Notes

Introduction

1 For accounts of the origins of the term laikos, see Alexandre Faivre, The Emergence of the Laity in the Early Church (New York: Paulist, 1990), 15; Yves Congar, Lay People in the Church (Westminster, MD: Newman Press, 1965), 1–2; Karen Jo Torjesen, ‘Clergy and Laity’, in The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Studies, ed. David Hunter and Susan A. Harvey (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 390.

2 See William Klingshirn on the definition of a community religion in Caesarius of Arles: The Making of a Christian Community in Late Antique Gaul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 1.

3 For the purposes of this project, I distinguish between lay people who practised ascetic behaviours but remained largely engaged with the secular world, and people who lived lives wholly dedicated to religion and an ascetic lifestyle. When I use the term ‘ascetics’ in this work, I am referring to this latter group.

4 ‘Si autem laicus fuerit, ebdomadam dierum peniteat, quia homo seculi hujus est et culpa levior in hoc mundo et praemium minus in futuro’, Poenitentiale Vinniai 6–7, ed. H.J. Schmitz, Die Bussbücher und die Bussdisciplin der Kirche I (Mainz: Verlag von Franz Kirchheim, 1883), 502. Translated by H.M. Gamer and J.T. McNeill, Medieval Handbooks of Penance: A Translation of the Principal Libri Poenitentiales and Selections from Related Documents (New York: Octogon Books, 1965), 88. This penitential was produced in sixth-century Ireland but it was used on the Continent at least by the Carolingian period, and probably earlier.

5 By ‘Gaul’ I mean that region which the Romans called Gaul, approximately bordered by the Rhine, the Alps, the Mediterranean, the Pyrenees and the Atlantic. The time frame given here is approximate – I consider some relevant evidence before and after these dates.

6 Peter Brown, Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity AD 200–1000 (Oxford: Blackwell-Wiley, 2013), 355–79; Julia Smith, Europe After Rome: A New Cultural History, 500–1000 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 223–24.

7 For works which explore aspects of the lay experience in Gaul, see Georgia Frank, ‘From Antioch to Arles: Lay Devotion in Context’, in The Cambridge History of Christianity, volume 2: Constantine to c. 600, ed. Augustine Casiday and Frederick W. Norris (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 531–47; Lucy Grig, ed., Popular Culture in the Ancient World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming); Bernadette Filotas, Pagan Survivals, Superstitions and Popular Cultures in Early Medieval Pastoral Literature (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2005).

8 Smith, Europe After Rome, 6–7.

9 Smith, Europe After Rome, 6.

10 Smith, Europe After Rome, 6–7.

11 John Arnold, Belief and Unbelief in Medieval Europe (London: Hodder Arnold, 2005); Sarah Hamilton, Church and People in the Medieval West, 900–1200 (London: Routledge, 2013).

12 Virginia Burrus and Rebecca Lyman, ‘Introduction: Shifting the Focus of History’, in Late Ancient Christianity: A People’s History of Christianity, volume 2, ed. Virginia Burrus (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2005), 13.

13 David Frankfurter, ‘Beyond Magic and Superstition’, in Burrus, ed., 255–84.

14 André Vauchez, The Laity in the Middle Ages: Religious Beliefs and Devotional Practices, ed. Daniel Bornstein, trans. Margery J. Schneider (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1993), 28.

15 Richard W. Southern, ‘The Church of the Dark Ages, 600–1000’, in The Layman in Christian History, ed. Stephen Neill and Hans-Ruedi Weber (London: SCM Press, 1963), 88.

16 Marilyn Dunn, Belief and Religion in Barbarian Europe c. 350–700 (London: Bloomsbury, 2013).

17 Jaclyn Maxwell, Christianization and Communication in Late Antiquity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Jaclyn Maxwell, ‘Lay Piety in the Sermons of John Chrysostom’, in Byzantine Christianity: A People’s History of Christianity, volume 3, ed. Derek Krueger (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2006), 19–38; Jaclyn Maxwell, ‘Popular Theology in Late Antiquity’, forthcoming in Grig, ed.; Leslie Dossey, Peasant and Empire in Christian North Africa (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2010).

18 Lucy Grig, ‘Approaching Popular Culture: Singing in the Sermons of Caesarius of Arles’, Studia Patristica 69 (2013): 197–204.

19 Compare, for example, Alexandre Faivre’s narrowly technical definition of the laity as the baptized male heads of families, with Yves Congar’s broad philosophical definition of the laity as those ‘for whom their truth is not as it were swallowed up and destroyed by a higher reference’. Faivre, Emergence of the Laity, 51, 160; and Alexandre Faivre, ‘Clerc/Laïc: histoire d’une frontière’, Revue des sciences religieuses 57 (1983): 195–220; Congar, Lay People in the Church, 21. Faivre’s approach has been thoroughly critiqued by Malcolm Choat, in an unpublished piece: ‘The Limits of Laity: Religious Boundaries in the Fourth Century’.

20 Ann W. Astell, ‘Introduction’, in Lay Sanctity: A Search for Models, ed. Ann W. Astell (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2000), 9; George E. Demacopoulos, Five Models of Spiritual Direction in the Early Church (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2007), 2; Torjesen, ‘Clergy and Laity’, 401; Congar, Lay People in the Church, 4–8.

21 Stephen Neill and Hans-Ruedi Weber, ‘Preface’, in The Layman in Christian History, ed. Neill and Weber (London: SCM Press), 17. For examples where minor clergy were treated as lay, see Jacqueline Murray, ‘Masculinizing the Religious Life: Sexual Prowess, the Battle for Chastity and Monastic Identity’, in Holiness and Masculinity in the Middle Ages, ed. Patricia H. Cullum and Katherine J. Lewis (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2004), 25; Mary S. Skinner, ‘Lay Sanctity and Church Reform in Early Medieval France’, in Astell, ed., 30; Daniel E. Bornstein, ‘Living Christianity’, in Medieval Christianity: A People’s History of Christianity, volume 4, ed. Daniel E. Bornstein (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2009), 3–5.

22 Michel-Yves Perrin, for example, prefers the term fidelis, which has some inscriptional and legal basis. This term does not, however, appear anywhere near as frequently in the sources as laicus does. Perrin, ‘À propos de la participation des fidèles aux controverses doctrinales dans l’antiquité tardive: considérations introductives’, Antiquité Tardive 9 (2001): 182, n. 21. For examples of scholars who talk about the laity, but do not define the term, see Dunn, Belief and Religion; Hamilton, Church and People; Arnold, Belief and Unbelief; Derek Krueger, ‘Introduction: The Practice of Christianity in Byzantium’, in Krueger, ed., 1–15; Derek Rivard, Blessing the World: Ritual and Lay Piety in Medieval Religion (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 2009); Vauchez, The Laity in the Middle Ages. For scholars who use the term, but reject strict definitions, see Burrus and Lyman, ‘Introduction’, in Burrus, ed., 1–23; Richard Abels, ‘Concluding’, in Lay Intellectuals in the Carolingian World, ed. Patrick Wormald and Janet Nelson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 246–54.

23 For examples, see Hamilton, Church and People, 1; Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, 6; Bornstein, ‘Living Christianity’, in Bornstein, ed., 3; Frankfurter, ‘Beyond Magic and Superstition’, in Burrus, ed., 256; Vauchez, The Laity in the Middle Ages, 28; Frank, ‘From Antioch to Arles’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 531; Grig, ed., Popular Culture; H.J. Carpenter, ‘Popular Christianity and the Theologians in the Early Centuries’, Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 14 (1963): 294; Ramsey MacMullen, The Second Church: Popular Christianity A.D. 200–400 (Leiden: Brill, 2009), xi; Timothy E. Gregory, Vox Populi: Popular Opinion and Violence in the Religious Controversies of the Fifth Century AD (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1979); Allen Jones, Social Mobility in Late Antique Gaul: Strategies and Opportunities for the Non-Elite (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 15; Krueger, ‘Introduction: Christianity in Byzantium’, in Krueger, ed., 3; Filotas, Pagan Survivals, 26.

24 Hamilton, Church and People, 236; Kimberley Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values and Religious Change in Late Antiquity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 7; Jean Chélini, ‘Les laïcs dans la société ecclésiastique carolingienne’, in I laici nella ‘societas christiana’ dei secoli XI e XII (Milan: Società Editrice Vita e Pensiero, 1968), 23.

25 For examples, see Faivre, The Emergence of the Laity, 8; Paul Lakeland, The Liberation of the Laity: In Search of an Accountable Church (New York: Continuum, 2003), 8; George Huntston Williams, ‘The Ancient Church, AD 30–313’, in Neill and Weber, ed., 28–29.

26 Torjesen, ‘Clergy and Laity’, 389.

27 Torjesen, ‘Clergy and Laity’, 401. For statements of the desire by confessional scholars to use the history of the laity to address modern problems within their churches, see Neill and Weber, ‘Preface’, in Neill and Weber, ed., 12–14; Lakeland, Liberation of the Laity, 1; Astell, ‘Introduction’, 3.

28 Chélini, ‘Les laïcs’, 48; Demacopoulos, Five Models, 1; Vauchez, The Laity in the Middle Ages, 10.

29 Lynda L. Coon, Sacred Fictions: Holy Women and Hagiography in Late Antiquity (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), 64. For other ‘increased interference’ trajectories, see Frank, ‘From Antioch to Arles’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 544–45; Julia M.H. Smith, ‘Religion and Lay Society’, in The New Cambridge Medieval History, volume 2: c.700–c.900, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 678; Robert Markus, The End of Ancient Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 199, 226.

30 Faivre, The Emergence of the Laity, 69; Williams, ‘The Ancient Church’, in Neill and Weber, ed., 40–41.

31 William H.C. Frend, ‘The Church of the Roman Empire’, in Neill and Weber, ed., 65; Lakeland, Liberation of the Laity, 10.

32 Pierre Riché, Education and Culture in the Barbarian West, Sixth through Eighth Centuries, trans. John J. Contreni (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1976), 494; Hamilton, Church and People, 105; Chélini, ‘Les laïcs’, 48.

33 Arnold Angenendt, ‘Sacrifice, Gifts and Prayers in Latin Christianity’, in The Cambridge History of Christianity, volume 3: Early Medieval Christianities, ed. Thomas F.X. Noble and Julia M.H. Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 459; Vauchez, Laity in the Middle Ages, 43.

34 Torjesen, ‘Clergy and Laity’, 401.

35 Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, 22. Emphasis in original.

36 Averil Cameron, Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire: The Development of Christian Discourse (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1991), 8.

37 Peter Brown, Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992), 74.

38 Jean-Michel Carrié, ‘Antiquité tardive et «democratisation de la culture»: Un paradigme à geométrie variable’, Antiquité Tardive 9 (2001): 43–44.

39 Maxwell, Christianization and Communication, 171; Perrin, ‘À propos de la participation’, 199.

40 On horizontal and vertical: Michel Banniard, Viva voce: Communication écrite et communication orale du IV^e au IX^e siècle en Occident latin (Paris: Institut des Études Augustiniennes, 1992), 38–39; Marieke Van Acker, Ut quique rustici et inlitterati hec audierunt intellegant: Hagiographie et communication verticale au temps des Mérovingiens (VII^e–VIII^e siècles) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 13, 34–35.

41 Harry Gamble, Books and Readers in the Early Church: A History of Early Christian Texts (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995), 5–8. On the education of the clergy in this period, see Robert Godding, Prêtres en Gaule mérovingienne (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 2001), 51–71.

42 Smith, Europe After Rome, 42.

43 Gamble, Books and Readers, 8–9; Van Acker, Ut quique rustici et inlitterati, 39–41; Gregory I. Halfond, The Archaeology of Frankish Church Councils, AD 511–768 (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 95, 134.

44 William A. Johnson, Readers and Reading Culture in the High Roman Empire: A Study of Elite Communities (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 10.

45 Rosamond McKitterick, The Carolingians and the Written Word (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 10–11; Van Acker, Ut quique rustici et inlitterati, 13–14, 35.

46 Nevertheless, we know that some of the records are missing – Halfond estimates that a total of 79 councils were held in the period considered here. Frankish Church Councils, 15.

47 Halfond, Frankish Church Councils, 3, 57–60, 93.

48 Halfond, Frankish Church Councils, 14–15; Odette Pontal, Histoire des conciles mérovingiens (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1989).

49 For a summary of the issues, see Halfond, Frankish Church Councils, 132.

50 Halfond, Frankish Church Councils, 28, 99.

51 Jacques Champagne and Romuald Szramkiewicz, ‘Recherches sur les conciles des temps mérovingiens’, Revue historique de droit français et étranger 49 (1971): 43; Halfond, Frankish Church Councils, 155–81.

52 Halfond, Frankish Church Councils, 100.

53 For a neat summary of the law codes from this period, see ‘The Barbarian Kings as Lawgivers and Judges’, in Katherine F. Drew, Law and Society in Early Medieval Europe: Studies in Legal History (London: Variorum Reprints, 1988).

54 On the Visigothic laws, see Theodore J. Rivers, Laws of the Alamans and Bavarians (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1977), 20–21. On the identity issues in the application of these laws, see Patrick Amory, ‘The Meaning and Purpose of Ethnic Terminology in the Burgundian Laws’, Early Medieval Europe 2 (1993): 1–28.

55 On these codes, see Rivers, Laws of the Alamans and Bavarians, 20.

56 Alice Rio, Legal Practice and the Written Word in the Early Middle Ages: Frankish Formulae, c. 500–1000 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 201–2; Theodore J. Rivers, Laws of the Salian and Ripuarian Franks (New York: AMS Press, 1986), 2–3, 8–11.

57 Rivers, Laws of the Alamans and Bavarians, 24–25.

58 Rio, Legal Practice, 67–101.

59 Rio, Legal Practice, 22.

60 Alice Rio, ‘Charters, Law Codes and Formulae: The Franks between Theory and Practice’, in Frankland: The Franks and the World of the Early Middle Ages. Essays in Honour of Dame Jinty Nelson, ed. Paul Fouracre and David Ganz (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008), 20.

61 The literature on Gallic hagiography is extensive, but the most important works include Jamie Kreiner, The Social Life of Hagiography in the Merovingian Kingdom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014); John Kitchen, Saints’ Lives and the Rhetoric of Gender: Male and Female in Merovingian Hagiography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998); Paul Fouracre and Richard Gerberding, Late Merovingian France: History and Hagiography, 640–720 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996); Raymond Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles in Late Antique Gaul (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). Less has been written on miracle collections, but see Danuta Shanzer, ‘So Many Saints – So Little Time … the Libri Miraculorum of Gregory of Tours’, Journal of Medieval Latin 13 (2013): 19–60; Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles; Lisa K. Bailey, ‘Within and Without: Lay People and the Church in Gregory of Tours’ Miracle Stories’, Journal of Late Antiquity 5, no. 1 (2012): 119–44; Martin Heinzelmann, ‘Une source de base de la littérature hagiographique latine: Le recueil de miracles’, in Hagiographie, cultures et sociétés IV^e–XII^e siècles, Actes du Colloque organisé à Nanterre et à Paris (2–5 mai 1979) (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1981), 235–59.

62 Ian Wood, ‘How Popular was Early Medieval Devotion?’ in Popular Piety: Prayer, Devotion and Cult, Essays in Medieval Studies. Proceedings of the Illinois Medieval Association 14, ed. Allen J. Frantzen and Thomas. N. Hall (Morgantown, WV: West Virginia University Press, 1997) [http://www.illinoismedieval.org/ems/VOL14/wood.html]. Wood is building here on Peter Brown’s analysis in The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1981).

63 Filotas, Pagan Survivals, 62.

64 Van Acker, Ut quique rustici et inlitterati, 15–19, 34–39.

65 Van Acker, Ut quique rustici et inlitterati, 541. See also Marc Van Uytfanghe, ‘L’hagiographie et son public à l’époque mérovingienne’, Studia Patristica 16 (1985): 54–62.

66 For more on the use of this evidence, see Bailey, ‘Within and Without’.

67 Hamilton, Church and People, 262.

68 Lisa K. Bailey, Christianity’s Quiet Success: The Eusebius Gallicanus Sermon Collection and the Power of the Church in Late Antique Gaul (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2010). A number of sermons were aimed at monks, or fellow clergy, but these are usually identifiable.

69 Filotas, Pagan Survivals, 9; Frank, ‘From Antioch to Arles’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 532; Beverly M. Kienzle, ‘Introduction’, in The Sermon, Typologie de sources des moyen âge occidental, fascicules, ed. Beverly M. Kienzle (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), 143; Perrin, ‘À propos de la participation des fidèles’, 195.

70 Maxwell, Christianization and Communication, 171.

71 Kienzle, ‘Introduction’, 155.

72 On the history of Caesarius’ sermons, see Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles. Conrad Leyser raised some very important issues around the attribution of the whole collection to Caesarius in an oral presentation to a conference in Edinburgh in 2013 on ‘Caesarius and his World’ and will hopefully publish his thoughts on this soon. On the Eusebius Gallicanus sermons, see Bailey, Christianity’s Quiet Success, 29–38.

73 Bailey, Christianity’s Quiet Success, 131–43.

74 On the importance of this evidence, see Perrin, ‘À propos de la participation’, 192.

75 Mark Handley, Death, Society and Culture: Inscriptions and Epitaphs in Gaul and Spain, A.D. 300–750 (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2003), 2.

76 Compare, for example, the relatively optimistic views of Carlos R. Galvao-Sobrinho, ‘Funerary Epigraphy and the Spread of Christianity in the West’, Athenaeum 83 (1995): 436, and Brent D. Shaw, ‘Latin Funerary Epigraphy and Family Life in the Later Roman Empire’, Historia 33, no. 4 (1984): 462, with the more pessimistic views expressed by John C. Mann, ‘Epigraphic Consciousness’, Journal of Roman Studies 75 (1985): 204 and Handley, Death, 37.

77 Handley, Death, 40.

78 Handley, Death, 6, 37–40.

79 Handley, Death, 34.

80 Galvao-Sobrinho, ‘Funerary Epigraphy’, 435.

81 Handley, Death, 26–29.

82 Edmond LeBlant, ed., Inscriptions chrétiennes de la Gaule antérieures au VIII^e siècle, volume I: Provinces Gallicanes (Paris: Imprimé par ordre de l’empereur à l’imprimerie impériale, 1856).

83 Handley, Death, 195–99. RICG volumes 1, 8 and 15 are the only ones to have appeared to date.

84 See, for example, the work of Frank, ‘From Antioch to Arles’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 532; Harry O. Maier, ‘Heresy, Households, and the Disciplining of Diversity’, in Burrus, ed., 214; MacMullen, Second Church; Christina Shepardson, Controlling Contested Places: Late Antique Antioch and the Spatial Politics of Religious Controversy (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2014).

85 Kim Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values; John Percival, Roman Villa: A Historical Introduction (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1976); John Percival, ‘Villas and Monasteries in Late Roman Gaul’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48 (1997): 1–21.

Chapter 1

1 ‘Statuimus, ut, si quis saecularium honoratorum in itinere obuiam habuerit aliquem ecclesiasticorum graduum usque ad inferiorem gradum honoris, ueneranter, sicut condecet christianum, illi colla subdat, per cuius officia et obsequie fidelissima christianitatis iura promeruit. Et si quidem ille secularis equo uehitur clericusque similiter, secularis galerum de capite auferat et clerico sincerae salutationis munus adhibeat; si vero clericus pedes graditur et secularis uehitur equo, ilico ad terram defluat et debitum honorum sepe dicto clerico sincerae caritatis exhibeat, ut Deus, qui uera caritas est, in utrisque laetetur et dilectioni suae utrumque asciscat’, Mâcon a. 585, c. 15, ed. Jean Gaudemet and Brigitte Basdevant, Les canons de conciles mérovingiens (Vie–VIIe siècles), SC 354 (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1989), 474. By preference, I have used the SC editions of the Gallic church councils from the sixth and seventh centuries (volumes 353 and 354). However, since the SC edition of the fifth-century councils has not appeared, for these I have used the CCSL edition by Charles Munier, Concilia Galliae a. 314–a. 506, CCSL 148 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1963).

2 The translation of saecularis into English is awkward, but I want to be precise about what the Latin is showing us. The French translators of the canons decided instead to go for what they deemed the obvious meaning, and translated saecularis as laïque, Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 354, 475.

3 On the meanings of ordinare in this period, see Gary Macy, The Hidden History of Women’s Ordination: Female Clergy in the Medieval West (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 20; Susan Loftus, ‘The Construction of Episcopal Authority in Late Antique Gaul: A Case-study of the Role of Canon Law from the Sixth Century’ (PhD thesis, Macquarie University, Sydney, NSW, 2016), 55–94.

4 Tours a. 461, c. 1; Bordeaux a. 662–a. 675, c. 4.

5 Fideles used in contrast to pagans: Orléans a. 541, c. 16; Arles a. 442–a. 506, c. 23; used to indicate obligations of all Christians: Arles a. 314, c. 4; Mâcon a. 585, c. 11; Vaison a. 442, c. 4; Orléans a. 441, c. 19.

6 Orléans a. 533, c. 7; Losne a. 673–a. 675, c. 5; Eauze a. 551, c. 5; Épaone a. 517, preface; Orléans a. 541, c. 6; Agde a. 506, c. 47; Tours a. 567, c. 20; Mâcon a. 585, c. 1. See also Statuta ecclesiae antiqua c. 58; Agde a. 506, c. 25 and discussion of the term in Luce Pietri, Yvette Duval and Charles Pietri, ‘Peuple chrétien ou plebs: le rôle des laïcs dans les élections ecclesiastiques en Occident’, in Christiana respublica: Éléments d’une enquête sur le christianisme antique 2 (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 1992), 1060.

7 Agde a. 506, c. 21; Orléans a. 511, c. 25; Orléans a. 541, c. 3; Statuta ecclesiae antiqua c. 10; Clermont a. 535, c. 2; Orléans a. 538, c. 3; Chalon a. 647–a. 653, c. 10.

8 Orléans a. 549, c. 10; Losne a. 673–a. 675, c. 18; Orléans a. 511, c. 27; Tours a. 567: Epistula episcoporum prouinciae Turonensis ad plebem; Pietri et al., ‘Peuple chrétien ou plebs’.

9 Nîmes a. 394–a. 396, c. 3, ed. Munier, CCSL 148 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1963), 50.

10 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua c. 40 and 54, ed. Munier, CCSL 148, 173 and 175. See also Statuta ecclesiae antiqua c. 89: ‘si clerico uel laico’, ed. Munier, CCSL 148, 180.

11 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, prologue, ed. Munier, CCSL 148, 165.

12 Agde a. 506, c. 40, 42, ed. Munier, CCSL 148, 210, 211.

13 Tours a. 567, c. 6, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 354, 354. See also ‘Laicis contra cuiuslibet gradus clericum’, Épaone a. 517, c. 24, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 353, 122.

14 Arles a. 442–a. 506, c. 8, ed. Munier, CCSL 148, 115; Agde a. 506, c. 4, ed. Munier, CCSL 148, 194; Clichy a. 626–a. 627, c. 12.

15 Mâcon a. 581–a. 583, c. 15, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 354, 436.

16 Angers a. 453, c. 7, ed. Munier, CCSL 148, 138.

17 Losne a. 673–a. 675, c. 9, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 354, 578.

18 Note also the uses of saecularis where it clearly stands in for laicus in Mâcon a. 585, c. 15; Agde a. 506, c. 18, 25; Auxerre a. 561–a. 605, c. 9.

19 Orléans a. 511, c. 4.

20 Épaone a. 517, c. 37, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 353, 118; Arles a. 524, c. 1–2.

21 Orléans a. 538, c. 6; Orléans a. 549, c. 9.

22 ‘Saeculares uero, qui necdum sunt ad clericatum conuersi’, Chalon a. 647–a. 653, c. 5, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 354, 552.

23 Tours a. 461, c. 5, ed. Munier, CCSL 148, 145: ‘Si quis uero clericus, relicto officii sui ordine, laicam uoluerit agere uitam … excommunicationis poena feriatur.’

24 On the concern of the Gallic church councils to police this boundary and the rituals surrounding movement over it, see Loftus, ‘Construction’.

25 Clermont a. 535, c. 13; Mâcon a. 581–a. 583, c. 11; Bordeaux 662–a. 675, c. 4.

26 Agde a. 506, c. 17; Clermont a. 535, c. 8.

27 Bordeaux a. 662–a. 675, preface: ‘clerici per contumacia propriis episcopis dispicerint et secularem abitum et adhuc, quod peius est, amplius quam secularis diuersa contraria agerent’, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 354, 568.

28 Agde a. 506, c. 20; Mâcon a. 581–a. 583, c. 5; Bordeaux a. 662–a. 675.

29 Losne a. 673–a. 675, c. 2.

30 Macy, Women’s Ordination, 40.

31 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua c. 37, 41.

32 Épaone 517, c. 21; Orléans 533, c. 17.

33 Macy, Women’s Ordination, 27–49.

34 Arles II a. 442–a. 450, c. 3 and 4; Anjou a. 453, c. 4; Tours a. 567, c. 11, 13, 14; Mâcon a. 581–a. 583, c. 1, 3; Losne a. 673–a. 675, c. 4.

35 Orléans a. 549, c. 3.

36 Godding, Prêtres, 112–15; Arles II a. 442–a. 506, c. 3. Note also earlier rulings disqualifying from ordination anyone who had married more than once, or who had married a widow: Arles a. 314, c. 25 and Valence a. 374, c. 1. At the Council of Orange a. 441, c. 24, those who had married twice were prohibited to rise above subdeacon, repeated at Arles II a. 442–a. 506, c. 45, Épaone a. 517, c. 2. Widows of priests, deacons and subdeacons were prohibited from remarrying at Auxerre a. 561–a. 605, c. 22.

37 Arles a. 442–a. 506, c. 43, 44.

38 Tours a. 461, c. 2.

39 Clermont a. 535, c. 13.

40 Orléans a. 538, c. 8.

41 Orléans a. 549, c. 3, 4.

42 Tours a. 567, c. 13, 14, 15. Godding, Prêtres, 123 calls this council’s legislation ‘obsessive’.

43 Mâcon a. 581–a. 583, c. 11.

44 Auxerre a. 561–a. 605, c. 20, 21.

45 Godding, Prêtres, 111, 114–15; David Hunter, ‘Clerical Celibacy and the Veiling of Virgins: New Boundaries in Late Ancient Christianity’, in The Limits of Ancient Christianity: Essays on Late Antique Thought and Culture in Honor of R.A. Markus, ed. William Klingshirn and Mark Vessey (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1999), 142.

46 Chélini, ‘Les laïcs’, 25–26, 48.

47 On bishops’ wives, see the evidence in Brian Brennan, ‘ “Episcopae”: Bishops’ Wives Viewed in Sixth-Century Gaul’, Church History 54 (1985): 311–23.

48 Godding notes the probable ineffectiveness of council rulings, and an eventual change in their focus: Prêtres, 128, 131–35, 154. Georg Scheibelreiter argues that a bishop without a wife was rare in Gaul up until the late sixth century at least, and probably later: ‘Church Structure and Organization’, in The New Cambridge Medieval History, volume 1: c. 500–c.700, ed. Paul Fouracre (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 693. On the sexual activities of Gallic clergy, and the failed efforts to enforce celibacy rulings, see James A. Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 110–12, 150–51; Jo Ann McNamara, ‘Chaste Marriage and Clerical Celibacy’, in Sexual Practices and the Medieval Church, ed. Vern L. Bullough and James A. Brundage (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1994), 22–33.

49 Macy, Women’s Ordination, 61–83; Kevin Madigan and Carolyn Osiek, Ordained Women in the Early Church: A Documentary History (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), 3–7.

50 Faivre, Emergence of the Laity, 158; Godding, Prêtres, 14; Sabine Hübner, Der Klerus in der Gesellschaft des spätantiken Kleinasiens (Munich: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2005), 155–56.

51 Lex Romana Visigothorum 16.1.

52 Codex Euriciani 306, but note that the term laicos has been restored here to the fragmentary text – it is clear from the context that a contrast with clergy is meant, but the exact term used is not confirmable; see ed. K. Zeumer, MGH Leges 1.1 (Hanover: Hahn, 1902), 17.

53 Poenitentiale Columbani B 1–4 and 14–16.

54 Poenitentiale Vinniai 6–7.

55 Tours a. 461, c. 1.

56 Épaone a. 517, c. 15.

57 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 1.12, 47.4, 55.5, 61.1, 157.4.

58 In a treatise that Germain Morin attributes to Faustus of Riez, he described seven orders: gravediggers, porters, lectors, subdeacons, deacons, priests and bishops: ‘Hiérarchie et liturgie dans l’église gallicane au V^e siècle d’après un écrit restitué à Fauste de Riez’, Revue Bénédictine 8 (1891): 99.

59 Macy, Women’s Ordination, 28. Jones, Social Mobility, 245, summarizes the texts that suggest that minor clergy underwent ordination or initiation ceremonies. See also Roger E. Reynolds, ‘The Organization, Law and Liturgy of the Western Church, 700–900’, in McKitterick, ed., 610; Godding, Prêtres, 158.

60 Épaone a. 517, c. 15. See also Tours a. 567, c. 20.

61 Auxerre a. 561–a. 605, c. 43, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 354, 500: ‘aut saecularis presbyterum aut diaconum aut quemlibet de clero aut de iunioribus.’ Paris a. 614, c. 6.

62 ‘presbytero uel diacono uel quemquam ex iuniore ordine clericum’, Paris a. 614, c. 9, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 354, 512.

63 Tours a. 567, c. 20.

64 Leges Alamannorum 11–15.

65 Lex Ribuaria 40 (36), ed. Franz Beyerle and Rudolf Buchner, MGH Leges 3.2 (Hanover: Hahn, 1951), 93.

66 Leges Baiuwariorum 1.8–1.9.

67 LH 5.49.

68 Orléans a. 538, c. 2; Tours a. 567 c. 11, 20; Lyon a. 583, c. 1; Auxerre a. 561–a. 605, c. 20, 21.

69 Scheibelreiter, ‘Church Structure’, 689, 694; Reynolds, ‘Organisation’, in McKitterick, ed., 605–6; Jones, Social Mobility, 233–36; Macy, Women’s Ordination, 25–6; Hübner, Klerus, 26–27.

70 Scheibelreiter, ‘Church Structure’, 690.

71 Jones, Social Mobility, 234–38, 241.

72 See LH 7.20 where Fredegund sends to spy on Brunhild a ‘cleric of her household’ and 8.29 where Fredegund attempts to use clerics as assassins.

73 Mâcon a. 585, c. 16. Hübner, Klerus, 34–5, notes the clerical privileges accorded even to gravediggers.

74 On the training that might have been offered to junior clerics, see Godding, Prêtres, 60–67.

75 ‘Si quis clericus, monachus, saecularis diuinationem uel auguria crediderit obseruanda’, Orléans a. 511, c. 30, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 353, 88.

76 Tours a. 567, c. 15.

77 Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job 1.14.

78 Macy, Women’s Ordination, 33.

79 See, for example, LH 5.7; Vita Romani 20–21; Vita Eugendi 132–34; Vita Martini 7.

80 Lex Romana Visigothorum, extract from Codex Theodosianus 5.3. See also the extract from the Novellae Marciani 5, which groups together widows, deaconesses, maidens consecrated to God, holy women or a woman ‘called by any other name of religious honour or dignity’, Lex Romana Visigothorum, 304.

81 Codex Euriciani 335.

82 Formulae Marculfi 1.19.

83 ‘In primo quoque de ministerio ecclesiarum omnium praecipimus, ut nullus ad subripiendum in aliquo conaretur, neque de sanctimunialibus neque de viduis que se in religione domini devotas esse probarentur; simili condicione et de clericis vel filiis supradictorum, tam clericorum quam viduarum, qui cum illis in domu ipsorum consistere videbantur; idem et de servis ecclesiarum, quos de ecclesiis tractos per episcoporum sacramenta constiterit, praeceptum est observare, ut nullus ex ipsis aliqua violentia vel damnum pateretur’, Epistola ad Episcopos, in Capitularia Regum Francorum 1, ed. A. Boretius, MGH Leges 2.1 (Hanover: Hahn, 1883), 1; trans. Halfond, Frankish Church Councils, 127.

84 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 2.47.4, 55.5, 55A.4, 101.1, 185.5.

85 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 1.12, 64.4, 157.4.

86 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 61.5.

87 ‘si et clerici et laici et monachi et sanctaemoniales et in coniugiis positi’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 155.4, ed. Germain Morin, CCSL 104, Sancti Caesarii Arelatensis sermones (Turnhout: Brepols, 1953), 634. Translated by Mary Magdeleine Mueller, Fathers of the Church 47, Saint Caesarius of Arles: Sermons (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1956–73), 347.

88 ‘Hic apostatavit, et dimissis capillis, uxorem, quam post clericatum reliquerat, cum regno fratris simul accepit’, LH 4.4, ed. Bruno Krusch and Wilhelm Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, Gregorii episcopi Turonensis libri historiarum X (Hanover: Hahn, 1951), 138. Translated by Lewis Thorpe, The History of the Franks (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974), 199.

89 LH 5.14, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 208.

90 See, for example, LH 4.26, 6.16, 6.43, 9.33.

91 Valence a. 374, c. 2; Orléans a. 511, c. 21.

92 See, for example, the story of Basina, placed in a nunnery by her father, who later sought to marry her off, LH 6.34.

93 Peter Hatlie, ‘The Religious Lives of Children and Adolescents’, in Krueger, ed., 189; Godding, Prêtres, 66; Harry Neff Waldron, ‘Expressions of Religious Conversion among Laymen remaining within Secular Society in Gaul, 400–800 A.D’, (PhD thesis, Ohio State University, 1976), 61.

94 Mâcon a. 581–a. 583, c. 20.

95 Paul Aubin, Le problème de la «conversion»: Étude sur un terme commun a l’hellénisme et au christianisme des trois premiers siècles (Paris: Beauchesne et ses fils, 1962); James Muldoon, ed., Varieties of Religious Conversion in the Middle Ages (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 1997); Karl F. Morrison, Conversion and Text: The Cases of Augustine of Hippo, Herman-Judah, and Constantine Tsatsos (Charlotte, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1992).

96 For example, at the Council of Chalon, a. 647–a. 653, c. 5. After Sidonius Apollinaris was ordained bishop, he largely stopped writing secular verses, describing this as no longer appropriate: Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 9.12.

97 Constantius of Lyon, Vita Germani 2, ed. René Borius, SC 112, Constance de Lyon: Vie de saint Germain d’Auxerre (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1965), 124.

98 Faustus of Riez, Epistulae ad Ruricium 2(9), 3(10); Paul Galtier, ‘Pénitents et «convertis»: De la pénitence latine a la pénitence celtique’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 33 (1937): 19. See here also Kevin Uhalde, ‘Judicial Administration in the Church and Pastoral Care in Late Antiquity’, in A New History of Penance, ed. Abigail Firey (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 99. It was this kind of preparation for ordination that was referred to at the Council of Orange a. 441, c. 15, 21.

99 ‘Consecratur in sacerdotio, iam diu virtutum meritis consecratus; amplectendum consecrationis ministerium, quod auxit merita consecrantum; effectus nomine sacerdos, qui iam pridem erat virtutum decoratus insignibus’, Honoratus of Marseilles, Vita Hilarii 10, PL 50, S. Hilarii Arelatensis vita (Turnhout: Brepols, 1975), 1228D.

100 Sermo sancti Honorati 5–14.

101 Orléans a. 511, c. 21.

102 ‘ad supradictum coenubium conversa e saeculum petiit’, Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Columbani 12, ed. Bruno Krusch, MGH SRM 4 (Hanover: Hahn, 1902), 131; ‘puella intra infantiae … in supradictum monasterium conversa introiit’, Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Columbani 13, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 4, 133; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 163–64. See also Vita Columbani 17 and 21 for similar usages.

103 Vita Balthildis 10.

104 Kitchen, Saints’ Lives, 25. On the motif of the puer senex, see Ernst R. Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1953), 98–105.

105 Hilary of Arles, Sermo sancti Honorati 5, ed. Marie-Denise Valentin, SC 235, Hilaire d’Arles: Vie de saint Honorat (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1977), 80, ‘tot a conuersione uinculis retrahebatur’.

106 ‘flammam conuersionis … ad conuersionem uocatus’, Hilary of Arles, Sermo sancti Honorati 8–9, ed. Valentin, SC 235, 88–90.

107 De sancta Austreberta virgine 7–8.

108 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 12–13.

109 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 12.

110 ‘ “Si me consecrare distuleris et plus hominem quam Deum timueris, de manu tua, pastor, ovis anima requiratur” … manu superposita, consecravit diaconam’, Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 12, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 368; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 75.

111 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 15–20.

112 ‘operante divina potentia, a rege terreno discessit, quod sua vota poscebant’, Baudonivia, Vita Radegundis 3, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 380; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 87.

113 ‘se sub coniugis specie nupta tractavit’, Baudonivia, Vita Radegundis 1, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 380; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 87.

114 On the development of monasticism in Gaul in this period, see Conrad Leyser, ‘ “This Sainted Isle”: Panegyric, Nostalgia and the Invention of a “Lerinian Monasticism” ’, in Klingshirn and Vessey, ed., 188–206; Stephen Lake, ‘Monastic Rules and Monastic Tradition in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages’, unpublished paper; Friedrich Prinz, Frühes Mönchtum im Frankenreich: Kultur und Gesellschaft in Gallien, den Rheinlanden und Bayern am Beispiel der monastischen Entwicklung (4. bis 8. Jahrhundert) (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1965); Rosemarie Nürnberg, Askese als sozialer Impuls: Monastisch-asketische Spiritualität als Wurzel und Triebfeder sozialer Ideen und Aktivitäten der Kirche in Südgallien im 5. Jahrhundert (Bonn: Borengässer, 1988); Adalbert De Vogüé, Histoire littéraire du mouvement monastique dans l’antiquité (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1997); Christian Courtois, ‘L’évolution du monachisme en Gaule de St Martin à St Columban’, in Il monachesimo nell’alto medioevo e la formazione della civiltà occidentale (Spoleto: Presso La Sede Del Centro, 1957), 47–72.

115 ‘contemptu mundi ambitu, spreto viri consortio, soli Deo, in quo erat confisa, vacabat’, VP 19.1, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 286; trans. Edward James, Gregory of Tours: Life of the Fathers (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1985), 119.

116 In their translations of VP 19, both James, Gregory of Tours, 127–28 and McNamara, Sainted, 58 choose the term ‘nuns’ to refer to Monegund’s community, and Allen E. Jones, Social Mobility, 137, also uses this term of Monegund herself. May Viellard-Troiekouroff refers to a community of moniales under Monegund and associates her with a monastère found near the location of her residence, although that institution is not attested in any sources for some centuries after. Les monuments religieux de la Gaule d’après les oeuvres de Grégoire de Tours (Paris: Honoré Champion, 1976), 328–29. Monegund is also associated with this later monastery by Luce Pietri, La ville de Tours du IV^e au VI^e siècle: Naissance d’une cité chrétienne (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 1983), 411–13 and Nancy Gauthier and Jean-Charles Picard, ed., Topographie chrétienne des cités de la Gaule des origines au milieu du VIII^e siècle, volume 5 (Paris: De Boccard, 1987), 36.

117 Waldron, ‘Expressions’, 14.

118 Waldron, ‘Expressions’, 1.

119 Demacopoulous, Five Models, 44–45 insists on important differences between conversi and formal ascetics, but the lines between these groups were not clear at the time. I do not agree with him in seeing the ascetic disciplines of these conversi as ‘temporary’ – many constituted commitments for life.

120 ‘relegiosa veste habens’, LH 4.26, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 157.

121 ‘quae sub specie religionis erat veste mutata’, LH 2.1, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 37.

122 ‘ex consensu pari vir tonsoratur ad clericatum, puella vero religiosum induit vestimentum’, GC 31, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 317.

123 GC 75.

124 ‘Sed omnem domum suam ita in castitate atque omni puritate tam animi quam corporis excolebat, ut nullus ibi adulterium exercere praesumeret’, GC 41, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 324; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 53. See also GC 108 on the chaste marriage of Paulinus.

125 VBM 2.9.

126 ‘ad basilica beati Martini deserviens’, LH 2.43, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 94.

127 Waldron, ‘Expressions’, especially chapter 3; Galtier, ‘Pénitents’, 5–26. See also Cyrille Vogel, La discipline pénitentielle en Gaule des origines à la fin du VII^e siècle (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1952).

128 Uhalde, ‘Judicial Administration’, 100. Note that the Council of Angers in 453 described those entering public penance as conversi, c. 12. See also Waldron, ‘Expressions’, 121 on the phrase convertere ad paenitentiam.

129 Vita Trudonis 4; Waldron, ‘Expressions’, 47.

130 Vita Anstrudis 1.

131 Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 4.2.

132 ‘habitus viro, gradus pudor, color sermo religiosus, tum coma brevis barba prolixa’, Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 4.24.3–4, ed. and trans. William B. Anderson, Loeb Classical Library 420, Sidonius: Poems and Letters (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965), 158–60.

133 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua c. 26; Agde a. 506, c. 20, ed. Munier, CCSL 148, 202: ‘uestimenta uel calcamenta religionem deceant’; Mâcon a. 581–a. 583, c. 5; Bordeaux a. 662–a. 675, preface.

134 Bonnie Effros, ‘Appearance and Ideology: Creating Distinctions between Clerics and Lay Persons in Early Medieval Gaul’, in Encountering Medieval Textiles and Dress, ed. Désirée G. Koslin and Janet E. Snyder (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 8. Also Coon, Sacred Fictions, 63.

135 On the significance of clerical dress in general, see Dyan Elliott, although her focus is largely on later periods: ‘Dressing and Undressing the Clergy: Rites of Ordination and Degradation’, in Medieval Fabrications: Dress, Textiles, Clothwork, and Other Cultural Imaginings, ed. E. Jane Burns (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 55–69.

136 Roger E. Reynolds, ‘Clerical Liturgical Vestments’, in Clerics in the Early Middle Ages: Hierarchy and Image (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999); Godding, Prêtres, 28–29.

137 Contrast this, however, with the view of Coon, Sacred Fictions, 59, who sees a process of embellishment of clerical clothing as central to marking clergy as distinct.

138 Coon, Sacred Fictions, 61, seems rather to overstate the evidence when she says that: ‘Such distinctions had become so elaborate by the fourth and fifth centuries that differences between the consecrated and non-consecrated were vividly conveyed by ecclesiastical vestments.’

139 Godding, Prêtres, 23. On Frankish attitudes to hair, see Averil Cameron, ‘How did Merovingians Wear their Hair?’, Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 43 (1965): 1203–16 and Conrad Leyser, ‘Long-haired Kings and Short-haired Nuns: Writing on the Body in Caesarius of Arles’, Studia Patristica 24 (1993): 143–50. Coon, Sacred Fictions, 62, likewise sees the tonsure as the ‘ultimate distinction between the ordained and the ordinary’. On the tonsure in general, see Robert Mills, ‘The Signification of the Tonsure’, in Cullum and Lewis, ed., 109–26; Jo Ann McNamara, ‘Chastity as a Third Gender in the History and Hagiography of Gregory of Tours’, in The World of Gregory of Tours, ed. Kathleen Mitchell and Ian Wood (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 205.

140 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua c. 25; Agde a. 506, c. 20.

141 ‘comam capitis tondi adscirique se in ordine clericorum’, VP 9.1, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 253; trans. James, Gregory, 66.

142 LH 8.20. See discussion of this episode in McNamara, ‘Chastity’, 205.

143 LH 4.4.

144 Sermo sancti Honorati 8.

145 VP 6.1, 20.3.

146 Formulae Marculfi 1.19. Congar, Lay People, 5, argues that tonsure was a token for both monks and clerics by the fourth century.

147 ‘ad mundi vi raperent’, Vita Geretrudis 2, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 456; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 224.

148 Vita Geretrudis 2. On veiling in general, see Hunter, ‘Clerical’, in Klingshirn and Vessey, ed.; A.-M. Helvétius, ‘Virgo et virago: Réflexions sur le pouvoir du voile consacré d’après les sources hagiographiques de la Gaule du Nord’, in Femmes et pouvoir des femmes à Byzance et en Occident (VI^e–XI^e siècles), ed. S. Lebecq, A. Dierkins, R. LeJan and J.-M. Sansterre (Lille: Université Charles de Gaulle, 1999), 189–203.

149 Helvétius, ‘Virgo et virago’, 196.

150 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua 99; Orange a. 441, c. 26.

151 LH 2.1, 4.26.

152 Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 6 and 9, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 367–68.

153 Caesaria, Dominabus Sanctis Richilde et Radegundi Caesaria Exigua: ‘Sunt aliquante neglegentes vel tepide, que putant, quod illis sufficiat vestem mutasse. Vestes enim seculare deponere et religiosas assumere, unius hore momento possumus; mores vero bonorum iugiter retinere, quamdiu vivimus, Christo adiutore, laborare debemus.’ MGH 7, Epistolae Aevi Merowingici Collectae, 452, esp. 11.

154 De sancta Austreberta virgine 6 and De sancta Eustadiola 1.

155 De sancta Austreberta virgine 6.

156 Waldron, ‘Expressions’, 207–16.

157 Agde a. 506, c. 15. On head shaving as an act of purification, see Coon, Sacred Fictions, 32.

158 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 56.3.

159 Waldron, ‘Expressions’, 225.

160 Chélini, ‘Les laïcs’, 25–26.

161 Agde a. 506, c. 15; Orléans a. 538, c. 27. For strict rulings, see Eauze a. 551, c. 1; Arles a. 442–a. 506, c. 21. See discussion in Waldron, ‘Expressions’, 22–23.

162 Waldron, ‘Expressions’, 21.

163 Cyrille Vogel, ‘La discipline pénitentielle dans les inscriptions paléochrétiennes’, Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 42 (1966): 325; Waldron, ‘Expressions’, 120.

164 For example, Matt. 20.27, Romans 1.1, Phil. 1.1, James 1.1.

165 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 8, 16–17, 19, 23–24. Baudonivia, Vita Radegundis 8.

166 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 4.

167 Baudonivia, Vita Radegundis 12.

168 See the summary in Handley, Death, 40.

169 Handley, Death, 53–55.

170 RICG 1.106, 1.256, 8.9, 8.22, 15.5, 15.30, 15.45, 15.62, 15.77, 15.82, 15.98B, 15.147, 15.173, 15.231, 15.237, 15.239, 15.240, 15.251, 15.282; Inscriptions 31, 57, 58, 65, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions chrétiennes, 68–71, 117–34, 142–44. This is not an exhaustive list by any means. On these terms, see Hartmut Atsma, ‘Die Christlichen Inschriften Galliens als Quelle für Klosterbewohner bis zum Ende des 6. Jahrhunderts’, Francia 4 (1976): 42 and 51.

171 RICG 1.219 and 1.220.

172 RICG 15.62.

173 Adolar Zumkeller, ‘Der Gebrauch der Termini famulus dei, servus dei, famula dei und ancilla dei bei Augustinus’, in Eulogia: Mélanges offerts à Antoon A.R. Bastiaesen à l’occasion de son soixante-cinquième anniversaire, ed. G.J.M. Bartelink, A. Hillhorst and C.H. Kneepkens (The Hague: Steenbrugis, 1991), 438; Laurens J. Van der Lof, ‘The Threefold Meaning of servus dei in the Writings of St Augustine’, Augustinian Studies 12 (1981): 45.

174 Van der Loft, ‘Threefold’, 49–50.

175 RICG 15.5 and 15.282.

176 Jean Coquet, ‘L’inscription d’Ariomeres’, Revue Mabillon 51 (1961): 54–70.

177 VBM 1.26.

178 GC 60.

179 VBM 2.13.

180 ‘a meis serviitis vinculo, humiliatis capillis tuo servitio delegetur’, VBM 2.4, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 161; trans. Raymond Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles in Late Antique Gaul (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), 231. For other examples, see VBM 1.7, 2.6, 2.33, 2.53, 3.19; GC 22; VP 17.6.

181 ‘vovit … ut per singulos menses una ebdomada ad sanctum templum debeat deservire’, VBM 3.56, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 196. See also VBM 2.22 where a woman brought food to those on the matricula every year after her cure.

182 De sancta Austreberta virgine 23.

183 See the important work of Alice Rio, Legal Practice, 212–37, on the spectrum of freedom and unfreedom in the early medieval world, and the degree to which the term servus could encompass both highly oppressed and relatively powerful people, as well as people we might differentially characterize as servants and slaves.

184 GM 14 and 33; VBM 1.32. Another example concerning lamps: GM 103. Other references to servants within religious institutions: VJ 16; VBM 3.12, 3.18, 3.25, 3.28, 3.43; GC 19, 24, 36; LH 2.24, 5.18, 7.47. The terms puer and puella could mean either a young boy/girl or a servant of any age.

185 Vita Bertilae 5; Vita Aldegundis 21, 24; Vita Rusticulae 27; VJ 16.

186 Vita Genovefae 28, 40. When Austreberta left her home to seek consecration, she was accompanied by a sizeable retinue: De sancta Austreberta virgine 1.7.

187 LH 5.10 and Baudonivia, Vita Radegundis 8.

188 Caesarius, Regula virginum 7. The account of the revolt of the nuns in Poitiers (who supposedly followed this rule) made reference to nunnery servants – the prohibition may have been understood as applying to personal servants, rather than servants in general, LH 10.16. However, as Gregory’s account shows, the Regula was not always being followed very closely.

189 ‘potius utar seculum ac cibum potumque in abundantia sumam’, VP 19.1, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 287.

190 VP 11.2.

191 GC 22.

192 ‘Ad nos vero cum horum notitia devenisset, puerum humilitatis capillis huic monasterio cessimus, puellam vero mutata veste coetu sanctimonialium coniungi praecipimus ad serviendum Deo’, GC 22, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 312; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 38.

193 GC 79.

194 ‘tu, inquit, cum sis ex monasterii hujus nata famula, debeasque servile opus exercere … ausa es hoc arbitrari, ut rapina corpori sanctimonialium sociata, domina effici delecteris?’, Miraculae sanctae Austrebertae 4, ed. AS 10 February, 424; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 320.

195 VBM 3.46.

196 VBM 2.30.

197 VBM 2.57. See also VBM 4.15 in which a cured slave was presented to the church by his grateful master.

198 Jones, Social Mobility, 210.

199 Lex Ribuaria 61 (58). See also an example in Formulae Andecavenses 20.

200 ‘et tam ipse et omnis procreatio eius liberi permaneant et sub tuitione ecclesiae consistant vel omnem reditum status eorum ecclesiae reddant’, Lex Ribuaria 61 (58), ed. Beyerle and Buchner, MGH Leges 1.3.2, 109; trans. Rivers, Laws of the Salian and Ripuarian Franks, 195. In this context, tabularius probably refers to a former serf, manumitted by deed: J.F. Niemeyer, Mediae Latinitatis Lexicon Minus (Leiden: Brill, 1976), 1011.

201 Lex Ribuaria 61 (58).

202 Peter Sarris, ‘Restless Peasants and Scornful Lords: Lay Hostility to Holy Men and the Church in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages’, in An Age of Saints? Power, Conflict and Dissent in Early Medieval Christianity, ed. Peter Sarris, Matthew Dal Santo and Phil Booth (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 2.

203 On the variety of unfree conditions in Gaul and the confusing terminology associated with these, see Alice Rio, ‘Freedom and Unfreedom in Early Medieval Francia: The Evidence of the Legal Formulae’, Past and Present 193 (2006): 7–40.

204 Leges Alamannorum 6, 17.1. On the terminology used for these groups, see Rivers, Laws of the Alamans and Bavarians, 26–27.

205 Lex Ribuaria 10.1, 11.3, 14–15, 61 (58), 68 (65).

206 Leges Alamannorum 7. According to the Decretals of Childebert, added to the Pactus Legis Salicae, however, church slaves were to receive the same punishment as other slaves, Decretio Childeberti 6.3.6.

207 ‘homine sancti illius’, Formulae Andecavenses 26, ed. K. Zeumer, MGH Leges 5 (Hanover: Hahn, 1886), 12. Leges Baiuwariorum 1.13 and Leges Alamannorum 21–22 detailed the tenancy duties of coloni and servi of the church.

208 Epistola ad Episcopos, ed. Boretius, MGH Leges 2.1, 1.

209 Rivers, Laws of the Alamans and Bavarians, 27–28.

210 Rio, Legal Practice, 229.

211 Leges Alamannorum 1.1; Rio, Legal Practice, 228–32.

212 Sarris, ‘Restless Peasants’, 4–5.

213 ‘sanctis Dei pauperibus’, Formulae Marculfi 2.1, ed. Zeumer, MGH Leges 5, 73.

214 VBM 1.31. See also the mentions of a residence for the poor in VBM 2.10, 2.27, 3.14. The paupers on the matricula appeared in organized joint action in the Formulae Andecavenses, where they sold a foundling baby and shared the proceeds, 49.

215 VBM 3.23; VJ 38; VBM 2.22–23.

216 GC 90. Jones, Social Mobility, 228 and Peter Brown, Poverty and Leadership in the Later Roman Empire (Hanover, NH: University Press of New Hampshire, 2001), 65.

217 Jones, Social Mobility, 233.

218 See, for example, the warden of the tomb in VJ 2; Jones, Social Mobility, 233–38.

219 ‘pauperibus et iunioribus eclesiae vel basilicae bannos … Non enim erat consuetudo, ut hi ullam exsolverent publicam functionem’, LH 5.26, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 233; trans. Thorpe, History, 291.

220 ‘misit pueros suos, ut in domo beati Martini … “Sancti Martini homines hii sunt” ’, LH 7.42, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 364; trans. Thorpe, History, 426. The Lex Ribuaria 68 (65) decreed: ‘Si quis legibus in utilitatem regis sive in hoste seu in reliquam utilitatem bannitus fuerit et minime adimpleverit, si egritudo eum non detenuerit, sexaginta solidos multetur. Si autem Romanus aut regius seu ecclesiasticus homo hoc fecerit, unusquisque contra auctorem suum 30 solidos culpabilis iudicetur’, ed. Beyerle and Buchner, MGH Leges 3.2, 119.

221 Even in the year 800, a council meeting under Charlemagne’s orders had to order conversi to muster with the army like all other laymen, suggesting that their status was ambiguous. Discussed in Waldron, ‘Expressions’, 288.

222 Codex Theodosianus 11.16.18.

223 Joan W. Scott, ‘The Evidence of Experience’, Critical Inquiry 17 (1991): 793.

Chapter 2

1 ‘si malum est et turpe cum sordidis minibus ad altare accedere, quantum peius est in animam sordidam corpus et sanguinem Christi suspicere?’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 229.4, ed. Morin, CCSL 104, 908; trans. Mueller, FC 66, 176.

2 ‘Natalem templem huius diem, fratres dilectissimi … cum exultatione et gaudio hodie celebramus: sed templum dei verum et vivum nos esse debemus’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 229.1, ed. Morin, CCSL 104, 905; trans. Mueller, FC 66, 173.

3 ‘caput fuit huius sceleris, igne de caelo dilapso consumptus interiit’, VJ 13, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 120; trans. Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles, 172.

4 Robert Markus, ‘How on Earth could Places Become Holy? Origins of the Christian Idea of Holy Places’, Journal of Early Christian Studies 2 (1994): 259.

5 Dominique Iogna-Prat, ‘Churches in the Landscape’, in Noble and Smith, ed., 364–66.

6 Éric Palazzo, L’espace rituel et le sacré dans le Christianisme: La liturgie de l’autel portatif dans l’antiquité et an Moyen Âge (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), 50. On the tension between the local and universal workings of a saint’s power, see Alan Thacker, ‘Loca sanctorum: The Significance of Place in the Study of the Saints’, in Local Saints and Local Churches in the Early Medieval West, ed. Alan Thacker and Richard Sharpe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 2.

7 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 228, 229. See also Eusebius Gallicanus 47, 48, 49.

8 John Crook, The Architectural Setting of the Cult of the Saints in the Early Christian West c. 300–1200 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), 16–17; Iogna-Prat, ‘Churches in the Landscape’, in Noble and Smith, ed., 366; Rob Meens, ‘The Sanctity of the Basilica of St Martin: Gregory of Tours and the Practice of Sanctuary in the Merovingian Period’, in Texts and Identities in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Richard Corradini, Rob Meens, Christina Pössel and Philip Shaw (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2006), 277–87.

9 Crook, Architectural Setting, 40. See also Allan Doig, Liturgy and Architecture from the Early Church to the Middle Ages (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), 60.

10 Markus, ‘How on Earth’, 261.

11 Charles Withers, ‘Place and the “Spatial Turn” in Geography and History’, Journal of the History of Ideas 70 (2009): 637–58.

12 Doig, Liturgy and Architecture, 104.

13 Luke Lavan, ‘Religious Space in Late Antiquity’, in Objects in Context, Objects in Use: Material Spatiality in Late Antiquity, ed. Luke Lavan, Ellen Swift and Toon Putzeys (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 170. See also the explorations of this diversity even within one region of Gaul in Jean Guyon. ‘Émergence et affirmation d’une topographie chrétienne dans les villes de la Gaule méridionale’, Gallia 63 (2006): 92–99.

14 On clerical control of church space, see MacMullen, Second Church.

15 Jean-Michel Spieser, ‘Doors, Boundaries and the Use of Space in Early Christian Churches’, in Urban and Religious Spaces in Late Antiquity and Early Byzantium (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), 1.

16 Béatrice Caseau, ‘Objects in Churches: The Testimony of Inventories’ and ‘Ordinary Objects in Christian Healing Sanctuaries’, in Lavan, Swift and Putzeys, ed., 560–67, 626; Sarah Hamilton and Andrew Spicer, ‘Defining the Holy: The Delineation of Sacred Space’, in Defining the Holy: Sacred Space in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Sarah Hamilton and Andrew Spicer (Burlington, VA: Ashgate, 2005), 7–8.

17 Philip Rousseau, ‘Late Roman Christianities’, in Noble and Smith, ed., 35–36; S.E.J. Gerstal, ed., Thresholds of the Sacred: Architectural, Art Historical, Liturgical and Theological Perspectives on Religious Screens (Cambridge, MA: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2006), 111; Van Dam, Leadership, 239.

18 See the excellent discussion of sacred and secular spaces as concepts in Hamilton and Spicer, ‘Defining the Holy’.

19 Auxerre a. 561–a. 605, c. 9.

20 Chalon a. 647–a. 653, c. 19.

21 Leges Alamannorum 4, 6, 9; Lex Ribuaria 62 [59].4; Lex Romana Visigothorum 9.34.3; Lex Baiwarorum 9.2.

22 Leges Alamannorum 4 [5].

23 Meens, ‘Sanctity’, 279, 284.

24 Meens, ‘Sanctity’, 279. Lex Roman Visigothorum 9.34; Orléans a. 511, c.1. For examples, see LH 7.42 and VBM 4.7.

25 Meens, ‘Sanctity’, 279; Barbara H. Rosenwein, Negotiating Space: Power, Restraint and Privileges of Immunity in Early Medieval Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989), 37–40.

26 LH 2.21; VJ 33; VBM 1.4, 2.18, 2.45.

27 Avitus of Vienne, Epistula 7.

28 Iogna-Prat, ‘Churches in the Landscape’, in Noble and Smith, ed., 372.

29 Beat Brenk, ‘Art and Propaganda fide: Christian Art and Architecture, 300–600’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 710.

30 On the dominance of the basilica among church structures in the West, see Rousseau, ‘Late Roman Christianities’, in Noble and Smith, ed., 36.

31 Yvon Thébert, ‘Private Life and Domestic Architecture in Roman Africa’, in A History of Private Life, volume 1: From Pagan Rome to Byzantium, ed. Paul Veyne (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 339.

32 Torjesen, ‘Clergy and Laity’, 400.

33 J.-M. Spieser, ‘The Representation of Christ in the Apses of Early Christian Churches’, in Urban and Religious Spaces; Spieser, ‘Doors’, 11.

34 Frank, ‘From Antioch to Arles’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 537; Vincent Michel, ‘Furniture, Fixtures and Fittings in Churches: Archaeological Evidence from Palestine (4th–8th C.) and the Role of the Diakonikon’, in Lavan, Swift and Putzeys, ed., 583.

35 ‘altaris sublimiora suggestu modico ab inferiore discreta ductus setinus longitudine conspicua in latitudinem obliquae prolixitatis opponit’, Avitus of Vienne, Sermo 24, ed. Rudolf Peiper, MGH AA 6.2, Alcimi Ecdicii Aviti Viennensis episcopi opera quae supersunt (Berlin: Weidmannos, 1883), 142.

36 GM 38.

37 ‘Vt laici secus altare, quo sancta misteria celebrantur, inter clericos tam ad uigiliis quam ad missas stare penitus non praesumant, sed pars illa, quae a cancellis uersus altare diuiditur, choris tantum psallentium pateat clericorum’, Tours a. 567, c. 4, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 354, 352–54.

38 ‘Ad orandum et communicandum laicis et foeminis, sicut mos est, pateant sancta sanctorum’, Tours a. 567, c. 4, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 354, 354.

39 When the liturgy was not in progress, lay people seem to have been able to access the apse, and tombs located behind or below the altar. See, for example, GC 94, VBM 2.47.

40 Frend, ‘Church of the Roman Empire’, in Neill and Weber, ed., 59; Robert Markus, ‘The Cult of Icons in Sixth-Century Gaul’, Journal of Theological Studies 29 (1978): 151–57; Doig, Liturgy and Architecture, 68.

41 Richard Kieckhefer, ‘The Impact of Architecture’, in Bornstein, ed., 111; Joan R. Branham, ‘Sacred Space under Erasure in Ancient Synagogues and Early Churches’, The Art Bulletin 74 (1992): 375–94. See also Sible De Blaauw, ‘Architecture and Liturgy in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages: Traditions and Trends in Modern Scholarship’, Archiv für Liturgiewissenshaft 33 (1991): 9.

42 On the development of the iconostasis in the East, see Frank, ‘From Antioch to Arles’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 539; Doig, Liturgy and Architecture, 78–80; Krueger, ‘Practice of Christianity’, in Krueger, ed., 12. On the West, see Kieckhefer, ‘Impact of Architecture’, in Bornstein, ed., 109–11 and C.N.L. Brooke, ‘Religious Sentiment and Church Design in the Late Middle Ages’, in Medieval Church and Society (London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1971), 162–82.

43 Thomas F. Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Liturgy (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971), 105; Jacqueline E. Jung, ‘Beyond the Barrier: The Unifying Role of the Choir Screen in Gothic Churches’, Art Bulletin 82 (2000): 622–57.

44 Spieser, ‘Doors’, 11.

45 Spieser, ‘Representation’, 8.

46 Van Dam, Leadership, 241.

47 VBM 1.15.

48 Paulinus of Nola, Carmina 27, 2.542–51, discussed in Brenk, ‘Art and Propaganda fide’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 694; Cyril Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empire 312–1453: Sources and Documents (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), 33.

49 Brenk, ‘Art and Propaganda fide’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 696.

50 Brenk, ‘Art and Propaganda fide’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 716.

51 GM 64.

52 ‘Terror namque ibidem Dei et claritas magna conspicitur, et vere plerumque inibi odor suavissimus quasi aromatum advenire a religiosis sentitur’, LH 2.16, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 64.

53 ‘in dispositionum qualitate elegantiam, in expensarum profusione iacturam, in dimensionum ratione concordiam, in spatiis diffusionem, in culminibus celsitudinem, in humilitatione firmitatem: expolire praeconiis marmorum dignitatem … collectum quodam modo atque inclusum industria diem emolumento metallorum splendentium luce vegetari’, Avitus of Vienne, Epistula 50, ed. Peiper, MGH AA 6.2, 78. See also the account of the gilded church in GM 61.

54 Spieser, ‘Doors’, 13; Ian Wood ‘The Audience of Architecture in Post-Roman Gaul’, in The Anglo-Saxon Church: Papers on History, Architecture and Archaeology in Honour of Dr H.M. Taylor, ed. L.A.S. Butler, Richard Morris and Harold McCarter Taylor (London: Council for British Archaeology, 1986), 75.

55 Wood, ‘Audience of Architecture’, 75. On Perpetuus’ expansion of the church of Martin in Tours, see VBM 1.6; LH 2.14.

56 Examples: VJ 2, 27; GM 41, 50, 53, 64; LH 2.20, 5.46.

57 VJ 5, 9, 33; GC 6, 54, 97; GM 30, 54, 64; VBM 1.11; LH 4.20; Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 4.15.

58 Mathews, Early Churches.

59 Crook, Architectural Setting, 9. VP 2.4. The body of St Illidius had been buried in a crypt, but ‘the building was narrow and difficult of access’, so Avitus of Clermont built an apse, placed the bones in a sarcophagus and filled the crypt to raise the sarcophagus to a higher level: ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 221; trans. James, Gregory, 16.

60 ‘sed non poterat alteri propter illum qui primus erat honore inpendi, hoc est non ibi palla expandi poterat, non lumen accendi’, GC 27, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 315; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 42.

61 GM 35.

62 ‘in angulo basilicae fuisset sepultus, et parvus esset locus ille, nec ibi populi sic possent accedere ut devotio postulabat’, VP 7.4, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 239; trans. James, Gregory, 47.

63 ‘ad cancellos, qui sub arcu habentur, ubi clericorum psallentium stare mos est’, GM 38, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 63; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 60.

64 VJ 43; VBM 2.43, 2.49, 2.54.

65 VBM 1.38.

66 Palazzo, L’espace rituel, 81. Brooke, ‘Religious Sentiment’, 169.

67 Richard D. McCall, Do This: Liturgy as Performance (South Bend, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2007), 122–23.

68 Gillian Mackie, Early Christian Chapels in the West: Decoration, Function and Patronage (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), 74; De Blaauw, ‘Architecture and Liturgy’, 21. Gregory of Tours described two altars in a church in Bordeaux, GM 33.

69 Mackie, Early Christian Chapels, 6.

70 Michel, ‘Furniture, Fixtures’, in Lavan, Swift and Pyzeys, ed.; Brooke, ‘Religious Sentiment’, 171–72; Mackie, Early Christian Chapels, 75.

71 Avitus of Vienne, Sermo 24.

72 Palazzo, L’espace rituel, 180–89; Kieckhefer, ‘Impact of Architecture’, in Bornstein, ed., 113.

73 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 13.3, 55.1–4, 4, 77.6–7, 78, 80.1.

74 ‘Rogo vos, fratres, si extra ecclesiam occupari otiosis sermonibus malum est, putas in ecclesia verbosari quale peccatum est?’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 77.6, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 322; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 359.

75 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 78.1.

76 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 73.1, 74, 76, 179.3. See also Orléans a. 511, c. 26; Eusebius Gallicanus 76.1.

77 ‘frequenter … maximam partem populi velut columnas erectos stare conspicio’, Sermo 77.1, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 319; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 355.

78 VJ 7–8, 10, 20, 44; LH 3.12, 4.43, 6.11, 6.31, 7.38, 7.47, 8.21, 8.30; GM 25, 58, 60, 65, 71, 89, 91; VBM 1.2, 1.17; Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 55.1.

79 ‘evaginatis gladiis in se invicem proruunt atque ante ipsum altarium se trucidantur … Saucianturque multi gladiis, respergitur sancta humano cruore basilica, ostia iaculis fodiuntur et ensibus, atque usque ad ipsum sepulcrum tela iniqua desaeviunt’, LH 5.32, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 237; trans. Thorpe, History, 294.

80 ‘At ille plenas sanguine manus super altarium extendens, orationem fundens et Deo gratias agens’, LH 8.31, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 398; trans. Thorpe, History, 463. For another attempted assassination during a church service, see LH 9.3.

81 See also LH 3.13, 4.47. See LH 4.48 for the sacking of a monastery containing relics of Martin.

82 The clergy of the church could even evict sanctuary seekers if they did not want to get embroiled in trouble. See Avitus of Vienne, Epistula 44. For violations of sanctuary, see VP 4.2, 16.3; VBM 1.23; LH 3.36, 4.13, 9.33.

83 LH 4.20; VJ 9.

84 Eusebius Gallicanus 49.7.

85 ‘Sed et in adulteriis saepe in ipsam sanctam porticum deprehensus est’, LH 5.49, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 262; trans. Thorpe, History, 322. See also LH 7.15.

86 ‘Nam saepe cedes infra ipsum atrium, quod ad pedes beati erat, exegit, exercens assiduae aebrietatis ac vanitatis’, LH 7.22, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 341; trans. Thorpe, History, 403.

87 ‘quod valde facinosorum relegiosis erat’, LH 7.22, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 341; trans. Thorpe, History, 403.

88 LH 7.29.

89 ‘quod ei talia cum sacramento ipsam basilicam ac per porticos vel singula loca atrii veneranda promitterit’, LH 7.29, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 347; trans. Thorpe, History, 410.

90 ‘per atrium domus basilicae deambulare’, LH 7.29, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 348; trans. Thorpe, History, 410.

91 ‘nec promeruit ab eo salvari, quem fideliter numquam intellexit exposcere’, LH 7.29, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 349; trans. Thorpe, History, 411.

92 ‘vix vivus’, LH 7.29, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 349; trans. Thorpe, History, 412.

93 ‘ad ulciscendam basilicae violentiam’, LH 7.29, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 349; trans. Thorpe, History, 412.

94 Caseau, ‘Ordinary Objects’, in Lavan, Swift and Lutzeys, ed., 639; Mackie, Early Christian Chapels, 71.

95 Hamilton and Spicer, ‘Defining the Holy’, 11; Caseau, ‘Ordinary Objects’, in Lavan, Swift and Lutzeys, ed., 638; VBM 1.25, 2.14; LH 2.7, 8.16, 9.6.

96 Mackie, Early Christian Chapels, 70–71. Avitus also talked about places of retreat within a church, as part of his dedication sermon, Sermo 24.

97 Peter Brown, Relics and Social Status in the Age of Gregory of Tours (Reading: University of Reading, 1977), 7.

98 VJ 9, 12.

99 VP 17.4; GC 87, 94; VJ 42.

100 Hamilton and Spicer, ‘Defining the Holy’, 10–11.

101 VJ 19.

102 GM 57.

103 ‘Omnia enim quae in hoc habentur atrio ipsi sacrata sunt’, VBM 4.7, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 201; trans. Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles, 287.

104 On the terminology, see Mackie, Early Christian Chapels, 5–6.

105 GC 20, 23.

106 GC 3.

107 VP 7.2. For other domestic oratories, see VBM 3.51; LH 10.8.

108 Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Columbani 12.

109 Gregory of Tours told a story about how when a village church was taken over by Arians, the Catholic priest instead baptized infants in a large domus near the church, GC 47.

110 Bowes, Private Worship, 205–6.

111 Almost all of the women whose Vitae are collected in Sainted Women of the Dark Ages began their religious commitments with a period of ascetic observance in their own homes. On these observances, see also Frank, ‘From Antioch to Arles’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 536.

112 Bowes, ‘Personal Devotions and Private Chapels’, in Burrus, ed., 200; Kristina Sessa, ‘Christianity and the cubiculum: Spiritual Politics and Domestic Space in Late Antique Rome’, Journal of Early Christian Studies 15, no. 2 (2007): 171–204.

113 For example, Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 7.1, 197.5.

114 Maier, ‘Heresy, Households’, in Burrus, ed., 230–33.

115 See the edition of this letter in Ralph W. Mathisen, ed., People, Personal Expression, and Social Relations in Late Antiquity, volume 2: Selected Latin Texts from Gaul and Western Europe (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2003), 171–73.

116 Bowes, ‘Christianization’, 155–56.

117 Béatrice Caseau, ‘The Fate of Rural Temples in Late Antiquity’, in Recent Research on the Late Antique Countryside, ed. W. Bowden, L. Lavan and C. Machado (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 114.

118 Winrich Löhr, ‘Western Christianities’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 9; Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 49.

119 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 13.5, 14.4, 33.4, 53.2, 54.5.

120 Simon P. Ellis, ‘The End of the Roman House’, American Journal of Archaeology 92 (1988): 572–75; John Percival, Roman Villa: An Historical Introduction (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1976), 159; Simon Esmonde Cleary, Roman West AD 200–500: An Archaeological Study (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 436; Neil Christie, ‘Landscapes of Change in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages: Themes, Directions and Problems’, in Landscapes of Change: Rural Evolutions in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, ed. Neil Christie (Burlington, VA: Ashgate, 2004), 11.

121 Percival, Roman Villa, 160–61; Christie, ‘Landscapes of Change’, 25.

122 Percival, Roman Villa, 168.

123 Percival, Roman Villa, 170–77.

124 Percival, Roman Villa, 177.

125 Christie, ‘Landscapes of Change’, 12; Percival, Roman Villa, 15; Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 185–88; Bowes, Private Worship, 125–88.

126 Bowes, Private Worship, 133.

127 Bowes, Private Worship, 150.

128 Bowes, Private Worship, 5.

129 Bowes, Private Worship, 168–69.

130 ‘Sanctorum reliquiae in oratoriis uillaribus non ponantur, nisi forsitan clericos cuiuscumque parrochiae uicinos esse contingat, qui sacris cineribus psallendi frequentia famulentur’, Épaone a. 517, c. 25, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 353, 112.

131 Orléans a. 511, c. 25; Bowes, Private Worship, 150, 158.

132 ‘episcopis contradicant et iam nec ipsos clericos, qui ad ipsa oratoria deseruiunt, ab archidiacono coherceri permittant’, Chalon a. 647–a. 653, c. 14, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 254, 556.

133 GC 8.

134 GC 9, 11, 79, 103; VP 12.2, 15.1; VBM 1.14, 1.18, 4.12; LH 5.7, 6.11.

135 VP 9.2.

136 Agde a. 506, c. 21.

137 Frank, ‘From Antioch to Arles’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 541.

138 MacMullen, Second Church, 58–63.

139 Dennis Trout, ‘Saints, Identity and the City’, in Burrus, ed., 167.

140 Crook, Architectural Setting, 50; John Crook, ‘The Enshrinement of Local Saints in Francia and England’, in Thacker and Sharpe, ed., 189, 193–94.

141 Examples of this sequence in GC 93; GM 50; LH 2.14.

142 Crook, Architectural Setting, 63–64. VBM 2.45; VJ 27; GC 36; GM 27, 37.

143 For just a few examples, see GC 21, 24, 28, 29, 32, 34, 43, 61, 103; GM 43, 50, 56, 66.

144 Barbara H. Rosenwein, ‘Inaccessible Cloisters and Episcopal Exemption’, in Mitchell and Wood, ed., 181–97. See Vita Rusticulae 3, 5 for examples of monastic enclosure conceived as protecting an ascetic from lay interference.

145 Auxerre a. 561–a. 605, c. 26.

146 VP 1.6. See also Tours a. 567, c. 17. Rosenwein, ‘Inaccessible Cloisters’, in Mitchell and Wood, ed., 191–94.

147 Emilia Jamroziak, ‘Spaces of Lay–Religious Interaction in Cistercian Houses of Northern Europe’, Parergon 27, no. 2 (2010): 39–42.

148 Julia M.H. Smith, ‘Women at the Tomb: Access to Relic Shrines in the Early Middle Ages’, in Mitchell and Wood, ed., 165. VBM 1.2, 2.22, 3.22, 4.30.

149 Vita Anstrudis 37.

150 Vita Romani 15; Vita Lupicini 68.

151 VP 3.1.

152 Luke Lavan, Ellen Swift and Toon Putzeys, ‘Material Spatiality in Late Antiquity: Sources, Approaches and Field Methods’, in Lavan, Swift and Putzeys, ed., 24.

153 For a reconstruction of some better documented churches in Palestine, see Michel, ‘Furniture, Fixtures’, in Lavan, Swift and Putzeys, ed.

154 Caseau, ‘Objects in Churches’, in Lavan, Swift and Putzeys, ed.

155 Bonnie Effros, ‘The Ritual Significance of Vessels in the Formation of Merovingian Christian Communities’, in The Construction of Communities in the Early Middle Ages: Texts, Resources and Artefacts, ed. Richard Corradini, Max Diesenberger and Helmut Reimitz (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 213–27. VJ 7–8; LH 6.31.

156 ‘ad sancta euangelia recludenda patiamque et calicem ex auro puro pretiosisque lapidibus praecepit fabricari’, GC 62, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 335; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 69.

157 ‘sexaginta calices, quindecim patenas, viginti euangeliorum capsas detulit, omnia ex auro puro ac gemmis praetiosis ornatas’, LH 3.10, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 107; trans. Thorpe, History, 171.

158 VBM 4.43, 1.15.

159 For just a few examples, see VBM 1.2, 1.13, 1.28, 2.2, 2.32; VJ 41.

160 GC 30.

161 GM 60.

162 VJ 46b.

163 VP 8.5.

164 VBM 1.35, 2.21, 2.45, 3.22.

165 Crook, Architectural Setting, 36.

166 GM 83.

167 Caesarius of Arles, Sermons 50.1, 54.5; VJ 46a.

168 Hatlie, ‘Religious Lives’, in Krueger, ed., 183; Brigitte Pitarakis, ‘Objects of Devotion and Protection’, in Krueger, ed., 164–81. There is an example of such a phylactery from Poitiers in Antiquites Nationales 16589. See also the record of the inscription in Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 13, 10026–86.

169 Vita Eugendi 141–42.

170 GM 83.

171 On Christian images, inscriptions or marks on such objects, see Averil Cameron, ‘Observations on the Distribution and Ownership of Late Roman Silver Plate’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 5 (1992): 178–85; S. Hauser, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Silberlöffel: Bemerkungen zur Produktion von Luxusgütern im 5. bis 7. Jahrhundert (Münster: Aschendorff, 1992); H. Galliard de Sémainville, ‘Á propos de plaques-boucles mérovingiennes à motif chrétien’, Bulletin du centre d’études médievales Auxerre, http://cem.revues.org/6752, DOI: 10.4000/cem.6752; Dunn, Belief and Religion, 157–61.

172 See discussions in Bailey K. Young, ‘The Imagery of Personal Objects: Hints of “Do-it-Yourself” Christian Culture in Merovingian Gaul’, in The Power of Religion in Late Antiquity, ed. Andrew Cain and Noel Lenski (Burlington, VA: Ashgate, 2009), 229–54; C. Treffort, ‘Vertues prophylactiques et sens eschatologique d’un dépôt funéraire du haut Moyen Âge: Les plaque boucles rectangulaires burgondes à l’inscription’, Archéologie Médievale 32 (2002): 31–53.

Chapter 3

1 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 147.

2 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 180.

3 Brown, Rise, 355–79; Smith, Europe After Rome, 223–24; Guyon, ‘Émergence’, 87–90.

4 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 103, 143.

5 Topographie chrétienne des cités de la Gaule des origines au milieu du VIIIe siècle, ed. N. Gauthier and J.-Ch. Picard (Paris: De Boccard, 1986–2006); Noël Duval et al., Les premiers monuments chrétiens de la France (Paris: Éditions A. et J. Picard, 1995–2000). Also important has been May Viellard-Troiekouroff, Les monuments.

6 See, for example, Jill Harries, ‘Christianity and the City in Late Roman Gaul’, in The City in Late Antiquity, ed. John Rich (London: Routledge, 1992), 77–98; Brigitte Beaujard, ‘Cités, évêques et martyrs en Gaule à la fin de l’époque romaine’, in Les Fonctions des Saints dans le monde occidental (III^e–XIII^e siècle) (Palais Farnèse: École française de Rome, 1991), 175–91; Trout, ‘Saints, Identity’, in Burrus, ed., 87; Simon T. Loseby, ‘Decline and Change in the Cities of Late Antique Gaul’, in Die Stadt in der Spätantike – Niedergang oder Wandel?, ed. Jens-Uwe Krause and Christian Witschel (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2006); Nancy Gauthier, ‘La topographie chrétienne entre idéologie et pragmatisme’, in The Idea and Ideal of the Town between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, ed. Gian Pietro Brogiolo and Bryan Ward-Perkins (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 195–209.

7 Nancy Gauthier, ‘From the Ancient City to the Medieval Town: Continuity and Change in the Early Middle Ages’, in Mitchell and Wood, ed., 48.

8 Loseby, ‘Decline’, in Krause and Witschel, ed., 72; Simon T. Loseby, ‘Arles in Late Antiquity: Gallula Roma Arelas and Urbs Genesii’, in Towns in Transition: Urban Evolution from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, ed. Neil Christie and Simon T. Loseby (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1996), 45; Gauthier, ‘Ancient City’; Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 136–40, 432–33.

9 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 103.

10 Loseby, ‘Decline’, in Krause and Witschel, ed., 72.

11 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 112, 432.

12 Gauthier, ‘La topographie’, 197; Loseby, ‘Decline’, in Krause and Witschel, ed., 80.

13 Loseby, ‘Arles’, 52–56; Bonnie Effros, ‘Monuments and Memory: Repossessing Ancient Remains in Early Medieval Gaul’, in Topographies of Power in the Early Middle Ages, ed. M. de Jong and F. Theuws (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 93–118; Jean Guyon, ‘La topographie chrétienne des villes de la Gaule’, in Krause and Witschel, ed., 113; Ellis, ‘End of the Roman House’, 566–67; Claude Sintès, ‘La reutilisation des espaces publics a Arles: Un témoinage de la fin de l’antiquité’, Antiquité Tardive 2 (1994): 181–92; Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 432–33.

14 Gauthier, ‘La topographie’, 196.

15 Gauthier, ‘La topographie’, 195.

16 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 113–14, 417–35.

17 Hagith Sivan, Ausonius of Bordeaux: Genesis of a Gallic Aristocracy (London: Routledge, 1993), 37.

18 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 106; Martin Carver, Arguments in Stone: Archaeological Research and the European Town in the First Millennium (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 1993).

19 Sivan, Ausonius, 37.

20 Lavan, Swift and Putzeys, ‘Material Spatiality’, in Lavan, Swift and Putzeys, ed., 26–27.

21 Gauthier, ‘La topographie’, 195.

22 Guyon, ‘Émergence’, 85–110.

23 Gauthier, ‘Ancient City’, 58; Caseau, ‘Ordinary Objects’, in Lavan, Swift and Putzeys, ed., 625; Guyon, ‘Émergence’, 92–94.

24 Loseby, ‘Decline’, in Krause and Witschel, ed., 71.

25 Trout, ‘Saints, Identity’, in Burrus, ed., 167.

26 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 191.

27 VJ 5.

28 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 190–97.

29 For a detailed account of the monumental development of Arles, see Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 34–43.

30 On this basilica, see Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 210–11.

31 Benoît, ‘Arles’, in F. Benoît, P.-A. Février, J. Formigé and H. Rolland, Villes épiscopales de Provence: Aix, Arles, Fréjus, Marseilles et Riez de l’époque Gallo-Romaine au Moyen Age (Paris: Libraire C. Klinsieck, 1954), 15–21; Samuel Cavallin, ‘Saint Genès le notaire’, Eranos 43 (1945): 150; Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 53–54.

32 Benoît, ‘Arles’, 15; Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 34; Loseby, ‘Arles’, 46.

33 Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 58; Marc Heijmans, Jean-Maurice Rouquette and Claude Sintès, Arles antique: Guides archéologiques de la France (Paris: Éditions du Patrimonie, 2006), 43.

34 Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 54–56. Ausonius claimed of Arles: ‘Romani commercia suscipis orbis/ nec cohibes, populosque alios et moenia ditas/ Gallia quis fruitur gremioque Aquitania lato’, Ordo urbium nobilium 10, ed. Hugh G. Evelyn White, Ausonius, volume 1, Loeb Classical Library 96 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), 276

35 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 143.

36 Claude Sintès, ‘L’évolution topographique de l’Arles du Haut-Empire à la lumière des fouilles récentes’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 5 (1992): 141–46; Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 108–9, 408.

37 Arles was besieged in 425, 430, 458 and taken by Visigoths in 473. It was besieged by the Burgundians in 507–8, and subsequently came under Ostrogothic and then Frankish control.

38 Heijmans et al., Arles antique, 40.

39 Sintès, ‘Reutilisation’, 182; Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 405–8.

40 Loseby, ‘Arles’, 55.

41 Loseby, ‘Decline’, in Krause and Witschel, ed., 80–82; Gauthier, ‘La topographie’, 196–97.

42 Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 1.11.7.

43 Gauthier, ‘La topographie’, 204; Sintès, ‘Reutilisation’, 191; Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 405. Note the reference to the forum in the Vita Caesarii as well, 2.30.

44 Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 134.

45 Topographie chrétienne, volume 3, 80.

46 Marc Heijmans, ‘L’Église paléochrétienne de l’enclos Saint-Césaire, à Arles’, in 15 ans d’archéologie en Province-Alpes-Cote d’Azur (Aix-en-Provence: Edisud, 2005), 212–13; Marc Heijmans, ‘Les fouilles de l’enclos Saint-Césaire: La découverte d’une plus grandes églises paléochrétiennes’, Bulletin de l’association pour l’antiquité tardive 18 (2009): 27–29.

47 Benoît, ‘Arles’, 18; Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 61; Paul-Albert Février, ‘Arles aux IV^e et V^e siècles, ville impériale et capitale régionale’, in XXV corso di cultura sull’arte ravennate et bizantina (Ravenna: Edizioni del Girasole, 1978), 133.

48 Élie Griffe, La Gaule chrétienne a l’époque romaine, volume 3: La cité chrétienne (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1965), 13, 22–24; Topographie chrètienne, volume 3, 81–84; Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 61–62, 117; Jean Hubert, ‘La topographie religieuse d’Arles au VIe siècle’, Cahiers archéologiques 2 (1947): 17–27; Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 37–40; Vita Caesarii 1.20, 2.17, 2.24.

49 Cavallin, ‘Saint Genès’, 150–75.

50 For discussion of the cult of Genesius in Arles, see also Lisa K. Bailey, ‘Building Urban Christian Communities: Sermons on Local Saints in the Eusebius Gallicanus Collection’, Early Medieval Europe 12 (2003): 1–24.

51 Hubert, ‘Topographie’, 17.

52 GM 67.

53 Sermo seu narratio de miraculo s. Genesii martyris Arelatensis, PL 50 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1975), 1273.

54 Benoît, ‘Arles’, 19; Février, ‘Arles’, 135; Luce Pietri, ‘Culte des saints et religiosité politique dans la Gaule du V^e et du VI^e siècle’, in Les fonctions des saints dans le monde occidental (III^e–XIII^e siècle) (Rome: École française de Rome, 1991), 357–58.

55 ‘praecipitis Rhodani sic intercisa fluentis’, Ausonius, Ordo urbium nobilium10, ed. White, Ausonius, 276.

56 Griffe, Gaule chrétienne, 11.

57 Pietri, ‘Culte des saints’, 357.

58 ‘Vnde nunc inter utrasque urbis illius partes gemino honore gloriosus’, Eusebius Gallicanus 56.6, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101A, 653.

59 ‘illam ripam triumpho sanctificat, hanc sepulchro; illam sanguine illustrat, hanc corpore’, Eusebius Gallicanus 56.6, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101A, 653.

60 Loseby, ‘Arles’, 66–67.

61 Loseby, ‘Arles’, 59.

62 ‘Sub ipsa itaque felicissimae ciuitatis moenia’. Eusebius Gallicanus 56.6, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101A, 653.

63 Sermo seu narratio: ‘illius terribilis Rhodani … erupit e vasto gurgite … Illaesos omnes atque incolumnes vernacula ac familiaris ripa suscepit’, PL 50, 1273–74.

64 ‘Pompa omnis, sicut ingressa fuerat, egressa est’, Sermo seu narratio, PL 50, 1274.

65 ‘Nec parum fiduciae dat sepulcri sui gratia: nam cuius hic ossa condidimus, in caelo utique patrocinia praesumimus’, Hilary of Arles, Sermo sancti Honorati 35, ed. Valentin, SC 235, 166.

66 Vita Hilarii 11, 13, 15, 20.

67 ‘in plateis et corpore simul et corde descendunt’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 73.2, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 307; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 343.

68 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 186.

69 ‘Nemo se circumveniat, fratres dilectissimi, christianorum patria in caelo est, non est hic’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 151.2, ed. Morin, CCSL 104, 618; trans. Mueller, FC 47, 328.

70 Fernand Benoît, Sarcophages paléochrétiens d’Arles et de Marseilles (Paris: CNRS, 1954).

71 Heijmans et al., Arles antique, 45. But note the scepticism of Brigitte Beaujard, Le culte des saints en Gaule: Les premiers temps, d’Hilaire de Poitiers à la fin du VI^e siècle (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 2000), 79–80.

72 RICG 15, 219.

73 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 12.936 and Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 175.

74 See Inscriptions 508–42, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 240–77 and nice summary in Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 173.

75 R. Fédou, ‘Les temps obscurs (V^e–X^e siècles)’, in Histoire de Lyon et du Lyonnais, ed. André Latreille (Toulouse: Université de la France, 1975), 61–72. On the many obscurities in the religious topography of Lyon, see Alfred Coville, Recherches sur l’histoire de Lyon du V^e siècle au IX^e siècle (450–800) (Paris: Éditions Auguste Picard, 1928), 441; Jean François Reynaud, ‘Les premiers édifices de culte à Lyon: IV^e–VII^e siècles’, in Les Martyrs de Lyon (177) (Paris: CNRS, 1978), 279.

76 Jean François Reynaud, Lugdunum christianum: Lyon du IV^e au VIII^e s., topographie, nécropoles et édifices religieux (Paris: Éditions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, 1998), 18. Note also Sidonius’ several complaints about the heat and oppressiveness of the climate in Lyon, Epistulae 1.8, 2.12, 5.17.4.

77 James Bromwich, The Roman Remains of Northern and Eastern France: A Guidebook (London: Routledge, 2003), 388–90.

78 Strabo describes Lyon as an emporium, Topographie chrétienne, volume 4, 20.

79 Bernard de Vrégille in Le Diocèse de Lyon, ed. Jacques Gadille (Paris: Beauchesne, 1983), 11; Coville, Recherches, 438; Reynaud, Lugdunum, 19.

80 Reynaud divides the city between the ‘agglomération antique’ on the Fourviere hill, the ‘cité episcopale’ on the right-hand side of the river and the ‘ville bourgeoise’ on the Presqu’île, Lugdunum, 18.

81 M. Laferrère, ‘Les pays Lyonnais et le site de Lyon’, in Histoire, ed. Latreille, 16. See also Reynaud, Lugdunum, 18.

82 Topographie chrétienne, volume 4, 21; Bromwich, Roman Remains, 390; Reynaud, Lugdunum, 88, 186, 199.

83 Reynaud, Lugdunum, 19.

84 Bromwich, Roman Remains, 391; Reynaud, Lugdunum, 19; de Vrégille in Diocèse de Lyon, ed. Gadille, 11–19.

85 de Vrégille in Diocèse de Lyon, ed. Gadille, 19.

86 Reynaud, Lugdunum, 20, 263–64.

87 Topographie chrétienne, volume 4, 22.

88 de Vrégille in Diocèse de Lyon, ed. Gadille, 5.

89 Eusebius of Caesarea, Historia ecclesiastica 5.1. On Rufinus’ account, see Louis Neyrand. ‘Le récit de la passion de martyrs de Lyon dans la traduction de Rufin’, in Les Martyrs de Lyon (177) (Paris: CNRS, 1978), 289–98 and Reynaud, Lugdunum, 24.

90 Eusebius of Caesarea, Historia ecclesiastica 5.1.

91 Reynaud, Lugdunum, 199–200.

92 de Vrégille in Diocèse de Lyon, ed. Gadille, 32. See also Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 138–50. This was roughly comparable to Arles, Trier or Bordeaux.

93 The episcopal residence is mentioned by Gregory in LH 4.36.

94 de Vrégille in Diocèse de Lyon, ed. Gadille, 21.

95 Topographie chrétienne, volume 4, 27.

96 GM 48; GC 21, 22, 63, 64; LH 3.5; de Vrégille in Diocèse de Lyon, ed. Gadille, 25; Topographie chrétienne, volume 4, 26–34; Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 142–50.

97 LH 9.21 mentions the holding of Rogation ceremonies in Lyon, but does not specify whether these involved processions, as they did elsewhere.

98 On the physical isolation of these churches, see Reynaud, Lugdunum, 88, 176, 188.

99 Reynaud has decribed them as ‘fossilising’ a certain historical sense of the cityscape, Lugdunum, 263–64.

100 Reynaud, Lugdunum, 263.

101 Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 5.17. Reynaud, Lugdunum, 88.

102 Reynaud, Lugdunum, 63.

103 GC 60, 61, 63; VP 8.6, 8.8, 8.10.

104 Reynaud, Lugdunum, gives all the information we have on the size of these churches. St Justus was extended in size, however, in the mid-fifth century.

105 Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 5.17.3–4.

106 Note, for example, the inscription mentioning burial ad sanctos that was found at St Justus, Inscription 41, LeBlant, Inscriptions, 81.

107 Reynaud, Lugdunum, 44–83.

108 ‘Quisquis pontificis patrisque nostri/ conlaudas Patientis hic laborem,/ voti compote supplicatione/ concessum experiare quod rogabis./ aedis celsa nitet nec in sinistrum/ aut dextrum trahitur, sed arce frontis/ ortum prospicit aequinoctialem./ intus lux micat atque bratteatum/ sol sic sollicitatur ad lacunar,/ fulvo ut concolor erret in metallo./ distinctum vario nitore marmor /percurrit cameram solum fenestras, /ac sub versicoloribus figuris /vernans herbida crusta sapphiratos /flectit per prasinum vitrum lapillos. /huic est porticus applicata triplex /fulmentis Aquitanicis superba, /ad cuius specimen remotiora /claudunt atria porticus secundae, /et campum medium procul locatas /vestit saxea silva per columnas. /hinc agger sonat, hinc Arar resultat, /hinc sese pedes atque eques reflectit /stridentum et moderator essedorum /curvorum hinc chorus helciariorum /responsantibus alleluia ripis /ad Christum levat amnicum celeuma. /sic, sic psallite, nauta vel viator; /namque iste est locus omnibus petendus, /omnes quo via ducit ad salutem’, Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 2.10.4, ed. and trans. Anderson, Sidonius, 464–67.

109 Anderson sees this as a description of St Justus, Sidonius, 462; Topographie chrétienne, volume 4, 22–23; Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 139 and Reynaud, Lugdunum, 44–45 as of St John.

110 Avitus of Vienne, Homilia dicta in dedicatione superioris basilicae; Reynaud, Lugdunum, 25–26.

111 Avitus of Vienne, Homilia: ‘Ita et hic fructicat ex fecunda rudimenti radice multiplex templum, et ab uno divisum principio numerositate mediis dilata, in culminis redditur unitatem. altaris sublimiora suggestu modico ab inferiore discreta ductus setinus longitudine conspicua in latitudinem obliquae prolixitatis opponit’, ed. Peiper, MGH AA 6.2, 142.

112 Wood, ‘Audience of Architecture’, 73–79.

113 They may have been the ‘fecund roots’ from which the rest of the church sprouted.

114 On the miracles at the tomb of Nicetius, see VP 8.6. Note, however, that Gregory described the reading of Nicetius’ will in the ‘forum’, suggesting that this retained some function as a public space, GC 8.5.

115 GM 48–49; GC 63: ‘Ad cuius tumulum saepius frigoritici ceterique infirmi sanatur’, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 335; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 70.

116 GC 63; GM 49; VP 8.6; Vita Nicetii 10.

117 Vita Nicetii 10–12, 14.

118 VP 8.6.

119 ‘diversorum miraculorum opus inlustre perpendit’, VP 8.6, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 246; trans. James, Gregory, 56.

120 VP 8.11.

121 For example, Gregory of Tours told of a greedy negotiator from Lyon who sold watered-down wine, GC 110. On the association of Lyon with boat travel, see also Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 2.12, 6.12.

122 Inscription 17, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 41.

123 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 19.

124 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 19. For an overview of archaeological work on Roman Trier, see Rettet das archäologische Erbe in Trier: Zweite Denkschrift der Archäologischen Trier-Kommission (Trier: Rheinisches Landesmuseum Trier, 2005), 33–40.

125 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 19.

126 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 19; Edith Wightman, Roman Trier and the Treveri (London: Hart-Davis, 1970), 52, 92–93.

127 Neil Christie, The Fall of the Western Roman Empire: An Archeological and Historical Perspective (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2011).

128 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 19–20; Christie, Fall, 127; Wightman, Roman Trier, 75–81, 103; Rettet, 84–103.

129 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 20; Christie, Fall, 127.

130 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 20; Christie, Fall, 127; Rettet, 69–83.

131 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 201–4.

132 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 206.

133 ‘largus tranquillo praelabitur amne Mosella/ longinqua omnigenae vectans conmercia terrae’, Ausonius, Ordo urbium nobilium 4, ed. White, Ausonius, 272.

134 Christie, Fall, 129.

135 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 20.

136 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 158; Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 24; Wightman, Roman Trier, 59, 110.

137 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 22–24; Wightman, Roman Trier, 111–13; Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 158. On double churches in Gaul, see Guyon, ‘Émergence’, 95–96. For a reference to the bishop’s lodging, see LH 9.10.

138 Handley, ‘Beyond Hagiography’, 191.

139 Handley, ‘Beyond Hagiography’, 194.

140 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 24–25; Wightman, Roman Trier, 111.

141 Handley, ‘Beyond Hagiography’, 194.

142 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 27.

143 VP 17.4.

144 ‘magnus cum Domini populi illius advocatus’, GC 91, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 356.

145 VP 17.4.

146 GC 91.

147 Crook, Architectural Setting, 58; Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 29.

148 Handley, ‘Beyond Hagiography’, 193.

149 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 28.

150 VP 8.7.

151 Handley, ‘Beyond Hagiography’, 195–97.

152 Handley, ‘Beyond Hagiography’, 196–97.

153 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 207.

154 Rettet, 114–21.

155 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 18, 20; Christie, Fall, 128–2; Wightman, Roman Trier, 88, 215–29.

156 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 19–20; Wightman, Roman Trier, 238.

157 LH 8.15.

158 Wightman, Roman Trier, 68.

159 Christie, Fall, 129.

160 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 20; Wightman, Roman Trier, 69; Salvian, De gubernatione Dei 6.13.

161 Liber historiae Francorum 5; Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 21.

162 Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 20; Wightman, Roman Trier, 250.

163 Venantius Fortunatus, Carmen 3.11; Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 25. Christie, however, sees the rebuilding as ‘swift’, Fall, 129.

164 Loseby, ‘Decline’, 78.

165 Esmonde Cleary, Roman West, 426.

166 Wightman, Roman Trier, 123; Topographie chrétienne, volume 1, 20.

167 Christie, Fall, 129.

168 Wightman, Roman Trier, 253.

169 Gregory explicitly mentioned the cathedral at Tours seventeen times in his works, the church of St Martin 233 times; a full list of all of these is given in Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 304, 312. The inscriptions on the walls of the Tours churches can be found in Inscriptions 165–94, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 225–57.

170 Topographie chrétienne, volume 5 and Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 304–29.

171 Topographie chrétienne, volume 5; Henri Galinié, ‘Tours from an Archaeological Standpoint’, in Spaces of the Living and the Dead: An Archeological Dialogue, ed. C. Karkov, K. Wickham-Crowley and B. Young (Oxford: Oxbow, 1999), 90.

172 Pietri, Ville de Tours, 340; Galinié, ‘Tours’, 87.

173 Henri Galinié, ‘Reflections on Early Medieval Tours’, in The Rebirth of Towns in the West, 700–1050, ed. Richard Hodges and Brian Hobley (London: Council for British Archaeology, 1988), 57; Galinié, ‘Tours’, 92–93.

174 Galinié, ‘Reflections’, 5–7; Galinié, ‘Tours’, 93; Pietri, Ville de Tours, 344.

175 Pietri, Ville de Tours, 346–49.

176 Topographie chrétienne, volume 5, 25; Galinié, ‘Reflections’, 57.

177 Galinié, ‘Reflections’, 58.

178 Pietri, Ville de Tours, 351. On the decision to construct the episcopal church within the castrum, see Galinié, ‘Tours’, 94.

179 Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 4.18.5.

180 Van Dam, Leadership, 231; Pietri, Ville de Tours, 394–97; Noël Duval, ‘Les descriptions d’architecture et de décor chez Grégoire de Tours et les auteurs gaulois: Le case de Saint-Martin de Tours’, in La naissance de la ville chrétienne: Mélanges en hommage à Nancy Gauthier, ed. Brigitte Beaujard (Tours: Université François Rabelais, 2002), 34–36.

181 Topographie chrétienne, volume 5, 32–37; Pietri, Ville de Tours, 403.

182 Pietri describes the construction of the Martinian basilica as ‘la première création d’un urbanisme proprement chrétien’, Ville de Tours, 428. Galinié terms the area ‘Martinopolis’, ‘Tours’, 103.

183 For example, when the monk Aredius came to Tours, he went first to the tomb and then to Marmoutiers. The cathedral was not mentioned, VBM 2.39. On the inscriptions at Marmoutiers that suggest the viewing presence of pious visitors, see Inscriptions 166–69, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 228–30.

184 Van Dam, Leadership, 230.

185 Pietri, Ville de Tours, 353.

186 LH 10.31.

187 Brian Brennan, ‘Text and Image: “Reading” the Walls of the Sixth-Century Cathedral of Tours’, Journal of Medieval Latin 6 (1996): 78. Note that he disagrees with Herbert L. Kessler on the arrangement of the images within the church; for Kessler’s view, see ‘Pictorial Narrative and Church Mission in Sixth-Century Gaul’, in Pictorial Narrative in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ed. H.L. Kessler and M.L. Simpson (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1985), 79.

188 Inscription 165, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 226–27.

189 LH 10.31; Van Dam, Leadership, 230.

190 Brennan, ‘Text and Image’, 81.

191 Venantius Fortunatus, Carmen 1.10.6 and Inscriptions 185–92, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 250–53. On the question of whether these words were inscribed on the church wall, and if so in what form, see Luce Pietri, ‘Les tituli de la basilique Saint-Martin édifiée a Tours par l’évêque Perpetuus (3^e quart du V^e siècle)’, in Mélanges d’histoire ancienne offerts a William Seston (Paris: Éditions de Boccard, 1974), 421–22.

192 Brennan, ‘Text and Image’, 66.

193 Venantius Fortunatus, Carmen 1.10.6.

194 Kessler, ‘Pictorial Narrative’, 85.

195 Kessler, ‘Pictorial Narrative’, 88.

196 On Gregory’s description of the church, see the detailed discussion in Duval, ‘Descriptions’.

197 LH 2.14. Note the slightly different numbers given in the Martinellus collection, tabulated by Pietri, Ville de Tours, 382–83 – both may have relied on a text produced by Perpetuus. Pietri prefers to trust Gregory on this, given his intimate knowledge of the church; Duval is less certain, ‘Descriptions’, 26–29.

198 Duval, ‘Descriptions’, 26.

199 Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 4.18.5, discussion in Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 313. It seems that Sidonius had not seen the church he was describing.

200 ‘votorum compos remeat qui iusta precatur’, Inscription 171, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 233. Van Dam, Leadership, 244. On the inscriptions in St Martin’s church, see Pietri, ‘Tituli’, 419–31.

201 Inscriptions 170–84, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 31–47; Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 315.

202 Inscription 174, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 235–36; Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 316.

203 Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 313.

204 ‘Quam metendus est locus iste vere templum dei est et porta coeli’, Inscription 177, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 239; Van Dam, Leadership, 242–44; Duval, ‘Descriptions’, 38.

205 Pietri, ‘Tituli’, 428–29.

206 Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 317; Duval, ‘Descriptions’, 41–42.

207 VBM 1.37, 2.10, 2.39, 2.49; Duval, ‘Descriptions’, 42–44.

208 VBM 2.3–4, 2.11, 2.13–14. On the meaning of this phrase in terms of the layout of the church, see Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 320–21; Duval, ‘Descriptions’, 32–33.

209 Viellard-Troiekouroff, Monuments, 316.

210 VBM 3.31, 3.57, 4.14.

211 VP 19.2; LH 7.21, 9.33; VBM 2.30, 3.41.

212 LH 2.43; VBM 1.40, 2.24.

213 VBM 1.33, 2.11.

214 VBM 2.3, 2.14, 2.16, 2.29.

Chapter 4

1 Jonathan Z. Smith, To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 109.

2 Cecelia Feldman-Weiss, ‘Bodies in Motion: Civic Ritual and Place-making in Roman Ephesus’, in Marking Roman Places, Past and Present, ed. Darian Marie Totten and Kathryn Lafrenz Samuels (Portsmouth, NH: JRA Supplementary Series 89, 2012), 53; Smith, To Take Place, 105.

3 Robin M. Jensen, ‘Baptismal Rites and Architecture’, in Burrus, ed., 117.

4 Torjesen, ‘Clergy and Laity’, 399–400.

5 Phillipe Buc, The Dangers of Ritual: Between Early Medieval Texts and Social Scientific Theory (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), 2.

6 Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reason of Power in Christianity and Islam (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 55–79.

7 I am here using Catherine Bell’s terminology, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 74, 92. See also her article ‘Ritual Change and Changing Rituals’, Worship 63, no. 1 (1989): 31–41.

8 I am here using Smith’s terminology, To Take Place, 103–4.

9 Bell, Ritual Theory, 186.

10 Smith, To Take Place, 54.

11 I usually here use the phrase ‘Eucharistic liturgy’ in place of ‘mass’ because missa had a wide range of meanings and usages in late antique Gaul. See the discussion in Henry Beck, The Pastoral Care of Souls in South-East France during the Sixth Century (Rome: Apud Aedes Universitatis Gregorianae, 1950), 127–29.

12 Lisa K. Bailey, ‘The Strange Case of the Portable Altar: Liturgy and the Limits of Episcopal Authority in Early Medieval Gaul’, Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 8 (2012): 31; Frank C. Senn, The People’s Work: A Social History of the Liturgy (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2006), 167.

13 Rivard, Blessing the World, 10.

14 Gregory Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy (Westminster, MD: Dacre Press, 1954), 1–2; Van Dam, Leadership, 281–82; John F. Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship: The Origins, Development and Meaning of Stational Liturgy (Rome: Pont. Institutum Studiorum Orientalium, 1987), 251, 254; Beaujard, Culte des saints, 158, 493; Els Rose, ‘Fasting Flocks: Lenten Season in the Liturgical Communities of Early Medieval Gaul’, in Corradini, Meens, Pössel and Shaw, ed., 289, 291.

15 Bell, Ritual Theory, 74; Bell, ‘Ritual Changes’, 34. See also Thomas J. Heffernan and E. Ann Matter, ed., The Liturgy of the Medieval Church (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2001), 7; Rivard, Blessing the World, 4.

16 Doig, Liturgy and Architecture, 102; Mathews, Early Churches, 3.

17 Doig, Liturgy and Architecture, 102; Bryan D. Spinks, ‘The Growth of Liturgy and the Church Year’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 610.

18 Louis Duchesne, Christian Worship: Its Origin and Evolution: A Study of the Latin Liturgy up to the Time of Charlemagne, trans. M.L. McClure (New York: S.P.C.K., 1912), 189–226. The problems of this source are discussed by Alexis van der Mensbrugghe, ‘Pseudo-Germanus Reconsidered’, Studia Patristica 5 (1962): 172–84; Robert Cabié, ‘Les lettres attribuées à saint Germain de Paris et les origines de la liturgie gallicane’, Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique 73 (1972): 13–57; Beck, Pastoral Care, 135.

19 Yitzhak Hen, ‘Unity in Diversity: The Liturgy of Frankish Gaul before the Carolingians’, in Unity and Diversity in the Church, ed. R.N. Swanson (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), 22; Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul A.D. 481–751 (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 44–47.

20 Éric Palazzo, ‘Performing the Liturgy’, in Noble and Smith, ed., 474; Heffernan and Matter, ed., Liturgy, 5.

21 Mathews, Early Churches, 8.

22 Hen, ‘Unity’, 20; Yitzhak Hen, The Royal Patronage of Liturgy in Frankish Gaul to the Death of Charles the Bald (877) (London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 2001), 33; Élie Griffe, ‘Aux origines de la liturgie gallicane’, Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique 52 (1951): 21–23.

23 Hen, ‘Unity’, 23–24.

24 Scheibelreiter, ‘Church Structure’, 700; Hen, Royal Patronage, 28.

25 Senn, People’s Work, 109.

26 LH 6.46.

27 J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), 118–20; Duchesne, Christian Worship, 96. For attempts by Gallic church councils to impose some standardization on the mass, see Vannes a. 461–a. 491, c. 15; Épaone a. 517, c. 27; Vaison a. 529, c. 3; Auxerre a. 561–a. 605, c. 11.

28 Wallace-Hadrill, Frankish Church, 118.

29 Hen, ‘Unity’, 27. See also Hen, Culture and Religion, 70–71.

30 I am here largely basing my account on the works of Louis Duchesne and Yitzhak Hen, which are the fullest available reconstructions of the Gallic liturgy. Both depend to some degree on the text attributed to Germanus of Paris, which has been controversial, but Hen has recently reaffirmed the Merovingian provenance of this document, and I follow him in this. Hen, ‘Unity’, 28 and n. 51; Hen, Culture and Religion, 49.

31 Beck, Pastoral Care, 130, 136; Hen, Culture and Religion, 67.

32 Beck, Pastoral Care, 116; Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 75.1.

33 Vita Caesarii 1.15; Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 196.2.

34 Beck, Pastoral Care, 110–11, 119; Hen, Culture and Religion, 71.

35 Beck, Pastoral Care, 112–14.

36 Such attendance was described in examples of particular piety by lay people in Gregory of Tours – GC 64, VP 7.2.

37 Beck, Pastoral Care, 120–21.

38 Beck, Pastoral Care, 130.

39 Beck, Pastoral Care, 131. Arnold Angenendt, ‘Missa specialis: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Entstehung der Privat-Messen’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 17 (1983): 189–203.

40 See the discussion of Sabbath regulations in the next chapter.

41 Senn, People’s Work, 86.

42 Megan McLaughlin, Consorting with Saints: Prayer for the Dead in Early Medieval France (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994), 102; Dix, Shape of the Liturgy, 18; Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 62, 229.4.

43 Agde a. 506, c. 18.

44 Smith, ‘Religion and Lay Society’, in McKitterick, ed., 663; Chélini, ‘Les laïcs’, 172.

45 Senn, People’s Work, 106; Chélini, ‘Les laïcs’, 165–66; MacMullen, Second Church, 101.

46 Senn, People’s Work, 7; Chélini, ‘Les laïcs’, 173; Dix, Shape of the Liturgy, 13.

47 Scheibelreiter, ‘Church Structure’, 700.

48 Venantius Fortunatus, Carmen 10.1.55; Beck, Pastoral Care, 132–33.

49 Mathews, Early Churches, 127. On this process, see also Frank, ‘From Antioch to Arles’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 538.

50 Angenendt, ‘Sacrifice’, in Noble and Smith, ed., 459.

51 McLaughlin, Consorting, 106.

52 Senn, People’s Work, 7.

53 On the communal and responsive structures of Hebrew poetry, see Senn, People’s Work, 126–27. On the involvement of laity as well as clergy in these elements of the service, see Wallace-Hadrill, Frankish Church, 76; Rivard, Blessing the World, 134.

54 Hen, Culture and Religion, 75.

55 Eusebius Gallicanus 64.8, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101A, 732: ‘Graue autem in utroque teporis et infidelitatis uitium, stantes in loco sancto ante praesentiam maiestatis: aut non respondere, cum psalmus canitur, aut, cum lectio auribus ingeritur, non tacere.’

56 McCall, Do This; Hen, Culture and Religion, 77.

57 Hen, Culture and Religion, 80.

58 Gregory Dix, A Detection of Aumbries with other Notes on the History of Reservation (London: Dacre Press, 1942), 5–6, cited in Bowes, Private Worship, 55.

59 A. King, Eucharistic Reservation in the Western Church (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1964).

60 Bailey, ‘Strange Case’.

61 Hamilton, Church and People, 226.

62 Hen, Culture and Religion, 61–153; Beck, Pastoral Care, 96–107.

63 Bailey, ‘Building Urban’.

64 Frederick S. Paxton, ‘Birth and Death’, in Noble and Smith, ed., 383–98; Smith, ‘Religion and Lay Society’, in McKitterick, ed., 658–60; Duchesne, Christian Worship, 317–27; Beck, Pastoral Care, 161–64.

65 Jensen, ‘Baptismal Rites’, in Burrus, ed., 117.

66 Beck, Pastoral Care, 172.

67 Beck, Pastoral Care, 165.

68 Feldman-Weiss, ‘Bodies in Motion’, 1–2; Maribel Dietz, Wandering Monks, Virgins and Pilgrims: Ascetic Travel in the Mediterranean World, AD 300/800 (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005); Philip A. Harland, ed., Travel and Religion in Antiquity (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2011); Rivard, Blessing the World, 72–84; Sabine Felbecker, Die Prozession: Historisches und systematische Untersuchungen zu einer liturgischen Ausdruckshandlung (Altenberge: Oros-Verlag, 1995).

69 Palazzo, L’espace rituel, 45. See also Baldovin, Urban Character, 255.

70 Baldovin, Urban Character, 251.

71 LH 10.1.

72 ‘Pompa omnis, sicut ingressa fuerat, egressa est’, Sermo seu narratio, PL 50, 1274.

73 ‘accensisque super cruces cereis atque cereferalibus, dant voces in canticis, circumeunt urbem cum vicis’, GC 78, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 346; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 83.

74 ‘Ille autem ad satisfaciendo adhuc populo prunas ardentes in byrrum suum posuit, et ad se stringens, usque ad sepulchrum beati Martini una cum populorum turbis accredit’, LH 2.1, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 38; trans. Thorpe, History, 105.

75 ‘induti ciliciis, abstinentis a cibis et poculis, cum tonica beati Vincenti martiris muros civitatis psallendo circuirent; mulieres quoque amictae nigris palleis, dissoluta caesariae, superposito cinere’, LH 3.29, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 125; trans. Thorpe, History, 186.

76 Eusebius Gallicanus 3.1.

77 GC 78.

78 ‘nec aestimaretur aliud posse fieri, nisi eorum praecibus divina misericordia flectiretur’, LH 3.29, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 125; trans. Thorpe, History, 186.

79 Bell, Ritual Theory, 183.

80 For a summary of all the evidence for the origin of the Rogations, see Geoffrey Nathan, ‘The Rogation Ceremonies of Late Antique Gaul: Creation, Transmission and the Role of the Bishop’, Classica et Mediaevalia 49 (1998): 275–303.

81 Nathan, ‘Rogation Ceremonies’, 286.

82 Nathan, ‘Rogation Ceremonies’, 276.

83 Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 5.14.

84 ‘vagae tepentes infrequentesque utque sic dixerim oscitabundae supplicationes, quae saepe interpellantum prandiorum obicibus hebetabantur, maxime aut imbres aut serenitatem deprecaturae … ieiunatur oratur, psallitur fletur … festa cervicum humiliatarum et sternacium civium suspiriosa’, Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 5.14, ed. and trans. Anderson, Sidonius 420, 217–19.

85 Avitus of Vienne, Sermo 6. See also Gregory of Tours’ version of the origins of the Rogations in LH 2.34.

86 Eusebius Gallicanus 25.1, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 295: ‘uno animo parique consensu’.

87 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 207.3.

88 Nathan, ‘Rogation Ceremonies’, 292.

89 ‘Exoraturi enim sumus ut dominus infirmitatibus, plagis, tribulationibus interdicat: malum pestilentiae, hostilitatis, grandinis, siccitatis, repellat; caeli temperiem pro salute corporum, pro terrarium fecunditate, componat; elementorum pacem cum temporum tranquillitate concedat; peccata dimittat, flagella submoueat’, Eusebius Gallicanus 25.1, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 295. Although the three-day series of communal fasts and prayers is not named in this sermon, it most likely was the Rogations. Note also in Eusebius Gallicanus 48.6 that the preacher appeared to promise good weather and good harvests as an earthly return for piety.

90 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 208.2, 207.3.

91 ‘Si tu, beate pontifex, devote antiphoname inposueris, confidimus de sanctitate tua, quod protinus nobis Dominus pluviam dignabitur benigna pietate largire’, VP 4.4, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 226–27.

92 ‘discendit pluvia vehemens super universam terram illam, ita ut omnes mirarentur ac dicerent, ad preces haec beati viri fuisse largitum’, VP 4.4, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 226–27; trans. James, Gregory, 27.

93 LH 4.13, 9.6, 9.21.

94 Eusebius Gallicanus 25.2–3. See also Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 207.4, 208.3.

Chapter 5

1 ‘haec sacrorum voluminum lectio frequens, per quam inter edendum saepius sumit animae cibum; psalmos crebro lectitat, crebrius cantat; novoque genere vivendi monachum complet non sub palliolo sed sub paludamento’, Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 4.9, ed. and trans. Anderson, Sidonius, 97–99.

2 ‘plus ego admirer sacerdotalem virum quam sacerdotem’, Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistula 4.9, ed. and trans. Anderson, Sidonius, 99.

3 ‘stacio/ miseris et portus eginis ^. omnebs apts/ fuit praecipuae loca sctorum adse/ due et elemosinam et oracionem/ studuit’, Inscription 17, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 41.

4 Frankfurter, ‘Beyond Magic and Superstition’, in Burrus, ed., 257.

5 For other scholars who have taken a similar approach, see Maxwell, ‘Lay Piety’; Frank, ‘From Antioch to Arles’, in Casiday and Norris, ed., 531–32; Grig, ed., Popular Culture. On the later period, see Hamilton, Church and People.

6 Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, 14; Hamilton, Church and People, 245.

7 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 2, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 365: ‘ipsa est a domesticis persecutionem perpessa’.

8 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 3, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 366.

9 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 6–7.

10 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 3–11.

11 ‘religio … dum saeculari sub habitu religionis formabatur exemplum’, Baudonivia, Vita Radegundis 1, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 380; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 87.

12 ‘Dum esset cum rege adhuc in mundiali habitu mens intenta ad Christum’, Baudonivia, Vita Radegundis 2, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 380; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 87.

13 ‘caelestis plus quam terrena … se sub coniugis specie nupta tractavit … ut hoc ageret in laicali proposito, quod ipsa desideraret imitari’, Baudonivia, Vita Radegundis 1, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 380; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 87.

14 Vita Balthildis 3–4, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 485–86.

15 Vita Balthildis 4–9.

16 ‘Erat enim religiosa et Deo multum devota, ecclesiarum pauperumque curam gerens’, Vita Bertilae 4, ed. Levison, MGH SRM 4, 104; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 284.

17 De sancta Eustadiola 1, AS 131.

18 De sancta Eustadiola 3, AS 132.

19 Hilary of Arles, Sermo sancti Honorati 9, ed. Valentin, SC 235, 92.

20 Hilary of Arles, Sermo sancti Honorati 10, ed. Valentin, SC 235, 96.

21 VP 7.1–2, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1:2, 237.

22 ‘sub carnali coniugio, radio inflammante divino, vitam degerant spiritalem, Pauli iniantes vestigia’, Vita Aldegundis 2, ed. Levinson, MGH SRM 6, 86; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 238.

23 Vita Anstrudis 1.

24 ‘vir honestate vitae valde venerabilis … nimirum elegantior sanctitate … animi probitate sanctiores, fide firmi, caritate praecipui, justita insignes, spe longamines, eleemosynis dediti, pauperum in susceptione valde solliciti. His igitur talibusque virtutum floribus ornati, Spiritus sancti templa meruerunt effici, ut post manifestissimis claruit indiciis’, De sancta Austreberta virgine 4, AS 420; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 308.

25 ‘cum nuntiata fuisset venerabilis Dei famula reverti atque propius imminere civitati, egreditur in occursum eius omnis aetas omnisque sexus, religiosi, laici, nobiles et ignobiles, divites et pauperes, incolae et advenae’, Vita Rusticulae 17, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 4, 347; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 131.

26 Vita Germani 2, ed. Borius, SC 112, 124.

27 Vita Hilarii 28. See also Vita Genovefae 10.

28 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 27.

29 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 31.

30 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 38.

31 ‘Scire enim debemus quia non nobis sufficit quod nomen christianum accepimus, si opera christiana non fecerimus’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 13.1, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 64; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 74.

32 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 13.2–4. There are very similar lists in Sermones 19.2–5, 86.5, 149.5–6. For expanded discussion of some of these individual instructions, see Sermones 73–74, 76–78, 130.5.

33 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 14.2, 16.2.

34 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 41–44.

35 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 14.2.

36 ‘Et ideo qui elemosinas largiores erogare non possunt, vel parum aliquid secundum vires suas cum bona voluntate dispensent: qui virginitatis gloriam non praevalent obtinere, cum propriis uxoribus castitatem studeant deo auxiliante servare … Haec enim et his similia, fratres carissimi, nec nimium dura, nec importabilia esse probantur’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 168.6, ed. Morin, CCSL 104, 691; trans. Mueller, FC 47, 412–13. He made very similar points in Sermones 23.3, 32.4, 153.1.

37 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 223.3–5, 23.3, 28.3, 37.1, 39.2.

38 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 19.2, 31.1.

39 ‘Coniugati vero, qui sibi invicem fidem servaverint … adsidue elymosinas fecerint, et in quantum possunt dei praecepta servaverint, sancto Iob, sanctae Sarrae vel sanctae Susannae cum patriarchis et prophetis merebuntur feliciter sociari’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 6.7, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 35; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 44. On Caesarius’ use of biblical figures as models for the laity, see Alberto Ferreiro, ‘Modèles laïcs de sainteté dans les sermons de Césaire d’Arles’, in Clovis histoire et mémoire: Clovis et son temps l’événement, ed. Michel Rouche (Paris: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 1997), 97–114.

40 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 6.7.

41 ‘Est enim quidam modus communis omnibus. Adulterium non facere, non solum sanctimoniali praecipitur, sed et nuptae … Furtum non facere, omnibus praecipitur’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 135.1, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 556; trans. Mueller, FC 47, 257–58.

42 ‘ego iuvenis homo uxorem habens quomodo possum aut capillos minuere aut habitum religionis adsumere? … quid enim homini uxorem habenti nocet, si mores perditos voluerit ad opera bona vel honesta converterem si peccatorum suorum vulnera elemosynis ieiuniis et orationibus ad sanitatem pristinam studeat revocare? Vera enim conversio sine vestimentorum conmutatione sufficit sibi’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 56.3, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 250; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 281. See also Sermo 65.2.

43 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 179.3.

44 ‘Itaque, carissimi, dominicae passionis et resurrectionis celebrantes triumphum, fidei conseruatione decoremus: misericordiam in pauperes faciamus; imitemur deum cui nulla corporalium rerum forma consimilis est; habeamus in cunctis imaginem bonitatis eius et patientiae; emendamus errores; oremus pro inimicis; pro detractoribus obsecremus … oleo eleemosynae, peccatorem sordes lauemus; captiuorum uincula nos uideantur adstringere, et propitium illis imprecemur deum’, Eusebius Gallicanus 21.5, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 250–51.

45 Eusebius Gallicanus 25, 26, 74, 60.

46 For an expanded version of this argument, see Bailey, Christianity’s Quiet Success, 82–104.

47 ‘omnes in nobis habere possumus claues regni caelorum’, Eusebius Gallicanus 33.4, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 379. Matt. 16.19.

48 ‘Nescio autem, carissimi, cur nobis uitiorum ac superbiae itinera aspera et confragosa magis placeant, cum magis humilium uiae molles, planae atque directae sint’, Eusebius Gallicanus 4.5, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 49. Isaiah 40.4, Luke 3.5.

49 Eusebius Gallicanus 4.5.

50 RICG 15.172: ‘In hoc tom(ul)um req(uie)/scit in pace bone me/moriae Epaefanius mo/rebus optimus, na/tal(i)b(us)s suis mansuetus/ fede precepua ciuebus/ carus pauperebus pius’, 528.

51 RICG 8.16, 1.106, 15.162.

52 RICG 15.41, 15.72.

53 RICG 15.249; Inscription 17, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 41.

54 RICG 15.31, 15.72, 15.283.

55 For just a few examples with similar phrasing to those above, see RICG 8.34, 8.17, 15.69, 15.78, 15.91.

56 RICG 15.41.

57 RICG 15.162: ‘[In hoc] tumulo requescit Lau[…]/ [opti]mus moribus amatus [?omnibus]/ [me]nte benignus humanita[te …]/ in bellando strenuus’, 515.

58 RICG 15.269: ‘In hoc tumulo riquiiscunt bene memorie/ Riculfus et iugalis sua Guntello qui fuerunt/ insignis meritis in amure sempir amici omneuos abstuti/ passiins dulcissimi apti liuiri onesti iurans ac pectore/ mente pie’, 699.

59 Inscription 17, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 41.

60 Inscriptions 31 and 52, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 69, 110.

61 RICG 15.98A; Inscription 66, LeBlant, Inscriptions, 144.

62 ‘Non enim videbit regnum Dei coniugio copulatus’, LH 9.33, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 452.

63 LH 9.33.

64 On practices framed as ‘rustic’ rather than ‘pagan’, see Peter Brown, ‘Augustine and a Practice of the imperiti’, in Augustin prédicateur (395–411), ed. Goulven Madec (Paris: Institut d’Études Augustiniennes, 1998), 367–75.

65 For a good summary of the debates, see Filotas, Pagan Survivals, 2–7, 45–51.

66 ‘ne ullus in festivitate sancti Iohannis aut in fontibus aut in paludibus aut in fluminibus nocturnis aut matutinis horis se lavare praesumat; quia ista infelix consuetudo adhuc de paganorum observatione remansit … Etiam et hoc admonete, fratres, ut cantica turpia vel luxuriosa, castitati et honestati inimica’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 33.4, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 146; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 166–67.

67 Although these kinds of accusations fit a certain pre-existing pattern, they do not yet seem to have developed into rote condemnations, in the way that Filotas describes them doing in later centuries, Pagan Survivals, 57–61.

68 ‘si christiani ad ecclesiam veniunt, pagani de ecclesia revertuntur’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 13.4, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 67; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 77–78.

69 ‘Sunt et alii, qui pro hoc solo desiderant ad natalicia martyrum convenire, ut inebriando, ballando, verba turpia decantando, choros ducendo et diabolico more saltando’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 55.2, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 242; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 271.

70 ‘de paganorum profana observatione remansit’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 13.5, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 67; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 78. See also 19.4.

71 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 13.5, 52.3, 53, 54.

72 ‘Audivimus aliquos ex vobis ad arbores vota reddere, ad fontes orare, auguria diabolica observare … Ut quid miseri ad ecclesiam venerunt? ut quid sacramentum baptismi acceperunt, si postea ad idolorum sacrilegia redituri erant?’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 53.1, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 234; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 263.

73 Lucy Grig, ‘Interpreting the Kalends of January: A Case Study for Understanding Late Antique Popular Culture?’, Oral presentation at ‘The World of Caesarius of Arles’ conference, Edinburgh, March 2013.

74 Auxerre a. 561–a. 605, c. 1, 4; Orléans a. 533, c. 20; Orléans a. 541, c. 15; Tours a. 567, c. 23; Clichy a. 626–a. 627, c. 16.

75 ‘Si quis christianus, ut est gentilium consuetudo, ad caput cuiuscumque ferae uel pecudis, inuocatis insuper numinibus paganorum, fortasse iurauerit, si se ab hac superstitione commonitus noluerit prohibere, donec reatum emendet, a consortio fidelium uel ecclesiae communione pellatur’, Orléans a. 541, c. 16, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 353, 274.

76 Auxerre a. 561–a. 605, c. 3.

77 Auxerre a. 561–a. 605, c. 4.

78 Auxerre a. 561–a. 605, c. 16. Roman laws on the Sabbath were repeated in Lex Romana Visigothorum 2.1.10 and 8.3 and in the Leges Alamannorum 38.

79 Orléans a. 538, c. 31; Chalon a. 647–a. 655, c. 18.

80 Decretio Childeberti, Capitulary 6, 3.7 (an addition to the Pactus Legis Salicae).

81 VBM 2.57; VJ 11; VP 15.3.

82 ‘Videmus enim populum christianum temerario more diem dominicam contemtui tradere et sicut in priuatis diebus operibus continuis indulgere’, Mâcon a. 585, c. 1, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 354, 456.

83 Mâcon a. 585, c. 1.

84 VBM 3.29.

85 VBM 2.13.

86 ‘ingemuit et ait: “Vae mihi, quia annualis mei laboris opera ita deperit, ut nihil prorsus ex ea remaneat”. Et accepta secure amputatis ramis, aditum saepis claudere coepit, confestimque contracta manus invita retenuit, quod voluntariae conprehendit’, VP 15.3, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 273; trans. James, Gregory, 98.

87 GC 97.

88 ‘Quia persuasum est populis die dominico agi cum caballis aut bobus et uehiculis itinera non debere neque ullam rem ad uictum praeparari uel ad nitorem domus uel hominis pertinentem ullatenus exerceri, quae res ad iudaicam magis quam ad christianam obseruantiam pertinere probatur, id statuimus, ut die dominico, quod ante fieri licuit, liceat’, Orléans a. 538, c. 31, ed. Gaudemet and Basdevant, SC 353, 254.

89 ‘inter coraulas et citharas dum circa monasterium a saecularibus multo fremitu cantaretur’, Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 36, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 375; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 84.

90 ‘dicit monacha sermone ioculari: “Domina, recognovi, unam de meis canticis a saltantibus praedicari.” Cui respondit: “Grande est, si te delectat coniunctam religioni audire odorem saeculi” ’, Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 36, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 375; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 84.

91 ‘Unde manifestum est, ut carne licet in saeculo, mente quod tamen esset in caelo’, Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis 36, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 376; trans. McNamara, Sainted Women, 84.

92 ‘Sit vobis beatus Martinus in adiutorium’, VBM 2.16, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 164; trans. Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles, 236.

93 ‘Ergo noveritis, quam velociter in id quod invocatus fuerit, si petatur fideliter, apparebit’, VBM 2.16, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 164; trans. Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles, 236.

94 ‘Testor autem Deum, quia haec ab ipsius nautae ore cognovi’, VBM 2.16, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 164; trans. Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles, 236.

95 GM 84.

96 GM 47.

97 ‘quod in hospitiolo suo pro salvatione retenebat … ego loco digno reposui’, VBM 1.35, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 155; trans. Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles, 225.

98 VBM 1.28.

99 VBM 3.33.

100 Formulae Marculfi 2.4; Leges Alamannorum 1.2; Leges Baiwariorum 1.1, 2; Formulae Andecavensis 46.

101 Vasense a. 442, c. 4, repeated in Arles II a. 442–a. 506, c. 47.

102 Agde a. 506, c. 4

103 Formulae Marculfi 1.

Chapter 6

1 ‘quid superest, nisi ut eos opinemur credere, quod nec bonis praemia, nec malis supplicia iusto sint dei iudicio nespanda?’, Caesarius, Sermo 18.1, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 82; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 93.

2 ‘omnino non est in te fides’, Caesarius, Sermo 12.2, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 59; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 68–69.

3 Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, 1.

4 See the useful summary of the historiographical context for medieval scholarship in Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, 9.

5 Krueger, ‘Practice of Christianity’, in Krueger, ed., 2–4; Burrus and Lyman, ‘Introduction’, in Burrus, ed., 2; Maier, ‘Heresy, Households’, in Burrus, ed., 213–14; Christine Helmer, ‘Theology and the Study of Religion: A Relationship’, in Cambridge Companion to Religious Studies, ed. Robert A. Orsi (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 230–54.

6 Norman Tanner and Sethina Watson, ‘Least of the Laity: The Minimum Requirements for a Medieval Christian’, Journal of Medieval History 32 (2006): 400, 403; Wallace-Hadrill, Frankish Church, 36; Frend, ‘Church of the Roman Empire’, in Neill and Weber, ed., 73; Ramsey MacMullen, ‘The Preacher’s Audience (AD 350–400)’, Journal of Theological Studies 40 (1989): 503–11; McLaughlin, ‘The Word Eclipsed’; Old, Reading and Preaching, 73, 154; Raymond Van Dam, Becoming Christian: The Conversion of Roman Cappadocia (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 3–4.

7 Maxwell, ‘Lay Piety’, in Krueger, ed., 22–24; Perrin, ‘À propos de la participation’, 192, 195, 199; Carrié, ‘Antiquité tardive’; C.R. Galvão-Sobrinho, Doctrine and Power: Theological Controversy and Christian Leadership in the Later Roman Empire (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2013).

8 McLaughlin, ‘The Word Eclipsed’, 100, n. 111. See discussion of such patronizing attitudes also in Peter Biller, ‘Through a Glass Darkly: Seeing Medieval Heresy’, in The Medieval World, ed. Peter Lineham and Janet L. Nelson (London: Routledge, 2001), 315.

9 Maxwell, ‘Popular Theology’, in Grig, ed. On the medieval period, see Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, 229.

10 Maxwell, ‘Popular Theology’, in Grig, ed.; Lisa K. Bailey, ‘ “No Use Crying over Spilt Milk”: The Challenge of Preaching God’s Justice in Fifth- and Sixth-Century Gaul’, Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 4 (2008): 19–31.

11 Santo Mazzarino, ‘La democratizzazione della cultura nel Basso Impero’, Antico, tardoantico ad èra costantiniana 1 (1974): 74–98; Brown, Cult of the Saints; Cameron, Christianity and the Rhetoric.

12 Cameron, Christianity and the Rhetoric, 187.

13 Carrié, ‘Antiquité tardive’, 44.

14 Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, 6.

15 Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, 1.

16 William V. Harris, Ancient Literacy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989); Mary Beard, Literacy in the Roman World (Ann Arbor, MI: Journal of Roman Archaeology, 1991); Gamble, Books and Readers; Nicholas Everett, ‘Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300–800 AD’, in Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, ed. Nancy Torrance and David R. Olson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 362–85; Catherine M. Chin, Grammar and Christianity in the Late Roman World (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008).

17 Riché, Education and Culture, 477; Everett, ‘Literacy’, 367–75.

18 ‘Illud omnino studebat, ut omnes pueros, qui in domo eius nascebantur … litteris doceret ac psalmis imbueret; scilicet ut, cum ad implendum cursum oratorium fuisset ingressus, tale iungeretur psallentium’, VP 8.2, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 242; trans. James, Gregory, 51.

19 Vita Geretrudis 2, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 2, 457.

20 Vita Hilarii 15.

21 Robert Louis Wilken, ‘The Novelty and Inescapability of the Bible in Late Antiquity’, in The Reception and Interpretation of the Bible in Late Antiquity, ed. Lorenzo DiTommaso and Lucien Turcescu (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 9.

22 Alberto Ferreiro. ‘ “Frequenter legere”: The Propagation of Literacy, Education and Divine Wisdom in Caesarius of Arles’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43 (1992): 5–15; Marc van Uytfanghe, ‘La Bible et l’instruction des laïcs en Gaule mérovingienne: Des témoignages textuels à une approche langagière de la question’, Sacris Erudiri 34 (1994): 67–123.

23 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 6.1–3, 8.2.

24 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones 6.1–2, 8.1.

25 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 6.2.

26 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 7.1.

27 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 73.2.

28 Augustine, Sermo 1.5.

29 ‘necesse est, et satis oportet, ut fidem catholicam omnes non solum clerici sed etiam laici notam habeant’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 2, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 19; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 25. My emphasis.

30 ‘quod vobis ex iure debetur exigite … populi christiani sacerdotes suos velut sanctarum ecclesiarum ubera assidue debent interrogatione piissima provocare, ut sibi possint cibum salutis adquirere, et victum animae suae necessarium providere’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 4.3–4, ed. Morin, CCSL 103, 24–25; trans. Mueller, FC 31, 30–32.

31 ‘Uox ista inquirentis est, non negantis … doceri uoluit, confirmari desiderauit’, Eusebius Gallicanus 22.4, ed. Glorie, CCSL 103, 260.

32 ‘Exploremus cum eo domini cicatrices, cordis nostri manu’, Eusebius Gallicanus 23.3, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 269.

33 ‘Non ergo contra fidem tuam uenias, nec dicas: Quomodo hoc fieri potuit?’, Eusebius Gallicanus 76.7, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101A, 812.

34 Eusebius Gallicanus 76.7, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101A, 812.

35 For elaboration of these points, see Bailey, Christianity’s Quiet Success, and a forthcoming article on Caesarius and the scriptures.

36 Old, Reading and Preaching, 154.

37 See the lists of manuscripts in the CCSL editions of each.

38 GM 12.

39 Bailey, Christianity’s Quiet Success, 63–64.

40 Kienzle, ‘Introduction’, 155.

41 ‘Forte sint aliqui de minus eruditis, qui dicant in corde suo: “Quomodo deus filium genuit?” ’, Eusebius Gallicanus 16.4, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 188.

42 ‘solent aliqui quaerere, quomodo potuerit dominus et salvator apparere suis discipulis ostiis clausis … sic enim disputant: si corpus erat, erat et caro: si caro, et ossa erant: si hoc resurrexit de sepulchro, quod pependit in ligno, quomodo per ostia clausa intrare potuit? Si non potuit, dicunt, non est factum; si potuit, quomodo potuit?’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 175.1, ed. Morin, CCSL 104, 709–10; trans. Mueller, FC 47, 433–34.

43 Marcus Wilson, ‘Rhetoric and the Younger Seneca’, in A Companion to Roman Rhetoric, ed. William Dominik and Jon Hall (Malden: Blackwell, 2007), 434.

44 Edelman, discussed in Robert Morstein-Marx, Mass Oratory and Political Power in the Late Roman Republic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 241.

45 Eusebius Gallicanus 16.4.

46 Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 175.2.

47 ‘Nescis nihil esse impossibile deo?’, Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 175.2, ed. Morin, CCSL 104, 710.

48 ‘Nam si “hominem tantum” dixeris Christum, negas potentiam qua creatus es; si “deum tantum” dixeris Christum, negas misericordiam qua sanatus es’, Eusebius Gallicanus 1.1, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 15.

49 ‘ “Quid fuerit rationis” interroges “qua proprietae corporis nostri omnino induere deberet”, id causae est: ut per illam, quam in nostra carne peragebat de mundi hoste uictoriam, nostram posset consecrare naturam et roboraret fragilem conditionem’, Eusebius Gallicanus 1.6, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 19–20.

50 Eusebius Gallicanus 1.4.

51 ‘sicut sermo quem loqueris et a te exit et tecum est … ita et dominus noster Iesus Christus … ad nos prodiit, a patre non exiit; illic adstitit, hic processit’, Eusebius Gallicanus 1.4, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 18.

52 ‘recenti errore decepti et nouo antiqui serpentis dente percussi’, Eusebius Gallicanus 1.5, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 18.

53 Eusebius Gallicanus 1.5.

54 ‘Iracundiam, crudelitatem, inhonestos actus refugiamus; pectora a malitia, a luxuria et iniquitate mundemus. Christum dominum concipiamus fide’, Eusebius Gallicanus 1.8, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 20. My emphasis.

55 ‘Credo in deum patrem omnipotentem’, Eusebius Gallicanus 9.2, CCSL 101, ed. Glorie, 99.

56 See other examples of these natural analogies for the trinity in Eusebius Gallicanus 16.4.

57 ‘Quisquis ergo ille es, qui obscurum profundum non fide sed curiositate rimaris, hoc potius insinua cordi tuo: ut diuinas dispensationes quantum difficilius inuestigare te uideris, tantum reuerentius admireris’, Eusebius Gallicanus 9.3, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 102.

58 ‘diuina opera non discutienda sunt sed credenda’, Eusebius Gallicanus 9.3, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 101.

59 Eusebius Gallicanus 4.2, 6.1, 28.2–3, 34.2–4 and 76.3.

60 Wood, ‘How Popular’. See also on these points Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, 86, 218.

61 ‘Quod si evenisse quis fortuitu putat, admiretur, quod nullum vicinorum circummanentium nocuit. Qui nunc agis, o cruda rusticitas, quae semper in Deum et eius amicos murmuras, ut tibi exinde damnum adqueras?’, GC 80, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 349; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 86.

62 ‘Quod nullus ambigat, beati viri adventu hanc tempestatem fuisse sedatam’, VBM 1.9, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 144; trans. Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles, 211.

63 ‘ferveret Christi fides in plurimis, tepisceret in nonnullis, ipsae quoque eclesiae vel ditarentur a devotis vel nudarentur a perfides’, LH preface, ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH SRM 1.1, 1; trans. Thorpe, History, 63.

64 ‘Quid ergo nuper actum est, multos in testimonium exhibens, declarabo’, VBM 2.32, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 170; trans. Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles, 245.

65 ‘Illud impossibile est, illud fieri non potest’, Eusebius Gallicanus 10.4, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101, 115.

66 ‘Certum est rerum dominum non respicere quae nostra sunt, neglegere humana, non curare terrena’, Eusebius Gallicanus 55.8, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101A, 641.

67 ‘aut peccata si non damnat ignorat, aut fauet peccatis si damnare dissimulat’, Eusebius Gallicanus 55.12, ed. Glorie, CCSL 101A, 643.

68 Eusebius Gallicanus 23.4.

69 Bailey, ‘No Use Crying’, 22–26.

70 Christian Cannuyer, ‘Des incroyants au Moyen Âge?’, Melanges de science religieuse 63 (2006): 23.

71 Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, 229.

72 Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, 22.

73 Walter Burkert, ‘Introduction: Sacrifice, Offerings and Votives’, in Religions of the Ancient World: A Guide, ed. Sarah Iles Johnston (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2004), 326.

74 Burkert, ‘Introduction’, in Iles Johnston, ed., 325–26.

75 J.A. North, ‘Religion in Republican Rome’, in Cambridge Ancient History, volume 7, part 2, ed. F.W. Walbank et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 592.

76 North, ‘Religion’, 593; Price, ‘Rome: Sacrifice’, in Iles Johnston, ed., 344.

77 Saul M. Olyan, ‘Israel: Sacrifice, Offerings and Votives’, in Iles Johnston, ed., 335–36.

78 Price, ‘Rome: Sacrifice’, in Iles Johnston, ed., 346.

79 Price, ‘Rome: Sacrifice’, in Iles Johnston, ed., 346.

80 ‘Integro quidem corde ad deposcendum beati praesidium venimus, sed, obsistentibus peccatis, non meruimus quod petebamus accipere’, VBM 2.56, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 178; trans. Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles, 256.

81 ‘Ad tua, sanctae, limina veni, nihil aliud qua parvitatis meae vota deferre’, VJ 21, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 123.

82 ‘Uxor vero eius multa munera in basilicam posuit; sed hoc tertia die cum gravi cruciatu vitam finivit. Quo defuncto, mulier quae dederat recepit’, GC 66, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 337; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 72.

83 ‘Deferte me ad basilicam sancti et quantumcumque super me est auri ad sepulchrum eius proiecite. Peccavi enim auferendo res eius … Ne aspicias, quaeso, sanctae Dei, munera eius, quae numquam accipere consuisti … Nam homo ille, licet dedisset munera, rediens tamen domum, amisit spiritum, recepitque eclesia res suas’, GC 78, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 345; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 82.

84 ‘Non hic accenditur lumen, neque psalmorum modolatio canitur, gloriosissime sancte, nisi prius ulciscaris servos tuos de inimicis suis, resque tibi violenter ablatas eclesiae sanctae restituas’, GC 70, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 339; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 74.

85 Patrick Geary, ‘Humiliation of Saints’, in Saints and their Cults: Studies in Religious Sociology, Folklore and History, ed. Stephen Wilson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 134.

86 ‘Nunc autem ite quantotius et, redditam villam, sexcentos aureos super tumulum sancti deponite. Est enim mihi spes, quod res reddita tribuat aegrotanti medellam’, GC 70, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 339; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 75.

87 VBM 3.19, 3.55, 3.56; GM 15.

88 GM 96.

89 ‘Sergius quoque martyr multa signa in populis facit, curans infirmitates sanansque languores fideliter deprecantium. Unde agitur, ut ex hoc ingentia basilicae vel promittantur vota vel munera deferantur’, GM 96, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 103; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 121.

90 GM 13; VBM 3.39.

91 ‘mox sanantur’, GC 103, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 364.

92 ‘Si eum Dominus cum sua gratia de itenere illo reduceret … Quod postea adimplevit’, GC 81, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 350; trans. Van Dam, Gregory, 88.

93 ‘promittit, ut, si sospitem reciperet coniugem, martyris sepulchrum, in quo possit spatio, cimento contegerit … pollicitationem quam promiserat cum inmensis muneribus adimplevit’, VJ 4, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 116; trans. Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles, 167.

94 ‘Si virtus tua, beatissime confessor, hoc examen retenere voluerit eumque ditioni meae reddiderit, quae in posterum ex eo procreata fuerint, mel usibus meis sumam, ceram vero ad luminaria basilicae tuae cum omni soliditate diregam’, VBM 4.15, ed. Krusch, MGH SRM 1.2, 203; trans. Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles, 291.

95 VBM 4.21.

96 VBM 4.40.

97 Rivard, Blessing the World, 276.

98 The reciprocity between saint and community of believers is also emphasized in Geary, ‘Humiliation’, 123.

99 Handley, Death, 8–10.

100 See the discussion in the introduction.

101 Éric Rebillard, In hora mortis: Évolution de la pastorale chrétienne de la mort aux IV^e et V^e siècles dans l’Occident latin (Rome: École française de Rome, 1994). On the emotional language of the inscriptions, see Barbara H. Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006), 57–78.

102 Handley, Death, 8.

103 RICG 15.118: ‘Ne doleas genitor, genitrix q(u)oq(ue) flere desiste:/ aeternae uitae gaudia proles habit’, 455.

104 The editor in RICG 1 calls them ‘extrêmement banale’, 457.

105 Handley, Death, 8.

106 RICG 1.24.

107 RICG 15.148: ‘Hic requies/cet in Christo et in pace/ fidelis Mauricius inno/cens infas, qui uixit annos III, menses IV, dies VIII …’, 494.

108 Handley has collected the references supporting this point, and also the literary references to the sleep of the just dead, Death, 8.

109 RICG 1.134, 15.112, 15.118; Inscription 80, ed. LeBlant, Inscriptions, 163.

110 RICG 15.25, 15.227, 8.47, 15.149, 15.152.

111 RICG 15.227, 610.

112 RICG 1.126, 1.135, 15.222.

113 RICG 15.220: ‘Hic requiescit in pa/ce bone memoriae Gun/diisclus in spe resurre/xionis meserecordiae/ Chr(ist)i q(ui) uixit in secolo/ annus LXVIIII’, 596.

114 To pick out just a few other examples: RICG 15.46, 15.48, 15.83, 15.78, 15.146, 15.148, 15.152, 15.220, 15.222, 15.225, 15.231, 15.232.

115 RICG 15.49, 289.

116 RICG 15.77, 334.

117 Handley, Death, 9.

Conclusion

1 ‘Est autem genus unum, quod mancipatum divino officio, et deditum contemplationi et orationi, ab omni strepitu temporalium cessare convenit, ut sunt clerici, et Deo devoti, videlicet conversi … Aliud vero est genus Christianorum, ut sunt laici. λαός enim est populus. His licet temporalia possidere … His concessum est uxorem ducere, terram colere, inter virum et virum iudicare, causas agere, oblationes super altaria ponere, decimas reddere, et ita salvari poterunt, si vicia tamen benefaciendo evitaverint’, Gratian, Decretum Pars 2.100.12.q.1, c. 7, ed. http://ivv7srv15.uni-muenster.de/mnkg/pfnuer/klerus.html. Translated by Colin Morris, Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 318.

2 On the medieval period, see Hamilton, Church and People, 17–18.

3 Torjesen, ‘Clergy and Laity’, 389.

4 It is therefore simplistic to describe popular Christianity as a self-contained and separate world of religious practice as MacMullen does. It should be noted, however, that he does not examine evidence from Gaul. Second Church, 108–13.