Inscriptions
The archaeological documentation of the buildings at Antioch can be supplemented by information from inscriptions and from locally minted coins. This is not as much as might be expected from a city which has produced a good epigraphic harvest and which minted copiously, but items of value are to be found in both kinds of source and the inscriptions are particularly helpful for sharpening the picture of civic building in the early fourth century. The remarks in this appendix are not designed to provide exhaustive commentaries on these texts, but simply to draw attention to the contribution which they make to the history of public building at Antioch.
1. The Tiberia platea. These words are inscribed in large letters on the stone which carries details of the career and the text of the famous edict of L. Antistius Rusticus concerned with grain hoarding and profiteering in AD 93. This was published virtually simultaneously by W.M. Ramsay, JRS 14 (1924) 179–205 no. 6 and by D.M. Robinson, TAPA 55 (1924) 5–20, and the text has been reproduced or discussed many times since. For full bibliographical details, see now H.-U. Wiemer, ‘Das Edikt des L. Antistius Rusticus: Eine Preisregulierung als Antwort auf eine überregionale Versorgungskrise’, AS 47 (1997) 195–215. The stone, 0.895 high, 1.25 wide and 0.34 thick, is divided into three panels, measuring 51, 23 and 51 cm wide, the central panel being slightly recessed. In the left panel is the career inscription of Rusticus, except for the first part of his name which must have been carved on a stone placed on top of the block which now survives. The central panel contains the text of the edict. The right hand panel carries a reference to RUFO PROC AUG at the top and then about a third of the way down, in large letters, the text TIBERIA PLATEA. Robinson published a fragment reading C CALPURNIO which he believed completed the reference to the procurator in this right hand column, but the stone has been lost.1
The term platea is the Latin transcription of the Greek πλατεία, itself an abbreviation of πλατεία ὁδός, meaning a broad street. Numerous examples from Greek inscriptions have been collected by L. Robert, almost all dating to the imperial period when the term was widely used to designate the colonnaded streets which became common in the cities of Asia Minor and Syria.2 These colonnades usually formed the frontage for a row of shops, whose owners or tenants often formed local associations. These associations might then take collective action, like the inhabitants of the platea of the Paspareitai at Pergamum who honoured the Roman consul L. Cuspius Pactumeius Rufinus (OGIS 491), or the platea of the leatherworkers at Lydian Saittai, which set up funerary monuments for its erstwhile associates.3 At the Asian market city of Apamea the πλατε ία έν τη Θερμαία (no doubt a street in the area of the main bath building) and also the street of the leatherworkers, the σκυτίκή πλατεία were responsible for the costs of setting up statues for city notables which had been voted by the council, people and resident Romans of Apamea.4 At Ephesus a platea was responsible for honouring the sophist T. Flavius Damianus as its benefactor,5 while at Sura in Lycia there was a Σεβαστή πλατεία whose organisation included a grammateus.6 These parallels imply that the words on the Antioch inscription were not a street sign,7 but denoted the body which honoured Antistius Rusticus and Calpurnius Rufus. It is appropriate that an organisation whose members must mainly have been shopkeepers should have honoured the governor whose edict was concerned with the fair working of the grain market in Antioch.
The inscription itself was not found in its original position, but reused in a wall of one of the shops along the north side of the street in front of the Augustan propylon (see above p. 147). However, the size of the block is such that it is unlikely to have been moved far from its original location, and it remains highly probable that Tiberia platea was the name of this street, that is the section of the decumanus maximus which runs westwards from the bottom of the steps in front of the propylon to the intersection with the cardo maximus some 70 m away. The term Tiberia platea might refer to the whole decumanus, if we interpret this as comprising the long stretch running past the theatre towards the city gate, but against this must be set the fact that the decumanus as a whole was only intermittently lined with shops.8
2. The Augusta platea. W.M. Ramsay, JRS 6 (1916) 106 no. 6; a fragment copied at the village of Hisarardi. The first two lines have letters 2" (5 cm) and the third 2¾" (7 cm) high.
[ ? praefecto alae]
miliari I, f[l]a(mini),
gymna[siarcho]
Aug(usta) Pla(tea)
Ramsay was surely right to interpret the last line as Augusta Platea, thus providing a second instance of the inhabitants of a street at Antioch co-operating to honour a prominent individual, in this case apparently a local man who had held a Roman military position as well as a priesthood and a magistracy at Antioch. The term may be compared with the Σεβαστή πλατεία at Sura (see n. 6). However, it is not likely that the Augusta platea was the great square in front of the imperial temple, as has been widely assumed,9 since the word platea is not used in the early imperial period to mean a square.10 It was presumably another of the main streets of Antioch, most plausibly the cardo maximus, which intersected with the Tiberia platea, if that has been rightly identified, and ran northwards to the nymphaeum.
3. The paving of the main streets. A large block of white limestone situated in the centre of the street at the bottom of the steps that led up to the Augustan propylon (PLATE 144). It was originally square with sides of 1.7m, but since the 1924 excavations the left hand part of the stone has been broken off, and its maximum width is now 1.26 m. The top of the stone takes the form of a circular boss or ‘shield’. The height of the rectangular section is 22 cm, extending to 33 cm at the centre of the shield. The inscription was in bronze letters which were attached to the surface of the stone, and all that now remains are the holes for fixing these and the faint outlines of some of the letters. Published by the excavator, D.M. Robinson, TAPA 57 (1926) 235 no. 71 with Fig. 71 and Plate 41.
T. Baebius T. f Ser(gia)
Asiaticus
aed(ilis)
III (mil) pedum d(e) s(ua) p(ecunia)
stravit
It is reasonable to assume that this inscription is contemporary with the original paving of the street and thus belongs in the first or second quarter of the first century AD. For which 3000 feet of paving did Baebius pay? Certainly for the 70m extending as far as the intersection with the cardo maximus. The cardo was itself 400 m long from the nymphaeum in the north to the right-angled corner with the remainder of the decumanus maximus. The decumanus maximus ran past the theatre for 320 m before making another right angled turn. A final stretch of 90 m reached the city gate. Thus the two main streets had a total length of around 880 m, or 2,973 ft (reckoning at 29.6 cm = 1 foot). Allowing for the approximations of the modern measurements and the rounding up of Baebius’ claims, the fit is excellent. Baebius had been responsible for paving the two main streets of the colony.
144. The inscription of T. Baebius Asiaticus from the Tiberia platea.
4. The vici of Antioch. The various wards or districts of the colony are attested by inscriptions as follows:
(a)Vicus Venerius. Known from two inscriptions, honouring C. Arrius Frontinus Honoratus (W.M. Calder, JRS 2 (1912) 101 no. 33) and C. Novius Rusticus Venuleius Apronianus (W.M. Ramsay, JRS 6 (1916) 129 ff.).
(b)Vicus Velabrus. CIL III 6810 (now in the wall of the mosque in the Kas Yukari Mahalle), honours C. Arrius Frontinus Honoratus.
(c)Vicus Aedilicius. CIL III 6811 (now in the wall of the main mosque at Yalvaç), honours C. Arrius Frontinus Honoratus.
(d)Vicus Patricius. CIL III 6812, honours C. Arrius Frontinus Honoratus. J.R.S. Sterrett, Epigraphic Journey no. 103 (CIL III 6814) read an inscription which seemed to him to have been erected by a vicus D..., and this reading was confirmed by Calder, JRS 2 (1912) 101 n. 2. The stone was checked again by D.M. Robinson, JRS 15 (1925) 259, who preferred Vicus P[atricius]. When I saw the stone in 1982 this line was too worn for one to choose between the two suggestions. However, since there is no other evidence for a vicus whose name began with D., Robinson’s reading seems preferable.
(e)Vicus Cermalus. Sterrett, Epigraphic Journey no. 143 (CIL III 6835), for Cn. Dottius Plancianus; Calder, JRS 2 (1912) 104 no. 40 published the bottom part of an inscription honouring a senator. Ramsay, JRS 6 (1916) 133, identified him as C. Novius Rusticus Venuleius Apronianus, who had also been honoured by the vicus Venerius, and suggested that the text copied by Calder might be the bottom half of CIL III 6815 for Novius Rusticus.
(f)Vicus Salutaris. Sterrett, Epigraphic Journey no. 115 (CIL III 6836).
(g)Vicus Tuscus. Sterrett, Epigraphic Journey no. 113 (CIL III 6837).
Ramsay, JHS 50 (1930) 272 published two monuments which he thought also referred to vici. One was a fragment which he restored as
[ – – cura]tori
[platearum et vi]corum
but these readings are unparalleled and implausible. The other was a rough statue of Hercules, which he took to have been a boundary marker of a vicus Herculis. The suggestion is arbitrary, especially as all the other vici bear names with explicit Roman connections. For a discussion of the historical significance of the vici at Antioch, see above p. 8.
5. A tribunal with statues. Two sections of a double-sided block, excavated between 1926 and 1927 from the side of the cardo maximus and now in Yalvaç Museum, inv. nos. 1860 and 1861. They were published by Ramsay, JHS 50 (1930) 274 no. 4, who reverses the two lines on the front of fragment (a). On the front of the block there is an architrave moulding with three fasciae; on the rear a frieze with a curved profile.
(a) The text is on the rear only (PLATE 145). The front is uninscribed, not broken as Ramsay suggested.
(Rear) [–tri]bunali
(b) Length 1.67; height 0.5; thickness at the top 0.55; the letters of the inscription on the front are 6 cm (line 1) and 4.5 cm (line 2, T larger) high. Those on the back are 14.5 cm high (PLATE 146).
(Front) [ – – –interco]lumnium · cum · gradibus · V · datum · est
[ (name) et l]iberis · eius · posterisque eorum in perpetuum
(Rear ) [– – – ] · et · signi[s]
Ramsay restored the text on the rear side to read [?cum tri]bunali ett signi[s], but this is impossible, for if tribunali were correctly placed to join eít signis the letters preceding the two lines on the opposite side of the stone would also be preserved. Since the fasciae of the architrave on fragment (a) are blank, it is likely that it stood to the left of fragment (b), separated by at least one missing piece.
145. Inscription mentioning a tribunal.
146. Inscription mentioning signa.
The inscription recorded the grant of this intercolumnar space, together with five steps that presumably joined it to the level of the street, in the name of abeneficiary (whose name is missing), his children and his descendants in perpetuity. Ramsay suggested an early date in the first century AD on the grounds of the shape of the letter L, which supposedly resembled an inverted T. This is not the case with the only fully preserved L on fragment (a). The excellent lettering, however, would suit an early first century date.
The building to which the text belonged cannot be identified. The architrave is unlikely to have belonged to the portico beside the main street. The dimensions of the block are larger than would be expected for a stoa, and it is unlikely that such an architrave would have had formal inscriptions on both sides. A tribunal might be part of the architecture of a basilica,11 or of a podium adorned with statues.12 It was often associated with columns.13 Conceivably text (a), the larger and more prominent of the two and displayed on the outer face of the colonnade, might have contained a reference to a [basilicam cum tri]bunali [et columnis] et signi[s], while text (b) on the inside referred to the benefactor and his family who paid for one stretch of the intercolumniation and a set of five steps.
6. The Theatre. Four inscriptions set up by various vici of the colony to honour the senator C. Arrius C. f. Quirina Calpurnius Frontinus Honoratus, who was a patron of the colony and consul in the first half of the third century AD, state that he was honoured postulante populo in theatro.14 This provides an approximate terminus ante quem for the building of the theatre.
7. A wooden amphitheatre. Sterrett, Wolfe Expedition no. 397 (CIL III 6832) published the first three lines of an inscription more fully copied and published by W.M. Ramsay, JRS 14 (1924) 178 no. 5 (reproduced in AÉ 1926, 78 and by L. Robert, Les gladiateurs dans l’Orient grec (1940) 140 no. 92). D.M. Robinson, JRS 25 (1925) 254 confirmed Ramsay’s readings but suggested a late first-century rather than his early second-century date. A mid first-century date is proposed in a recent discussion by T. Witulski, in S. Alkier and R. Brucker, Exegese und Methodendiskussion (Francke Verlag 1998) 252–5. The text was discovered built into a fountain on the road leading from Gelendost to Egirdir, in the south-west part of the territory of Antioch.
[L. Calpurnio]
[L. Ca]lpurnii Paul[i]
f. Ser. Longo pon[t.]
4 [q]ui primus omn[ium]
[ex superabundan–]
[t]i messe p[op]u[lo Ant.]
[m]unus promisit [et]
8 [in]tra duos men[ses]
[a]mphitheatr. ligne–
[u]m fecit, venatione[s]
cotidie omnis ge[ner–]
12 [i]s et sparsiones dedi[t]
[et] gladiatorum paria
[?x]xxvi per dies octo [et]
[con]nsummato mu[nere]
16 [cenam po]p[ulo dedit]
The restorations and readings are by Ramsay and are vulnerable at various points, notably in lines 5, 14 and 16. However, the reference to the maintenance of a wooden amphitheatre for a two-month period,15 to accommodate venationes and gladiatorial combats, is clear. Amphitheatres are attested elsewhere in Asia Minor and were naturally built as the occasions and taste for gladiatorial games spread to the Roman East. Permanent structures, in stone or brick, still survive at Cyzicus, Pergamum and at Anazarbus, while there are epigraphic references to amphitheatres at Corinth, Gortyn and Hierapytna on Crete, Berytus, Caesarea in Palestine, Alexandria, Ptolemais and Phrygian Laodicea.16
Robinson’s suggestion to date the inscription to the first century AD is surely right, for Longus was the first person at Antioch to promise a gladiatorial munus. Since these shows were closely linked to the imperial cult, which was of major importance to Antioch from the Augustan period, it is hard to imagine that their appearance at Antioch was long delayed. Calpurnius Paulus (or Paullus), the father of Longus, was presumably a close relative of Calpurnia Paulla, wife of the Vespasianic governor of Lycia and Pamphylia, C. Caristanius Fronto.17
8. A wall and beams of a public building? Sterrett, Wolfe Expedition no. 355; CIL III 6846 using a copy made by Ramsay, cf. III 12145; Ramsay, Anatolian Studies pres. to W.H. Buckler (1939) 208 (AÉ 1941, 143). A squeeze of this text made by D.M. Robinson is in the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton. Ramsay, JRS 6 (1916) 132 notes that in 1912 he and J.G.C Anderson were able to check the stone and confirm Hirschfeld’s conjecture mutulos in line 2, which was recorded in CIL. The inscription was found built into a house in the Sofular Mahalle, Yalvaç.
Varro parietem O[ – – – – ]
[ – ] mutulos ab imo exstruxit
Ramsay in Anatolian Studies Buckler proposed that the whole text might have read [T. Volumnius Ser.] Varro parietem e[xedrae . . . / . et] mutulos ab imo exstruxit. Apart from the faulty nomenclature of the supposed builder the whole restoration is fanciful. One may conjecture that the building in question was public, not private, for otherwise a commemorative inscription would be unexpected. Mutuli are beams or courses of stones that projected from the line of a wall and served as structural supports; see Thesaurus Linguae Latinae s.v. mutulus 1, and E. Wistrand, Eranos 40 (1942) 151 ff. The best commentary on this inscription seems to be supplied by the lex operum Puteolana of the first century BC (ILS 5317 lines 15 and 17, cf. T. Wiegand, Jahrbuch für klassische Philologie, Suppl. XX (1894) 661 ff., esp. 739), which gives details of the leasing of a public contract to build a wall. The specifications include provision for mutuli both of stone, above a doorway, and of wood, above the sima. The latter, as part of the roof, were among the last parts of the construction to be completed, and so a possible restoration of the second line of the present text might be [usque ad] mutulos ab imo exstruxit.
9. A zygostasion. Sterrett, Epigraphic Journey no. 95 (interpreted by Ramsay, BCH 1898, 237); W.M. Calder, JRS 2 (1912) 87 no. 8 (Arch. Anz. 1912, 35 no. 4). The inscription was dated by Calder after the third century on the strength of the diamond-shaped omicron and the appearance of a local man in the office of curator (logistes). Compare C. Habicht, Altertümer von Pergamon VIII.3 (1969) 70 who dates this text to the fourth century.
[ – –]κιανος
[βουλ.] και λογιστής
[τής] Άντιοχεων
[μήτρ]οπόλεως
[το ζυγο]στάσιον
The zygostasion was a building or a platform where objects could be weighed and would have been situated in a market place. The term is relatively uncommon in inscriptions, but occurs elsewhere in Asia Minor at Pergamum (Alt. von Perg. VIII.3 70 no. 30; see commentary), at Apollonia on the Rhyndacus (CIG 3905), at Acmonia (IGR IV 657 situated in the macellum, cf. M. Waelkens, Die Kleinasiatischen Türsteine (1986) 170 no. 423) and at Selge (A. Machatschek and M. Schwarz, Bauforschungen in Selge (1981) 88 n. 584; J. Nollé and F. Schindler, Die Inschriften von Selge (1991) 119 no. 62; see commentary). An official known as a zygostates is on record at Ephesus, Forsch. Eph. III, 132 no. 27, 200 and 139 no. 23. For discussion of the term, see A. Wilhelm, Neue Beiträge zur griechischen Inschriftenkunde IV (1915) 42–3; L. Robert, Rev. phil. 32 (1958) 37–8; 33 (1959) 57–8; Hellenica XI/XII, 50–1; Monnaies antiques en Troade (1966) 24–5.
10. The arch and porticos beside the theatre. Sterrett, Epigraphic Journey no. 123 (CIL III 6808) published a late Roman building inscription seen in the village of Hisarardi, which was also copied in 1924 by the Michigan team, who noted that the text was carved on the upper two lines of an architrave below bead-and-reel, egg-and-dart and palmette mouldings. The text reads:
[--p]ropitia maiestate DD. NN. se[mper Augg.]
[--] a fundamento Diogenes v. p.
In 1967 Barbara Levick published two fragments of archivolt which had been found on the site of Antioch close to the theatre, one containing the word arcum in the second line.18 Several more pieces from the same arch have since been discovered on the site, including an archivolt mentioning the early fourthcentury governor of Pisidia Valerius Diogenes, mentioned on Sterrett’s building inscription and also known from several other texts found at Antioch and elsewhere.19 T. Drew-Bear has proposed that the full text on the arch should be reconstructed as a dedication to the ‘most prosperous times’ of the emperors Maximinus, Constantine and Licinnius, that is to the imperial college between the death of Galerius in April/May 311 and the death of Maximinus in the summer of 313 (see pp. 108–9).20
There are also remains of contemporary inscriptions with imperial dedications on horizontal architraves. Full publication should confirm that there was a largescale building programme in the years 311–13, including the enlargement of the theatre above the decumanus maximus and the construction of the rectangular agora to the west of the theatre, an area currently being investigated by Mehmet Taşhalan.
11. Provisions for the water supply. Two verse epigrams from the late empire, probably the fifth century. The first of these was published by J.H. Mordtmann, AEMÖ 8 (1884) 193 no. 2 from a squeeze sent to him in Constantinople; Sterrett, Epigraphic Journey no. 140 (F. Cumont, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire 1895, 51); W.M. Calder, Rev. phil. 46 (1922) 132–3 (SEG VI 560; W.M. Ramsay, JHS 53 (1933) 318, in a review of SEG; W. Peek, Griechische Versinschriften aus Kleinasien (1980) 53 no. 30; SEG.XXX (1980) 1505); cf. L. Robert, Hellenica IV, 65).
The latest edition, that of Peek, reads
[ήνιδε Γὁργ]ασος εργον εήι [σοφιήι πο]λυβουλωι
[αρχθεν υ]πο προτερων ήνυσε [θ]εσμοπολων
[ετλή γαρ το] ρεεθρον Άναντας οίος [απ’ ου]ρων
és χωρους άγαγείν [δι]ψαλεους προτερον.
Behold, Gorgasos (?) with his much counselled wisdom completed the building which had been begun by previous governors; for he alone dared to lead the flow of the Anantas from the mountains to places which had previously been thirsty.
Some of the supplements, like those of the earlier editions, are questionable, but the general sense of the epigram is beyond question.
The second epigram was published by Sterrett, Epigraphic Journey no. 149 and recopied by Ramsay and Calder in 1913, whence W.M. Calder, Rev. phil. 46 (1922) 132–3 (SEG VI 561, reviewed by Ramsay, JHS 53 (1933) 318; L. Robert, Hellenica IV, 65; Peek, Griechische Versinschriften aus Kleinasien (1980) 53 no. 38; SEG XXX (1980) 1506). There is a squeeze made by D.M. Robinson in the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton.
ὁραις τοδ’ εργον ήλικον, πως δαψιλή
Nυμφων χορηγεί τή πολει τα ναματα’
σοφος δικαστής [Πι]σιδων στρατή[λατής]
ήγειρεν αυτο εις σ[οφος Γεωργ]ιος.
ινδ. [-]
You see this splendid building, how it provides the abundant streams of the Nymphs for the city; the wise judge and commander of the Pisidians raised it up, the one wise George (?), in the – indiction.
These epigrams commemorate the provision of a fresh water supply to the city by governors of the province, whose names are now obscured by damage to both stones. Their content compares closely with that of a group of probably midfifth-century epigrams from Aphrodisias, which were carved on the agora gate but commemorated the building of a huge oval pool in the agora by local benefactors including a provincial governor of Caria, Dulcitius.21 The first of the two Antioch texts was for a governor, who had completed a task begun by his predecessors, while the second is described as wise judge and probably commander of the Pisidians,22 that is of the province of Pisidia. Both texts may have adorned fountains or a single fountain in Antioch. The only suitable monument known to us is the nymphaeum, at the north end of the site at the head of the aqueduct. This was originally of first-century date, whereas these texts probably belong to the fourth or fifth century AD. Despite the wording, which in both epigrams suggests new construction, the texts could refer to the rebuilding or refurbishment of the nymphaeum and of the aqueduct itself. There is evidence for major alterations to the latter in late antiquity, discussed above p. 195. Ramsay supposed that the first inscription was set up ‘at the water-tower’ (i.e. the nymphaeum) and the second ‘at the lower end of the steep rise of about 25 m to the top of the tower where the water was distributed’.23 His grounds for suggesting this were that the second text simply alludes to the bringing of water to the edge of the city, while the first implies that it was available within the walls. However, the wording of the epigrams does not warrant this conclusion, and it is highly implausible that either would have been displayed outside the city, where few would read it, rather than prominently on a building inside.24 Fountains and other structures connected with city water supplies were often the subject of epigrams in the late empire.25
Coins
A corpus of the colonial coinage of Antioch has been published by A. Krzyszanowska, Monnaies coloniales d’Antioche de Pisidie (Warsaw 1970) and from this I have simply extracted the issues which depict buildings or monumental structures on their reverse types. I have not thought it necessary in this context to reproduce full details of the obverse and reverse legends or to discuss their position in the die series of the Antioch mint, since all of this information may be found in Krzyzanowska’s book.
12. An altar. Krzyzanowska, 140 (Antoninus Pius), 144 (M. Aurelius), 168–9, 171 (Septimius Severus). These issues depict a circular altar, usually with a flame burning on it, with moulded base and cornice, surrounded with garlands.
13. Circular temple. Krzyzanoskwa, 178 and 183 (Gordian III). The type shows a female figure wearing a long robe standing to the left. With her right hand she pours from a cornucopia over an altar at her feet, while her left hand rests on asceptre. She stands in a circular temple which is surmounted by a figure of Victory. The temple has a high podium and four columns with Corinthian (?) capitals. The later of the two types carries the legend FORTVNA, confirming that the female figure is the Fortuna or Tyche of Antioch. The only circular building known at the site is the rotunda erected in the Tiberia platea, apparently under Caracalla (see above pp. 154–7).
14. Temple of Mên. Krzyzanowska, 182 (Gordian III), cf. Lane, CMRDM II, 103 no. 56 with pl. XXXVI; M. Price and B. Trell, Coins and their Cities (1977) 146 Fig. 265. A figure of Mên in a long robe, wearing a Phrygian cap with a crescent moon on his shoulders, standing facing to the right within a temple, with his left foot resting on a bull’s head. In his left hand, which rests on a column, he holds a statuette of Victory carrying a trophy, while the right hand grasps a long sceptre. At his feet there is a cock. The type combines traditional features of the god with Roman victory imagery in a manner very characteristic of the coin issues of southern Asia Minor cities in the third century.26 The temple is hexastyle with an embossed shield in the pediment. In front of it there is an independent screen with a lattice pattern. The temple has a stepped krepis, high bases and Corinthian (?) capitals. The hexastyle front and the krepis are consistent with the temple of Mên on Karakuyu. The lattice screen might be an attempt to represent the temenos there, although the visual correspondence is not close. Moreover, the Karakuyu temple had Ionic, not Corinthian capitals (see above p. 50). Neverthe-less it seems reasonable to conclude that this coin type was intended to represent the principal Mên temple at Antioch, even though it does not mirror all its features accurately. There were frequently wide divergences between the illustrations of buildings, especially temples, on the local coin issues of the cities of the Greek East and the actual buildings that they were supposed to depict.27
Notes
1 JRS 15 (1925) 256 ff.; AJA 30 (1926) 79.
2 L. Robert, Études anatoliennes (1937) 532–5; J. Zeiler, ‘Vicus, platea, platiodani’, Archiv für lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik 14 (1905) 301–16. For colonnaded streets, see especially K. Lehmann-Hartleben, RE IIIa (1929) 2109 ff.
3 Five examples: TAM V.1, 79, 80, 146; SEG XXIX (1979) 1183 and XXXIII (1983) 1018.
4 IGR IV, 788–91.
5 Forsch. Ephesos III 80; I. Ephesos 3080.
6 IGR III 711, 712.
7 As Ramsay, JHS 50 (1930) 272–3.
8 Small shops or booths have been identified in the tunnel underneath the theatre, but probably did not exist as early as the first century AD. See above p. 112 n 43.
9 So, for instance, B. Levick, RE Suppl. XI, 52.
10 See the discussion of Wiemer, AS 47 (1997).
11 ILS 5526: Templum Fortunae et basilicum cum tribunali et columnis sex.
12 ILS 5525a: podium et tribunal et statuam Iustitiae Augustae.
13 ILS 5524: a fundamentis tribunal columnatum fecit; ILS 5525: tribunal fecit et columnam mutavit.
14 CIL III 6810–12; Calder, JRS 2 (1912) 101 no. 33.
15 This seems the preferable interpretation and makes the term cotidie in the next phrase intelligible. It is unlikely that it would have taken two months to construct awooden amphitheatre, or that a benefactor would have drawn attention to such a detail on an inscription.
16 F. Drexel, in L. Friedlaender, Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms IV (1921) 230 ff.; Robert, Gladiateurs, 33–4. Ammianus Marcellinus XIV.2.1 refers to an amphitheatrale spectaculum at nearby Iconium in the middle of the fourth century, where captured brigands were thrown to the beasts, but this need not be taken literally, since such entertainments were often staged in other buildings such as theatres (P. Collart, BCH 52 (1928) 114–33) or stadia (compare IGR IV 845 from Laodicea).
17 See T. Drew-Bear, ‘Les Sergii Paulli à Antioche de Pisidie’, forthcoming in the Proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Pisidian Antioch (1997).
18 AS 17 (1967) 104 nos. 6 and 7.
19 From Antioch: Sterrett, Epigraphic Journey no. 122 (CIL III 6807), now in Yalvaç Museum; Levick, AS 17 (1967) 105 no. 8; probably the two fragments W.M. Ramsay, JRS 14 (1924) 197 no. 25 combined with CIL III 6806. Diogenes was also responsible for setting up an inscription at Apamea for Valeria Augusta, wife of Galerius CIL III 13661), and was governor of the province when Eugenios, the later bishop of Laodicea Catacecaumene, was persecuted, almost certainly under Maximinus (MAMA I 170, cf. T.D. Barnes, The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine (1982) 156 and S. Mitchell, JRS 78 (1988) 105–24).
20 XII Araş. 14–16; A provisional version of the text is offered in Taşhalan 1997, 289: Felicissim[is temporibus DD NN] Gal. Val. M[aximini et Fl. Val. Const]antini [et Val. Liciniani Lic]inni pissimorum August(o)rum / arcum [ – – – por]ticibus e[t – – orn]atu a fund[ – – M. Val. Diogenes v.] p. praes. instantia sua facere curavit /d. n. m. q. eor[um].
21 C. Roueché, Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity (1989) 67 ff. nos. 38–40.
22 The military connotations of the word had largely been forgotten at this period. See Roueché, Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity, 74 on the term πρωτος στρατιής which she sees as arendering of princeps officii.
23 JHS 53 (1933) 317.
24 See J.J. Coulton, ‘Roman Aqueducts in Asia Minor’ in S. Macready and F.H. Thompson, Roman Architecture in the Greek World (1987) 72–84 at 81.
25 See L. Robert, Hellenica IV, 65–73, Roueché, Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity, 67–73. For an example at Iconium, see H.S. Cronin, JHS 22 (1902) 347.
26 J. Nollé, ‘Oriens Augusti. Kaiserpanegyrik und Perserkriegspropaganda auf Münzen der Stadt Side in Pamphylien unter Valerian und Gallienus (253–268)’, Jahrbuch für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte 36 (1986) 127–43; K.W. Harl, Civic Coins and Civic Politics in the Roman East AD 180–275 (1987).
27 See T. Drew-Bear, American Numismatic Society, Museum Notes 19 (1974) 27–63.