Notes

Preface

i. J. Murray (ed.), The Autobiographies ofEdward Gibbon (1896), p. 302-

z. The same case is also made in the book that accompanies the series, T. Jones & A. Ereira, Terry Jones' Barbarians (2oo6); for an example of Robert Harris comparing Ancient Rome to modern America, see his article on the Pirate War of 68 BC1 published in various papers, and online at http://www.nytimes.com/2oo6/09/3o/opinion/3oharris.html.

3. A marvellous example of the best approach to doing this sort of analysis is C. Murphy, Are We Rome? The Fall of an Empire and the Fate ofAmerica (2007). It is a very witty book - I am still rather taken with idea of Tacitus writing for The Economist - and also a very perceptive and thought-provoking study by someone who has done his research well.

4. For `shock and awe', see D. Mattingly, An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire, 54 BC -AD 409 (2oo6), p. 123. Septimius Severus' campaign in Caledonia in the early third century AD is dubbed the `war on terror' on p. 124. More direct linking of Roman imperialism with the current war in Iraq may be found in N. Faulkner, The Decline and Fall ofRoman Britain (2nd edn, 2004), pp. 1516. I have not yet seen the same author's Rome: The Empire of Eagles, 753 BC AD 476(2008), but this seems to expand on similar themes to those explored in his study of Roman Britain.

Introduction - The Big Question

1. E. Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Vol. 3, (1781), ch. 38. The quotation appears on p. 509 of Vol. 2 of the Penguin Classics edition (1995). There have been many different editions of Gibbon and the page numbering varies greatly.

z. See R. Porter, Gibbon (1988), pp. 101, 161.

3. In general, see P. Brandon, The Decline and Fall of the British Empire (2007)4. C. Freeman, The Closing of the Western Mind: The Rise of Faith and the Fall of Reason (2002).

5. For more detailed discussion, see Porter (1988), pp. 67-93.

6. A. Dermandt, Der Falls Roms: Die Auflo'sung der Ro'mischen Reiches im Urteil der Nachwelt (1984).

7. A. Piganiol, L'Empire chretien (325-3,95) (1947), p• 222; for good general discussions of the various theories about Rome's fall, see B. Ward-Perkins, The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization (2005), pp. i-io, 169-183, and P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (2oo5), pp. xi xvi, 431459.

8. E.g., F. Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World (and edn, 1992) or B. Isaac, The Limits of Empire (2nd edn, 1992).

9. The single most influential work in this field was clearly P. Brown, The Making of Late Antiquity (1978).

,o. P. Barnwell, Emperor, Prefects and Kings: The Roman West, 3p5-565 (1992), p. 174.

it. P. Heather, `The Fall of the Roman Empire', in Oxford Historian, 4 (May zoo6), pp. 17-20, quotes from pp. 18 & 19.

1z. Fora discussion of the real threat posed by the tribal peoples of Europe to the Roman Empire, see G. Halsall, Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West 376-568 (2007)-

13. A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284602, Vol. 2 (1964), p. 1033-

14. E. Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Vol , (1776), ch. 6, fn. 13-14.

i-The Kingdom of Gold

i. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations 5. 23, taken from the Wordsworth Classics of World Literature Series, trans. R. Hard (1997), p. 41.

z. A. Birley, Marcus Aurelius (rev. edn. 1987) is the most recent and thorough biography; quotations from Meditations 7. 36, 8. 5; on loss of children, see Fronto, Epistulae ad Marcum Caesarem 4. 11, 5. 19 (34), 5. 45 (6o), Marcus Aurelius, Meditations 1. 8, 8. 49, 9. 40, 10. 34, 11. 34, and Birley (1987), pp. ,o6- ,o8.

3. SHA, Hadrian 16. 7; for an innovative analysis of Mediterranean history touching on many of the issues discussed in this chapter, see P. Holden & N. Purcell, The Corrupting Sea: A Study ofMediterranean History (zooo).

4. RIB 1o65, cf. RIB 1171-

5. A well-illustrated collection of mummy portraits can be found in the British Museum exhibition catalogue, S. Walker & M. Bierbrier, Ancient Faces: Mummy Portraits from Roman Egypt (1997)-

6. Tacitus, Agricola 30; Plutarch, Caesar 15, with discussion in A. Goldsworthy, Caesar (2006), p. 335; for a discussion of rebellions, see S. Dyson, `Native Revolt Patterns in the Roman Empire', Aufstieg and Niedergang der ro'mischen Welt, II. 3, P.P. 38-175-

7. Acts 21: 39; Pliny, Epistulae 10.37 & 39; for a discussion of civic life and aristocratic patronage, see P Veyne, Bread and Circuses (1990).

8. For some general discussion, see G. Woolf, `Roman Peace', in J. Rich & G. Shipley, War and Society in the Roman World (1993), pp. 171-194.

9. Aelius Aristides, Roman Oration 79-84.

10. SHA, Hadrian 15. 13; for a detailed survey of the creation of the Principate, see R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (1939).

ii. Strabo, Geog. 3. 5. 3 (C 169), and R. MacMullen, Roman Social Relations (1974), pp. 89, 183 n. I.

iz. See MacMullen (1974), pp. 90-91.

13. Hadrian and hunting, see S HA, Hadrian 26. 3.

14. SHA, Hadrian 15. 11-13; for a readily accessible and broad-ranging picture of Hadrian and this period, see D. Danzinger & N. Purcell, Hadrian's Empire (2005); for a discussion of the law and social status, see P. Garnsey, Social Status and Legal Privilege in the Roman Empire (1970), esp. pp. 221-223 on the terms honestiores, humiliores and their synonyms.

15. A good introduction to the question of demography is B. Frier, `Roman Demography', in D. Potter & D. Mattingly (eds.), Life, Death and Entertainment in the Roman Empire (1999), pp. 95-109.; see also K. Beloch, Die Bevolkerung de Griechisch-romischen Welt (1886), R. Bagnall & B. Frier, The Demography of Roman Egypt (1994), T. Parkin, Demography and Roman Society (1992), W. Scheidel, Measuring Sex, Age, and Death in the Roman Empire: Explorations in Ancient Demography (1996), and D. Rathbone, `Villages, Land and Population in Graeco-Roman Egypt', Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, 36 (1990), pp. 103-1421-

16. See C. Edwards & G -.-Woolf (eds.), Rome the Cosmopolis (2003), esp. W. Scheidel, `Germs for Rome', pp. 158-176 for a very bleak picture of living conditions; Suetonius, Vespasian 5.

17- S. Pomeroy, `Coprynyms and the Exposure of Infants in Egypt', in A. Cameron & A. Kuhrt (eds.), Images of Women in Antiquity (1983), pp. 207-222, and also Parkin (1992), pp. 91-133.

18. On the role of slaves and freedmen in business, see W. Zwalve, `Callistus' Case: Some legal aspects of Roman Business Activities', in L. de Blois & J. Rich (eds.), The Transformation of Economic Life under the Roman Empire (zooz), pp. 116-127.

19. See, for example, the discussion of the language in poetry written by centurions in J. Adams, `The poets of Bu Njem: Language, Culture and the Centurionate', JRS, 89 (1999), pp. 109-134, esp. 125-134; see also Horace, Sat. 1. 6. 72-74, and Suetonius, Gramm. 24. 1.

20. A. Bowman & J. Thomas (eds.), The Vindolanda Tablets (Tabulae Vindolandenses II) (1994), 250.

21. Pliny, Epistulae 2. 13. 1-3 (Penguin translation); for patronage in general, see P. Saller, Personal Patronage under the Early Empire (1982).

22. See K. Greene, The Archaeology of the Roman Economy (1986), and 'Technology and Innovation in Context', Journal ofRoman Archaeology, 7 (1994), pp. 22-33, and T. Lewit, Agricultural Production in the Roman Economy (1991); see also de Blois & Rich (2002), passim, and esp. W. Jongman, `The Roman Economy: From Cities to Empire', pp. 28-47, and J. Drinkwater, `Prologue and Epilogue: The Socio-Economic Effect of Rome's Arrival In and Departure From Gaul', pp. 128-140, and P. Termin, A Market Economy in the Early Roman Empire', JRS, 91 (2001), pp. 169-18r; on currency, see C. Howgego, `Coin Circulation and the Integration of the Roman Economy, Journal of Roman Archaeology, 7 (1994), pp. 5-21.

23. On Mills, see Greene (1986), Holden & Purcell (2000), pp. 255-257, A. Wilson, `Machines, Power and the Ancient Economy, JRS, 92 (2002), pp. 132, and P. Leveau, `The Barbegal Water Mill and its Environment', Journal of Roman Archaeology, 9 (1996), pp. 137-153-

24. See A. Wilson, `Machines, Power and the Ancient Economy', in JRS, 92 (zooz), pp. 1-32, esp. 17-29-

Z5. D. Mattingly, `Impact Beyond Empire: Rome and the Garamantes of the Sahara', in Blois & Rich (2002), pp. 184-203, and M. Liverani, `The Garamantes: A Fresh Approach', Libyan Studies, 31 (2000), pp. 17+-

z6. Reweaving silk, Pliny, NH6. 20 (54); for discussion, see J. Ferguson, `China and Rome', Aufstieg and Niedergang der Romischen Welt, II. 9. 2, pp. 581-603, and G. Young, Rome's Eastern Trade (2oo1), esp. pp. 27-89, 187-zoo.

27. Pliny, NH14. 2 (Penguin translation, J. Healy).

z8. E. Gibbon, The Decline andFall ofthe Roman Empire, Vol. 1 (1776) (Penguin Classics edn, 1995), p. 103; this passage seems to have been inspired by very similar comments made by William Robertson some years before, see R. Porter, Gibbon (1988), pp. 135-136.

29. See Birley (1987), pp. 121-131, 140-152, and J. Gilliam, `The Plague Under Marcus Aurelius', American Journal of Philology, 82 (1961), pp. 225-251, Rathbone (1990), pp. 114-119, R. Duncan-Jones, `The Impact of the Antonine Plague', Journal of Roman Archaeology, 9 (1996), pp. 108-136, Bagnall & Frier (1994), PP-.1-73-17-8-

30. Fora discussion of the difficulty in reconstructing the course of these campaigns, see Birley (1987), pp. 249-2,55; for some of the archaeological evidence, see J. Ratjar, `Die Legionen Mark Aurels im Vormarschi in J. Oexle (ed.), Aus der Luft - Bilder unserer Geschichte (1997), pp. 59-68.

31. Dio 72. 36. 4 (Loeb translation).

z-The Secret of Empire

1. Tacitus, Histories 1. 4.

2. Commodus' boast that he was `born to the imperial purple', Herodian 1. 5. 5-6; Trajan's fondness for boys, Dio 68. 7. 4, who notes that this harmed no one; Hadrian's famous affair with Antinous, Dio 69.11.3-4, S HA, Hadrian 14. 5-8.

3. Apart from Gladiator (2000), the most notable screen depiction of Commodus was in the Fall of the Roman Empire (1964); on the role of the emperor, see F. Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World, 31 BC-AD 337 (1977); Hadrian and the petitioner, Dio 69. 6. 3; Marcus Aurelius and justice, Dio 72. 6. 1-2, S HA, Marcus Antoninus 24. 1-3

4. For summaries and discussions of Commodus' reign, seeA. Birley, Septimius Severus: the African Emperor (1988), pp. 57-62,78-88, and D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180 395 (2,004), PP. 85-93.

5. Dio 73 21. 1-2 (Loeb translation).

6. For the argument that some of Commodus' propaganda was effective, see O. Hekster, Commodus: An emperor at the crossroads (2oo2).

7. Dio 73. 22. 1-6, Herodian 1. 16. 1-17. 12, SHA, Commodus 17. 1-2.

8. Dio 74. I. 1-5, Herodian 2. I. 1-3. II, S HA, Commodus 18. 1-20. 5, Pertinax 4. 5-5. 6, and discussion in Birley (1988), pp. 88-90, who argues that Pertinax was involved in the conspiracy.

9. Dio 74. 3. 1-2. 6, 5. 1-9. 1, Herodian 2. 4. 1-5. 1, SHA, Pertinax 1. 1-4. 4' 5. 7-13. 8, Birley (1988), pp. 63-67, 91-94; for the career of Valerius Maximianus, see L'Annee epigraphique (1956), 124.

io. Dio 74. 9. 2-IO. 3, Herodian 2. 5. 1-5-9, SHA, Pertinaxio. 8-11. 13.

11. Dio 74. 11. 1-6, Herodian 6. 1-14, SHA, Didius Julianus 2. 4-7, with Birley (1988), pp. 95-96, Potter (2004), pp.96-98, CAH XII, p. 2; by the late third century donatives may have been the same for all ranks, see R. Duncan-Jones, `Pay and Numbers in Diocletian's Army, Chiron, 8 (1978), pp. 541-56o, but this is unlikely to have been true in earlier periods.

12. Dio 74. 12. 1-14. 2, S HA, Didius julianus 3. 1-4. 9.

13. For good overviews of the Roman army, see G. Webster, The Roman Imperial Army (1985: reprint with updated bibliography, 1998), Y. Le Bohec, The Imperial Roman Army (1994), H. Parker, The Roman Legions (1928), and A. Goldsworthy, The Complete Roman Army (2003); on the fiumentarii, see N. Austin & B. Rankov, Exploratio: Military and Political Intelligence in the Roman World from the Second Punic War to the Battle ofAdrianople (1995), esp. 136-137, 150-154; the classic study of the army and politics is J. Campbell, The Emperor and the Roman Army (1984).

14. On conditions in the army, see R. Davies, Service in the Roman Army (1989), G. Watson, The Roman Soldier (1969), and R. Alston, Soldier and Society in Roman Egypt (1995); see Davies (1989), pp. 229-230 for the letters from soldiers in hospital, Tabulae Vindolandenses 11154, for a cohort strength report listing men sick in hospital, and R. Fink, Roman Military Records on Papyrus (1971) No. 63, for a return listing men killed by bandits and drowned.

15. On the question of marriage, see J. Campbell, `The Marriage of Soldiers Under the Empire', JRS, 68 (1978), pp. 153-166, and Alston (1995), pp. 54-59.

16. Low quality of recruits, Tacitus, Annals 4. 4, for a discussion, see A. Goldsworthy, The Roman Army at War, 100 B C-AD 200 (1996), pp. 28-30, and Davies (1989), pp. 3-30.

17. Unit pride, see R. MacMullen, `The Legion as Sociey, Historia, 33 (1984), PP. 440-456, and Goldsworthy (1996), pp. 252-257•

18. For the career patterns of Roman officers, see many of the articles in E. Birley, The Roman Army (1988), H. Devijver, The Equestrian Officers of the Roman Army, 2 vols. (1989 & 1992), D. Breeze & B. Dobson, Roman Officers and Frontiers (1993), and R. P. Saller, `Promotion and Patronage in Equestrian Careers', JRS, 70 (1980), pp. 44-63.

19. Goldsworthy (1996), pp. 13-15, 30-321-

20. Campbell (1984), esp. pp. io6-1o9, argues that the influence of the centurions was not in itself enough to control the soldiers.

2,1. Dio 74. 14. 3-17. 6, 75. I. 1-2. I, Herodian 2. II. 7-14. 4, SHA, Didius julianus 6. 1-8. 10, Severus 5. 1-6.9, with Birley (1988), pp. 97-105, and Potter (2,004), pp. 101-103.

22. Dio 76. 6. 1 for the claim that there were 15o,ooo men on each side at Lugdunum; for narrative and analysis of the civil war, see Birley (1988), pp. ,o8- 128.

23. Birley (1988), pp. 8-56; the sixth-century source claiming he was darkskinned is John Malalas, Chronicle 12. 18 (291). This is available in translation by E. Jeffreys, M. Jeffreys, R. Scott et al, The Chronicle of john Malalas: A Translation (1986), see Birley (1988), p. 36.

24. Dio 76. 7. 1-8. 4; finding a father, Dio 77. 9. 4; on Plautianus, see Birley (1988), pp. 137, 161-164-

25. On the horse guard that was doubled in size, see M. Speidel, Riding for Caesar: The Roman Emperors'Horse Guard (1994), pp. 56-64.

26. Problems at Hatra, Dio 76. 11-1-12. 5; the campaigns in Mesopotamia, see Birley (1988), pp. 129-135, with D. Kennedy, `European soldiers and the Severan siege of Hatra', in P. Freeman & D. Kennedy (eds.), The Defence of the Roman and Byzantine East (1986), pp. 397-409, and D. Campbell, `What Happened at Hatra? The problems of the Severan Siege Operations', in Freeman & Kennedy (1986), pp. 51-58; on Britain, see Birley (1988), pp. 177-187, M. Todd, Roman Britain (3rd edn, 1999), pp. 144-155.

27. Dio 77. 15. 2-4, 17. 4, Herodian 3. 14. 1-3, 15. 1-3, SHA, Severus 19. 14.

3-Imperial Women

,. Herodian, History oftheEmpire6.1.1(Whittaker's translation, Loeb edition).

z. Dio 78. 1. 1-6, Herodian 4. 1. 1-5, 3. 1-9-

3. Dio 78. 2. 1-6, Herodian 4. 4. 1-3.

4. Dio 78. 3. 1-3, Herodian 4. 4. 4-5. 7, SHA, Caracalla z. 5-ii, Geta 6. 1-2.

5. Dio 78. 3. 4, ra-5, Herodian 4. 6. i-5, SHA, Caracalla 3. 2-5. 3, Geta 6. 3-76.

6. Dio 78. 6. 1a- 2, 10. 1-11. 7, Herodian 4. 7. 1, S HA, Caracalla 4. 9-10, 9. 411; gladiator forced to fight three bouts, Dio 78. 6. 2.

7. Dio 78. 15. 2-7; important visitors kept waiting, Dio 78. 17. 3-4; for a discussion of Caracalla's style of rule, see D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay (2004), pp. 140-146, including mention of his visiting shrines, and see also G. Fowden, in CAH2 XII (2005), pp. 545-547; for an example of Caracalla's method of hearing a petition, see SEG XVII. 759 with discussion in W. Williams, `Caracalla and Rhetoricians: A Note of the Cognitio de Gohairienis, Latomus, 33 (1974), pp. 663-667.

8. Dio 78. 7. 1-9. 1, 13. 1-2, Herodian 4. 7. 4-7; `Rejoice, fellow soldiers ...', Dio 78. 3. 1; Herodian 4. 7. 7 says that he carried legionary standards and speaks of their great weight, but it is interesting that Suetonius emphasised the heaviness of praetorian standards, Suetonius, Gains 43; the lions, Dio 79. 5. 56. 2; for the emperor as fellow soldier, see J. Campbell, The Emperor and the Roman Army, 3z BC-AD 235 (1984), pp. 32-59, esp. 51-55, and for discussion of changing styles of command in general, see A. Goldsworthy, In the Name of Rome (2003).

9. On his campaigns, see Dio 78. 13. 3-15. 2, 18. 1-23. 2, 79. 1. 1-3. 5, Herodian 4. 7. 3-7, 8. 6-11. 9, SHA, Caracalla 6. 1-6; for discussion, see Potter (2004), PP. 141-144, F. Millar, The Roman Near East, 32, BC-AD 337 (1993), pp. 142-146, B. Campbell, in CAH2 XII (2,005), PP. 18-19.

io. Die, 79. 4. 1-6. 5, Herodian 4. 12. 1-13. 8, SHA, Caracalla 6. 5-7. 1.

it. Dio 79. 11-1-21. 5, Herodian 4. 14. 1-15. 9, 5. 1. 1-2.6, SHA, Macrinus 2. I4, with Potter (2004), PP- 145-147-

12. Dio 79. 4. 3 (Cary's translation, Loeb edition).

13. Dio 78-18. 2-3, 79. 4. 2-3, 23. 1-24. 3, Herodian 4. 13. 8; `Ulysses in a dress' (Ulixes stolatus), Suetonius, Gaius 23; quote from Dio 79.4.3 (Cary's translation, Loeb edition); for Julia Domna, see the excellent B. Levick, Julia Domna: Syrian Empress (2007), and also A. Birley, Septimius Severus (1988/1999), passim, esp. 191-192, and in general, G. Turton, The Syrian Princesses: The Women Who Ruled the Roman World (1974); much later sources contain the fictional story of an incestuous relationship between Domna and Caracalla, SHA, Caracalla Io. 1-4, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 21.

14. Dio 79. 30. 2-4, Herodian 3. 2-5; for discussion, see Millar (1993), pp. 119120, 145, 300-309, Potter (2004), pp. 148-150.

15. Dio 79. z8. 2-29. 2, Herodian 5. 3. 6-11, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 23; for discussion of army pay, see G. Watson, The Roman Soldier (1969), pp. 9o- 91.

16. Dio 31. 4-41. 4, Herodian 5. 3. 12-5. 1, SHA, Macrinus 15. 1-z; Millar (1993), pp. 144-147, Potter (2004), pp. 148-152-

17. Dio 8o. 17. 2, SHA, Elagabalus 4. 1-2, 15. 6, 18. 3.; Agrippina in the Senate, see Tacitus, Annals, 13. 5; for a discussion, see R. Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984), p. 162.

18. On Elagabalus' sexual exploits, see Dio 8o. 13. 1-14. 1, 14. 3-17. 1, Herodian 5. 5. 6, 6. 1-2, SHA, Elagabalus 5. 1-5, 6. 5-7, 10. 4-7, 25. 4-6, 26. 3-5, 31. 1-8; Caracalla and the Vestal, see Dio 78. 16. 1-3.

19. Dio 8o. it. 1-12. 2, Herodian 5. 6. 3-10, 7. 2, SHA, Elagabalus3. 4-5, 6. 78. 3; Potter (2004), PP- 153-157•

20. Dio 8o. 17. 2-21. 3, Herodian 5. 7. 1-8. 10, SHA, Elagabalus 13.1-17. 3; on attempted rebellions during the reign, see Dio 8o. 7. 1-4; one of the very few biographies of Elagabalus is fairly sympathetic, J. Stuart Hay, The Amazing Emperor Heliogabalus (1911); disbanding of III Gallica, see ILS 2657.

21. Herodian 6. 1. 4-10; Dio 8o (81). 4. 2 on military mutinies; for the praetorians, see Dio 8o (81). 2. 2-3, 4. 2-5. 2; for a discussion of the reign, see R. Syme, Emperors and Biography: Studies in the Historia Augusta (1971), pp. 146- 16z, Potter (2004), pp. 158-166, and B. Campbell, in CAH2 XII (zoo5), PP- 22-27-

22. For Maximinus in general, see the discussion in Syme (1971), pp. 179-193; Herodian 6. 8. 1-8, SHA, Maximinus 2. 1-5. 1 on Maximinus and `humble origins'; Herodian 6. 9. 1-8 on the murder of Alexander, SHA, Maximinus 71-6; for his images, see Campbell (1984), pp. 68-69.

23. Dio 8o. 4. 1-2, 21. 2-3, see also R. Syme (1971), p. 142-

24. On the edict of Caracalla, see Dio 78. 9. 5, and SHA, Caracalla 5. 8 on his surviving a shipwreck; for discussion, see A. Sherwin-White, The Roman Citizenship (1973), PP. 275-287, 380-394, and Potter (2004), pp. 138-139.

4-King of Kings

L Res Gestae Divi Saporis 1-2, 6-8. This translation from M. Dodgeon & S. Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, AD 226--363 (paperback edn 1991), pp. 34, 35-36. The full text is edited and translated by A. Maricq, Syria, 35 (1958), pp. 245-26o.

2. For Dura and its discovery, see C. Hopkins, The Discovery of Dura Europos (1979), S. James, Excavations at Dura-Europos 1928-1937: Final Report, VII, The Arms andArmour and Other Military Equipment (2004), pp. xxiii, 39, A. Perkins, The Art of Dura Europos (1971), and F. Millar, The Roman Near East, 31 BC-AD 337 (1993), PP- 445-452, 467-471.

3. See A. Perkins (ed.), The Excavations at Dura Europos: Final Report, V, Part 1, Papyri (1959), R. Fink, Roman Military Records on Papyrus (1971), pp. 18-86, 90-105, 125-136, etc., and the selection of texts in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 328-335-

4. Epitaph, AE 1948, 124, and quoted in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), p. 32, along with a piece of graffito recording the attack; extracts from the Dura strength reports are on pp. 328-331, esp. P. 331, n. 4 for the possible link between a drop in numbers and the Persian attack.

5. On the rise of Ardashir and the Sassanian state, see in general E. Yarshater (ed.), The Cambridge History oflran, Vol. 3 (s) (1983), esp. pp. 116-18o, R. Frye, in CAH' XII (2005), pp. 461-48o, E. Herzteld, Archaeological History of Iran (1934), J. Wiesehofer, Ancient Persia: From 550 BC to 650 AD (1996), B. Dignas & E. Winter, Rome and Persia in Late Antiquity: Neighbours and Rivals (2007), PP- 18-32, and the sources in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 9-33; R. Chrishman, Arts ofMankind.• Iran: Parthians and Sassanians (1962) has good photographs of the triumphal monuments of Ardashir and Shapur I.

6. Dio 80. 3. 1-4. 2, Herodian 6. 2. 1-2; presence of Roman troops in Hatra, AE1958, 239-240, translated in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), p. 33; E. Wheeler, `The Laxity of the Syrian Legions', in D. Kennedy (ed.), The Roman Army in the East (1996), pp. 229-276 shows that the poor quality of the armies in the east was a literary cliche. However, this does not mean that at some periods and in some circumstances legions stationed in the east might not actually be of low quality.

7. Herodian 6. 2. 3-7, 3. 1-6. 3, SHA, Alexander Severus 55. 1-3; mutiny in the army, 6. 4.; on the question of Persia's ambitions, see B. Isaac, The Limits of Empire (1992), pp. 20-33, 50-53.

8. Herodian 7. 5. 2 says that Gordian was eighty years old; for a full discussion, see R. Syme, Emperors and Biography: Studies in the Historia Augusta (1971), pp. 163-178.

9. For the fullest account, see Herodian, 7. 4. 1-6. 9, 9. I-10. I, SHA, The Three Gordian 7. 2-10. 8, 15. 1-16. 4.

io. Herodian 7.10.1-9.

ii. Herodian 8. 6. 1-8. 8, with D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180-395 (2004), pp. 169-171, and J. Drinkwater, in CAH' XII (zoo5), PP. 31-33.

1z. Sources in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 34-45; see also the summaries and discussion in Potter (2004), pp. 217-236, and Drinkwater, in CAIN XI I (zoo5), PP. 35-36.

13. See Potter (2004), pp. 236-241, Drinkwater, in CAH2 XII (zoo5), pp. 3638; the most recent biography of Philip in English is Y. Zahran, Philip the Arab: A Study in Prejudice (2001); the Greek of Shapur's inscription says denarii, which were silver, but it is generally accepted that the payment was in gold, see Potter (2004), p. 237 (p. 634, n. 94)-

14. See Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 45-48 for Philip's activity in the east and the appointment of his brother Pirscus as rector orientis.

15. On Decius, see Syme (1971), pp. 194-203, Drinkwater, in CAH2 XI I (2005), PP. 38-39, Potter (2004), 241-246, and J. Rives, `The Decree of Decius and the Religion of Empire', JRS, 89 (1999), pp. 135-154, including discussion of the edict on sacrifices.

16. On the synagogue, seePerkins (1971), pp. 55-65, M. Rostovtzeff, A. Bellinger, C. Hopkins & C. Wells (eds.), The Excavations at Dura-Europos: Preliminary Report of the Sixth Season of Work, October 1932-March 1933 (1936), PP- 309396, A. Bellinger, E Brown, A. Perkins & C. Wells (eds.), The Excavations at Dura-Europos: Final Report, VIII, Part r: The Synagogue (1956), and J. Gutman (ed.), The Dura Europos Synagogue: A Re-Evaluation (1932-1972) (1973)-

17. On the baptistery, see Perkins (1971), pp. 52-55, and M. Rostovtzeff (ed.), The Excavations at Dura-Europos: Preliminary Report of the Fifth Season of Work, October 1932 March 1932 (1934), PP. 259-289, and C. Bradford Welles, The Excavations at Dura-Europos: Final Report, VIII, Part 2: The Christian Building (1967).

18. The literature on the early Church is truly vast, but good starting places are W. Meeks, The First Urban Christians (1983), R. Wilken, The Christians as the Romans Saw Them (1984), M. Whittaker, Jews and Christians, Greco-Roman Views (1984), E. Dodds, Pagan and Christian in an Age ofAnxiety (1965), and R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (1986), esp. pp. 419-492.

19. Tacitus, Annals 15. 44•

zo. Pliny, Letters 10. 96-97, with A. Sherwin-White, The Letters of Pliny: A Historical and Social Commentary (1966), pp. 691-712,-

21. See in general W. Frend, Martyrdom and persecution in the Early Church (1965), and T. Barnes, `Legislation Against the Early Christians', JRS, 58 (1968), PP. 32-50; Tertullian, Apology 1. 4-2. 20, 8. 1-20, 10. 1-11, 30. 1-32. 337. 4-8•

2z. Christianos ad leonem, see Tertullian, Apology 40. 1-z; Lyons, see Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 5. 1-63, and H. Musurillo, Acts of the Christian Martyrs (1972), pp. 62-85-

23. Musurillo (1972), `The Martyrs of Lyons', 1-10, 49-53, `The Martyrdom of Saints Ptolemaeus and Lucius', 1-10, `The Martyrdom of Saint Marinus', 1-2.

24. Musurillo (1972), `The Martyrdom of Saints Perpetua and Felicitas', 5. 24, `The Martyrdom of Polycarp', 4.

25. Musurillo (1972), `The Martyrdom of Bishop Fructuosus and His Deacons, Augurius and Eulogius', 2. 8-9. In Latin the exchange is even more laconic - Aemilianus praeses Fructuosum dixit: Episcopus es? Fructuosus dixit: Sum. Aemilianus dixit: Fuisti, et issuit eos vivos ardere; the two women in Africa, Musurillo (1972), `The Martyrdom of Saints Perpetua and Felicitas', zo. 1-4.

z6. Origen, see Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6. 21. 3-4; 6. 36. 3 for his writing letters to the Emperor Philip; Philip described as a Christian, 6. 34. 1; Alexander Severus, S HA, Alexander 29. 2.

27. G. Clarke, in CAH2 XII (2005), pp. 625-637; Origen's death following imprisonment as part of the Decian persecution, see Potter (2004), p. 209 with references.

28. Drinkwater, in CAH2 XII (2005), pp. 38-44, Potter (2004), pp• 241-257•

29. The sources for these campaigns can be found in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), PP. 49-67.

30. For the final siege of Dura Europos, see James (2004), PP. 21-25, 30-39; for the asphyxiation of the Roman soldiers, see S. James, `The Deposition of Military Equipment During the Final Siege at Dura-Europos, With Particular Regard to the Tower 19 Countermine', Carnuntum Jahrbuch 2005 (2005), pp. 189-zo6. There will also be a summary in the same author's, Rome and the Sword (provisional title, forthcoming, Thames and Hudson). I am very grateful to Simon for giving me the details of his fascinating analysis.

5-Barbarians

i. Dexippus, fragment 28, translation from E Millar, `P. Herennius Dexippus: The Greek World and the Third-Century Invasions', JRS, 59 (1969), pp. 12-29, p. 27-28, which gives the full passage and a commentary.

2. For the Abrittus campaign, see Zosimus 1. 23, Zonaras 12. 20, Aurelius Victor De Caesaribus 29, Jordanes, Getica 101-103, the summary in D. Potter, Prophecy and History in the Crisis of the Roman Empire (1990), pp. 278-283, and The Roman Empire at Bay (2004), p. 246, P. Heather, The Goths (1996), p. 40, and J. Drinkwater, in CART (2005), pp. 38-39.

3. For relations between Romans and Germans, see T. Burns, Rome and the Barbarians, 100 BC-AD 400 (2003), pp. 1-193, M. Todd, The Early Germans (2nd edn, 2004), PP- 44-61, and P. Wells, The Barbarians Speak: How the Conquered Peoples Shaped Roman Europe (1999), pp. 64-98; for more specific discussion of Caesar's campaigns, see A. Goldsworthy, Caesar: The Life of a Colossus (2006), pp. 224-232, 270-278, 306-310; for Augustus, see C. Wells, The German Policy ofAugustus (1972).

4. On the Bastarnae, see Tacitus, Germania 46; for overviews of Germanic society and culture, see Todd (2004), pp. 8-43, 62-135, Wells (1999), pp. 99170-

5. Todd (2004), pp. 64-75, CAH2 (2005), pp. 447-450, and Burns (1999), pp. 244-255.

6. Tacitus, Germania 7, 13-4; C. Fabech, `Booty Sacrifices in Southern Scandinavia - A History of Warfare and Ideology, in E. Bjorklund, Roman Reflections in Scandinavia (1996), pp. 135-138, Wells (,999), pp. 4-6, E. Nylam, `Early Gladius Swords in Scandinavia', Acta Archaeologia, 34 (1963), and p. 185, J. Ilkjxrm `The Weapons' Sacrifice at Illerup Adal, Denmark', in K. Randsbourg, The Birth of Europe (1989), pp. 54-61.

7. Tacitus, Germania 33, cf. 36; on warfare, see A. Goldsworthy, The Roman Army at War, zoo BC-AD 200 (1996), pp. 42-53, and H. Elton, Warfare in Roman Europe: AD 350-425 (1996), pp. 15-88.

8. Tacitus, Germania 41-42; in general, see also C. Whittaker, Frontiers of the Roman Empire: A Social and Economic Study (1994), esp. pp. 113-131, 222-240•

9. Burns (2003), pp. 167-174, 183-193, 212-247, and B. Cunliffe, Greeks, Romans and Barbarians: Spheres ofInter-action (1988).

1o. Todd (2004), pp. 63-71, and Wells (1999), pp. 245-258.

11. Caesar, Bellum Gallicum 6. 23; on raiding, see Whittaker (1996), pp. 210214.

12. L. Hedeager, `The Evolution of German society 1-400 AD', in R. Jones, J. Bloemers, S. Dyson & M. Biddle (eds.), First Millennium Papers: Western Europe in the 1st Millennium (1988), pp. 129-401.

13. CIL 3. 3385-

14. For discussion, see S. Dyson, The Creation of the Roman Frontier (1985), passim, and A. Goldsworthy, `War: The Late Republic and Principate', in P. Sabin, H. Van Wees & M. Whitby (eds.) The Cambridge History of Greek and Roman Warfare, Vol. 2 (2007), pp. 76-121.

15. On the Goths, see Heather (1998), pp. 11-39; on the Franks and Alamanni, see Burns (2003), pp. 275-290. The epitome of Dio (78. 13. 4) mentions the Alamanni in 213, but Burns argues that this is most likely a later interpolation. A stronger case for accepting the passage is made in J. Drinkwater, TheAlamanni and Rome 213-496.• Caracalla to Clovis (2007), pp. 41-44.

16. See Burns (2003), PP- 229-245, Todd (2004), pp. 54-56, and Wells (1999), pp. 189-191.

17. Burns (2003), PP. 244-260, Drinkwater, in CAH2 (2005), pp. 28-38.

i8. Goths, Zosimus i. 24. 2, Zonaras iz. zi.

19. Zosimus 1. 27-37, SHA, The Two Gallieni 5. 6-6. 9; Potter (2004), pp. 252256, Heather (1998), pp. 40-43, and Drinkwater, in CAH' (2005), PP- 40-44; see also chapter 4, pp. 100-101.

20. The inscription is AE 1993, 12,31 with comments in Potter (2004), pp. 256-257, Wilkes, in CAH2 (2005), pp. 222-223, and Burns (2003), pp. 281282; see also Todd (2004), pp. 56-59, including discussion of abandoned plunder.

2i. Orosius 7. 22. 7-8, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 33. 3, Eutropius 9. 8. 2, with comments in J. Richardson, The Romans in Spain (1996), pp. 250-251, and M. Kulikowski, Later Roman Spain andIts Cities (2004), pp. 66-69, who argues that the impact was probably minimal.

22. Zosimus I. 42-43, Zonaras 12. 23, Millar (1969), pp. 26-29, and J. Camp, The Archaeology ofAthens (2001), pp. 2,23-231.

23. For discussions of the impact generally and in specific regions, see E. Wightman, Gallia Belgica (1985), pp. 193-199, 219-230, 243-250, G. Alfody, Noricum (1974), pp. 169-171, Burns (2003), pp. 267-271, 281-3oo, and J. Drinkwater, `The Germanic Threat on the Rhine Frontier: A Romano-Gallic Artefact', in R. Mathisen & H. Sivan (eds.), Shifting Frontiers in Late Antiquity (1996), pp. 20-30.

24. SeeJ. Lander, Roman Stone Fortification (1984), esp. pp. 151-262, S. Johnson, Late Roman Fortifications (1983), passim, but especially pp. 9-81, H. von Petri- kovits, `Fortifications in the North-western Roman Empire From the Third to Fifth centuries AD', JRS, 61 (1971), pp. 178-218, M. Mackensen, `Late Roman Fortifications and Building Programmes in the Province of Raetia', in J. Creighton & R. Wilson (eds.), Roman Germany: Studies in Cultural Interaction (1999), PP. 199-244, R. Wilson, Roman Forts: An Illustrated Introduction to the Garrison Posts ofRoman Britain (1980), Wightman (1985), p. 220, Camp (2001), pp. 223225, and R. MacMullen, Soldier and Civilian in the Later Roman Empire (1963), PP. 37-42-

25. For a robust defence of Gallienus, see L. de Blois, The Policy of the Emperor Gallienus (1976); on his campaigns, see Zosimus 1. 42-43, with Drinkwater, in CALF (2005), pp. 46-47, Heather (1998), p. 41, Potter (2004), pp. 263-266 with discussion of whether the campaign was actually fought in 269; rumour of Gothic mistress, SHA, The Two Gallieni 21. 3.

z6. See in general, J. Drinkwater, The Gallic Empire, Historia Einzelschriften, 52 (1987), pp. 1-270, and there is a brief summary in Potter (2004), pp. 260-262; the reference to `assuming power over the Gallic provinces' is from Eutropius 9. 9.

27. Gallienus' supposed cavalry reserve, see E. Luttwak, The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire From the First Century AD to the Third (1976), pp. 185-186, Y. Le Bohec, The Imperial Roman Army (1994), pp. 197-198, de Blois (1976), pp. 26-30, with some criticism in M. Nicasie, Twilight of Empire (1998), pp. 35-38.

28. Zosimus 1. 40, SHA, The Two Gallieni 14. 15. 3, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 33, with Potter (2004), pp. 263-264.

29. Potter (2004), pp. 264-269, and Drinkwater, in CAH' (2005), PP- 48-51•

30. Drinkwater (1987), pp. 41-44, SHA, Aurelian 39. 1 for the employment of Tetricus in the imperial administration.

31. W. Willems, Romans and Barbarians (1986).

32. Burns (2003) has a good discussion of this; use of Germanic mercenaries in civil wars, examples include Herodian 8. 7. 8, 8. 8. 2, SHA, The Two Maximini 24. 6, Maximus and Balbinus 12. 3, 13. 5, 14. 6-8, The Thirty Tyrants 6. 2; on bandits and deserters joining raiders, see R. MacMullen, Enemies of the Roman Order (1967), pp. 195, 211, 255-268.

33. H. Schonberger, `The Roman Frontier in Germany: An Archaeological Survey', JRS, 59 (1969), pp.144-197, esp. 175-179, and esp. L. Okamura, `Roman Withdrawals from Three Transfluvial Frontiers', in Mathisen & Sivan (1996), pp. 11-30, esp. 13-15 on Pfiinz and Niederbieder. Okamura argues that traces of undermining on one of the walls at Niederbieder provides a clear indication of siegecraft that only Roman attackers would possess. D. Baatz has recently shown that the damage to the wall was later in date and the result of natural subsidence and quarrying for stone rather than enemy action, see D. Baatz, `Cuiculus - Zur Technik der Unterminierung antiker Wehrbauten' in E. Schallmayer, Niederbieder, Postumus and der Limesfall (1996), pp. 84-89. I am very grateful to Kurt Kleemann for bringing this to my attention.

34. A. Diaconescu, `The towns of Roman Dacia: An Overview of Recent Archaological Research, in W. Hanson & I. Haynes, Roman Dacia: The Making of a Provincial Society (2004), pp. 87-142, esp. 128-137-

6-The Queen and the `Necessary' Emperor

1. SHA, Thirty Tyrants 15. 8 and Aurelian 37. 1. Similar sentiments about Aurelian are expressed elsewhere, e.g. John of Antioch, fragment 155, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, Vol. 4, P. 599.

2. Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum 5, and see the other sources and references in M. Dodgeon & S. Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, AD 226-363 (1991), pp. 58-63.

3. Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 65-67, J. Drinkwater, in CAH2 (zoo5), PP- 4445, and D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180-395 (2004), p.256-259; SHA, Thirty Tyrants 13-14.

4. See E Millar, The Roman Near East, 31 BC-AD 337 (1993), pp. 157-158, 161173, J. Lang, `Two Sides of a coin', in R. Mathisen & H. Sivan (eds.), Shifting Frontiers in Late Antiquity (1996), pp. 59-71, esp. 61-62, Potter (2004), pp. 256, 259-261, and Drinkwater, in CAH2 (2005), pp. 45-46.

Against Rome (1992), esp. pp. 31-49.

5. For the sources, see Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 68-8o, and in particular S HA, Thirty Tyrants 15. 1-8, Gallienus 1o. 1-8, 12. 1, Zosimus 1. 39.

6. Assassination of Odaenathus, see Dodgeon and Lieu (1991), pp. 80-83, and esp. SHA, Thirty Tyrants 15. 5-6, Gallienus 13. 1, Zosimus 1. 39, Zonaras 12. 24.

7- R. Stoneman, Palmyra and its Empire: Zenobia's Revolt Against Rome (1992), esp. pp. 31-49.

8. On the culture, see Millar (1993), pp. 319-336; for a well-illustrated overview of the city's architecture, see I. Browning, Palmyra (1979).

9. Stoneman (1992), pp. 61-63, 76-79; the importance of heavy cavalry, Zosimus 1 50.

1o. Stoneman (1992), pp. 111-12,7, A. Watson, Aurelian and the third century (1999), pp. 59-66, Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 83-86; SHA, Thirty Tyrants 30. 1-3, i2-22, esp. 30. 12 claiming that she only allowed Odaenathus to lie with her in order to produce children, and would wait until she was sure she was not pregnant before letting him couple with her again; Cleoptra, see CIS 2. 3946, and it is also emphasised in SHA, Thirty Tyrants 30. i9-2o, Aurelian 27. 3, Probus 9. 5.

ii. Lang (1996), pp. 64-69, Dodgeon & Lieu (i99i), pp. 84-85, 88-89, Potter (2004), pp. 266-267, and Millar (1993), pp. 171-172.

12. Work on temple at Bostra, IGLS 9107 = AE 1947, 165, translated in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), p. 86; the Egyptian campaign, see Potter (2004), pp. 266-267, Watson (1999), pp. 61-63, Zosimus 1. 44, S HA, Claudius 11. 1-2.

13. Potter (2004), pp. 261, Watson (1999), pp. 65-66.

14. Lang (1996), pp. 68-69, Watson (1999), pp. 67-69.

15. Zosimus 1. 5o-51, SHA, Aurelian 22. 1-25. 6, Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 89-95, with Watson (1999), pp. 71-75.

16. Zosimus 1. 52-53.

17. Watson, (1999), pp. 76-80, 81-84, and Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 96-101 for the key sources, including Zosimus 1. 55; on the death of Cassius Longinus, see Zosimus 1. 56. 2-3, SHA, Aurelian 30. 3.

18. Watson (1999), pp. 82-3, Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 101-105.

19. SHA, Aurelian 33. 1-34. 6 for a detailed - if possibly fanciful - account of the triumph; on Zenobia's fate, see Zosimus 1. 59, Zonaras 12. 27, SHA, Thirty Tyrants 30. 27, Eutropius 9. 13. 2, Jerome, Chron. 223, and see also Watson (1999), pp. 83-88, and Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 105-109-

20. SHA, Aurelian 18. 3-4, 21. 1-3, Zosimus 1. 48-49, Dexippus FGH II no. loo, fr. 6. 2, with Watson (1999), pp. 48-52, 54-56, Potter (2004), pp. 2,69-270-

21. Watson (1999), pp. 138-140 on the distributions of food to the urban population, and pp. 143-152 on the walls.

22. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 7. 11. 10, M. Edwards, in CAHZ (2005), pp. 637-647, Potter (2004), P• 255.

23. For a full discussion of the episode, see F. Millar, `Paul of Samosata, Zenobia and Aurelian, JRS, 61 (1971), pp. 1-17-

24. Drinkwater, in CAHZ (2005), pp. 53-54, R. Syme, Emperors and Biography: Studies in the Historia Augusta (1971), pp. 245-246, Potter (2004), PP. 274-275, and Watson (1999), pp. 104-112.

25- SHA, Tacitus 13. 2-3, Zosimus 1. 63. 1, Zonaras 12. 28 on the raiders; Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 36, S HA, Tacitus 13. 5, Zosimus 1. 63.

26. Drinkwater, in CAHZ (2005), pp. 54-57, and Potter (2004), PP. 275-279•

27. S. Mitchell, Cremna in Pisidia: An Ancient City in Peace and War (1995), pp. 177-218 for a full discussion of the siege and the literary and archaeological evidence for it; Zosimus' account is found in 1. 69, mentioning the shooting of Lydius.

28. Drinkwater, in CAHZ (2005), pp. 56-58, and Potter (2004), pp. 279-280.

29. Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 112-121 for the sources.

30. Zosimus I. 73.

31. R. Frye, in CAHZ (2005), PP. 470-471.

32. E.g., P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (2005), pp. 58-67, esp. pp. 6o, 64.

33. Potter (2004), p. 2,56, Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 67, 297, and esp. S. Lieu, `Captives, Refugees and Exiles', in P. Freeman & D. Kennedy (eds.), The Defence of the Roman and Byzantine East (1986), pp. 475-505.

7-Crisis

i. Herodian i. 1. 4-5 (Loeb translation).

2. Domitianus is mentioned in Zosimus 1. 49, S HA, Gallienus 2. 6, Thirty Tyrants 12. 14,.13- 3-

3. For discussions of the `Third Century Crisis', see the useful introduction in A. Watson, Aurelian and the Third Century (1999), pp. 1-20, A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284-602, Vol. 1 (1964), pp. 1-36, G. Alfody, `The Crisis of the Third Century As Seen By Contemporaries', in Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies, 15 (1974), pp. 89-111, W. Liebeschuetz, `Was There a Crisis of the Third Century?', in O. Hekster, G. Kleijn & D. Slootjes (eds.), Crises and the Roman Empire (2007), pp. 11-20, and in general, R. MacMullen, Roman Government's Response to Crisis, AD 235 337 (1976), and Corruption and the Decline ofRome (1988). A recent reassessment that still presents a fairly bleak view of the period is L. de Blois, `The Crisis of the Third Century A.D. in the Roman Empire: A Modern Myth?', in L. de Blois & J. Rich (eds.), The Transformation ofEconomic Life Under the Roman Empire (2002), pp. 204-2,17. A more positive view of the period is offered in C. Witschel, `Re-evaluating the Roman West in the 3rd c. A.D.', Journal of Roman Archaeology, 17 (2004), pp. 2,51-2-81. On the period as one of change rather than crisis, see R. Reece, `The Third Century: Crisis or Change?', in A. King & M. Henig (eds.), The Roman West in the Third Century: Contributions From Archaeology and History (1981), pp. 27-38. A convenient collection of comments on this and other themes related to the end of the Roman empire is M. Chambers (ed.), The Fall of Rome: Can it be Explained? (1963).

4. Jones (1964), pp. 9-11, 20-23, 29-32, K. Hopkins, `Taxes and Trade in the Roman Empire (200 BC-AD 400)W RS, 70 (1980), pp. 101-125, M. Corbier, in CAR' (2005), pp. 360-386.

5. On devaluation and its possible consequences, see Corbier, in CALF (2005), pp. 330-360, C. Howgego, `Coin Circulation and the Integration of the Roman Economy,' journal ofRoman Archaeology, 7 (1994), pp. 6-2,1, esp. 12-16, de Blois (2002), pp. 2,15-2,17, R. Duncan-Jones, Money and Government in the Roman Empire (1994), esp. pp. 20-32, and L. de Blois, `Monetary Politics, the Soldiers' Pay, and the Onset of Crisis in the First Half of the Third Century AD', in P. Erdkamp (ed.), The Roman Army and the Economy (2002), pp. 90-107.

6. C. Bruun, `The Antonine Plague and the Third Century Crisis', in Hekster, Kleijn & Slootjes (2007), pp. 201-217, and W. Jongman, `Gibbon was Right: The Decline and Fall of the Roman Economy, in Hekster, Kleijn & Slootjes (2007), pp. 183-199, both of which argue that there was a serious decline in both the population and the economy of the empire during the third century.

7. R. MacMullen, `The Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire,' American journal of Philology, 103 (1982), pp. 233-246.

8. Hopkins (198o), pp. 1o5-1o8, and A. Parker, Ancient Shipwrecks of the Mediterranean and the Roman provinces (1992); on trade with India and China, see G. Young, Rome's Eastern Trade (2001), pp. 8o-88, 1z6-1z8.

9. See Witschel (2004), esp. pp. 261-274, D. Bar, `Was there a 3rd-C. economic crisis in Palestine?' in J. Humphrey (ed.), The Roman and Byzantine Near East, Vol. 3. (2002), pp. 43-54, Reece (1981), MacMullen (1988), pp. 23-35, and M. Todd, Roman Britain (3rd edn, 1999), pp. 156-178.

1o. For the alleged German preference for older silver coins, see M. Todd, The Early Germans (2nd edn., 2004), pp. 98-101, who is sceptical.

11. A. Wilson, `Machines, Power and the Ancient Economy', JRS, 92 (2002), pp- 1-32, esp. 24-31.

12. For the theory that a declining population contributed massively to the fall of Rome, see A. Boak, Manpower Shortage and the Fall of the Roman Empire in the West (1955); on the economy in general, see W. Jongman, `The Roman Economy: From Cities to Empire', in de Blois & Rich (2002), pp. 28-47-

13. Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 33, 37, and see also L. de Blois, The Policy of the Emperor Gallienus (1976), pp. 37-47, and E. Lo Cascio, in CAH, (2005), PP. 158-165-

14. E.g., D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 18o 395 (2004), p. 258, Watson (1999), p. to, F. Millar, The Roman Empire and Its Neighbours (1981), pp. 6o-6,, and Y. Le Bohec, The Imperial Roman Army (1994), pp. 198-199.

15. For a discussion of styles of generalship, see A. Goldsworthy, In the Name of Rome (2004), esp. pp. 336-359.

16. The unsuccessful coup of Praetorian Prefect Sejanus against Emperor Tiberius saw him gradually acquire senatorial rank and magistracies. Three inscriptions seem to suggest that Legio II Parthica was commanded by a senatorial legate at some point, see J. Balty & W. Van Rengen, Apamea in Syria: The Winter Quarters ofLegio II Parthica (1993), pp. 16, 39-41.

17. For Alexander, see ch. 4, and for Tacitus, see Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 37, S HA, Tacitus 3. 1-9. 6.

18. See Watson (1999), pp. 4-6, F. Millar, `Emperors, Frontiers and Foreign Relations', in Britannia, 8 (1982), pp. 1-23, esp. 11-15, J. Drinkwater, in CAH2 (2005), pp. 58-62.

19. On the emperor's relationship with the army, see J. Campbell, The Emperor and the Roman Army (1984), esp. pp. 59-69, 120-156; J. Drinkwater, The Alamanni and Rome 213-496.• Caracalla to Clovis (2007), pp. 28-32 argues not entirely convincingly that Marcus Aurelius was mainly motivated by a traditional desire for glory.

20. See F. Vervaet, `The Reappearance of the Supra-provincial Commands in the Late Second and Early Third Centuries CE', in Hekster, Kleijn & Slootjes (2007), pp. 125-139.

21. Suetonius, Tiberius 25. 1.

22. Dio 79. 32. 3-4; a good discussion of the misbehaviour of soldiers during civil wars is in de Blois & Rich (eds.) (2002), pp. 209-214.

8-The Four - Diocletian and the Tetrarchy

1. S HA, Carus, Carin us, and Numerian 18. 3-4.

2. B. Grenfall et al, The Oxyrhyncus Papyri (1898), LXIII. 4352, translation by its editor, J. Rea, seeA. Bowman, in CAH2 XII (2005), p. 67.

3. SHA, Aurelian 6. 2.

4. Aurelius Victor 39, with P. Garnsey & C. Humfress, The Evolution of the Late Antique World (2001), p. 26-35, and S. Corcoran, `Before Constantine', in N. Lenski (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine (2oo6), pp. 35-58, esp. 42-46.

5. `Restorer of eternal light' from the Arras Amedallion, see P. Casey, Carausius andAllectus: The British Usurpers (1994), p. 142; on the need for radical reform and strong centralised rule in the third century, see Garnsey & Humfress (2001), esp. pp. 12-13, 14-17-

6. S. Williams, Diocletian and the Roman Recovery (1985), PP. 24-27, 34-46, T. Barnes, The New Empire ofDiocletian (1982), pp. 3-4, 30-35-

7. Williams (1985), PP. 45-46, Zonaras 12. 31, and also Bowman, in CAH2 XII (2005), pp. 71-73, 78-79, and D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay (2004), PP- 282-290, 292.

8. Casey (1995), PP. 39-45, 89-105.

9. On the creation of the tetrarchy, see Williams (1985), pp. 58-70, Barnes (1982), PP. 35-38, and CAH2 etc; on the end of the rebellion, see Casey (1995), pp. 106-114, 127-145.

10. See Williams (1985), pp. 80-82, and Bowman, in CAHZ XII (zoo5), pp. 8182

11. In general, see S. Corcoran, The Empire of the Tetrarchs: Imperial Pronouncements and Government, AD 284-324 (1996), passim, but esp. pp. 254-297; on Galerius, seeAmmianus Marcellinus 14. 11. 10, Orosius 7. 25. 9-ii-these and other descriptions of the events are collected in M. Dodgeon & E Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, AD 226-363 (1991), pp. 128-130.

12. See Williams (1985), pp. 148; highly recommended for all visitors to Rome is A. Claridge, Rome: Oxford Archaeological Guides (1998), in this case pp. 7072.

13. Williams (1985), pp. 148-150; on the emperors' movements and residences, seeBarnes (1982), pp. 47-64•

14. On the army, see H. Nicasie, Twilight of Empire (1998), pp. i4-22.

15. See Garnsey & Humfress (zoo1), pp. 25-51, C. Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire (2004), passim, R. MacMullen, Corruption and the Decline of Rome (1988), PP. 144-145, A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284-602 (1964), esp. 366-410, Potter (2004), pp. 370-377; on the role of the praetorian prefect, see L. Howe, The Praetorian Prefect from Commodus to Diocletian, AD 18o-305 (1942), esp. 60-64; ' . . . flies on sheep', see Libanius, Orations 19. 130.

16. Lactantius, On the deaths of the persecutors 7. 4.

17. On the role of governors, see Corcoran (1996), pp. 2,34-2,53; on the new administration in general, see Williams (1985), pp. 102-114.

18. For a detailed discussion of the creation of the dioceses and provinces, see Barnes (1982), pp. 195-225•

,9. See W Treadgold, Byzantium and Its Army, 284-1081 (1995), pp. 9-21, 8793.

20. See Kelly (2004), and Jones (1964), pp. 366-410, 563-606.

21. Jones (1964), pp. 411-469, M. Corbier, in CAH2 XII (zoo5), pp. 360-386.

22. On the census and taxation, see Williams (1985), pp. 126-139, Barnes (1982), pp. 2,2,6-2,37-

23. Jones (1964), pp. 6o-68,

24. Jones (1964), pp. 438-442.

2-5. On price edict, see Bowman, in CAH2 XII (zoo5), pp. 83-4, 177-178 and Corcoran (1996), pp. 205-233; for a translation of a text reconstructed from several inscriptions, see R. Rees, Diocletian and the Tetrarchy (2004), pp. 139146.

26. Prologue to price edict, see Corcoran (1996), pp. 207-208 incl. Quotes; on laws and courts, see Jones (1964), pp. 470-522, and MacMullen (1988), pp. 8793; Justinian Code 9. 20. 7 is a law of Diocletian's ordering the summary and execution of kidnappers of slaves `so that by the manner of the punishment the rest should be deterred'.

27. Potter (2004), 294-298.

28. Williams (1985), pp.14o-150, and Garnsey & Humfress (zoo,), pp. 25-51.

29. On fortifications, see J. Lander, Roman Stone Fortifications (1984), esp. pp. 151-262, and S. Johnson, Late Roman Fortifications (1983); for a view contrasting frontier policy under Diocletian and Constantine, see Zosimus 2. 34. 1.

30. See Bowman, in CAR' XII (2005), pp. 81-83, Dodgeon & Lieu (,99,), pp. 124-139, and Williams (1985), pp. 79-81, 84-86.

9-The Christian

i. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 9. 9. 2 (Loeb translation, J. Oulton).

2. Zosimus 2. 53 (translation R. Ridley, Zosimus: New History (1982)).

3. The fullest account is in Lactantius, On the deaths of the persecutors 18-2o, but see also Anonymous, De Caesaribus 39-40, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 39, Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8. 13. 1o-ii; for a fuller description, see C. Odahl, Constantine and the Christian Empire (2004), pp. 71-74.

4. For discussion of the abdication, see C. Grant, The Emperor Constantine (1993), pp. 20-23, S. Corcoran, `Before Constantine', in N. Lenski (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine (2006), pp. 3 5-58, esp. PP. 5354, N. Lenski, `The Reign of Constantine', also in Lenski (2006), pp. 59-90, esp. 6o-6,, A. Bowman, in CAR' XII (2005), pp. 87-88, and D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 18o-3,95 (2004), pp. 340-342•

5. Lactantius, On the deaths ofthepersecutors 24-25, Eusebius, Life ofConstantine I. 20-21, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 40, Zosimus 2. 8; with Odahl (2004), pp. 72-78, Grant (1993), pp. 22-23, and Lenski (2oo6), p. 61 .

6. Zosimus 2. 9, Lactantius, On the deaths of the persecutors 23-27, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 41, Eutropius, Breviarum io, with Potter (2004), PP. 346348, Odahl (2004), pp. 86-88, and Lenski (2oo6), pp. 63-64-

7. On the question of whether or not Constantine was legitimate, see B. Leadbetter, `The Illegitimacy of Constantine and the Birth of the Tetrarchy', in S. Lieu & D. Montserrat (eds.), Constantine: History, Historiography and Legend (1998), pp. 74-85, J. Drijvers, Helena Augusta (1992), pp. 14-19, T. Barnes, The New Empire ofDiocletian (1982), p. 36, and Odahl (2004), pp. 1617.

8. Lactantius, On the deaths of the persecutors z9, Zosimus 2. 10, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 39-40, Eutropius, Breviarum io. 4; A. Cameron, in CAH2 XII (2005), pp. 91-92, Odahl (2004), pp. 8o-86, 9o-9z, Grant (1993), pp. 25-26, T. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius (1981), pp. 32-33, and Potter (2004), pp. 347-351.

9. Lactantius, On the deaths of the persecutors 32, 42, and S. Williams, Diocletian and the Roman Recovery (1985), pp. 199-200-

10. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8. 14, 9. 9, and Life of Constantine 1. 38, Zosimus 2. 15-17, Lactantius, On the deaths of the persecutors 44, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 40; see also Odahl (2004), pp. 98-108, Potter (2004), PP. 356359, 363, Lenski (zoo6), pp. 68-70, and Grant (1993), PP. 33-40.

ii. For more detailed accounts of these years, see Grant (1993), pp. 40-50, Odahl (2004), pp. 119-12,o, 162-165, 17o-182, Lenski (zoo6), pp. 73-77, A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284-602 (1964), pp. 77-83, and Potter (2004), PP. 364- 368,377-380.

12. See Lenski (2oo6), p. 66 with references to specific orations and inscriptions.

13. For the church in Nicomedia, see Lactantius, On the deaths of the persecutors 12; for Porphyry, there is a useful survey in Potter (2004), PP. 323-332, and for more detailed analysis, see R. Berchman, Porphyry Against the Christians (2005).

14. For the persecution, see Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8. 1-14, Lactantius, On the deaths of the persecutors ,o-i6; see also Potter (2004), PP. 337-340, G. Clarke, in CAH2 XII (2005), pp. 647-665, Jones (1964), pp. 71-76.

15. See Clarke, in CAH2 XII (2005), pp. 647-648, which includes this quote; see also Potter (2004), PP.

302-314-IT 16. Quote from Lactantius, On the deaths of the persecutors 34 (translation J. Creed, cited in CAH' XII (2005), p. 656-657, and Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8. 17, who provides a Greek version of Galerius' decree, and 9. 7 for Maximinus Daia's reply.

For surveys of Constantius' and Constantine's religious beliefs, see Odahl (2004), PP. 55, 63-67, 85-86, 94-95, Lenski (2006), pp. 66-68, and Grant (1993), pp. 134-140; more detailed discussion of his conversion can be found in P. Weiss, `The Vision of Constantine', Journal of Roman Archaeology, 16 (2003), PP. 237-259, and J. Bremmer, `The Vision of Constantine', in A. Lardinois et al. (eds.), Land of Dreams: Greek & Latin Studies in Honour ofA.HM Kessels (2,oo6), pp. 57-79•

18. See R. Tomlin, `Christianity and the Roman Army, in Lieu & Montserrat (1998), pp. 21-51, esp. 25-27, and R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (1988), pp. 613-616.

19. Lactantius, On the deaths of the persecutors 44, Eusebius, Life of Constantine 1. 2,8-2,9, with discussion in H. Drake, `The Impact of Constantine on Christianity', in Lenski (ed.) (2,006), pp. 111-136, esp. 113-115, Odahl (2004), pp. 105- io8, and Potter (2,004), pp. 358-360.

zo. The importance of perceptions of the power of a deity in conversion are well discussed in R. MacMullen, Christianizing the Roman Empire AD 100400 (1984); for Maximinus Daias policy, see S. Mitchell, `Maximinus and the Christians in AD 312: A New Inscription', JRS, 78 (1988), pp. 105-124.

21. K. Hopkins, `Early Christian Number and its Implications', Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, 6 (1998), pp. 184-226, and see also Clarke, in CAR' XII (2005), pp. 589-616, with M. Edwards, `The Beginnings of Christianization', in Lenski (ed.) (2006), pp. 137-158, esp. 137-140, and S. Mitchell, `The Cities of Asia Minor in Constantine's Time', in Lieu & Montserrat (1998), pp. 52-73, esp. 66-67-

22. See C. Lightfoot, in CAH'XII (2005), pp. 481-497 esp. 486-487, 494-495.

23. See Edwards (zoo6), esp. 138-142.

24. See Drake (2006), esp. pp. 111-112, 115-116, 131-132-, and Edwards (2006), pp. 142,-145; for the emperor reading scriptures, Eusebius, Life of Constantine 4. 17, see also Odahl (2004), pp. 137-139.

2,5- See M. Johnson, 'Architecture of Empire', in Lenski (2006), pp. 2,78-2,97, esp. 282-288, 292-295, and Grant (1993), pp. 189-2,07-

26. Mitchell (1998), pp. 66-68; Odahl (2004), pp. 11o-112, and Johnson (2006), p. 280.

27- On the Arch, see Odahl (2004), pp. 141-144, Johnson (2006), p. 2,81, Potter (2004), pp. 360-362, S. Mitchell, A History of the Later Roman Empire AD 284- 641(2007), pp. 158-163-

z8. Johnson (2006), pp. 291-292, Grant (1993), pp. 116-122, Odahl (2004), pp. 221-223, 232-244, and Potter (2004), pp. 383-386.

29. Libanius, Orations 30. 6; for a good discussion of the question, see A. Lee, `Traditional Religions', in Lenski (ed.) (2006), pp. 159-179, esp. pp. 174-175.

30. On sacrifice, see Lee (2006), pp. 173-174, esp. n. 69; on other legislation, see A. Cameron, in CAH2 XII (2005), pp. 95-7, Jones (1964), p. 92, and Mitchell (2,007), pp. 68-69.

31. Jones (1964), pp. 92-93, and Odahl (2004), p. 250.

32. Drake (2,oo6), pp. 116-121, Odahl (2,004), pp. 12,9-141, Grant (1993), pp. 164-167, and Potter (2004), pp. 402,-410.

33. Drake (2006), pp. 12,3-12,5, Potter (2004), pp. 410-420, Odahl (2004), pp. 190-199, Jones (1964), pp. 86-89.

34. Jones (1964), pp. 90-92, 93-97, and Lane Fox (1988), pp. 609-662.

35. For discussion of these aspects, see C. Kelly, 'Bureaucracy and Government', in Lenski (ed.) (2006), pp. 183-204, and H. Elton, `Warfare and the Military, in Lenski (zoo6), PP. 325-346•

36. Grant (1993), pp. 110-115, Odahl (2,004), Pp. zo4-208, Lenski (ed.) (zoo6), pp. 78-79, Potter (2004), pp. 380-3821-

37. Drijvers (1992), PP. 55-72.

38. For the wars with the Goths, see M. Kulikowski, Rome's Gothic Wars (2007), pp. 80-86; for feeding Frankish kings to the wild beasts, see Pan. Lat. 7(6). 42,, 6(7). to. z-ii.6, 4(10). 16. 5-6, Eutropius, Breviarum 10. 3. 2.

39. For sources for Constantine's relations with Persia, see M. Dodgeon & S. Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, AD 226--363 (1991), pp. 145-163. The quote is taken from the extract from Eusebius, Life of Constantine 4. 8-13, PP. 150-152; see also T. Barnes, `Constantine and the Christians of Persia,' JRS, 75 (1985), pp. 126-136.

40. Odahl (2004), PP- 274-275, and Grant (1993), 211-214.

1o-Rivals

1. Zosimus 2. 39 (trans. J. Buchanan & H. Davies, Zosimus: Historia Nova: The Decline of Rome, 1967)-

2. Julian, Letter to the Athenians 270c-271b (trans. Wright) from N. Lenski (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the age of Constantine (2006), p. 98.

3. See R. Burgess, `The Summer of Blood', Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 61 (forthcoming, 2008).

4. The main sources for the death of Constantine II include Zosimus 2. 3940, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 41, who states that the army refused to accept anyone other than the sons of Constantine; for fuller accounts and discussion, see R. Frakes, `The Dynasty of Constantine down to 363', in Lenski (2006) pp. 91-107, esp. 94-99, D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 18o-395 (2004), PP. 459-462, D. Hunt, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 1-5, and A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284-603, Vol. 1 (1964), p. 112.

5. For Constans having only one officer with him when he was captured, see Ammianus Marcellinus 15. 5. 16.

6. In general, see Frakes (2006), pp. too-tot, Potter (2004), PP. 471-474, Hunt, in CAH1 XIII (1998), pp. 10-11, 14-22, Jones (1964), pp. 112-113; see Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 42, and Ammianus Marcellinus 15. 5. 33 on defection of Silvanus.

7. Quotation from Ammianus Marcellinus 15. 1. 2; for the career of Gallus, see Frakes (2006), pp. 101-102, Potter (2004), pp. 474-476, Hunt, in CAHZ XIII (1998), PP. 24-25, and G. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate (1978), pp. 21-47; Ammianus provides the most detailed account, 14. 1, 7, 9, 11, 15. 1.

8. For differing views on Ammianus as a source see J. Matthews, The Roman Empire of Ammianus (1989), T Barnes, Ammianus and the Representation of Historical Reality (1998), and the papers in J. Drijvers & D. Hunt (eds.), The Late Roman World and its Historian (1999); for a discussion of the military aspects of his work, see N. Austin, Ammianus on Warfare: An Investigation Into Ammianus'Military Knowledge, Collection Latomus, 165 (1979); for a discussion of his career, see Barnes (1998), pp. 54-64.

9. For discussion of his coverage of Gallus, see Barnes (1998), pp. 129-142.

io. See esp. Ammianus Marcellinus 14. I. 4-8, 5. 1-9, 15. 3. 1-11; Paul `the chain' is first mentioned at 14. 5. 6-9, `the count of dreams' is mentioned in 15. 3. 5-

11. For Ursicinus, see Ammianus Marcellinus 15. 2. 1-6; on administration in general, see C. Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire (2004), and the very useful review of this by G. Greatrex in Phoenix, 6o (2006), pp. 178-181.

1z. For Silvanus' father, see Ammianus Marcellinus 15. 5. 33; for specific discussion on the number of Alamanni in Roman service, seej. Drink-water, The Alamanni and Rome 213-496 (2007), pp. 145-159.

13. Ammianus Marcellinus 15. 6. 3.

14. Quote from Ammianus Marcellinus 15. 5. 23.

15. Ammianus Marcellinus 15. 5. 31-32.

16. The full account is Ammianus Marcellinus 15. 5. 1-6. 4; for the accusations against Ursicinus, see 15. 5. 36; for discussion, see D. Hunt, `The Outsider Inside: Ammianus on the Rebellion of Silvanus', in Drijvers & Hunt (1999), pp. 5163, and Matthews (1989), pp. 36-38, 81-83.

17. Twenty-eight-day reign from Jerome, Chron. s.a. 354, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 42. 16, and Julian, Oration 2. 99a, who says under a month.

18. Ammianus Marcellinus 16. 10. 6-7, 9-10-

ii-Enemies

i. Claudius Mamertinus, Latin Panegyric XI (3). 3, translation by M. Morgan in S. Lieu (ed.), The Emperor Julian: Panegyric and Polemic (2nd edn, 1989), p. 14.

2. M. Goodman, The Roman World 44 BC-AD 18o (1997), pp. 81-84, argues that Augustus maintained a standing army first and foremost to defend himself against internal rivals. This was ceratinly a factor, but it does not explain why the army needed to be so large.

3. For the origin and meaning of the term, see B. Isaac, `The Meaning of the Terms Limes and Limitanei', JRS, 78 (1988), pp. 125-147; On raiding, see H. Elton, Warfare in Roman Europe AD 35o-425 (1996), p. 206.

4. Zosimus 2. 33 claims that Constantine created the rank of Master of Soldiers.

5. For the army in general, see Elton (1996), esp. 89-117, M. Nicasie, Twilight of Empire (1998), K. Dixon & P. Southern, The Late Roman Army (1996), Y. Le Bohec, L'armee Romaine sous le Bas-Empire (2006), A. Lee, in CAH2 XII I (1998), PP. 213-237, A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284-6o3, vol. 1 (1964), pp. 607686, and D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180-395 (2004), PP- 448-459•

6. For discussion of the size of the army, see R. MacMullen, `How Big was the Roman Imperial Army?', Klio, 62 (1980), pp. 451-460, Jones (1964), pp. 679685, and W. Treadgold, Byzantium and its Army, 284-1081(1995), pp• 43-59-

7. For discussion of the papyrus, see R. Duncan-Jones, `Pay and Numbers in Diocletian's Army', Chiron, 8 (1978), pp. 541-560, and in general, T. Coello, Unit Sizes in the Late Roman Army, BAR International Series, 645 (1996); for XIII Gemina, see Notitia Dignitatum Or. 42. 34-38, 28. 15, 8. 6 and discussion in J. Casey, `The Legions in the Later Roman Empire', in R. Brewer (ed.), The Second Augustan Legion and the Roman Military Machine (2oo2), pp. 165-176.

8. SeeElton (1996), pp. 89-90, Coello (1996), pp. 59-64; Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 10. 1z mentions detachments of 500 men apparently drawn from each legion, which would indicate that these units were larger than this.

9. Potter (2004), PP- 456-457 is one of very few scholars to suggest tentatively that the army may actually have been smaller in the fourth century.

to. Jones (1964), pp. 614-623, Elton (1996), pp. 128-154, Potter (2,o04), PP- 457459, 687 fn. 74 for references to laws dealing with self-mutilation; Ammianus Marcellinus 15. 12. 3 claims this was especially common in Italy; for the equestrian under Augustus, see Suetonius, Augustus 24. 1; for desire to serve in the limitanei, see R. Tomlin, `Christianity and the Roman Army, in S. Lieu & D. Montserrat (eds.), Constantine: History, Historiography and Legend (1998), pp. 21-51, esp. PP. 22-24.

ii. Elton (1996), p. ioi, Jones (1964), pp. 633-634.

12. The fullest expression of this view is in E. Luttwak, The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire from the First Century AD to the Third (1976), pp. 127-190; for criticism, see amongst others D. Whittaker, Frontiers of the Roman Empire: A Social and Economic Study (1994), pp. 206-209, who is especially critical of the idea of `defence in depth'; on the army in general, see Le Bohec (zoo6), esp. pp. 16-37,97-107.

13. Zosimus 2. 34 (trans. J. Buchanan & H. Davies, Zosimus: Historia Nova: the decline of Rome (1967), p. 76; for the tendency of armies left idle in large camps to mutiny, see Tacitus, Annals 1. 16-17, 20-21.

14. This is fully explored in E. Wheeler, `The Laxity of the Syrian Legions', in D. Kennedy (ed.), The Roman Army in the East (1996), pp. 229-276.

15. See Elton (1996), pp. 107-117, 250-263, M. Bishop & J. Coulston, Roman Military Equipment from the Punic Wars to the Fall of Rome (2nd edn, 2006), pp. 199-232, I. Stephenson, Romano-Byzantine Infantry Equipment (2006) and 1. Stephenson & K. Dixon, Roman Cavalry Equipment (2003).

16. On the comitatenses and their deployment, see Elton (1996), pp. 89-99, 199233.

17. Ammianus Marcellinus 15. 8. i-22; the soldiers' showing their approval

15. 8. 15; on the attitude of our sources to Julian, see G. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate (1978), pp. 1-11, T. Barnes, Ammianus Marcellinus and the Representation of Historical Reality (1998), pp. 143-165, and the sources collected and commented upon in S. Tougher, Julian the Apostate (2007); on Julian's promotion to Caesar, see J. Matthews, The Roman Empire ofAmmianus (1989), pp. 81-90.

18. In general, see Elton (1996), pp. 15-88, J. Drinkwater, The Alamanni and Rome 213-496.• Caracalla to Clovis (2007), passim, T. Burns, Rome and the Barbarians 100 BC-AD 400 (2003), pp. 309-362, H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (1997), Pp. 51-101, forty-five captured towns, see Julian, Letter to the Athenians 278d-279b; for recovery of Roman captives, see Ammianus Marcellinus 17. 10. 7-8, 18. 2. 19, Zosimus 3. 3. 4-7-

19. On trade in stone and iron from east of the Rhine, see Drinkwater (2007), PP. 133-134; Magnentius' use of barbarians, see Drinkwater (2007), pp. 201205.

2,o. Julian, Letter to the Athenians 123d-124d on reading Caesar's Commentaries, on his early life, see Bowersock (1978), pp. 12-32.

21. On the campaign in general see the analysis in Drinkwater (2007), PP- 2,19-2,24, and Barnes (1998), pp. 151-155; in the case of the ballistarii it remains possible that the unit had consisted of artillerymen at some earlier date, but that they were now simply ordinary infantry. In the end, we just do not know.

22. For the campaign, see Ammianus Marcellinus 16. 2. 1-3. 3; the delay in being admitted to Troyes is 16. 2. 7.

23. Ammianus Marcellinus 16. 4. 1-5, 7. 1-3.

24. On the campaign and battle, see Ammianus Marcellinus 16. 11. 1-12. 66, with Drinkwater (2007), PP. 224-242, Bowersock (1978), PP. 40-42, Barnes (1998), p. 152, and A. Goldsworthy, In the Name ofRome (2003), PP. 340-354 = (2004), PP. 383-399; on the misbehaviour of the Roman cavalry, see Zosimus 3. 3.

25. Ammianus Marcellinus 17. 1. 1-14; on frontier relations in general in this period, seeA. Lee, (1993).

26. Ammianus Marcellinus 17. 2. 1-4.

27. For the remaining operations in Gaul, see the discussion in Drinkwater (2007), pp. 242-265; for taxation, see Ammianus Marcellinus 17. 3. 1-6.

28. Ammianus Marcellinus 17. 11. 1-5, 18. 1. 1-4, 20. 4. 1-5. 10, with Bowersock (1978), PP. 46-54.

29. Fora more detailed narrative, see Potter (2004), pp. 505-5o8, Bowersock (1978), pp. 55-65, and Hunt, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 56-6o; for the despatch of the comes to Britain and his subsequent arrest see Ammianus Marcellinus 20. 1. 1-3, 9. 9-

30. Ammianus Marcellinus 28. 5. 1-7-

31. Quotation from Ammianus Marcellinus 27. 2. 11 (Loeb translation); for raiders dyeing their hair, seeAmmianus Marcellinus 27. 2. 1-3.

12-The Pagan

L Julian, Letter to the Athenians 28od, 281b-c (Loeb translation, M. Wright, The Works of the Emperor Julian, Vol. II, 1913).

2. Ammianus Marcellinus 22. 3. 1-12; see also N. Lenski, The Failure ofEmpire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century AD (2002), p. 104.

3. On Julian's beliefs, see the discussions in G. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate (1978), pp. 12-20, 61-65, D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 18o-395 (2004), PP. 496-499, 508-509, and G. Fowden, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 543 548; A. Murdoch, The Last Pagan: Julian theApostate and the Death oftheAncient World (2003), is an accessible recent survey of Julian's life, and see pp. 9-37 on his early life and beliefs.

4. Julian, Hymn to the Sun 13ob-c, 132c (Loeb translation, Wright, 1913).

5. Ammianus Marcellinus 22. 4. 1-10, 7. 5-8; for Maximus of Ephesus, see Ammianus Marcellinus 22. 7. 3-4.

6. For this period, seethe sources in M. Dodgeon & S. Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars AD 226-363 (1991), pp. 143-210.

7. Ammianus Marcellinus 16. 9. 1-4, 17. 5. 1-15, with J. Matthews, The Roman Empire ofAmmianus (1989), pp. 39-47, and Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 211212.

8. On the campaign and siege, see Ammianus Marcellinus 18. 4. 1-19. 9. 9.

9. Ammianus Marcellinus 19. 9. 9 claims that Shapur suffered 30,000 casualties during the siege of Amida; for the trail of hamstrung prisoners, see Ammianus Marcellinus 19. 6. 2, with A. Lee, War in LateAntiquity: A Social History (2007), pp. 135-138; for the capture of Singara and Bezabde, seeAmmianus Marcellinus 20. 6.1-7- 18.

10. Ammianus Marcellinus 20. 11. 1-25, 31-32.

ii. For the war, see Ammianus Marcellinus 22. 12. 1-4, with Matthews (1989), pp. 134-140, Potter (2004), PP. 514-520, and D. Hunt, in CAH' XIII (1998), PP- 73-77-

12. The collapse of the stockpiled fodder, see Ammianus Marcellinus 23. 2. 8; for sacrifices, see Ammianus Marcellinus 22. 12. 1-3, 6-7; for Antioch, see Ammianus Marcellinus 22. 9. 1-10. 7; for army size, seeAmmianus Marcellinus 23. 3. 5, 24. 7. 4, 25. 7. 2, and Zosimus 3. 13 and discussion in Matthews (1989), pp.166-169.

13. See Ammianus Marcellinus 24. 2. 15-17; see also the discussion in J. Lendon, Soldiers and Ghosts: A History of Battle in Classical Antiquity (zoo5), pp. 290309.

14. See Ammianus Marcellinus 24. 4. 1-5; for the stories about Africanus and Alexander, see Polybius 10. 18. 1-19. 7, Livy 26. 49. 11-50. 14, and Plutarch, Alexander 21.

15. For the campaign as a whole Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 231-274 surveys the sources.

16. For the Persian campaign, see Matthews (1989), pp. 130-179; on Julian's death, see Ammianus Marcellinus 25. 3. 1-23, with Potter (2004), p. 518 and Lenski (2002), p. 14 for the date.

17. See Ammianus Marcellinus 25. 5. 1-8; on Jovian's elevation, see Matthews (1989), pp. 180-184, Lenski (2002), pp. 14-20.

18. Ammianus Marcellinus 25. 7. 1-14, 9. 1-13 and Lenski (2002), pp. 16o-161; Ammianus and the sources for the treaty are gathered in G. Greatrex & S. Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars. Part 2 AD 363-630 (2002), PP- 1-9.

19. See Lenski (2002), pp. 214-217; for Jerusalem, see Ammianus Marcellinus 23. 1. 1-3-

20. Julian, The Caesars 336a-b (Loeb translation, Wright, 1913).

21. Ammianus Marcellinus 22. 10. 7, with Bowersock (1978), pp. 70-71, 79-93, Potter (2004), pp. 508-514, and Fowden, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 543-548.

22. See H. Chadwick, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 561-6oo for the church in general; for the dramatic career of an especially controversial bishop of Alexandria, see T. Barnes, Athanasius and Constantius: Theology and Politics in the Constantinian Empire (1993); on monasticism, see P. Brown, `The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquiy, JRS, 61 (1971), pp. 8o1-1o, and Asceticism: Pagan and Christian', in CAR' XIII (1998), pp. 601-631, and `Christianization and Religious Conflict', in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 632-664, esp. p. 639 discussing the origins of the word `pagan'.

23. Ammianus Marcellinus 25. 11. 1-13. 1, with Lenski (2002), pp. 20-22.

24. Ammianus Marcellinus 26. 4. r, with Lenski (2002), pp. 14-45.

25. For the sources of friction between Rome and Persia, see Greatrex & Lieu (2002), pp. io-i6.

26. Ammianus Marcellinus z6. 5. 13; for the rebellion as a whole, see the discussion in Lenski (zooz), pp. 68-115, and Matthews (1989), pp. 193-2,03.

27. Lenski (2002), pp. 104-109.

28. See C. Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire (2004), passim, but esp. pp. 20-34.

29. Ammianus Marcellinus 28. 5. 1-7-

30. See Kelly (2004), pp. 36-44, 64-104, and 107, 138-143 on the Timgad inscription; for an especially critical view of administration in this period, see R. MacMullen, Corruption and the Decline of Rome (1988), pp. 137-170-

31. Kelly (2004), p. 207, MacMullen (1988), pp. 149-150, and A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire. 284-602, Vol. 1 (1964), pp. 126-130, 396-401.

32,. Ammianus Marcellinus 28. 6. 1-3o.

33. A. Sherwin-White, The Letters ofPliny: A Historical and Social Commentary (1966), pp. 80-82, 525-528.

34. For instance, the discussion in P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (2005), pp. 103-110, who sees this as a general result of poor communications in the ancient world rather than a particular reflection of fourth-century administration.

13-Goths

i. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 13. 10-12.

z. Ammianus Marcellinus 30. 6. 1-6.

3. On the dominance of senior officers and bureaucrats, see D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 18o-3,95 (2004), pp. 533-546.

4. N. Lenski, The Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman state in the Fourth Century AD (2002), pp. 14-45, and esp. 56-67.

5. See P. Heather, Goths and Romans 332-489 (1991), pp. 12-18, 84-121, and The Goths (1996), pp. 51-93, H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (1997), pp. 69-72, M. Kulikowski, Rome's Gothic Wars (2007), pp. 43-

70, and T. Burns, Barbarians Within the Gates ofRome (1994), esp. pp. 303-304, n. 117-

6. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 3. 8-4. 4; on the support for Procopius, see Ammianus Marcellinus 26. 10. 3, with Heather (1991), pp. 101-102, 109, 116, and Kulikowski (2007), pp. 112-118.

7. Ammianus Marcellinus 27. 5. 7-10, cf 30. 3. 4-6.

8. Heather (1991), pp. 118-121, Kulikowski (2007), p. 117, Burns (1994), pp. 1519, and Wolfram (1997), pp. 64-65.

9. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 2. 1-12, with quote from 10-11, with P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (2005), pp. 146-153, and (1996), PP. 97-104-

Io. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 3. 1-8, with Heather (1996), pp. 98-102, and Kulikowski (2007), pp. 124-128; note the hiring of Huns by Goths at 31. 3. 3•

ii. See the brief comments in S. Mitchell, A History of the Later Roman Empire AD 284-641(2007), p. 81-84.

12. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 4. 6, Eunapius, fragment 42 gives the figure 200,000; for discussion, see Heather (1991), p. 139, Kulikowski, p. 130-131, and H. Delbruck, The Barbarian Invasions (1980), pp. 275-276; as a comparison, Julius Caesar claimed that out of 368,ooo migrating Helvetii, some 92,000 were adult males able to bear arms, Bellum Gallicum 1. 29.

13. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 4. 1-9, 12-13, with Heather (1991), pp. 128-135, and (2005), pp. 158-163, who argues that the Romans had no choice but to admit the Tervingi because of the current dispute with Persia; see also Kulikowski (2007), pp. 128-130, Lenski (2002), pp. 325-32-8, 345-347, Wolfram (1997), PP- 81-82,, and G. Halsall, Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West 376-568 (2007), pp. 165-176.

14. ILS 986, see Campbell (1984), pp. 360-361, and for earlier cases of settling external groups, see S. Dyson, The Creation of the Roman Frontier (1985), esp. pp. 105-108, 172-173, 205-206.

15. For Caesar, see the discussion of this campaign in A. Goldsworthy, Caesar: The life ofa Colossus (2006), pp. 212-223 = (2007), pp. 256-271; for the nature of surrenders, see Heather (1991), pp. 109-113, Burns (1994), pp. 12-13, 86, and Rome and the Barbarians, zoo BC-AD 400 (2003), pp. 245-247, and Wolfram (1997), PP. 56-57-

16. Zosimus 4. 20. 6 claims that the Roman officers failed to disarm the Goths; see discussion in Burns (1994), p. 24, and Kulikowski (2007), p. 130.

17. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 4. it, 5. t-2; see Heather (1991), pp. 140-142, and Kulikowski (2007), pp. 130-131, both of whom suggest that the Goths may deliberately have been kept short of food to keep them under control. There is no evidence for this, and it would have been an exceptionally dangerous plan; see also Lenski (2002), pp. 348-355; on the preparations for imperial campaigns, see H. Elton, Warfare in Roman Europe: AD 350-425 (1996), pp. 236-238.

18. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 5. 4-8, with Heather (1991), pp. 140-142, (2005), pp. 164-165, who argues that Valens most likely gave the order to secure the Gothic chieftains, and also Lenski (2002), pp. 325-328, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 132-133, and Burns (1994), p. 26; for other recent examples of Roman foul play at banquets, seeAmmianus Marcellinus 29. 6. 5 in 374, and 30. 1. 18-21 around the same year.

19. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 6. 4-

20. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 6. 1-8, 8. I-ia; see also Lenski (2002), pp. 336-

338 on divisions amongst the Goths.

z1. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 7. 1-16,, 8. 9-Ia, 11. 1-6; for this phase of the war, see also Heather (1991), pp. 142-146, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 133-138, Burns (1994), pp. 26-28, and M. Nicasie, Twilight ofEmpire (1998), pp. 2,33-242-

22. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 10. 1-18.

23. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 12. r-II.

24. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 12. 12-13. 19.

25. On numbers and for discussion of the battle in general, see Heather (1991), pp. 146-147, Burns (1994), pp. 29-33, and `The Battle of Adrianople: A Reconsideration', Historia, 22 (1973), pp. 336-345, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 139-143, Nicasie (1998), pp. 241-253, Wolfram (1997), pp. 84-87, Lenski (2002), pp. 339, 354-355, W. Treadgold, Byzantium and its Army, 284-1081(1995), p. 57, A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, Vol. 2 (1965), p. 1425, J. Matthews, The Roman Empire ofAmmianus (1989), pp. 296-301, A. Barbero, The Day of the Barbarians: The First Battle in the Fall of the Roman Empire (2007), pp. 93-112, and Delbruck (1980), pp. 269-284; see also Y. Le Bohec, L'armee Romaine sous le Bas-Empire (2006), and the review by G. Greatrex in Antiquite Tardive, 15 (2007); in general, see also R. Errington, Roman Imperial Policy from Julian to Theodosius (2006). 26. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 15. 1-16. 7-

27. On the massacres, see Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 16. 8 with Kulikowski (2007), pp. 145-147; for Theodosius, see S. Williams & G. Friell, Theodosius: The Empire at Bay (1994), pp. 20-28, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 147-150, and Burns (1994), PP- 43-45; for discussion of the aftermath of Adrianople, see also N. Lenski, `Initium mali Romano imperio: Contemporary reactions to the battle of Adrianople', Transactions oftheAmerican Philological Association, 127 (1997), pp. 12,9-168.

z8 . Williams & Friell (1994), PP. 28-35, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 150-153, and Burns (1994), PP- 45-72-

29. See Heather (199i), pp. 149-181, (2005), pp. 182-189, Wolfram (1997), pp. 87-89, and Burns (1994), pp. 73-91, with a more sceptical view in Halsall (2007), pp. 18o-185.

3o. The comment in Nicasie (1998), p. 2-54 that `despite the Roman defeat, the campaign of Adrianople shows Roman strategy at its best' is a little surprising, although not untypical of recent views of the effectiveness of the fourth-century army and empire. He emphasises the logistical failure in supplying the Goths; see also Lenski (2002), pp. 355-367 on the reasons for the disaster, who puts much of the blame on Gratian for being slow and reluctant to co-operate; on the question of manpower, see in particular R. MacMullen, Corruption and the Decline of Rome (1988), pp. 173-177, 185-186, although Elton (1996), pp. 152154 is more sceptical.

31. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 10. 18-19, Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 36-40, Potter (2004), pp. 549-552, and J. Curran, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 104-106.

32. On living as `father and son', see Ambrose, epistulae 24. 7.

33. Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 40-43, 61-64, Potter (2004), and Curran, in CAIN XIII (1998), p. 107; the storyof Justina enlisting her daughter to persuade Theodosius is in Zosimus 4. 44.

34. Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 125-137, Curran, in CAR' XIII (1998), pp. io8-iio.

35. Heather (1991), pp. 181-188, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 158-163, and Burns (1994), pp. 92-111.

i4-East and West

1. Zosimus 4. 59. 3, trans. by Ridley (1982).

2. For discussion of the split, see S. Williams & G. Friell, Theodosius: The Empire at Bay (1994), pp. 137-148, S. Mitchell, A History of the Later Roman Empire AD 284-641(2007), pp. 89-91, and R. Brockley, in CAR' XIII (1998), pp. 113-118.

3. C. Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire (2004), pp. 26-36, 186-2,03.

4. For the sources, see G. Greatrex & N. Lieu (eds.), The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars: Part II AD 363-630 (2oo2), pp. 20-30.

5. For a useful survey of Roman and Persian relations in this period, see B. Isaac, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 442-452; for the war of 421-422, see the collected sources in Greatrex & Lieu (2002), pp. 36-43.

6. For a summary of his career, see T. Burns, Rome and the Barbarians, zoo BCAD 400 (2003), pp. 338-339; for a discussion of the phenomenon of men moving between tribal leadership and senior posts in the Roman army, seej. Drinkwater, The Alamanni and Rome 2I3-496.• Caracalla to Clovis (2007), pp. 145-176.

7. G. Young, Rome's Eastern Trade (2001), pp. 86-88, 126-130; see also Greatrex & Lieu (2002), pp. 33-34.

8. On saws, seeAusonius, Mosella 2. 361-363, with A. Wilson, `Machines, Power, and the Ancient Economy, JRS, 92 (2002), pp. 1-32, esp. 15-17.

9. For a brief survey of the issue of rural population, see P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (2005), pp. ,,o-i,6, who justifiably points to the pioneering work of G. Tchalenko, Villages Antiques de la Syrie du Nord (1953-1958); also very useful on agriculture in this period is J. Banaji, Agrarian Change in Late Antiquity: Gold, Labour, andAristocratic Dominance (200,), and C. Whittaker & P. Garnsey, in CAR' XIII (1998), pp. 277-311, who also argue against seeing the period as one of decline. While such studies make a good case for reassessing the earlier, very pessimistic view of economic life in this period, we do need to remember that our evidence is extremely limited and caution is always necessary.

10. See B. Ward-Perkins, in CAH' XIII (1998), pp. 373-382.

ii. Paulinus, Life ofAmbrose 3i; for discussion, see Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 131-137, and in far more detail, N. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital (1994).

i2. Codex Theodosianus 16. 1. 2, quoted in S. Mitchell, A History of the Later Roman Empire AD 284-641(2007), pp. 247-248.

13. Williams & Friell (1994), Pp. 47-60.

14. See D. Hunt, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 240-250.

15. On synagogues, see Mitchell (2007), pp. 235-237•

16. On Ambrose and Theodosius, see Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 64-65, 6870, and Mitchell (2007), pp. 248-250.

17. See C. Kelly, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 153-156, & N. Lenski, The Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century AD (zoo2), pp. 8697, 142-143.

18. Gregory of Nyssa, De Deitate Filii et Spiritus Sanctis, in J.-P. Migne (ed.) Patrologia Graeca 46. 557-558.

19. For an introduction to disputes in this period, see H. Chadwick, in CAHZ XIII (1998), pp. 561-6oo.

20. See Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 119-125, Mitchell (2007), pp. 248-251, and G. Fowden in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 548-554.

21. The theme of the apparent power of Christian leaders and holy men as a major factor in conversion is explored in R. MacMullen, Christianizing the Roman Empire AD zoo-4o0 (1984); on the church in general, see H. Chadwick, The Church in Ancient Society: From Galilee to Gregory the Great (zoos).

22. On Ulfilas, Saba and Gothic Christianity, see P. Heather, The Goths (1996), pp. 60-62, 73-74, 85, 313, H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (i991), pp. 69-70, 72-73, 76-79, M. Kurikowski, Rome's Gothic Wars (2007), pp. 107-111, 118-122, G. Greatrex, `The Gothic Arians after Theodosius (to Justinian)', Studia Patristica, 34 (2001), pp. 73-81, and T. Burns, Rome and the Barbarians, 100 BC-AD 400 (2003), pp. 337-338, 368-369.

i5-Barbarians and Romans: Generals and Rebels

i. Zosimus, A New History 5. 26. 5 (translation by Ridley (1982)).

2. Orientius, Commonitorium 2. 184.

3. For the Notitia Dignitatum, see A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284-602 (1964), pp. 1417-1450, and the collection of papers in R. Goodburn & P. Bartholomew (eds.), Aspects of the Notitia Dignitatum (1976), and also M. Kulikowski, `The Notitia Dignitatum as a Historical Source', Historia, 99 (2oo2), PP. 358-377. O. Seeck (ed.), Notitia Dignitatum (1876) remains one of the most readily available editions, but see also La Notitia Dignitatum: Nueva Edicion Criticay Comenatrio Historico: Nueva Roma 25 (2005), which has far more useful colour plates.

4. On the shields, see R. Grigg, `Inconsistency and Lassitude: The shield Emblems of the Notitia Dignitatum', JRS, 73 (1983), pp. 132-142.

5. SeeJ. Matthews, `Mauretania in Ammianus and the Notitid, in Goodburn & Bartholomew (1976), pp. 157-186.

6. See R. Tomlin, `Notitia Dignitatum omnium, tam civilium quam militarium', in Goodburn & Bartholomew (1976), pp. 189-209; for the problem of multiple appointments to the same command in Egypt, see Jones (1964), P. 393, referring to H. Bell, V. Martin, E. Turner & D. van Berchem (eds.), The Abinnaeus Archive (1964) 1-

7. For the suggestion that our version was prepared by the staff of the Magister Peditum in the west, see J. Mann, `What was the Notitia Dignitatum for?' in Goodburn & Bartholomew (1976), pp. 1-9.

8. For numbers, see the discussion in W. Treadgold, Byzantium and its Army 284 1081(1995), pp. 43-64. Agathius 5. 13. 7-8 writing in the 580s claimed that the army in earlier periods numbered 645,000; on the structure of the army more generally, see H. Elton, `Military Forces', in P. Sabin, H. Van Wees & M. Whitby (eds.), The Cambridge History of Greek and Roman Warfare, Vol. II (2007), pp. 270-309-

9. See in general J. O'Flynn, Generalissimos of the Western Roman Empire (1983), pp. 1-24, S. Williams & G. Friell, Theodosius: The Empire at Bay (1994), PP- 143-158, T. Burns, Barbarians Within the Gates ofRome (1994), pp. 148-182, and J. Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court: AD 364-425 (1975), PP- 253-283.

to. See G. Greatrex & S. Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars: Part 2: AD 363-630 (2002), pp. 17-19 for the sources for this episode.

it. On the origins of Alaric and his rebellion, see M. Kulikowski, Rome's Gothic Wars (2007), pp. 154-166, Burns (1995), pp. 156-158,176-177, 188, H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (1997), pp. 89-94, P. Heather, The Goths (1996), pp. 138-146, and Goths and Romans, 332-489 (1991), pp. 183-188, 193+; on the role of `barbarians' in the army see J. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops (1990), pp. 7-88-

12. Zosimus 5. 4-8-

13. Kulikowski (2007), pp. 166-168, Burns (1995), pp. 158-163, O'Flynn (1983), pp. 27-38, and J. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius Ito the Death ofjustinian, Vol. 1 (1958), pp. 115-121.

14. Zosimus 5. it, with O'Flynn (1983), pp. 36-37, Williams & Friell (1994), PP. 148-150-

15. Zosimus 5. 13-18, with Kulikowski (2007), pp. 168-169, Burns (1995), pp. 168-178, and Bury (1958), pp. 126-137.

16. Kulikowski (2oo7), pp. 170-171, Burns (1995), pp. 178-193, & (1996), p. 146, & O'Flynn (1983), PP. 37-42.

17. Zosimus 5. 28 for the figure of 400,000 Goths and the thirty units in Stilicho's army; for discussion of the campaign, see Kulikoswki (2007), p. 171, Wolfram (1997), pp. 96-97, & Burns (1995), pp. 197-198, and n. 53, P. 356 on the Roman numbers, suggesting Stilicho may have had as few as 7,500 regulars plus a few thousand auxiliaries; for the drop in price of slaves, see Orosius 7. 3713-16.

18. Zosimus 5. 27, with M. Todd, Roman Britain (3rd edn, 1999), pp. 208-209, Bury (1958), pp. 169-171, O'Flynn (1983), pp. 42-44, 56, Jones (1964), pp. 185186, and Burns (1995), pp. 208-214.

19. See M. Kulikowski, `Barbarians in Gaul, Usurpers in Britain', Britannia, 31 (2000), pp. 325-345, W. Goffart, Barbarian Tides: The Migration Age and the Later Roman Empire (zoo6), pp. 73-ri8, Burns (1995), pp. 203-209, and A. Birley, The Roman Government of Britain (zoo5), PP. 455-460; J. Drinkwater, TheAlamanni and Rome213-496.• Caracalla to Clovis (2007), pp. 323-325 suggests plausibly that there may have been some warbands of Alamanni amongst the raiders.

20. Burns (1995), pp. 214-217, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 172-173, and O'Flynn (1983), pp. 55-59; the quote was made by a senator named Lampadius and is in Zosimus 5. 29.

21. Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 157-158, O'Flynn (1983), pp. 59-62, Burns (1995), pp. 215-223, Matthews (1975), pp. 270-283, and R. Blockley, in CAH1 XIII (1998), pp. 121-125.

16-The Sister and the Eternal City

I. Jerome, Comm. In Ezech. Ipraef

2. Orosius 7. 43. 5-7 (translation taken from S. Oost, Galla Placidia Augusta: A Biographical Essay (1968), p. 124).

3. Zosimus 5. 35-37, 45, with J. Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court. AD 364-425 (1975), PP- 284-287, T. Burns, Barbarians within the gates of Rome (1995), pp. 224-233•

4. Zosimus 5. 38-44, with Burns (1995), pp. 233-239, M. Kulikowski, Rome's Gothic Wars (2007), pp. 173-174, and Oost (1968), pp. 89-92.

5. Matthews (1975), pp. 291-298, Burns (1995), pp. 239-242, and Kulikowski (2007), pp. 174-176.

6. Zosimus 6. 8, with Matthews (1975), pp. 298-3o0, and Burns (1995), pp. 242-246.

7. Zosimus 6. 13, where it is stated that Sarus had only 300 men.

8. Procopius, History of the Wars 3. 2. 25-26 (Loeb translation, H. Dewing (1916)).

9. See Burns (1995) PP- 244-245, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 6-io, 176-177, P. Heather, The Goths (1996), pp. 148-149, H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (1997), pp. 99-100, and P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (2005), pp• 227-232.

1o. See Oost (1968), pp. 93-104-

11. Burns (1995), pp. 247-258, J. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian, Vol. 1 (1958), pp. 185-194, and R. Brockley, in CARE XIII (1998), pp. 129-131.

12. Oost (1968), pp. 108-135, Burns (1995), pp. 258-261, and Heather (1995), PP. 148-149.

13. Burns (1995), pp. 261-279, Brockley, in CARE XIII (1998), pp. 131-133, and Bury (1958), pp. 194-209.

14. J. O'Flynn, Generalissimos of the Western Roman Empire (1983), pp. 63-73, Heather (zoo5), PP. 236-244, 251.

15. Brockley, in CAR' XIII (1998), pp. 133-135.

16. Army of 40,000 is Zosimus 5. 42; the handing over of 4,000 silk tunics and 3,000 red-dyed skins is used by Burns (1995), p. 234 to conjecture that Alaric may have had about 7,000 genuine warriors.

17. Zosimus 5. 41 for the 6,ooo men sent to Rome; Heather (zoo5), pp. 246248 has a good introductory discussion of the apparent losses and replacements in the western army suggested by the Notitia Dignitatum and see also A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284-602 (1964), pp. 1425-1436 for a more detailed breakdown.

18. Orosius 7. 43, with Burns (1995), pp. 258-259; a violent argument over the oaths to Rome and earlier oaths is described in Zosimus 4. 56, and Eunapius, fragment 59 (6o), cf. Burns (1995), p. 68.

r7-The Hun

1. Callinicus, Vita S. Hypatii (ed. G. Bartelink), SC 177 (1971), p. 139. 21-

2. For a discussion of the use of the word `Hun' before and during the First World War, see J. Man, Attila: The Barbarian King who Challenged Rome (2005), pp. 302-307. Although noting that the term was more often employed by people not directly involved in the fighting, `Hun' did become a common slang term for German aircraft and airmen in the RFC and RNAS.

3. See E. Thompson, The Huns (1996), pp. 56-59, and on Hunnic appearance, see O. Maenchen-Helfen, The World of the Huns: Studies in Their History and Culture (1973), PP- 358-375, & Man (2005), pp. 63-66.

4. Thompson (1996), pp. 79-81, and Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 94-95, 125129.

5. Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 222-23 and 367-369, P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (2005), pp. 148-150, and Man (2005), pp. 3054.

6. Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 11-13, 18-26, Thompson (1996), pp. 19-68.

7. Attacking Huns near the end of winter, see Leo, Problemata 7. 9; on Hunnic horses, see Vegetius, Mulomedicina 3. 6. 17. 1, with Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 185, 204; on saddles, see Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 208-210; Heather (2005), p. 328 repeats the claim that each warrior required ten horses, citing R. Lindner, `Nomadism, Huns and Horses', Past and Present 92 (1981), pp. 1-19. 8. On bows and archery, see Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 221-232, Heather (2005), pp. 154-158, Man (2005), p. 97-99, N. Fields, The Hun: Scourge of God AD 375-565 (2006), pp. 30-32, 39-46, M. Bishop &J. Coulston, Roman Military Equipment from the Punic Wars to the Fall ofRome (2nd edn, 2006), pp. 88,134- 135,164-168, 205-206, J. Coulston, `Roman Archery Equipment', in M. Bishop (ed.), The Production and Distribution ofRoman Military Equipment (1985), PP- 230-348; for effectiveness, see W. McLeod, `The Range of the Ancient Bow', Phoenix, 19 (1965), pp. 1-14; for modern reconstructions and techniques, see L. Kassai, Horseback Archery (2002).

9. H. Elton, Warfare in Roman Europe: AD 350-425 (1996), pp. 26-z8 discusses the possibility that Hunnic lifestyle changed as they settled near the empire.

io. E.g., the generic account in Man (2005), pp. 100-103, and c£ Heather (2005), pp. 156-157.

ii. SeeM. Whitby, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 704-712-

iz. Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp• 74-94, Thompson (1996), pp. 30-45, and A. Lee, in CAHZ XIV (2-000), pp. 40-41.

13. Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 109-110, Thompson (1996), pp. 87-89.

14. See Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 108-120, Thompson (1996), pp. 89-95 and Whitby, in CAHZ XIV (2000), pp. 708-709 on sieges, with references to Priscus fragment 6. 2 (= Brockley 54, who suggested alternative section divisions), Jordannes, Getica 42. 220-221, and Procopius, Wars 3. 4. 30-5; on the bones at Naissus, see Priscus Excerpta de legationibus Romanorum adgentes 123.

15. On demands for return of deserters, see Whitby, in CAH2 XIV (2000), P• 705.

16. Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 120-121, Thompson (1996), pp. 98-103, and J. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius Ito the Death ofJustinian, Vol. 1 (1958), pp. 271-276.

17. Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 123-125, Thompson (1996), pp. 104-108, and R. Blockley, East Roman Foreign Policy (1992), pp. 63-64.

18. On taxation of the Senate, see Priscus, fragment9. 3. 22-33 and the comments on his attitude in Thompson (1996), pp. 203-224; on sending of frequent embassies, see Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 185, Thompson (1996), pp. 95-97, with Priscus, fragments 5M. 1-10; on Attilas diplomacy, see also Whitby, in CALF XIV (2-000), pp. 706-708.

19. Bury (1958), pp. 279-288 provides a full and lively translation of this remarkable passage.

2o. Thompson (1996), pp. 140-141.

z1. Bury (1958), p. 287 slightly mod.

22. Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 195-196, Thompson (1996), pp. 112-136, and Heather (2005), pp. 313-320, 322-324.

23. H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (1997), pp. 123136.

24. Bury (1958), PP. 240-244, Heather (2005), pp. 281-282, Thompson (1996), PP. 38-40, 54-56, 6o, and Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 33-35, 49-50; on Aetius and other Roman generals in this period, see P. McGeorge, Late Roman Warlords (2003), passim.

25. See P. Heather, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 5-8, Bury (1958), PP. 247-249, Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 63-65.

26. SeeHeather (2005), pp. 2-66-2-72, Bury (1958), pp. 244-247, Wolfram (1997), pp. 165-167, and M. Todd, The Early Germans (2nd edn, 2004), pp. 175-178; for the figure of 80,000 for Vandal numbers, see Victor of Vita, History of the Vandal Persecutions ,. ,.

27. Procopius, Wars 3. 3. 22-30 claims that Boniface invited the Vandals into Africa, hoping to use them as allies in his struggle with Aetius, but subsequently repented of the decision; on St Augustine's letters, see Heather (2005), PP- 2,67 & 271; examples of letters written in these years include Augustine, Ep. 220, 229231.

28. Heather (2005), pp. 272-280, and in CAH2 XIV (zooo), pp. io-1z, 288299, Bury (1958), PP. 254-260, and A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284-602 (1964), pp. 190, 2,04-208-

29. Heather (2005), pp. 281-289, Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 64-70, Thompson (1996), pp. 71-79; quote from Merbaudes, Panegyric 1.

30. Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 129-132, Thompson (1996), pp. 143-148, Heather (zoo5), pp. 333-337, and Jones (1964), p. 194.

31. Thompson (1996), pp. 148-156, Bury (1958), pp. 288-294, and Heather (2005), pp. 336-339-

32. Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 131-142, Thompson (1996), pp. 156-163, Bury (1958), pp. 294-296, and Heather (2005), pp. 339-342.

33. Maenchen-Helfin (1973), PP- 143-162, Thompson (1996), pp. 163-176, Burns (1958), pp. 296-298, and Whitby in CAHZ XIV (2000), pp. 712-713.

34. Bury (1958), pp. 298-300, & Heather (2005), pp. 369-375.

i8-Sunset on an Outpost of Empire

1. Zosimus, Historia Nova 6. 5 (trans. Ridley).

2. Procopius, History of the Wars: The Vandal War 3. 2. 38 (Loeb translation, H. Dewing).

3. Gildas, De Excidio 20. 1, 23-26. r; for discussion of this and other sources, seeA. Birley, The Roman Government ofBritain (2005), pp. 461-465.

4. On the literary sources, seeA. Esmonde Cleary, The Ending ofRoman Britain (1989), pp. x, 162-165, & C. Snyder, An Age of Tyrants: Britain and the Britons ad 400-600 (1998), passim, but esp. pp. 29-49, and K. Dark, Britain and the End ofthe Roman Empire (2000), pp. 27-48.

5. Dark (2000), p. 60, and Snyder (1998), p. 68.

6. For emphasis on the wider context of Britain within the empire, see esp. Dark (zooo), Esmonde Cleary (1989), and N. Faulkner, The Decline and Fall of Roman Britain (2nd edn, 2004)-

7. For Roman Britain in general, see S. Frere, Britannia (3rd edn, 1987), p. Salway, Roman Britain (1998), M. Todd, Roman Britain (3rd edn, 1999), and M. Millets, Roman Britain (1995).

8. On the size of the army in the second century, seeA. Birley, `The Economic Effects of Roman Frontier Policy', in A. King & M. Henig (eds.), The Roman West in the Third Century, BAR tog (1981), p. 40; on the smaller size of thirdcentury barrack blocks, see N. Hodgson & P. Bidwell, Auxiliary barracks in a New Light: Recent Discoveries on Hadrian's Wall', Britannia 35 (2004), PP- 121-157,. esp. 147-154.

9. On the cathedral, see Dark (2ooo), pp. 50-51; on `small towns', see the papers in T. Rodwell & T. Rowley (eds.), Small Towns of Roman Britain, BAR 15 (1975), and more generally J. Wacher, The Towns of Roman Britain (2nd edn., 1995).

io. Faulkner (2004), pp. 27-30, J. Manley, AD 43: The Roman Invasion of Britain: A Reassessment (2002), 64-5, 111-128; the inscription is RIB 9,.

ii. Quotes from D. Mattingly, An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire, 54 BC-AD 409 (2006), pp. 20 & 12; see also the review of this work including M. Beard, The Times Literary Supplement, 4 October zoo6, and S. Ireland, JRS, 97 (2007), pp. 364-366.

,z. On the organisation of the diocese and provinces, see S. Johnson, Later Roman Britain (198o), pp. 4-31, Todd (,999), pp. 179-203, Esmonde Cleary (1989), pp. 41-130, and Snyder (1998), pp. 3-16; on the army, see S. James, `Britain and the Late Roman Army', in T. Blagg & A. King, Military and Civilian in Roman Britain: Cultural Relationships in a Frontier Province (1984), pp. 161-186. This remains an excellent article although the concept of chaletbarracks has now been discredited by Hodgson & Bidwell (2004).

13. On the Picts and other northern peoples, see Mattingly (2oo6), p. 436, Johnson (i98o), pp. 51-64, and Dark (2000), pp. 211-214; for an introduction to the problems of dating St Patrick and some discussion of his life, see C. Thomas, `Saint Patrick and Fifth-Century Britain: An Historical Model Explored', in P. Casey (ed.) The End of Roman Britain (1979), pp. 81-ioi, and St Patrick Confessions i.

14. Ammianus Marcellinus 27. 8. 5.

15. For discussion of this question, see J. Coterill, `Saxon Raiding and the Role of the Late Roman Coastal Forts of Britain', Britannia, 24 (1993), PP- 227-239, A. Pearson, `Piracy in Late Roman Britain: A Perspective from the Viking Age', Britannia 37 (2oo6), pp. 337-353, J. Haywood, Dark Age Naval Power: A Reassessment ofFrankish andAnglo-Saxon Seafaring Activity (i99i), esp. pp. 15-76, and G. Grainge, The Roman Invasions ofBritain (2005), pp. 141-i6o; Haywood (1991), pp. 18-22 on the question of sails and the carving from Denmark.

16. Vegetius, Fpitoma Rei Militari 4. 37-

17. See S. Johnson, The Roman Forts of the Saxon Shore (1976), and A. Pearson, The Roman Shore Forts (2002), for contrasting views of the functions of the forts.

18. On the state of the towns, see Esmonde Cleary (1989), pp. iii-133, Mattingly (2006), pp. 325-350, Faulkner (2004), pp. 169-185, Johnson (1980), pp. 91-97, Todd (1999), pp. 210-212.

19. Esmonde Cleary (1989), pp. 134-136, Mattingly (2oo6), pp. 368-370, Faulkner (2004), pp. 185-220, and Todd (1999), pp. 221-229; on Christianity, see Dark (2ooo), pp. 18-20.

20. Zosimus, Astoria Nova 6. 5, 6, 10, with contrasting comments in Birley (2005), pp. 461-465, Snyder (1998), p. 24.

21. Esmonde Cleary (1989), pp. 136-143, Faulkner (2004), pp. 242-262, Mattingly (zoo6), pp. 529-539, Snyder (1998), pp. 17-25, and Johnson (1980), pp. 104-110-

2z. On terminology, see esp. Snyder (1998), pp. 81-127-

23. For discussion of the Gallic Chronicle of 452, see R. Burgess, `The Dark Ages Return to Fifth century Britain: The restored Gallic Chronicle Exploded', Britannia, 21 (1990), PP. 185-195, with the reply by M. Jones & P. Casey, `The Gallic Chronicle Exploded?', Britannia, 22 (1991), pp. 212-215. The relevant entry is for Honorius XVI.

24. K. Dark, 'A Sub-Roman Re-Defence of Hadrian's Wall?', Britannia 23 (1992), pp. 111-120.

25. Esmonde Cleary (1989), pp. 144-161, 172-185.

z6. See Dark (2ooo), esp. pp. 150-192.

27. See I. Wood, `The Fall of the Western Empire and the End of Roman Britain', Britannia, 18 (1987), pp. 251-262, Snyder (1998), pp. 37-40, and Johnson (1980), pp. 115-116.

z8. For Pelagianism in general, see H. Chadwick, in CAH' XIII (1998), pp. 288-292; on St Germanus and the Pelagians, see I. Wood, `The End of Roman Britain: Continental Evidence and Parallels', in M. Lapidge & D. Dumville (eds.), Gildas: New Approaches (1984), pp. 1-25, esp. 12-13.

29. For an excellent and insightful survey of the academic debate over Saxon settlement, see G. Halsall, Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West, 376-568 (2007), pp. 357-370-

30. See the varying views in Johnson (1980), pp. 104-147, Dark (2000), pp. 58104, and H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (1997), PP- 240-247.

31. See Wolfram (1997), pp. 244-247, and Johnson (1980), pp. 119-123; The Gallic Chronicle of 452, lists under 441 (Theodosius II XVIII) that Britain fell under the control of the Saxons.

32. M. Todd, The Early Germans (2nd edn, 2004), pp. 2,02-2,10-

33. Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistolae 3. 9. 1-2 for Riothamus, with Snyder (1998), pp. 82-83; St Patrick, Epistola 6 for the British King Coroticus.

34. For the suggestion of Christian survival in the south-east, see Dark (2000), PP. 78-85.

35. On Britons and their sense of identity, see Snyder (1998), pp. 66-72.

36. There is a good brief introduction to the evidence and the academic attitude to Arthur in Snyder (1998), pp. 253-255. J. Morris, The Age ofArthur: A History of the British Isles from 350 to 65o (1973) remains a good read, but has not always dated well.

19-Emperors, Kings and Warlords

i. Salvian, De Gubernatione Dei 4. 30, with J. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius Ito the Death ofJustinian (1958), p. 308-

2. Procopius, Wars 3. 4. 37-38.

3. For the Vandal sack of Rome in general, see Bury (1958), PP. 323-326, A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284-602 (1964), p. 240, P. Barnwell, Emperors, Prefects and Kings: The Roman West, 395-565 (1992), pp. 116-117, B. WardPerkins, The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization (2oo5), p. 17, citing Victor of Vita, Vandal Persecution 1. 25 for the ransoming of captives, and P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (2005), pp. 378-379; for the sack and the death of Petronius, see Priscus, fragment 30. 2, John of Antioch 201, Procopius, Wars 3. 4. 36-5. 5, and Sidonius Apollinaris, Letters 2. 13-

4. Barnwell (1992), pp. 61-62.

5. Bury (1958), pp. 326-328, Jones (1964), pp. 240-241, and Heather (2oo5), PP- 375-384, 390-391; on rumours of foul play in the death of Avitus see John of Antioch, fragment 86.

6. See M. Todd, The Early Germans (2nd edn, 2004), PP. 152-154, 172-175, and P. Heather, The Goths (1996), pp. 187-191, 194-198, and in CAH2 XIV (2000), p. zz.

7. Bury (1958), PP. 330-332, and Heather in CAH2 XIV (2000), p. 23.

8. For discussion, see Heather (2005), pp. 343-348 and in CAHT XIV (2000) PP. 19-23.

9. Heather (2oo5), pp. 392-407, and Burns (1958), PP. 332-337-

io. Ward-Perkins (2005), pp• 45-46, 54, Heather (2005), pp. 282-283, and I. Wood, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 502-505.

it. For discussion, see J. Drinkwater, `The Bacaudae of Fifth Century Gaul', in J. Drinkwater & H. Elton (eds.), Fifth Century Gaul (1992), pp. 208-217.

12. SeeA. Lee in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 45-48, and Bury (1958), pp. 316-321.

13. In general, see Bury (1958), pp. 348-388, and S. Mitchell, A History of the Later Roman Empire, AD 284-641 (2007), pp. 289-293; for more detail, see P. Allen, in CAH' XIV (2000), pp. 811-82o, and W. Treadgold, A History of Byzantine State and Society (1997), esp. pp. 1-241.

14. Mitchell (2007), pp. 275, 290, 320, and Bury (1958), PP. 215-221.

15. Sidonius Apollinaris, Letters i. 2. 2-3 (Loeb translation, W. Anderson, 1936).

16. Sidonius Apollinaris, Letters 1. 2. 4.

17. Heather (2005), PP. 375-384, Mitchell (2007), pp. 205-2o8, and esp. J. Harries, SidoniusApollinaris and the Fall ofRome, ad4o7--485 (1994)•

18. Sidonius Apollinaris, Letters 2. 1. 1-8, and for the quoted sections 2. 9. 8-9 (Loeb translation).

19. Ward-Perkins (2005), pp. 54-56, Heather (2005), PP- 419-423, and Bury (1958), PP. 342-343; see also Sidonius Apollinaris, Letters 7. 7. 2-6 on his anger at the handover of Clermont by Nepos, & 8. 3. 2, which describes the Gothic women.

20. Eugippius, The Life of St Severinus 4. 1.

21. Eugippius, The Life of St Severinus 2o. 1-2 (translation L. Bieler with L. Krestan, The Catholic University of America Press, 1965).

22. Eugippius, The Life of St Severinus 1. 4-2. 2.

23. See Heather (2oo5), pp. 407-415, and Ward-Perkins (2005), pp. 17-20, 134136; for King Feva, see Eugippius, The Life of St Severinus 8. 1, 22. 2, 31. 1-6, 401-3, 42. 8, 44. 4•

24. See Bury (1958), PP. 338-341, and Heather (2005), PP. 425-426.

25. Bury (1958), PP. 389-394, 404-406, Heather (2005), p. 4z6, Jones (1965), PP. 243-245, and Lee, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 49-52.

z6. Heather (2005), PP. 428-430, Bury (1958), pp. 405-411, and Jones (1965), PP. 244-245.

27. On Odoacer, see H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (1997), pp. 183-188; on the significance of 476, see B. Croke, `AD 476-the manufacture of a turning point', Chiron, 73 (1983), pp. 81-119.

28. See M. Humphries, in CALF XIV (2000), pp. 528-530, Bury (1958), pp. 422-426, and Heather (1996), pp. 216-2,2,o.

20-West and East

i. Procopius, Wars 5. 1. 25-27 (Loeb translation, H. Dewing).

z. Cassiodorus, Variae i. i.

3. A good introduction to such ideas is provided by the collection of extracts and articles published in T. Noble (ed.), From Roman Provinces to Medieval Kingdoms (2006); the work of P. Brown has also been massively influential, beginning with The World of Late Antiquity: From Marcus Aurelius to Muhammad (1971).

4. For an excellent discussion of warfare in this period, see G. Halsall, Warfare and Society in the Barbarian West, 450-900 (2003); for a more general survey of developments throughout the empire, see J. Moorhead, The Roman Empire Divided 400-700 (2001), and G. Halsall, Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West, 376-568 (2007), pp. 284-357-

5. Suetonius, Tiberius, 32.

6. E.g., see J. Moorhead, Theodoric in Italy (1992), pp. 66-68, and P. Heather, The Goths (1996), pp. 236-242.

7. Sidonius Apollinaris, Letters 5. 5 on the friend fluent in the Burgundian language, and Carmen 5. 238-242 for using butter on hair; for Catholics dressed in Vandal fashion, see Victor Vitalis, History 2. 8.

8. The main advocate of transferral of tax revenue rather than land itself is W. Goffart, Barbarians and Romans: The Techniques of Accommodation Revisited (1980), who staunchly defends his position in Barbarian Tides: The Migration Age and the Later Roman Empire (2006), pp. 119-186. For the opposing view, see the insightful comments of W. Liebeschuetz, `Cities, Taxes, and the Accommodation of the Barbarians: The Theories of Durliat and Goffart', in Noble (zoo6), pp. 309-323. For Theodoric's propaganda about the roles of Goths and Romans, see Moorhead (1992), pp. p. 71-75, and in more detail, P. Amory, People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 489-554 (1997), PP. 43-85. The quotation is from Cassiodorus, Variae 12. 5. 4.

9. Moorhead (1992), pp. 75-80, and T. Charles-Edwards, in CAH2 XIV (2ooo), pp. 260-271.

10. See Moorhead (2001), pp. 54-56, 58-6o, and Moorhead (1992), pp. 95-97, Amory (1997), pp. 195-276, Heather (1996), pp. 2,45-258, and Todd, The Early Germans (2nd edn, 2004), pp. 150-163, 166-171, 177-178, and H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (1997), pp. 169-182,, 199-2,13.

ii. See Moorhead (1992), pp. 1-31, and Wolfram (1997), pp. 199-203; on the legi story, see anonymous Valesianus 79, with analysis in Moorhead (1992), PP. 104-105.

i2. Sidonius Apollinaris, Letters 1. 2. 4, with P. Barnwell, Emperors, Prefects and Kings: The Roman West, 3,95-565 (1992), PP- 73-74, 129-145; on legislation, see Charles-Edwards, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 260-287.

13. For a much fuller consideration of the impact on material culture of the fall of Rome, see B. Ward-Perkins, The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization (2005), pp. 87-168. Although there may be some regional and local exceptions to the bleak picture he paints, the overall argument is highly convincing. For a discussion of the western provinces in the fourth and fifth centuries, see E. Swift, The End of the Western Roman Empire: An Archaeological Investigation (2000), arguing that the change from Roman to barbarian rule is not always obvious in the archaeological record.

14. See also B. Ward-Perkins, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 346-391 on the overall economic picture.

15. See A. Lee, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 49-52, M. Whitby, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 712-714, J. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian (1958), pp. 389-396, 411-422 and A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284-602 (1964), pp. 224-227-

16. Bury (1958), PP. 397-400, and Jones (1965), pp. 228-229.

17- Jones (1965), pp. 230-337, Lee, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 52-62, and Bury (1958), PP- 429-452; on the rebellion in Isauria against Anastasius, see F. Haarer, Anastasius L• Politics and Empire in the Late Roman World (20o6), pp. 11-28.

18. W. Treadgold, Byzantium and its Army, 284-1081 (1995), pp. 13-15, 149-157 on the army; for the administration, see in general C. Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire (2004).

19. E.g., P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire. A NewHhistory (2005), pp. 443-449•

zo. See Ward-Perkins (2005), pp. 57-62.

zi. See Heather (2005), pp. iio-115, discussing the pioneering work of G. Tchalenko, Villages Antiques de la Syrie du Nord (1953-1958); see also C. Roueche, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 583-585, Ward-Perkins, in CAH1 XIV (2000), pp. 328-332, and esp. C. Foss, `Syria in Transition, AD 550-750: An Archaeological Approach', Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 51 (1997), pp. 189-269.

22. See Moorhead (2oo1), pp. 186-188.

23. Moorhead (1992), pp. 144-147•

24. On Clovis, see R. Collins, in CAHZ XIV (2ooo), p. 118.

z1-Rise and Fall

i. Nov. 30. 11. 2 (translation from J. Evans, The Age of Justinian: The Circumstances ofImperial Power (1996), p. 126).

2. On Anastasius, see F. Haarer, Anastasius I.• Politics and Empire in the Late Roman World (2006); on the succession, see J. Moorhead, Justinian (1994), pp. 14-18, Evans (1996), pp. 96-98, and J. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius Ito the Death ofJustinian (1958), pp. 16-21; on his rise to power, see G. Greatrex, `The Early Years of Justin in the Sources', Electrum, 12 (2007), pp. 99-115; on his lack of education, see Procopius, Secret History 6. 19, t1. 5, 12. 29, and John Lydus, On the magistracies 3. 51.

3. Moorhead (1994), pp. 15-16, 17-18, zi-zz, Evans (1996), p. 97, M. Maas, `Roman Questions, Byzantine Answers: Contours of the Age of Justinian', in M. Maas (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to theAge ofJustinian (2005), PP- 327, esp. 5-6, Bury (1958), pp. 20-21, 23-27, and A. Cameron, in CAIN XIV (zooo), pp. 63-67; c£ Procopius, Wars 3. 9. 5•

4. Evans (1996), pp. 101-102, with Procopius, Secret History 30. 21-26.

5. J. Evans, The Empress Theodora: Partner ofJustinian (2002), pp. 13-24, and Evans (1996), pp. 98-ioi, and Moorhead (1994), pp. 19-21.

6. Moorhead (1994), PP. 38-40, Evans (1996), p. 104, 138, 145-146, 152, 196197, and Evans (2002), pp. 48-58; Procopius, Secret History 17. 32-36 tells of the three former actresses brought to live in the palace.

7. J. Howard-Johnston, `The Two Great Powers in Late Antiquity: A Comparison', in A. Cameron (ed.), The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East III: States Resources and Armies (1995), pp. 157-226, also reprinted in A. HowardJohnston, Early Rome, Sassanian Persia and the End ofAntiquity (2006); see also G. Greatrex, `Byzantium and the East in the Sixth Century', in Maas (ed.) (2005), PP. 477-509, and Moorhead (1994), pp. 89-95.

8. G. Greatrex, Rome and Persia at War, 502-532 (1998), PP. 43-59.

9. Greatrex (1998), pp. 14-17 on the question of the Caspian Gates; for the Anastasian war see Greatrex (1998), pp. 73-119, with sources in G. Greatrex & S. Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars: Part 2 AD 363-630 (2002), pp. 62-77-

io. Procopius, Wars 1. 11. 1-39, with Greatrex (1998), pp. 134-138.

ii. Greatrex (1998), pp. 139-221, with sources in Greatrex & Lieu (2002), pp. 8z-ioi; on Dara and Callinicum, see also J. Haldon, The Byzantine Wars (zoos), PP. 23-35, and A. Goldsworthy, In the Name of Rome (2003), PP. 363-371; an excellent article by C. Lillington-Martin, 'Archaeological and Ancient Literary Evidence for a Battle near Dara Gap, Turkey, AD 530', in A. Lewin & P. Pellegrini, (eds.), The Late Roman Army in the Near East from Diocletian to the Arab Conquest (Oxford, 2007), pp. 299-311.

12. Greatrex (2005), PP. 488-489, with Greatrex & Lieu (2002), pp. 102-111. 13. See P. Holden, `Mediterranean Plague in the Age of Justinian', in Maas (ed.) (2005), pp. 134-160, B. Ward-Perkins, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 388-389, and Evans (1996), pp. 16o-165; one of the most famous and detailed contemporary accounts is Procopius, Wars 2. 22. 1-23. 21.

14. Greatrex & Lieu (2002), PP.ttt-134; on allies, see Greatrex (1998), pp. 25-31 and (2005), pp. 490-503.

15. Evans (1996), pp. 168-169.

16. On the size of armies see Howard-Johnston (1995), pp. 165-i69, and Greatrex (1998), pp. 31-34; on the Balkan frontier, see Moorhead (1994), PP. 145-162.

17. On the debate over risking the expedition to Africa, see Procopius, Wars 3. 10. 1-34.

18. On the Vandal War, see Moorhead (1994), pp. 64-70, and Evans (1996), pp. 126-133; for Justinian's western campaigns in general, seeW. Pohl, `Justinian and the Barbarian Kingdoms', in Maas (ed.) (2005), pp. 448-476, and G. Halsall, Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West, 376-568 (2007), pp. 499518; for the triumph, see Procopius, Wars 4. 9. 1-16.

19. See H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (1997), PP- 2,24-227, M. Humphries, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 533-535, and P. Heather, The Goths (1996), pp. 253-255.

zo. Moorhead (1994), pp. 72-86 and Evans (1996), pp. 139-151, 153-154, 199; see Procopius, Wars 7. 1. 31-33 on the career of the notorious Alexander `the scissors' for an example of the brutality of some of Justinian's officials, cf. A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284-602 (1964), p. 289.

21. On army discipline, see Haldon (200,), pp. 24-28, and Goldsworthy (2003), pp. 370-376; for examples of poor discipline, see Procopius, Wars 4. 4. 3-7, 3. 23-4. 25, 14. 7-15. 49, 5. 8. 5-10, 28. 1-29. 50.

22. Evans (1996), pp. 176-181, Moorhead (1994), pp. 107-109, Wolfram (1997), PP. 233-239, and Haldon (2001), pp. 37-40.

23. Haldon (2001), pp. 40-44-

24. See Moorhead (1994), pp. 109-115, Evans (1996), pp. 265-266, and Humphries, in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 535-551.

25. For a discussion of administration and its failings and abuses, see Jones (1964), pp. 294-296; on friction caused to allies by the presence of Roman officials and troops one example is Lazica, for which seethe summary in Greatrex (2005), PP- 497-499-

z6. Moorhead (1994), pp. 40-49, Evans (1996), pp. 119-125, and (2002), pp. 40-47, and in detail, G. Greatrex, `The Nika Riot: A Reappraisal', Journal of Hellenic Studies, 117 (1997), pp. 60-86; the quotation comes from Procopius, Wars 1. 24. _37-

27. For Belisarius being offered the throne, see Procopius, Wars 6. 29. 1-20, with Moorhead (1994), pp. 85-86, and Evans (1996), p. 150; on Theodore's plot against John, see Evans (2002), pp. 54-56.

2,8. Evans (1996), pp. 44-46, 194-195, and C. Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire (2004), pp. 83-85, 95-104.

29. C. Humfress, `Law and Legal Practice in the Age of Justinian', in Maas (ed.) (2005), pp. 161-184, Moorhead (1994), pp. 32-38, and D. Liebs, in CAH' XIV (2000), pp. 247-252.

30. For Justinian and the Church, see P. Gray, `The Legacy of Chalcedon: Christological Problems and Their Significance', in Maas (ed.) (2005), pp. 215238, C. Sotinel, `Emperors and Popes in the Sixth Century: The Western View', in Maas (ed.) (2005), pp. 267-290, Moorhead (1994), pp. 116-143, Evans (1996), pp. 183-192, and P. Allen in CAH2 XIV (2000), pp. 820-834.

31. Evans (1996), pp. 65-71, and C. Wildberg, `Philosophy on the Age of Justinian', in Maas (ed.) (2005), pp. 316-340.

32. See K. Holum, `The Classical City in the Sixth Century: Survival and Transformation', in Maas (ed.) (zoo5), pp. 87-112, and W. Liebeschuetz, The Decline and Fall of the Classical City (200,), pp. 223-248, 284-317; for eastern Roman culture and society in general C. Mango, Byzantium: The Empire of the New Rome (1980) presents a wide-ranging survey.

33. Mango (t98o), p. i.

34. On the period in general, see M. Whitby, in CAH' XIV (2ooo), pp. 86iii; on Justin's aggression against Persia, see Greatrex (2005), pp. 489-490-

35. On the fall of the Roman provinces to Persia and the Roman recovery, see the sources in Greatrex & Lieu (2002), pp. 182-228.

36. See J. Moorhead, The Roman Empire Divided 400-700 (2ooi), pp. 194-227, and F. Donner, `The Background to Islam', in Maas (ed.) (2005), pp. 510-533.

Conclusion - A Simple Answer

i. This theme is most fully explored in R. MacMullen, Corruption and Decline of Rome (1988).

2. E.g., J. Drinkwater, `The Principate - Lifebelt or Millstone Around the Neck of Empire?', in O. Hekster, G. Kleijn & D. Slootjes (eds.), Crises and the Roman Empire (2007), pp. 67-74-

Epilogue - An Even Simpler Moral

i. C. Murphy, Are We Rome? The Fall of an Empire and the Fate of America (2007), passim, but esp. pp. 189-195; an earlier attempt at drawing clear lessons for the modern USA - then still engaged in the Cold War - is E. Luttwak, The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire from the First Century AD to the Third (1976).

2- I can remember over a decade ago working in a university and noticing a framed sign in the staff canteen. It was a mission statement, detailing the acceptable length of a queue and other vital details by which the success or failure of the management could be judged. Clearly, considerable effort had gone into the document, whose purpose was to make complicated the quite staggeringly obvious. Of course, it provided something to measure in place of an intelligent and informed impression.