stubbe and John Prados, Valley of Decision: The Siege of Khe Sanh (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1991). On Europe and the Vietnam War, see Goscha and Vaïsse, eds., La Guerre du Vietnam et l’Europe.
40. Again, the bibliography on the end of the war is massive. See among others: Larry Berman, No Peace, No Honor: Nixon, Kissinger and Betrayal in Vietnam (New York: The Free Press, 2001); Jeffrey Kimball, Nixon’s Vietnam War (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1998), Ang Cheng Guan, Ending the Vietnam War (London: Routledge/Curzon, 2004); Pierre Asselin, A Bitter Peace: Washington, Hanoi, and the Making of the Paris Agreement (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2002); and Lorenz Luthi, ‘Beyond Betrayal: Beijing, Moscow, and the Paris Negotiations, 1971–1973’, Journal of Cold War Studies, vol. 11, no. 1 (Winter 2009), pp. 57–107.
41. See the party documents in Van Kien Dang, Toan Tap, vol. 29 (1968) (Hanoi: Nha Xuat Ban Chinh Tri Quoc Gia, 2004), pp. 164–6, 243; Vo Van Sung, Chien Dich Ho Chi Minh giua long Paris (Hanoi: Nha Xuat Ban Quan Doi Nhan Dan, 2005), pp. 32–7; and Nguyen Dinh Bin, Ngoai Giao Viet Nam, 1945–2000 (Hanoi: Nha Xuat Ban Chinh Tri Quoc Gia, 2002), p. 283. On the NLF and the PRG more generally, see Brigham, Guerrilla Diplomacy.
42. Xuan Vu, in Chanoff and Toai, Vietnam, p. 187. Turley, TheSecond Indochina War, for the numbers, see pp. 177–8; and Charles Stuart Callison, Land-to-the-Tiller in the Mekong Delta (Lanham: University Press of America, 1983).
43. See Dale Andradé, America’s Last Vietnam Battle (Lawrence: University of Press, 2001).
44. The Military Institute of Vietnam, Victory in Vietnam, p. 339. On Hanoi’s relationship with the PRG and other political entities in the south, see: documents in Van Kien Dang, Toan Tap, vol. 30 (1969) (Hanoi: Nha Xuat Ban Chinh Tri Quoc Gia, 2004), pp. 188–90.
45. Asselin, A Bitter Peace; Berman, No Peace, No Honor; Jeffrey Kimball, ‘Decent Interval or Not? The Paris Agreement and the End of the Vietnam War.’, Passport, vol. 34, no. 3 (December 2003), pp. 26–31; J. Veith, Black April: The Fall of South Vietnam, 1973–75 (New York: Encounter Books, 2012), pp. 35–52, J. Veith, ‘A Short Road to Hell: Thieu, South Vietnam and the Paris Peace Accords’, in Nathalie Huynh Chau Nguyen, ed., New Perceptions of the Vietnam War (Jefferson: McFarland & Company, 2014), pp. 21–40. Veith cites scores of communist and non-communist Vietnamese documents to make his case.
46. Communist documents do not confirm the widespread myth that the ARVN was a military pushover. See Veith, Black April. Lorenz Luthi has nuanced the idea that the Chinese and Soviets ‘sold out’ Hanoi in the early 1970s. See: Lüthi, ‘Beyond Betrayal’, pp. 57–107.
CHAPTER 12. CULTURAL CHANGE IN THE LONG TWENTIETH CENTURY
1. Olga Dror, Mourning Headband for Hue: An Account of the Battle for Hue, Vietnam 1968 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2014) and her excellent introductory essay.
2. Nguyen The Anh, ‘The Vietnamization of the Cham Deity Po Nagar’.
3. David Marr, Tradition on Trial (1920–1945) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), p. 33–4; and Nguyen Du, The Kim Vân Kieu of Nguyen Du (1765–1820), translated by Vladislav Zhukov (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 2013).
4. For a discussion of the Romance of the Three Kingdoms in Vietnam, see Woodside, Community and Revolution, pp. 33–4.
5. Neil Jamieson, Understanding Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), p. 67.
6. On the failure of Nom, see Marr, Tradition, pp. 141–3, 145–8.
7. Marr, Tradition, p. 35; and Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Radicalism, pp. 33–7, 98.
8. Tracy Barrett, ‘A Bulwark Never Failing: The Evolution of Overseas Chinese Education in French Indochina, 1900–1954’, in Sherman Cochran and Paul Pickowicz, eds., China on the Margins (New York: East Asia Program, Cornell University, 2009), pp. 221–42.
9. Agathe Larcher, ‘D’un réformisme à l’autre: La redécouverte de l’identité culturelle vietnamienne, 1900–1930’, Série Etudes et Documents Etudes indochinoises IV (May 1995), pp. 85–96.
10. Marr, Tradition, p. 35; Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Radicalism, pp. 33–7; and Alexander Woodside, ‘The Development of Social Organizations in Vietnamese Cities in the Late Colonial Period’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 44, no. 1 (1971), pp. 39–64.
11. Claire Tran Thi Lien, ‘Henriette Bui: The Narrative of Vietnam’s First Woman Doctor’, in Gisèle Bousquet and Pierre Brocheux, eds., Vietnam Exposé (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2002), pp. 278–309.
12. Emmanuelle Affidi, ‘Vulgarisation du savoir et colonisation des esprits par la presse et le livre en Indochine française et dans les Indes néerlandaises (1908–1936)’, Moussons, nos. 13–14 (2009), pp. 95–121, and her ‘Créer des passerelles entre les mondes . . . L’œuvre interculturelle de Nguyen Van Vinh (1882–1936)’, Moussons, no. 21 (2014), pp. 33–55; and Marr, Tradition, pp. 31–8.
13. Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Radicalism, p. 121; Marr, Tradition, p. 176; and Haydon Cherry, ‘Traffic in Translations: Dao Duy Anh and the Vocabulary of Vietnamese Marxism’, Association for Asian Studies Annual Conference, San Diego, California (21–24 March 2013), copy kindly provided by Dr Cherry.
14. Marguerite Duras, Cahiers de la guerre (Paris: POL Editeurs, 2006), p. 92; and Hazel Hahn, ‘The Rickshaw Trade in Colonial Vietnam, 1883–1940’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 8, no. 4 (Fall 2013), pp. 47–85.
15. Jamieson, Understanding Vietnam, p. 101 (for the citation); Nguyen Van Ky, La Société vietnamienne face à la modernité (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1995); and Martina Nguyen, ‘The Self-Reliant Literary Group (Tu Luc Van Doan): Colonial Modernism in Vietnam, 1932–1941’, PhD dissertation (Berkeley: University of California at Berkeley, 2013).
16. Greg Lockhart, The Light of the Capital: Three Modern Vietnamese Classics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 122; Erica Peters, ‘Manger: pratiques vietnamiennes et identités européennes’, in François Guillemot and Agathe Larcher-Goscha, La Colonisation des corps, de l’Indochine au Viet Nam (Paris: Vendémiaire, 2014), pp. 176–99. The tobacco used is called Nicotiana rustica, also known in South America as mapacho. Mark McLeod and Nguyen Thi Dieu, Culture and Customs of Vietnam (Greenwood, 2001), p. 130 (for the citation); and Nguyen Xuan Hien et al., ‘La Chique de bétel au Viet-Nam: Les récentes mutations d’une tradition millénaire’, Péninsule, no. 58 (2009), pp. 73–125.
17. I rely here on Nguyen Van Ky, La Société vietnamienne face à la modernité. Le Tonkin de la fin du XIXe siècle à la Seconde Guerre mondiale (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1995); and Martina Nguyen in her PhD dissertation, ‘The Self-Reliant Literary Group’.
18. On non-Western conceptions of the individual, see: Jack Goody, The Theft of History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).
19. Lai Nguyen An, ed., Phan Khoi viet va dich Lo Tan (Hanoi: Nha Xuat Ban Hoi Nha Van, 2007). My thanks to Peter Zinoman for bringing this publication to my attention.
20. Cited by Daniel Hémery; ‘L’Homme, un itinéraire vietnamien. Humanisme et sujet humain au XXe siècle’, Moussons, nos. 13–14 (2009), pp. 11–12.
21. Ibid., p. 13.
22. Nguyen Van Ky, La Société vietnamienne; and George Dutton, ‘Ly Toet in the City: Coming to Terms with the Modern in 1930s Vietnam’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 2, no. 1 (February 2007), pp. 80–108.
23. Jamieson, Understanding Vietnam, p. 106.
24. Ibid., p. 119 (for the citation).
25. Ibid., pp. 144–5 (for the citations).
26. However, the transition to the use of tôi was a slow process and it remained biased towards women. See Ben Tran, ‘I Speak in the Third Person: Women and Language in Colonial Vietnam’, Positions: East Asia Cultures Critique, vol. 21, no. 3 (Summer 2013), pp. 579–605. See also Jamieson, Understanding Vietnam, p. 110.
27. Thomas D. Le, ‘Vietnamese Poetry’ (June 2005), at www.thehuuvandan.org/vietpoet.html, accessed 28 August 2015 (for the citation); and Jamieson, Understanding Vietnam, p. 171.
28. On Xuan Dieu’s life and problems with the communist party during the First Indochina War, see: Lai Nguyen Ai and Alec Holcombe, ‘The Heart and Mind of the Poet Xuan Dieu: 1954–1958’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 5, no. 2 (Summer 2010), pp. 1–90.
29. Nora Taylor, Painters in Hanoi (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004); and Nadine André-Pallois, L’Indochine: Un lieu d’échange culturel? (Paris: Publications de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, 1998).
30. Martina Nguyen makes this point convincingly in her PhD dissertation, ‘The Self-Reliant Literary Group’.
31. For a brilliant social history of the poor of French Saigon, see Haydon Cherry, ‘Down and Out in Saigon: The Social History of the Urban Poor and the Making of the Vietnamese Revolution in Late Colonial Saigon, 1918–1954’, PhD dissertation (New Haven: Yale University, 2009), to be published soon; and Lockhart, Light of the Capital, p. 113 (for the citation).
32. Lockhart, Light of the Capital, pp. 154–6 (for the citation). On Vu Trong Phung, see above all: Peter Zinoman, Vietnamese Colonial Republican: The Political Vision of Vu Trong Phung (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013).
33. Nhung Tuyet Tran, ‘Beyond the Myth of Equality: Daughter Inheritance Rights in the Le Code’, in Nhung Tuyet Tran and Anthony Reid, eds., Vietnam Borderless Histories (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2006), pp. 121–2; Georges Boudarel, ‘L’Evolution du statut de la femme dans la République démocratique du Vietnam’, Revue Tiers Monde, vol. 11, nos 42–3 (April–September 1976), pp. 493–526; and George Dutton, ‘Beyond Myth and Caricature: Situating Women in the History of Early Modern Vietnam’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 8, no. 2 (Spring 2013), pp. 1–36.
34. Hue-Tam Ho Tai, The Memoirs of Bao Luong (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010); and Sophie Quinn-Judge, ‘Women in the Early Vietnamese Communist Movement: Sex, Lies, and Liberation’, South East Asia Research, vol. 9, no. 3 (November 2001), pp. 245–69.
35. Boudarel, ‘L’Evolution du statut de la femme’, pp. 493–526; Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Radicalism, chapter 3; Marr, Tradition, chapter 5; and Shawn McHale, ‘Printing and Power: Vietnamese Debates over Women’s Place in Society, 1918–1934,’ in Keith W. Taylor, ed., Essays into Vietnamese Pasts (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1995), pp. 173–94.
36. Penny Edwards, Cambodge: The Cultivation of a Nation, 1860–1945 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2007), pp. 227–44.
37. Tony Day and Maya H. T. Liem, eds., Cultures at War: The Cold War and Cultural Expression in Southeast Asia (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program Publications, 2010); and Tuong Vu and Wasana Wongsurawat, eds., Dynamics of the Cold War in Asia: Ideology, Identity, and Culture(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).
38. See Christopher Goscha, ‘“The Modern Barbarian”: Nguyen Van Vinh and the Complexity of Colonial Modernity in Vietnam’, European Journal of East Asian Studies, vol. 3, no. 1 (2004), pp. 135–69.
39. On the cultural politics of Buddhism in Southeast Asia, see: Eugene Ford, Cold War Monks: An International History of Buddhism, Politics and Regionalism in Thailand and Southeast Asia, 1941–1976 (New Haven: Yale University Press, in press).
40. See Christopher Goscha, ‘Wiring Decolonization: Turning Technology against the Colonizer during the Indochina War, 1945–1954’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 54, no. 4 (2012), pp. 798–831.
41. In the Year of the Pig (1968), directed by Emile de Antonio. On Mus during the Indochina War, see Christopher Goscha, ‘So What Did You Learn from War?’ Violent Decolonization and Paul Mus’s Search for Humanity’, South East Asia Research, vol. 20, no. 4 (December 2012), pp. 569–93.
42. Kinh te Viet Nam (Hanoi: Nha Xuat Ban Khoa Hoc, 1966), pp. 372, 379, 399, 400.
43. See in particular Kim N. B. Ninh, A World Transformed.
44. On Pham Duy, see Eric Henry, ‘Pham Duy and Modern Vietnamese History’ (2005) at http://www.uky.edu/Centers/Asia/SECAAS/Seras/2005/Henry.htm, accessed 28 August 2015; quotes cited by Jamieson, Understanding Vietnam, p. 264.
45. William Turley, ‘Women in the Communist Revolution in Vietnam’, Asian Survey, vol. 12, no. 9 (September 1972), pp. 793–805; and François Guillemot, Des Vietnamiennes dans la guerre civile. L’autre moitié de la guerre. 1945–1975 (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2014).
46. Marr, Tradition, p. 251.
47. On cultural change, anticommunism and nationalism in the Republic of Vietnam, I rely heavily on the path-breaking work of Nu-Anh Tran, ‘South Vietnamese Identity, American Intervention and the Newspaper Chinh Luan, 1965–1969’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 1, no. 1–2 (February/August 2006), pp. 169–209; Nu-Anh Tran, ‘Contested Identities: Nationalism in the Republic of Vietnam, 1954–1963’, PhD Dissertation (Berkeley: University of California at Berkeley, 2013); Tuan Hoang, ‘The Early South Vietnamese Critique of Communism’, in Tuong Vu and Wasana Wongsurawat, eds., Dynamics of the Cold War in Asia: Ideology, Identity, and Culture (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), pp. 17–32; and Phi Van Nguyen, ‘Les Résidus de la guerre’.
48. On Tran Duc Thao, see: Philippe Papin, ‘Itinéraire II. Les exils intérieurs’, pp. 62–89; and Jamieson, Understanding Vietnam, p. 249. On Nguyen Sa’s poem, Jamieson, Understanding Vietnam, p. 253.
49. On Trinh Cong Son, see: John Schafer, ‘Death, Buddhism, and Existentialism in the Songs of Trinh Cong Son’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 2, no. 1 (Winter 2007), pp. 144–86. Extracts of the poem come from Jamieson, Understanding Vietnam, p. 253.
50. Cited by Jamieson, Understanding Vietnam, p. 322.
CHAPTER 13 . THE TRAGEDY AND THE RISE OF MODERN VIETNAM
1. I rely here on William J. Duiker, Vietnam Since the Fall of Saigon, rev. edn (Athens: Ohio University Center for International Studies, 1985); Nguyen Van Canh (with Earle Cooper), Vietnam under Communism, 1975–1982 (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1983); Stéphane Dovert and Philippe Lambert, ‘La Relation Nord-Sud’, in Stéphane Dovert and Benoit de Tréglodé, eds., Viet Nam contemporain (Paris: IRASEC/Les Indes savantes, 2009), pp. 90–114.
2. François Guillemot, ‘Saigon 1975: La mise au pas’, L’Histoire, no. 62 (2014), pp. 72–4.
3. Van Tien Dung, Our Great Spring Victory: An Account of the Liberation of South Vietnam (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977), pp. 156, 162, 164; and Truong Nhu Tang, A Viet Cong Memoir, pp. 264–5.
4. Quoted in Mai Thu Van, Vietnam: Un peuple, des voix (Paris: Pierre Horay, 1982), p. 182.
5. Doan Van Toai, The Vietnamese Gulag (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1986), p. 196 (for the citation).
6. Nguyen Cong Hoan, in Chanoff and Toai, Vietnam, pp. 190–91 (for the citation).
7. On the gulf between theory and practice, see: Ken MacLean, The Government of Mistrust: Illegibility and Bureaucratic Power in Socialist Vietnam (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2013). On peasant resistance to collectivization, see: Benedict Kerkvliet, The Power of Everyday Politics: How Vietnamese Peasants Transformed National Policy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005).
8. On all sorts of compromises in daily life between people and the powers that be, see: Philippe Papin and Laurent Passicousset, Vivre avec les Vietnamiens (Paris: L’Archipel, 2010), chapters 1–2 in particular.
9. Vo Nhan Tri, Vietnam’s Economic Policy since 1975 (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1991), p. 69; Dovert and Lambert, ‘La Relation Nord-Sud’, p. 92; and Ngo Vinh Long, ‘The Socialization of South Vietnam’, in Odd Arne Westad and Sophie Quinn-Judge, eds., The Third Indochina War (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 127–35.
10. Ngo Vinh Long, ‘The Socialization of South Vietnam’, p. 135; Dovert and Lambert, ‘La Relation Nord-Sud’, pp. 92–3; and Alexander Woodside, ‘Nationalism and Poverty in the Breakdown of Sino-Vietnamese Relations’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 52 (1979), pp. 381–409.
11. Trinh Duc, as translated in Chanoff and Toai, Vietnam, p. 200.
12. Ngo Vinh Long, ‘The Socialization of South Vietnam’, p. 135.
13. Ann-Marie Leshkowich, ‘Standardized Forms of Vietnamese Selfhood: An Ethnographic Genealogy of Documentation’, American Ethnologist, vol. 41, no. 1 (2014), pp. 143–62.
14. All citations from Stephen Denney, Human Rights and Daily Life in Vietnam, Report Prepared for the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, 25 March 1990, at http://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/~sdenney/SRV-Discrimination-1990, accessed 28 August 2015; and also see Stephen Denney, Re-education in Unliberated Vietnam, at http://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/~sdenney/Vietnam-Reeducation-Camps-1982, accessed 28 August 2015.
15. Denny, Human Rights and Daily Life in Vietnam.
16. Philippe Langlet and Quach Thanh Tam, Introduction à l’histoire contemporaine du Vietnam (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2001), pp. 23–28, 45–47; Hue-Tam Ho Tai, ‘Monumental Ambiguity: The State Commemoration of Ho Chi Minh’, in Keith Taylor and John Whitmore, eds., Essays into Vietnamese Pasts (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1995), pp. 272–88.
17. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Flight from Indochina, chapter 4, p. 82, at http://www.unhcr.org/3ebf9bad0.html, accessed 14 November 2013. On reeducation camps, see among others Minh Tri, Saigon à l’heure de Hanoï, 1975–1980 (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2000); P. V. Tran, Prisonnier politique au Viet Nam (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1990); Nguyen Cong Luan, Nationalist in the Viet Nam Wars, Memoirs of a Victim Turned Soldier (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012); and for the poem, Thanh Tam Tuyen, Resurrection, translated by Linh Dinh, http://poeticinvention.blogspot.ca/2006/12/poet-and-fiction-writer-thanh-tam.html, accessed 19 January 2014.
18. Ngo Vinh Long, ‘The Socialization of South Vietnam’, p. 132.
19. Dovert and Lambert, ‘La Relation Nord-Sud’, p. 92; and Laurent Pandolfi, ‘Transition urbaine et formes émergentes de construction de la ville vietnamienne’, in Dovert and de Tréglodé, Viet Nam Contemporain, p. 359.
20. Dovert and Lambert, ‘La Relation Nord-Sud’, pp. 95–7 and Langlet and Quach, Introduction à l’histoire contemporaine du Vietnam, pp. 43–4.
21. Masahiko Ebashi, ‘The Economic Take-off’, in James W. Morley and Masashi Nishihara, eds., Vietnam Joins the World (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1997), pp. 37–8; Ngo Vinh Long, ‘The Socialization of South Vietnam’, pp. 142–3; Dovert and Lambert, ‘La Relation Nord-Sud’, pp. 95–7; Marie Sybille de Vienne, L’Economie du Viet Nam, 1955–1995, Bilan et prospective (Paris: CHEAM, 1994). On peasant resistance to collectivization, see Benedict Kerkvliet, The Power of Everyday Politics.
22. Ngo Vinh Long, ‘The Socialization of South Vietnam’, p. 127–32.
23. I rely on the following sources for this section: W. Courtland Robinson, Terms of Refuge: The Indochinese Exodus and the International Response (London: Zed Books, 1998); Barry Wain, The Refused, the Agony of the Indochina Refugees (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1981); William Shawcross, The Quality of Mercy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1984); and the UNHCR, Flight from Indochina, chapter 4, pp. 80–105, at http://www.unhcr.org/3ebf9bad0.html, accessed 14 November 2013.
24. UNHCR, Flight from Indochina, p. 81, 82.
25. Ibid., p. 98, figure 4.3.
26. See Christopher Goscha, ‘Geneva 1954 and the “De-internationalization” of the Vietnamese Idea of Indochina?’, unpublished paper.
27. Christopher Goscha, ‘Vietnam and the World Outside: The Case of Vietnamese Communist Advisers in Laos (1948–62)’, South East Asia Research, vol. 12, no. 2 (July 2004), p. 158.
28. Ibid., p. 141.
29. See Goscha, ‘Geneva 1954 and the De-internationalization of the Vietnamese Idea of Indochina’, note 1.
30. Significantly, the DRV and French delegates signed the ceasefire documents for Camboda and Laos in the names of the Khmer Issarak and the Royal Government of Cambodia and the Pathet Lao and Royal Government of Laos, respectively. On Laotian cadres sent to Hanoi, see: Vatthana Pholsena, ‘Une génération de patriotes: L’Education révolutionnaire du Laos au Nord Vietnam’, Communisme (2013), pp. 231–58; and also Vatthana Pholsena, ‘In the Line of Fire: The Revolution in the Hinterlands of Indo-China (1957–1961)’, in Christopher Goscha and Karine Laplante, eds., The Failure of Peace in Indochina, 1954–1962 (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2010), pp. 341–59.
31. Karl Jackson, ‘The Ideology of Total Revolution’, in Karl Jackson, ed., Cambodia, 1975–1978: Rendezvous with Death (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 37–78.
32. I rely heavily on Ben Kiernan, How Pol Pot Came to Power: Colonialism, Nationalism, and Communism in Cambodia, 1930–1975, 2nd edn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004); Grant Evans and Kelvin Rowley, Red Brotherhood at War (London: Verso, 1984), especially chapter 4 on ‘perfect sovereignty’; Christopher Goscha, ‘Vietnam, the Third Indochina War and the Meltdown of Asian Internationalism’, in Westad and Quinn-Judge, eds., The Third Indochina War, pp. 152–86; and on the misalliance analogy, Edward Miller, Misalliance: Ngo Dinh Diem, the United States, and the Fate of South Vietnam (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013).
33. On the importance of the Soviet invasion of Prague in 1968 for Mao, see Chen Jian, ‘China, the Vietnam War, and the Sino-American Rapprochement, 1968–1973’, in Westad and Quinn-Judge, The Third Indochina War, pp. 32–64. That the Czech ‘rebels’ wanted to get rid of communism mattered less to the Chinese than the fact that the Soviets had intervened in the internal affairs of another sovereign country. On Sino-Vietnamese and Sino-Soviet rifts over Indochina, I rely heavily on Chen Jian, ‘China, the Vietnam War, and the Sino-American Rapprochement, 1968–1973’, and his Chen Jian, Mao’s China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2001); Qiang Zhai, China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950–1975 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2000); and Lorenz Lüthi, The Sino-Soviet Split (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008).
34. Ilya V. Gaiduk, ‘The Soviet Union Faces the Vietnam War’, in Maurice Vaïsse and Christopher Goscha, Europe et la guerre du Vietnam 1963–1973 (Paris: Bruylant, 2003), p. 201 (for the citation).
35. The Chinese had no navy worth its name in the 1970s. The Soviets did, in Asia, too.
36. The classic study of the Third Indochina War remains to this day Nayan Chanda, Brother Enemy: The War After the War (New York: Harcourt, 1986).
37. Jane Perlez, ‘Shadow of Brutal ’79 War Darkens Vietnam’s View of China Relations’, New York Times (4 July 2014), at http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/06/world/asia/06vietnam.html?_r=0, accessed 28 August 2015. For the Chinese side, see: Xiaoming Zhang, Deng Xiaoping’s Long War: The Military Conflict between China and Vietnam, 1979–1991 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2015).
38. On the Eurasian nature of this war, see: Goscha, ‘La Géo-politique vietnamienne vue de l’Eurasie: Quelles leçons de la Troisième guerre d’Indochine’, pp. 23–38.
39. Sophie Quinn-Judge, ‘Victory on the Battlefield; Isolation in Asia: Vietnam’s Cambodia Decade, 1979–1989’, in Westad and Quinn-Judge, The Third Indochina War, p. 222.
40. However, Vietnam’s ally, Hun Sen, remains in power to this day, at the head of the state the Vietnamese helped him build in post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia.
41. Lee Lescaze, ‘Journey into an American Nightmare’, Wall Street Journal (17 October 1982), p. 28.
42. Masahiko Ebashi, ‘The Economic Take-off’.
43. CIA World Factbook, Vietnam, at https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/vm.html, accessed 28 August 2015.
44. Martin Grossheim, Fraternal Support: The East German ‘Stasi’ and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam during the Vietnam War (Washington: Cold War International History Project, Working Paper No. 71, September 2014), at https://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/CWIHP_Working_Paper_71_East_German_Stasi_Vietnam_War.pdf, accessed 28 August 2015. Nguyen Vu Tung, ‘The Paris Agreement and Vietnam–ASEAN Relations in the 1970s’, in Westad and Quinn-Judge, The Third Indochina War, pp. 103–25.
45. Quinn-Judge, ‘Victory on the Battlefield’, p. 225; Tatsumi Okabe, ‘Coping with China’, in Morley and Masashi Nishihara, Vietnam Joins the World, p. 140.
46. Quinn-Judge, ‘Victory on the Battlefield’, pp. 219–20.
47. Morley and Masashi Nishihara, Vietnam Joins the World, pp. 45–6.
48. Quinn-Judge, ‘Victory on the Battlefield’, p. 223.
CHAPTER 14. VIETNAM FROM BEYOND THE RED RIVER
1. Mathieu Guérin, Andrew Hardy, Nguyen Van Chinh and Stan Tan Boon Hwee, eds., Des montagnards aux minorités ethniques (Paris/Bangkok: L’Harmattan-Irasec, 2003), p. 110.
2. Administratively and militarily, Interzone V was in charge of almost all of the central highlands, with Pham Van Dong in charge until 1950. Goscha, Historical Dictionary, pp. 232–3, 375.
3. Keith Taylor, ‘Surface Orientations in Vietnam: Beyond Histories of Nation and Region’, Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 57 (1998), pp. 949–78.
4. The Third Indochina War only reinforced all of this when Khmer Rouge communists accused their Vietnamese brethren of renewing ancient Vietnamese imperialism.
5. See William Cronon, George Miles and Jay Gitlin, eds., Under an Open Sky: Rethinking America’s Western Past (New York: W. W. Norton, 1992); Patricia Limerick, The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West (New York: W. W. Norton, 1987); and Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011 (first published in 1991)). The ‘Go South/Nam Tien’, heroic version of an expanding Vietnam did not start with the Republic of Vietnam in 1955. A nationalist narrative celebrating Nam Tien took off in the early twentieth century, but existed even before. Nguyen Hoang urged his followers to keep on moving south. See: Hung Giang, ‘La Formation du pays d’Annam’, Nam Phong, no 131 (July 1928), pp. 1–5; Nguyen The Anh, ‘Le Nam Tien dans les textes vietnamiens’, in Parcours d’un historien, pp. 18–22; and Claudine Ang, ‘Regionalism in Southern Narratives of Vietnamese History’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 8, no. 3 (Summer 2013), pp. 1–26. A new generation of scholars too numerous to cite exhaustively, but on whose work I rely heavily for this chapter are: Nguyen Van Chinh, Pamela McElwee, Jean Michaud, Andrew Hardy, Philip Taylor, Sarah Turner, Philippe LeFailler, Emmanuel Poisson, Oscar Salemink, Mathieu Guérin, Stan Tan Boon Hwee and so many more. For an overview see: Philip Taylor, ‘Minorities at Large: New Approaches to Minority Ethnicity in Vietnam’, in Philip Taylor, ed., Minorities at Large: New Approaches to Minority Ethnicity in Vietnam (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Center, 2011), pp. 3–43.
6. For this early period, I rely on the work of Peter Bellwood, Ian Glover, James Fox among others. See Ian Glover and Peter Bellwood, eds., Southeast Asia: From Prehistory to History (London: Routledge/Curzon, 2004); Peter Bellwood, First Migrants: Ancient Migration in Global Perspective (London: John Wiley & Sons, 2013); Peter Bellwood, Man’s Conquest of the Pacific: The Prehistory of Southeast Asia and Oceania (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979). Not all scholars are in agreement over the early settlement of Asia, such as Roger Blench at ‘Roger Blench: Papers in Southeast Asian Archaeology’ at http://rogerblench.info, accessed 29 August 2015.
7. Just as we thought of it as an extension of the southern Chinese coast in chapter 1.
8. The scholarship on the Linyi and Champa is massive. Some of the most recent interpretive syntheses—grouping together some of the world’s best specialists—and on which I draw extensively are: Andrew Hardy, Mauro Cucarzi and Patrizia Zolese, eds., Champa and the Archaeology of My Son (Vietnam) (Singapore/Honolulu: NUS Press/University of Hawai’i Press, 2009); William Southworth, ‘The Archeology of the Indianised States of Champa (Southern Vietnam)’, in Glover and Bellwood, Southeast Asia: From Prehistory to History, pp. 209–33; Bernard Gay, Actes du séminaire sur le Campa (Paris: Travaux du Centre d’Histoire et Civilisations de la Péninsule Indochinoise, 1988); Pierre-Bernard Lafont, ed., Le Campa, géographie, population, histoire(Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2007); and Tran Ky Phuong and Bruce Lockhart, eds., The Cham of Vietnam: History, Society and Art (Singapore: NUS Press, 2011). For a longue durée approach, Jacques Népôte, ‘Champa: Propositions pour une histoire de temps long’, Péninsule, no. 26 and no. 27 (1993), pp. 3–54 and pp. 65–123, respectively. For a bibliography, see http://www.champapura.fr/mediatheque/bibliographie.html, accessed 29 August 2015.
9. See the texts by Southworth and Vickery in Glover and Bellwood, eds., Southeast Asia: From Prehistory to History.
10. O. W. Wolters, History, Culture, and Region in Southeast Asian Perspectives (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1982), pp. 1–33 (citation on p. 14); Hermann Kulke, ‘The Early History and the Imperial Kingdom in Southeast Asian History’, in Marr and Milner, eds., Southeast Asia in the Ninth to Fourteenth Centuries, pp. 1–22; Denys Lombard, ‘Le Campa vu du Sud’, Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, vol. 76, no. 1 (1987), pp. 311–17; and Nguyen Quoc Thanh, ‘Le Culte de la baleine dans le Centre Vietnam, devenir d’un héritage multiculturel’, Péninsule, no. 55 (2007), pp. 97–125.
11. Andrew Hardy, ‘Eaglewood and the Economic History of Champa and Central Vietnam’ and John Guy, ‘Artistic Exchange, Regional Dialogue and the Cham Territories’, in Andrew Hardy, Mauro Cucarzi, and Patrizia Zolese, eds., Champa and the Archaeology of My Son (Vietnam)(Singapore: NUS Press, 2009), pp. 107–26, pp. 127–54 respectively. See the contributions by Michael Vickery, William Southworth, Ian Glover, Nguyen Kim Dung in Glover and Bellwood, eds., Southeast Asia: From Prehistory to History.
12. For overviews of the penetration of Islam into Cham lands, see Nasir Abdoul Carime, ‘L’Historique de l’islamisation dans le basse vallée du Mékong, note de synthèse et bibliographique’, Péninsule, vol. 56, no. 1 (2008), pp. 31–50; and Anthony Reid, Charting the Shape of Early Modern Southeast Asia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2000), chapter 2.
13. John Whitmore, ‘The Last Great King of Classical Southeast Asia: “Che Bong Nga” and Fourteenth-Century Champa’, in Tran Ky Phuong and Lockhart, The Cham of Vietnam, pp. 168–203.
14. James Anderson, The Rebel Den of Nung Tri Cao, Loyalty and Identity along the Sino Vietnamese Frontiers (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2007).
15. Whitmore, ‘The Last Great King of Classical Southeast Asia’, pp. 168–203.
16. Danny Wong, ‘Vietnam Champa Relations during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, in Tran Ky Phuong and Lockhart, The Cham of Vietnam, pp. 238–62.
17. Ibid.
18. Nicolas Weber, ‘The Destruction and Assimilation of Campa 1832–1835, as seen from Cam Sources’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 43, no. 1 (February 2012), pp. 158–80.
19. Danny Wong, ‘Vietnam Champa Relations’.
20. Carool Kersten, ‘Cambodia’s Muslim King: Khmer and Dutch Sources on the Conversion of Reameathipadei I, 1642–1658’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 37, no. 1 (February 2006), pp. 1–22. For Khmer population and relations with the Vietnamese, see Shawn McHale, ‘Ethnicity, Violence, and Khmer–Vietnamese Relations: The Significance of the Lower Mekong Delta, 1757–1954’, Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 72, no. 2 (May 2013), pp. 367–390. Jean-Pascal Bassino puts the number of Cham for 1913 at 20–30,000. See his Vietnam in Historical Statistics, p. 31.
21. Li Tana, Nguyen Cochinchina: Southern Vietnam in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program Publications, Cornell University), pp. 149–50.
22. Li, Nguyen Cochinchina, pp. 148–53; Po Dharma, Le Panduranga (Campa), 1802–1835: Ses rapports avec le Viet Nam (Paris: Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, 1987), pp. 84–5; and Weber, ‘The Destruction’, pp. 158–80.
23. Po Dharma, Le Panduranga (Campa), pp. 93–144 (p. 178 for the citations), 169–70; and David Chandler, ‘An Anti-Vietnamese Rebellion in Early 19th Century Cambodia: Precolonial Imperialism and a Pre-nationalist Response’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 4, no. 1 (March 1975), pp. 16–24.
24. Po Dharma, Le Panduranga (Campa), pp. 127–58.
25. Recent scholarship has greatly advanced our understanding of highland Vietnam. I rely heavily here on the work of Andrew Hardy, Red Hills: Migrants and the State in the Highlands of Vietnam (Copenhagen: NIAS, 2005); Gerald Hickey, Sons of the Mountains: Ethnohistory of the Vietnamese Central Highlands to 1954 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982); Gerald Hickey, Free in the Forest: Ethnohistory of the Vietnamese Central Highlands to 1954–1976 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982); Oscar Salemink, The Ethnography of Vietnam’s Central Highlanders: A Historical Contextualization, 1850–1990 (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003); Philippe LeFailler, La Rivière Noire: L’Intégration d’une marche frontière au Vietnam (Paris: CNRS Editions, 2014); Stan Tan Boon Hwee, ‘Swiddens, Resettlements, Sedentarizations, and Villages: State Formation among the Central Highlanders of Vietnam under the First Republic, 1955–1961’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 1, no. 2 (February–August 2006), pp. 210–52; Sarah Turner, Christophe Bonnin and Jean Michaud, eds., Frontier Livelihoods: Hmong in the Sino-Vietnamese Borderlands (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2015).
26. Gerald Hickey, Sons of the Mountains, pp. 168–78; Guérin, Hardy, Nguyen and Tan, Des montagnards aux minorités ethniques, p. 28. On the Hmong, see: Christian Culas, Le messianisme hmong aux xixe et xxe siècles (Paris: CNRS-Éditions-Éditions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, 2005) and Mai Na M. Lee, Dreams of the Hmong Kingdom (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2015). On the Black Flags, see: Bradley Davis, Imperial Bandits: Outlaws and Rebels in the China-Vietnam Borderlands (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2016).
27. Emmanuel Poisson, ‘Unhealthy Air of the Mountains: Kinh and Ethnic Minority Rule on the Sino-Vietnamese Frontier from the Fifteenth to the Twentieth Century’, in Martin Gainsborough, ed., On the Borders of State Power: Frontiers in the Greater Mekong Sub-region (London: Routledge, 2009), pp. 12–24, and especially Bradley Davis, ‘Black Flag Rumors and the Black Flag River Basin’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 6, no. 2 (Summer 2011), pp. 16–41; and his Imperial Bandits: Outlaws and Rebels in the China-Vietnam Borderlands (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2016).
28. Hickey, Sons of the Mountains, p. 173, 175 (for the citation). The famous French explorer Auguste Pavie relied on pre-existing Sino-Vietnamese models for ruling distant non-Sinitic and Viet lands, including a Chinese text dating from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, signed by the Chinese scholar Ma Duanlin. See Davis, ‘Black Flag Rumors’, p. 21 and chapter 1 of this book.
29. Andrew Hardy, ‘Chams, Khmers, Hrê, la mosaïque ethnique’, L’Histoire, no. 62 (2014), pp. 18–20; and Andrew Hardy and Nguyen Tien Dong, Khao co hoc Truong luy: 5 nam nghien cuu (Hanoi: Nha xuat ban khoa hoc xa hoi, 2011), pp. 17–19.
30. Oscar Salemink, The Ethnography of Vietnam’s Central Highlanders, chapter 2 (citation on p. 43). For French ethnography, see Jean Michaud, ‘Incidental Ethnographers. French Catholic Missions on the Tonkin–Yunnan Frontier, 1880–1930 (Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2007). Global historians who master Chinese, Vietnamese, and a range of other languages, sources, concepts, and theories are making it clear that Western, colonial ethnography is not as new or as modern as we might think. See the work of Bradley Davis, Emmanuel Poisson, Philippe LeFailler and especially that of Geoff Wade, James Anderson, Kathlene Baldanza, John Whitmore and others cited in this chapter and chapters 1 and 2. Salemink, The Ethnography of Vietnam’s Central Highlanders, chapter 2 (citation on p. 43).
31. Hickey, Sons of the Mountains, pp. 230–33; and Salemink, The Ethnography of Vietnam’s Central Highlands, p. 52.
32. La Pénétration scolaire dans les minorités ethniques (Hanoi: Imprimerie d’Extrême-Orient, 1931), p. 5.
33. Salemeink, The Ethnography of Vietnam’s Central Highlanders, p. 77 (for the citation) and Hickey, Sons of the Mountains, p. 311.
34. Hickey, Sons of the Mountains, p. 370. See the fascinating study by Olivier Tessier ‘Les Faux-semblants de la “révolution du thé” (1920–1945) dans la province de Phú Tho. (Tonkin)’, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, vol. 1 (2013), pp. 169–205; and ‘Trong mua nay dan Moi o Quang Nam hay ra riet nhieu nguoi Annam’, Trung Bac Tan Van (29 April 1936), p. 1 (on outbreaks of violence).
35. Oscar Salemink, ‘Primitive Partisans: French Strategy and the Construction of a Montagnard Ethnic Identity in Indochina’, in Hans Antlov and Stein Tønnesson, eds., Imperial Policy and South East Asian Nationalism (Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 1995), pp. 265–6; Guérin, Hardy, Nguyen and Tan, Des montagnards aux minorités ethiques, pp. 9–82; Hickey, Sons of the Mountains, pp. 297–308; Agathe Larcher-Goscha, ‘A rebours de la civilisation: Les transgressions de Léopold Sabatier au Darlac’, paper presented at the meeting of the Réseau Asie, Paris, 24 September 2003; Léopold Sabatier, La Palabre du serment du Darlac (Paris: Ibis Press, 2012); Pascale Bezançon, ‘Louis Manipoud, un réformateur colonial méconnu’, Revue française d’histoire d’outre-mer, vol. 82, no. 309 (1995), pp. 455–87; and Penny Edwards, Cambodge, The Cultivation of a Nation, 1860–1945 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2007), pp. 183–209.
36. Salemink, ‘Primitive Partisans’, p. 267; Eric Jennings, Imperial Heights: Dalat and the Making and Undoing of French Indochina (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011); Hickey, Sons of the Mountains, pp. 140–43, 323–43; Salemink, ‘Primitive Partisans’, pp. 267–74; and on the ‘sixth part’ of Indochina, M. Guerrini, ‘La question moi’, dossier Indochine, 1, box 25, Bf, Guernet, Centre des Archives d’Outre-mer.
37. Hickey, Sons of the Mountains, pp. 392–7, 406–26; and Salemink, ‘Primitive Partisans’, pp. 267–82.
38. Mark McLeod, ‘Indigenous Peoples and the Vietnamese Revolution, 1930–1975’, Journal of World History, vol. 10, no. 2 (1999), pp. 353–89.
39. Marr, Tradition on Trial, p. 404; Woodside, Community and Revolution, p. 219.
40. Goscha, Vietnam: Un Etat né de la guerre, chapter 10 and conclusion; Charles Keith, ‘Protestantism and the Politics of Religion in French Colonial Vietnam’, French Colonial History, vol. 13 (2012), pp. 141–74; and Goscha, Historical Dictionary, pp. 191–4, especially note 6, p. 192, and pp. 424–5.
41. Christian Lentz provides an excellent account of how the war drove DRV state-making in the Tai highlands of northwestern Vietnam. Christian Lentz, ‘Making the Northwest Vietnamese’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 6, no. 2 (2011), pp. 68–105, and his ‘Mobilization and State Formation on a Frontier of Vietnam’, Journal of Peasant Studies, vol. 38, no. 3 (2011), pp. 559–86.
42. I rely heavily here on McLeod, ‘Indigeneous Peoples’, pp. 353–89.
43. Cited by Vatthana Pholsena, ‘Highlanders on the Ho Chi Minh Trail’, Critical Asian Studies, vol. 40, no. 3 (2008), p. 457.
44. Hickey, Free in the Forest, pp. 9–13.
45. Ibid., pp. 18–45.
46. Stan Tan Boon Hwee, ‘Swiddens, Resettlements, Sedentarizations, and Villages’, pp. 210–52; Hickey, Free in the Forest, pp. 47–60; and Po Dharma, Du FLM au FULRO: une lutte des minorités sud indochinoise, 1955–1975 (Paris: Les Indes savantes, 2006).
47. Shawn McHale, ‘Ethnicity, Violence, and Khmer-Vietnamese Relations: The Significance of the Lower Mekong Delta, 1757–1954’, The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 72, no. 2 (2013), pp. 367–90; Thomas Engelbert, ‘Ideology and Reality: Nationalitätenpolitik in North and South Vietnam of the First Indochina War’, in Thomas Engelbert and Andreas Schneider, eds., Ethnic Minorities and Nationalism in Southeast Asia (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2000), pp. 105–42; Po Dharma, Du FLM au FULRO, pp. 34–9; Hickey, Free in the Forest, pp. 60–62.
48. Po Dharma, Du FLM au FULRO, pp. 41–56; Hickey, Free in the Forest, pp. 96–107.
49. Hickey, Free in the Forest, p. 116.
50. Ibid., p. 165, 166–7, 253.
CONCLUSION. AUTHORITARIANISM, REPUBLICANISM, AND POLITICAL CHANGE
1. ‘Mr. Hoang Minh Chinh speaks at Harvard’, BBC Vietnamese Service (28 September 2005), at http://www.bbc.com/vietnamese/vietnam/story/2005/09/050930_hoangmchinhspeech.shtml, accessed 7 January 2016. On Hoang Minh Chinh, see Sophie Quinn-Judge, ‘Hoang Minh Chinh: The Honourable Dissident’, OpenDemocracy (30 April 2008), at https://www.opendemocracy.net/article/vietnams_1968_dissidents_shadow, accessed 7 January 2016, and her ‘Vietnam: The Necessary Voices’, OpenDemocracy (29 April 2007), at https://www.opendemocracy.net/democracy-protest/vietnam_voices_4576.jsp, accessed 7 January 2016.
2. Martin Rathie has recently revealed that the famous 1966 Vietnamese photo showing Ho Chi Minh and his Lao counterpart, Kaysone Phoumvihane, together in Hanoi actually initially included a third person—the Khmer Rouge’s Pol Pot. Andrew Walker, ‘Two’s Company’, New Mandala(21 August 2012), at http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2012/08/21/twos-company, accessed 26 January 2016. On the ASEAN Common Market, see the Asian Development Bank’s ‘ASEAN Economic Community: 12 Things to Know’ http://www.adb.org/features/asean-economic-community-12-things-know, accessed 26 January 2016; ‘Special Exhibition: Land Reform, 1946-1957’, at http://baotanglichsu.vn/subportal/en/News/Special-exhibition/2014/09/3A9241EC/, accessed 11 January 2016; David Brown, ‘Vietnam Quickly Shutters “Land Reform” Exhibit’ (13 September 2014), at http://www.asiasentinel.com/politics/vietnam-quickly-shutters-land-reform-exhibit, accessed 11 January 2016; and Alex-Thai D. Vo, ‘Nguyen Thi Nam and the Land Reform in North Vietnam, 1953’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 10, no. 1 (2013), pp. 1–62.
3. This recently occurred upon the opening of the 12th party congress. ‘Les Délégués au 12e Congrès national du PCV rendent hommage au Président Ho Chi Minh’, 20 January 2016’, at http://fr.vietnamplus.vn/les-delegues-au-12e-congres-national-du-pcv-rendent-hommage-au-president-ho-chi-minh/71497.vnp, accessed on 21 January 2016.
4. Hue-Tam Ho Tai, ‘Monumental Ambiguity: The State Commemoration of Ho Chi Minh’, in Keith Taylor and John Whitmore, eds., Essays into Vietnamese Pasts (Ithaca: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 1995), pp. 272–88. On the political use of Ho Chi Minh, see the chapters by William Duiker, Daniel Hémery, Benoît de Tréglodé and Sophie Quinn-Judge, in Goscha and de Tréglodé, eds., The Birth of a Party State, chapters 6–9. Ho Chi Minh, ‘The Path Which Led Me to Leninism’ (April 1960), at https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/ho-chi-minh/works/1960/04/x01.htm, accessed 14 January 2016. For a glimpse of this world, one need only Google ‘tu tuong Ho Chi Minh’.
5. Forgetting to use the capital pronoun, ‘He’, when referring to ‘Him’, Ho Chi Minh, in the third person can be a cause for suspicion. It has to be ‘N’ for ‘Nguoi’. Before approving the publication of foreign biographies of Ho Chi Minh, censors require authors to remove all mention of Ho Chi Minh’s marriage to a Chinese woman. On North Korea’s political cult, see Grace Lee, ‘The Political Philosophy of Juche’, Stanford Journal of East Asian Affairs, vol. 3, no. 1 (2003), at https://web.stanford.edu/group/sjeaa/journal3/korea1.pdf, accessed 11 January 2016.
6. For an overview, see Claire Tran Thi Lien, ‘Communist State and Religious Policy in Vietnam: A Historical Perspective’, Hague Journal on the Rule of Law, no. 5 (2013), pp. 229–52; Pascal Bourdeaux and Jean Paul Williame, ‘Special Issue: Religious Reconfigurations in Vietnam’, Social Compass, vol. 57, no. 3 (2010), pp. 307–10; Nguyen The Anh, ‘Le Sangha bouddhiste et la société vietnamienne d’aujourd’hui’, Institut d’Etudes bouddhiques, no date, at http://www.bouddhismes.net/node/463, accessed 22 January 2016; Tam T. T. Ngo, ‘Protestant Conversion and Social Conflict: The Case of the Hmong in Contemporary Vietnam’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 46, no. 2 (June 2015), pp. 274–92. On the police and its surveillance of the web, see Carlyle Thayer, ‘The Apparatus of Authoritarian Rule in Vietnam’, in Jonathan London, ed., Politics in Contemporary Vietnam: Party, State, and Authority Relations (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), pp. 135–61. On censorship in Vietnam, see Thomas Bass, ‘Swamp of Assassins’, https://www.indexoncensorship.org/?s=thomas+bass&x=0&y=0, accessed 11 January 2016.
7. Shaun Malarney, ‘The Fatherland Remembers Your Sacrifice: Commemorating War Dead in North Vietnam’, in Hue-Tam Ho Tai, ed., The Country of Memory: Remaking the Past in Late Socialist Vietnam (Berkeley: The University of California Press, 2001), pp. 46–76; Christina Schwenkel, ‘Exhibiting War, Reconciling Pasts: Photographic Representation and Transnational Commemoration in Contemporary Vietnam’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 3, no. 1 (2008), pp. 36–77; and de Tréglodé, Heroes and Revolution in Vietnam. On the Great War and memory, see Jay Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The Great War in European Cultural History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
8. Bao Ninh, The Sorrow of War (London: Vintage, 1998).
9. Ibid., p. 38 (for the quote). Anthropologists have provided sensitive and often brilliant studies of the impact of war on the spiritual realm of Vietnamese existence. See Shaun Malarney, Culture, Ritual, and Revolution in Vietnam (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2002); Heonik Kwon, Ghosts of War in Vietnam (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), and his After the Massacre: Commemoration and Consolation in Ha My and My Lai (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006); and Christina Schwenkel, The American War in Contemporary Vietnam: Transnational Remembrance and Representation (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009). ‘Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori’ means: ‘How sweet and right it is to die for your country’ as cited in Poems of the Great War, 1914–1918 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1998), pp. 30–31.
10. See Nina McPherson’s entry for Duong Thu Huong on the Viet Nam Litterature Project website: http://vietnamlit.org/wiki/index.php?title=Duong_Thu_Huong, accessed 11 January 2016. Some of Duong Thu Huong’s best-known books abroad are: Beyond Illusions (1987), Paradise of the Blind (1988), Novel Without a Name (1995), Memories of a Pure Spring (1996), No Man’s Land (2002) and her recent venture into the life of Ho Chi Minh, The Zenith (2009). For an overview of post-1986 Vietnamese literature, see Cam Thi Poisson, ‘La Littérature au Vietnam depuis 1986’, in Benoît de Tréglodé and Stéphane Dovert, eds., Vietnam Contemporain (Paris: Les Indes savantes/Irasec, 2009).
11. Online at http://indomemoires.hypotheses.org/532, accessed 6 December 2015.
12. Nguyen-Marshall, In Search of Moral Authority; Hémery, Révolutionnaires vietnamiens et pouvoir colonial en Indochine; Woodside, Community and Revolution in Modern Vietnam, and his ‘The Development of Social Organizations in Vietnamese Cities in the Late Colonial Period’.
13. Cited by Roubaud, Viet-Nam, pp. 119–20 and 147–8.
14. And, lest we forget, millions of religious men and women had—and still do have—their own takes on social organization and politics.
15. Marr, Vietnam: State, War, and Revolution (1945–1946), chapter 2; and Fall, Le Viet-Minh, pp. 43–109.
16. ‘L’Etat de siège s’étend à tout l’Indochine du Nord’, Le Monde, no. 624 (24 December 1946), p. 1; and Christopher Goscha, Historical Dictionary of the Indochina War (1945–1954) (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2011), pp. 165 and 389–90.
17. Marr, Vietnam: State, War, and Revolution (1945-1946), chapter 2; and Fall, Le Viet Minh, pp. 43–58. The irony on the French side, of course, is that French Republicans supported the monarchies in Indochina until the very end, including Sihanouk’s assault on parliamentary democracy. Many authors like to connect Vietnamese Republicanism at this time to the American model, citing Ho’s reliance on the American Declaration of Independence of 1776 to craft his own in 1945. This American-centered view completely overlooks half a century of Vietnamese Republicanism.
18. Sidel, The Constitution of Vietnam, chapters 1–3.
19. Bernard Fall, ‘Representative Government in the State of Vietnam’, Far Eastern Survey, vol. 23, no. 8 (August 1954), pp. 122–5. On the Republic of Vietnam, see: the contributions in Keith Taylor, ed., Voices from the Second Republic of South Vietnam (1967–1975) (Ithaca: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 2015).
20. I rely heavily in this section on the work of many scholars: Benedict Kerkvliet, Carlyle Thayer, Tuong Vu, Ken Maclean, Zachary Abuza, Alexander L. Vuving, Jonathan London, Benoît de Tréglodé, Andrew Wells-Dang, Hy Van Luong, David Marr, Terry Rambo, Michael DiGregario, among others. For some important overviews, see Benedict Kerkvliet, ‘Regime Critics: Democratization Advocates in Vietnam, 1999–2014’, Critical Asian Studies, vol. 47, no. 3 (2015), pp. 359–87; Zachary Abuza, Renovating Politics in Contemporary Vietnam (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001); Anita Chan, Benedict Kerkvliet and Jonathan Unger, eds., Transforming Asian Socialism: China and Vietnam Compared (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999); Benedict Kerkvliet and David Marr, eds., Beyond Hanoi: Local Government in Vietnam (Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2004).
21. See Benedict Kerkvliet, The Power of Everyday Politics: How Vietnamese Peasants Transformed National Policy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005).
22. CIA Factbook, Vietnam, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/vm.html, accessed 19 January 2016.
23. Benedict Kerkvliet, ‘Workers Protests in Contemporary Vietnam’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 5, no. 1 (2010), pp. 162–204. Significantly, one of the stipulations accepted by the government in the Trans-Pacific Partnership of 2015 holds it to legalize collective bargaining rights.
24. Michael Gray, ‘Control and Dissent in Vietnam’s Online World’, Tia Sang Vietnam Research Report, February 2015, chart 1, ‘Vietnam Internet Use in 2013–2014’, p. 2, at http://secdev-foundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/Vietnam.ControlandDissent.Feb15.pdf, accessed 13 January 2016; ‘Vietnam’s Internet Connection Speed among Asia-Pacific’s Lowest: Report’, Tuoi Tre (20 January 2015), at http://tuoitrenews.vn/business/25503/vietnams-internet-connection-speed-among-asiapacifics-lowest-report, accessed 22 January 2016; and Shara Tibken, ‘Meet the Vietnamese Smartphone Maker Gunning to Be the Next Apple’ (31 July 2015), at http://www.cnet.com/news/meet-the-vietnamese-smartphone-maker-gunning-to-be-the-next-apple/, accessed 20 January 2016.
25. Michael Gray, ‘Hanoians Use Social Media Tools to Help Save Their Trees’, Flash-Notes, vol. 3 (20 April 2015), at http://secdev-foundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/flashnotes-vietnam-FINAL.pdf, accessed 13 January 2016.
26. Among others: Andrew Wells-Dang, ‘The Political Influence of Civil Society in Vietnam’, in London, ed., Politics in Contemporary Vietnam, pp. 162–83; Mark Sidel, Law and Society in Vietnam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), chapter 6; and Christina Schwenkel, ‘Reclaiming Rights to the Socialist City: Bureaucratic Artefacts and the Affective Appeal of Petitions’, South East Asia Research (2015), vol. 23, no. 2, pp. 205–25. On the contrary, see Philippe Papin and Laurent Passicousset, Vivre avec les Vietnamiens (Paris: L’Archipel, 2010).
27. Sidel, The Constitution of Vietnam, chapter 5; and Bui Hai Thiem, ‘Pluralism Unleashed: The Politics of Reforming the Vietnamese Constitution’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 9, no. 4 (2014), pp. 1–32.
28. Both citations in Kerkvliet, ‘Regime Critics’, pp. 370–71.
29. Jason Morris-Jung, ‘The Vietnamese Bauxite Controversy: Towards a More Oppositional Politics’, Journal of Vietnamese Studies, vol. 10, no. 1 (2015), pp. 63–109; and Jason Morris, The Vietnamese Bauxite Mining Controversy: The Emergence of a New Oppositional Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013), at http://digitalassets.lib.berkeley.edu/etd/ucb/text/Morris_berkeley_0028E_14018.pdf, accessed 26 January 2016.
30. ‘Thu gui Bo Chinh tri, Ban Chap hanh Trung uong khoa XI, cac dai bieu du Dai hoi lan thu XII va toan the dang vien Dang Cong san Viet Nam’, at http://indomemoires.hypotheses.org/20792, accessed 19 January 2016.