Introduction
1 Extract from the Speos Artemidos inscription of King Hatchepsut, translation given by Gardiner, A. (1946), The Great Speos Artemidos Inscription, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 32: 43–56.
2 Budge, E. A. W. (1902), Egypt and Her Asiatic Empire, London: 1.
3 Naville, E. (1894), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari: its plan, its founders and its first explorers: Introductory Memoir, 12th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 15.
4 Budge, E. A. W. (1902), Egypt and Her Asiatic Empire, London: 4.
5 Naville, E. (1906), Queen Hatshopsitu, her life and Monuments, in T. M. Davis (ed.), The Tomb of Hatshopsitu, London: 1.
6 Gardiner, A. (1961), Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford: 184.
7 Hayes, W. C. (1973), Egypt: Internal Affairs from Tuthmosis I to the Death of Amenophis III, in I. E. S. Edwards et al., (eds), Cambridge Ancient History, 3rd edition, Cambridge, 2.1: 317.
8 Drioton, E. and Vandier, J. (1938), L'Egypte: Les Peuples de l'orient méditer-ranéen II, Paris: 398.
9 O'Connor, D. (1983), in Trigger, B. G. et al., (eds), Ancient Egypt: a social history, Cambridge: 196. The abstract concept of maat was personified in the form of an anthropoid goddess, the daughter of the sun god, Re. This lady was always depicted as a slender young woman wearing a single tall ostrich feather tied on her head by a hair-band.
10 Consult Lichtheim, M. (1973), Ancient Egyptian Literature I: the Old and Middle Kingdoms, Los Angeles: 149–63, for a full translation and discussion of this text.
11 Naville, E. (1894), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari: its plan, its founders and its first explorers: Introductory Memoir, 12th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 9.
Chapter 1 Egypt in the Early Eighteenth Dynasty
1 Extract from the Speos Artemidos inscription of King Hatchepsut, translation given by Gardiner, A. (1946), The Great Speos Artemidos Inscription, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 32:47–8.
2 In a tradition which started during the Old Kingdom, many Egyptian men of rank made permanent records of their achievements in the form of stylized autobiographies which were preserved on the walls of their tombs.
3 For these, and many other Middle Kingdom texts in translation, plus a discussion of the development of Old and Middle Kingdom literature, consult Lichtheim, M. (1973), Ancient Egyptian Literature I: the Old and Middle Kingdoms, Los Angeles. See also Parkinson, R. B. (1991), Voices from Ancient Egypt: an anthology of Middle Kingdom writings, London.
4 Quoted in Gardiner, A. (1961), Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford: 155. Josephus claims to be quoting directly from Manetho himself. His explanation of the name ‘Hyksos’ is now known to be incorrect; Hyksos is actually the corrupted Greek version of an Egyptian phrase meaning ‘The Chiefs of Foreign Lands’. We have no knowledge of the precise origins of the Hyksos peoples.
5 The 13th Dynasty Brooklyn Papyrus 35.1446 gives some indication of the numbers of these migrants when it records that 45 out of a total of 79 recorded domestic servants were ‘Asiatic’ in origin.
6 As the dynasties represent lines of ruling families or related individuals rather than successive chronological periods it was possible for Egypt, at times of disunity, to be ruled by two or more dynasties at the same time. Thus, the 14th Dynasty appears to have been contemporary with the 13th Dynasty, and Dynasties 15, 16 and 17 were also contemporary, each dynasty ruling over its own, exclusive, territory.
7 Gardiner, A. (1961), Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford: 167–8.
8 Gardiner, A. (1961), Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford: 155–6.
9 Extract from The Quarrel of Apophis and Seknenre, translated in Simpson, W. K., ed. (1973), The Literature of Ancient Egypt: an anthology of stories, instructions and poetry, New Haven: 77–80.
10 Smith, G. E. (1912), The Royal Mummies, Cairo.
11 Gardiner, A. (1961), Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford: 167.
12 For a full discussion of this stela, see Habachi, L. (1972), The Second Stela of Kamose and his Struggle against the Hyksos Ruler and his Capital, Gluckstadt.
13 All extracts from the autobiography of Ahmose, son of Ibana, are translated by S. R. Snape. For a published translation of this work, consult Lichtheim, M. (1976), Ancient Egyptian Literature II: the New Kingdom, Los Angeles: 12–15.
14 For a basic description of Egyptian army life, consult Shaw, I. (1991), Egyptian Warfare and Weapons, Risborough. Shaw provides a more specialized reading list.
15 Extract from the obelisk inscription of King Hatchepsut, Karnak.
16 Wosret was a relatively obscure Upper Egyptian goddess.
17 Homer, Iliad, Book IX. Homer refers to the Egyptian Thebes as ‘hundred-gated’ to distinguish it from the Greek ‘seven-gated’ city of Thebes.
18 Keen, M. (1990), English Society in the Middle Ages 1348–1500, London: 161. Keen cites as an example the household of Earl Gilbert of Clare who moved on average every two to three weeks.
19 The English Queen Elizabeth I undertook similar tours of her country as a deliberate cost-cutting exercise, staying with local dignitaries in order to save the expense of maintaining a permanent court in London. A visit from the queen and her entourage could prove to be a ruinously expensive honour for a loyal subject.
20 Quoted in Kitchen, K. (1982), Pharaoh Triumphant: the life and times of Ramesses II, Warminster: 122.
21 Herodotus, Histories, II: 14.
22 Breasted, J. H. (1905), A History of Egypt, New York: 334
23 For a full translation, consult Lichtheim, M. (1976), Ancient Egyptian Literature II: the New Kingdom, Los Angeles: 168.
24 Stevenson Smith, W., The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt, revised and edited by W. K. Simpson (1981), New Haven: 225.
25 Herodotus, Histories, II: 164.
Chapter 2 A Strong Family
1 Extract from the stela of King Ahmose, translated by S. R. Snape.
2 Some slight doubt has been cast over the royal parentage of Queen Ahmose Nefertari by an inscription recovered from Karnak which appears to read, ‘He [the king] clothed me [Ahmose Nefertari] when I was a nobody.’ However, the precise translation, and exact meaning of the translation, is by no means certain, and it is entirely possible that ‘nobody’ should be read as ‘orphan’. This matter is discussed in further detail in Redford, D. B. (1967), History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt: seven studies, Toronto: 30–31.
3 There is no direct proof that Meryt-Neith ever ruled Egypt as an independent king, but there is a strong body of circumstantial evidence which certainly points that way. This evidence is reviewed in detail in Tyldesley, J. A. (1994), Daughters of Isis: Women of Ancient Egypt, London: Chapters 6 and 7.
4 A division of labour which became formalized in the artistic convention which, despite the fact that Egypt was a racially well-mixed African country, decreed that men should always be depicted with a tanned brown skin, women with an indoor pallor.
5 Ever since the nineteenth-century Scottish lawyer McLennan published his Primitive Societies, in which he outlined a theory that all kinship and marriage patterns passed through the same four evolutionary stages – omiscuity, matriarchy, patriarchy and cognatic monogamy. The publication of J. G. Frazer's The Golden Bough (1914), London, also had a deep influence on his contemporaries working in the fields of archaeology and egyptology.
6 For a full explanation of all these terms, consult Fox, R. (1967), Kinship and Marriage, London.
7 Extract from the Instructions of King Amenemhat I; for a full translation of this text, see Lichtheim, M. (1973), Ancient Egyptian Literature I: the Old and Middle Kingdoms, Los Angeles: 135–9.
8 Extract from the New Kingdom Inscription of Scribe Any. For a full translation of this text, consult Lichtheim, M. (1976), Ancient Egyptian Literature II: the New Kingdom, Los Angeles: 135–46.
9 Tylor, J. J. and Griffith, F. L. (1894), The Tomb of Paheri at el-Kab, 11th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Society, London: 25.
10 Redford, D. B. (1967), History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt: seven studies, Toronto: 65.
11 Consult Lerner, G. (1986), The Creation of Patriarchy, Oxford: 93. The same parallel is cited in Robins, G. (1993), Women in Ancient Egypt, London: 28.
12 From the marriage scarab of Amenhotep III.
13 Quoted in Robins, G. (1993), Women in Ancient Egypt, London: 30.
14 Lane, E. B. (1836), Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, London.
15 This image certainly affected those late nineteenth-century egyptologists who went to Egypt determined to uncover a multitude of concubines and Ottoman-style harems; find them they did, mistakenly classifying many innocent servant girls, housekeepers and secondary queens in their quest for the elusive, erotic, ancient Egyptian whore of their dreams.
16 Blanch, L. (1959), The Wilder Shores of Love, London: 220.
17 See, for example, Shaarawi, H., translated by M. Badran (1986), Harem Years: the memoirs of an Egyptian feminist (1879–1924), London. For an account of a happy childhood spent in a traditional Islamic harem in Morocco, read Mernissi, F. (1994), The Harem Within, London.
18 This point is discussed in further detail in Dodson, A. (1990), Crown Prince Djhutmose and the royal sons of the Eighteenth Dynasty, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 76: 87–96. An appendix lists the few known royal princes of the 18th Dynasty.
19 James, T. G. H. (1973), Egypt: from the expulsion of the Hyksos to Amenophis I, in I. E. S. Edwards et al. (eds), The Cambridge Ancient History, 3rd edition, Cambridge, 2.1: 305.
20 James, T. G. H. (1973), Egypt: from the expulsion of the Hyksos to Amenophis I, in I. E. S. Edwards et al. (eds), The Cambridge Ancient History, 3rd edition, Cambridge, 2.1: 306.
21 Gardiner, A. (1961), Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford: 130.
22 Extract from the autobiography of Ahmose, son of Ibana, translated by S. R. Snape. For a published translation of this work, consult Lichtheim, M. (1976), Ancient Egyptian Literature II: the New Kingdom, Los Angeles: 12–15.
23 Several historians claim, without citing any concrete evidence, that Tuthmosis I belonged to a collateral branch of the royal family; see for example Grimal, N. (1992), translated by I. Shaw, A History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford: 207.
24 Gardiner, A. (1961), Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford: 130.
25 For a detailed study of this subject, consult Murnane, W.J. (1977), Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, Chicago.
26 Translation taken from Watterson, B. (1991), Women in Ancient Egypt, Stroud: 56 and 60. For a full translation of this story, consult Lichtheim, M. (1980), Ancient Egyptian Literature III: the Late Period, Los Angeles: 127–8.
27 Translation taken from Watterson, B. (1991), Women in Ancient Egypt, Stroud: 56 and 60. For a full translation of this story, consult Lichtheim, M. (1980), Ancient Egyptian Literature III: the Late Period, Los Angeles: 127–8.
28 Wilkinson, J. G. (1837), The Ancient Egyptians: their life and customs 2, London: 224.
Chapter 3 Queen of Egypt
1 Extracts from the biography of Ineni, translated in Breasted, J. H. (1906), Ancient Records of Egypt, vol. 2, Chicago: 108, 116.
2 Extract from the autobiography of Ahmose, son of Ibana, translated by S. R. Snape. For a published translation of this work, consult Lichtheim, M. (1976), Ancient Egyptian Literature II: the New Kingdom, Los Angeles: 12–15.
3 Breasted, J. H., Ancient Records of Egypt, vol. 2, Chicago: 106.
4 Figures suggested by Hopkins, K. B. (1983), Death and Renewal: sociological studies in Roman History, 2, Cambridge.
5 See Baines, J. and Eyre, C. J. (1983), Four Notes on Literacy, Goettinger Miszellen 61: 65–96.
6 For a discussion of Prince Ramose, see Snape, S. R. (1985), Ramose Restored: a royal prince and his mortuary cult, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 71: 180–83. There is virtually no evidence to support the existence of a further three sons (named Binpu, Nekenkhal and Ahmose) who are occasionally cited as royal princes but who, were they truly the sons of Tuthmosis and Ahmose, must have died in early childhood before they could make any impact on the historical record.
7 Egyptology is by no means an exact science, and it remains a possibility that we may be muddling up two Mutnofrets, one the concubine of Tuthmosis I and mother of Tuthmosis II, and one a royal princess, the daughter of Tuthmosis I and sister of Tuthmosis II and Hatchepsut.
8 Cartouche is the name given to the rectangular enclosure, intended to represent a tied loop of rope, always drawn around the two principal names of the kings of Egypt.
9 Sethe, K. (1896), Die Thronwirren unter den Nachfolgern Königs Tuthmosis I, ihr Verlauf und ihre Bedeutung, Leipzig.
10 This story is told more fully in Davies, W V. (1982), Thebes, in T. G. H. James (ed.), Excavating in Egypt: the Egypt Exploration Society 1882–1992, London: 6. It was evidently Mme Naville who posed the threat to the continuation of the archaeological work; bereft of her kitchen, she demanded that she and her husband return immediately to Switzerland. It is tempting to speculate that it was Naville's relationship with his forceful wife which stimulated his interest in Hatchepsut, another forceful woman.
11 Edgerton, W. F. (1933), The Tuthmoside Succession, Chicago.
12 Hayes, W. C. (1935), Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty, Princeton.
13 Winlock, H. E. (1932), The Egyptian Expedition 1930–31, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 32.2: 5–10.
14 Carter himself initially believed that the two women might be the nurses of Tuthmosis IV.
15 Gardiner, A. (1961), Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford: 180.
16 Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 23.2:47.
17 Hayes, W. C. (1973), Egypt: Internal Affairs from Tuthmosis I to the death of Amenophis III, in I.E. S. Edwards et al. (eds), Cambridge Ancient History, 3rd edition, Cambridge, 2.1: 316.
18 Budge, E. A. W. (1902), Egypt and her Asiatic Empire, London: 4. Budge is by no means the only author to assume that Hatchepsut ruled on behalf of her weaker brother; see, for example, Hayes, W. C. (1935), Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty, Princeton: 145. Hayes cites several earlier references.
19 Carter, H. (1917), A Tomb Prepared for Queen Hatshepsuit and other recent discoveries at Thebes, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 4: 114.
20 Carter, H. (1917), A Tomb Prepared for Queen Hatshepsuit and other recent discoveries at Thebes, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 4:118.
21 Hayes, W. C. (1935), Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty, Princeton: 67.
22 Sethe, K., Helck W et al. (1906–58), Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Leipzig and Berlin: 34.
23 Discussed in Robins, G. (1993), Women in Ancient Egypt, London: 49.
24 Hayes, W. C. (1973), Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty, Princeton: 316.
25 Maspero, G. (1896), The Struggle of the Nations, London: 242–3.
26 Smith, G.E. (1912), The Royal Mummies, Cairo: 29.
27 Carter, H. and Newberry, P. E. (1904), The Tomb of Thoutmosis IV, London.
28 For a review of the various caches, consult Reeves, C. N. (1990), Valley of the Kings: the decline of a royal necropolis, London: Chapter 10.
29 Brugsch's words quoted in Wilson, E. (1887), Finding Pharaoh, The Century Magazine. Brugsch was apparently concerned that his candle might cause a conflagration in the dry and dusty chamber. John Romer, who also quotes from Brugsch, devotes a chapter to the circumstances surrounding the finding of the Deir el-Bahri cache in Romer, J. (1981), Valley of the Kings, London.
30 Dawson, W. R. (1947), Letters from Maspero to Amelia Edwards, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 33:70.
31 See, however, Reeves, C. N. (1990), Valley of the Kings: the decline of a royal necropolis, London, Chapter 10: 18–19. Reeves believes that Tuthmosis II was not interred in the Valley of the Kings, but in a lesser tomb at Deir el-Bahri.
32 See, for example, Gardiner, A. (1961), Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford: 181 ‘… from its neglect one might conjecture that no one cared very much what was his fate’; Hayes, W. C. (1935), Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty, Princeton: 144 ‘…one could hardly have expected her to have had either the inclination or the opportunity to make elaborate preparations for Tuthmosis II's burial.’
33 Sethe, K., Helck, W. et al. (1906–58), Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Leipzig and Berlin: 180, 8–12.
34 This is discussed further in Redford, D. B. (1967), History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt: seven studies, Toronto: 74–6.
35 Consult Gabolde, L. (1987), La chronologie du règne de Thoutmosis II, ses conséquences sur la datation des momies royales et leurs répercussions sur l'histoire du développement de la Vallée des Rois, Studien zur Altägyp-tischen Kultur 14: 61–81. The problem of Hatchepsut's age is discussed in Bierbrier, M. L. (1995), How old was Hatchepsut?, Goettinger Miszellen 144: 15–19.
36 Naville, E. (1894), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari: its plan, its founders and its first explorers: Introductory Memoir, 12th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 14.
Chapter 4 King of Egypt
1 Extract from the biography of Ineni, translated in Breasted, J. H. (1906), Ancient Records of Egypt: historical documents, vol. 2, Chicago: 341.
2 Lichtheim, M. (1973), Ancient Egyptian Literature I: the Old and Middle Kingdoms, Los Angeles: 220.
3 Sethe, K and Helck, W. (1906–58) Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Leipzig and Berlin, 4.219, 13–220, 6. Breasted, J. H. (1988), Ancient Records of Egypt, 2nd edition, 2, Chicago: 187–212.
4 Naville, E. (1896), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 2, 14th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 15.
5 Naville, E. (1896), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 2, 14th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 17.
6 Naville, E. (1898), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 3, 16th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 5–6.
7 The partially erased inscription with a similar theme carved on the upper northern colonnade at the Deir el-Bahri mortuary temple and already discussed in Chapter 3 is also best disregarded as pure fiction, and contributes little to our search for the date of Hatchepsut's accession.
8 A donation stela recovered from North Karnak, apparently erected by Senenmut in Year 4, seems at first sight to offer proof of a co-regency by Year 4 as it refers to Tuthmosis III as king, describes Hatchepsut as ‘Maatkare’, and mentions the mortuary temple of Deir el-Bahri which can only have been built following Hatchepsut's accession. However, this stela was badly damaged soon after it was carved and, although it has undergone extensive restoration during the 19th Dynasty, we cannot now be certain that our reading of the year date is accurate. References to Senenmut's tomb suggest that the stela was carved some time after Year 7.
9 For further details concerning this cult, consult Bell, L. (1985), Luxor Temple and the Cult of the Royal Ka, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 44: 251–94.
10 Translation given by Dorman, who examines the evidence for the accession date of Hatchepsut in minute detail, giving valuable references to earlier and more specialized publications. Consult Dorman, P. F. (1988), The Monuments of Senenmut: problems in historical methodology, London, Chapter 2: 22.
11 As McDowell has pointed out: ‘It is at any rate suspicious that the god Amen's wishes so often coincided with the manifest desire of the King or the High Priest… although this may have been the result of some subconscious influence on those who interpreted the god's will rather than the more crass manipulation of the proceedings.’ McDowell, A. (1990), Jurisdiction in the Workmen's Community of Deir el-Medina, Leiden: 107.
12 The celebration of the heb-sed forms the basis of William Golding's ancient Egyptian novella The Scorpion God (1971), London.
13 See Uphill, E. P. (1961), A joint sed-festival of Thutmose III and Queen Hatchepsut, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 20: 248–51.
14 Hayes, W. C. (1935), Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty, Princeton: 144.
15 Hayes, W C. (193 5), Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty, Princeton: 146.
16 Harem plots and palace intrigues were rarely included in the official Egyptian records as they were classed as grievous offences against maat and as such were considered best ignored, but they did exist.
17 Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1927–1928, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 23.2: 8.
18 From the statue-base of Inebny, now housed in the British Museum, quoted and discussed in Murnane, W.J. (1977), Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, Chicago: 41.
19 It is, of course, always possible that he did indeed do so, but this begs the question why wait until Hatchepsut was a relatively old woman (aged between thirty-five and fifty-five) before having her killed?
20 The whole question of the proscription of Hatchepsut's memory is considered in detail in Chapter 8.
21 Gibbon, E. (1896), J. B. Bury (ed.), The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, London, 1: 149.
22 Breasted, J. (1906), Ancient Records of Egypt: historical documents, vol. 2, Chicago: 342, 343.
23 Ray, J. (1994), Hatchepsut the female pharaoh, History Today 44.5: 28.
24 The Deir el-Bahri mortuary temple, Djeser-Djeseru, is considered in more detail in Chapter 6.
25 Christie, A. (1945), Death Comes as the End, Glasgow. The identification of the path is made in Romer, J. (1981), Valley of the Kings, London: 135.
26 Romer, J. (1974), Tuthmosis I and the Biban el-Moluk, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 60: 119–33.
27 Winlock, H. E. (1929), Notes on the reburial of Tuthmosis I, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 15: 64.
28 Davis, T. M. (ed.) (1906), The tomb of Hatshopsitu, London: xiii.
29 Carter, H., (1906), Description of the finding and excavation of the tomb, in Davis, T. M. (ed.) (1906), The tomb of Hatshopsitu, London: 80.
30 Hayes, W. C. (1935), Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty, Princeton: 98.
31 See, for example, Robins, G. (1983), Natural and canonical proportions in ancient Egyptians, Goettinger Miszellen 61:17–25. Robins's figures are based on pre-New Kingdom skeletal remains.
32 Hayes, W. C. (1935), Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty, Princeton: 139–140. Hayes believed that Tuthmosis I had originally been buried in KV 38, and that Tuthmosis III was merely restoring his grandfather to his rightful tomb. It is perhaps somewhat unfair to criticize Hatchepsut's meanness in providing her father with a second-hand sarcophagus, as such rare a piece of craftsmanship, even second-hand, would have been immensely valuable.
33 Winlock, H. E. (1929), Notes on the reburial of Tuthmosis I, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 59.
34 Maspero, G. (1896), The Struggle of the Nations, London: 582.
35 While it is not entirely impossible that Tuthmosis I died young, and indeed his highest recorded regnal year is only Year 4, the historical evidence would suggest that he enjoyed a longer life. For a discussion of the reign lengths of Tuthmosis I and Tuthmosis II, consult Wente, E. F. and Van Siclen, C. C. (1977), A Chronology of the New Kingdom, Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes, Chicago: 217–61. The problem of using X-ray analysis to age mummies is discussed in more detail in Robins, G. (1981), The value of the estimated ages of the royal mummies at death as historical evidence, Goettinger Miszellen 45: 63–8.
36 The first mortuary chapel of Tuthmosis I is considered in further detail in Quirke, S. (1990), Kerem in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 76: 170–74.
Chapter 5 War and Peace
1 Winlock, H. E (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 23.2: 47. Winlock is quoting from Hatchepsut's own less than modest description of herself.
2 Buttles, J. R. (1908), The Queens of Egypt, London: 90. Buttles is again quoting directly from Hatchepsut's monuments.
3 Benson, M. and Gourlay, J. (1899), The Temple of Mut in Asher, London: 160.
4 Hayes, W. C. (1959), The Scepter of Egypt, 2, New York: 100.
5 For a full discussion of Hatchepsut's statuary and its significance consult Tefnin, R. (1979), La Statuaire d'Hatshepsout: portrait royal et politique sous la 18e dynastie, Brussels.
6 Naville, E. (1898), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 3, 16th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 5.
7 See, for example, Gardiner, A. (1961), Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford: 183: ‘Twice before in Egypt's earlier history a queen had usurped the kingship, but it was a wholly new departure for a female to pose and dress as a man.’
8 Margetts, E. L. (1951), The masculine character of Hatchepsut, Queen of Egypt, Bulletin of the History of Medicine 25: 559.
9 Margetts, E. L. (1951), The masculine character of Hatchepsut, Queen of Egypt, Bulletin of the History of Medicine 25: 561.
10 Warner, M. (1981), Joan of Arc: the image of female heroism, London, 145–6.
11 Deuteronomy 22: 5. It is interesting that by the late twentieth century, most societies will accept a woman wearing traditional men's clothing, but the sight of a man in a dress is still perceived as deviant sexual behaviour.
12 This is discussed further in Tefnin, R. (1979), La Statuaire d'Hatshepsout: portrait royal et politique sous la 18e dynastie, Brussels.
13 For this, and other examples of imagery in Elizabethan art, consult Strong, R. (1977), The Cult of Elizabeth, London.
14 Extract from the obelisk inscription of Hatchepsut, translated by S. R. Snape.
15 Gardiner, A. (1961), Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford: 189. Gardiner is by no means the only egyptologist to have represented Hatchepsut's reign as an entirely peaceful one without offering much evidence in support of his assumption. Donald Redford has given a detailed examination of all the available evidence for Hatchepsut's wars in Redford, D. B. (1967), History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty: seven studies, Toronto: Chapter 4. Redford concludes that Hatchepsut's military campaigns have in fact been significantly understated.
16 Budge, E. A. W. (1902), Egypt and her Asiatic Empire, London: x.
17 Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 23.2: 52.
18 Murray, M. (1926), Queen Hatchepsut, in W. Brunton, Kings and Queens of Ancient Egypt, London: 63.
19 Wilson, J. (1951), The Burden of Egypt, Chicago.
20 Wolf, N. (1990), The Beauty Myth, London: 207.
21 Dio Cassius, translated by E. Carey, Dio's Roman History Book L, London, 33.
22 Fraser, A. (1988), The Warrior Queens: Boadicea's Chariot, London: 9.
23 Naville, E. (1898), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 3, 16th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 11.
24 Naville quoted and discussed in Redford, D. B. (1967), History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty: seven studies, Toronto: 59.
25 Translation given in Habachi, L. (1957), Two graffiti at Sehel from the reign of Queen Hatchepsut, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 16: 99.
26 Naville, a fervent supporter of Hatchepsut, first posed this question in 1906 (see Davis, T. M. (ed.), The tomb of Hatshopsitu, London: 74). However, those more critical of Hatchepsut have often taken the opposite view, seeing her reign as a backwards step in the expansion of the empire, and occasionally being highly critical of Hatchepsut herself for denying Tuthmosis III an even longer and more glorious reign.
27 Gardiner, A. (1946), The Great Speos Artemidos Inscription, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 32: 46.
28 Tomb inscription of the Old Kingdom Overseer Harkhuf, who is himself quoting from a letter written by the child-king Pepi II. Translation based on that given by James, T. G. H. (1984), Pharaoh's People: scenes from life in imperial Egypt, Oxford: 29.
29 Naville E. (1906), The Life and Monuments of the Queen, in T. M. Davis (ed.), The tomb of Hatshopsitu, London: 28–9.
30 Naville, E. (1898), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 3, 16th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 14.
31 Naville, E. (1906), in Davis, T. M. (ed.) The tomb of Hatshopsitu, London: 73–4.
32 Naville, E. (1898), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 3, 16th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 13.
33 Naville, E. (1898), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 3, 16th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 14.
34 Naville, E. (1898), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 3, 16th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 14.
35 Quoted in Kitchen, K. A. (1971), Punt and how to get there, Orientalia 40, 184–207:190.
36 Naville, E. (1898), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 3, 16th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 16–17.
Chapter 6 Propaganda in Stone
1 Extract from the obelisk inscription of Hatchepsut, translated by S. R. Snape.
2 Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 23: 53.
3 For a full translation of the interior texts of the Speos Artemidos, from which these three extracts are taken, see Fairman, H. W. and Grdseloff, B. (1947), Texts of Hatchepsut and Sethos I inside Speos Artemidos, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 33:15.
4 Gardiner, A. (1946), The Great Speos Artemidos Inscription, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 32: 47–8.
5 Discussed in detail in Bjorkman, G. (1971), Kings at Karnak: a study of the treatment of the monuments of royal predecessors in the Early New Kingdom, Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Uppsala.
6 Extract from the obelisk inscription of Hatchepsut, translated by S. R. Snape.
7 Translation after James, T. G. H. (1984), Pharaoh's People: scenes from life in imperial Egypt, Oxford: 34.
8 This obelisk is uninscribed and therefore cannot be definitely attributed to Hatchepsut. However, it is known to date to the Tuthmoside period, and Hatchepsut seems to be the most likely owner.
9 Pliny, Natural History, Book 36:14.
10 Habachi, L. (1957), Two Graffiti at Schel from the reign of Queen Hatshepsut, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 16:90.
11 Extract from the obelisk inscription of Hatchepsut, translated by S. R. Snape.
12 Habachi, L. (1957), Two Graffiti at Schel from the reign of Queen Hatshepsut, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 16: 99.
13 Naville, E. (1894), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari: its plan, its founders and its first explorers: Introductory Memoir, 12th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 1.
14 See Dodson, A. (1989), Hatshepsut and her ‘father’ Mentuhotpe II, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 75: 224–6.
15 Buttles, J. R. (1908), The Queens of Egypt, London: 85.
16 Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 23: 55–6.
17 The foundation deposits were intended to ensure that all would go well with the building; a parallel may be drawn with the modern practice of formally laying foundation stones.
18 Over three hundred engraved seals have been recovered from the foundation deposits of Djeser-Djeseru; these are mostly inscribed with the regal name of Hatchepsut but they also give the names of Hatchepsut the queen (35), Tuthmosis II (31), Princess Neferure, ‘King's Daughter, King's Sister and God's Wife’ (18), Tuthmosis 1 (2) and Amen (18). Most of these scarabs can now be found in the collections of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
19 Text is quoted in Brovarski, E. (1976), Senenu, High Priest of Amun, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 62: 70.
20 See, for example, Donohue, V. A. (1992), The goddess of the Theban Mountain, Antiquity 66: 881: ‘… the maternally generative emphasis in her own [i.e. Hatchepsut's] mythic personality that so intense a celebration of this goddess confirms goes far to modify the prevailing view that it was in masculine terms alone that Hatchepsut sought to authenticate her supremacy.’ See also Roberts, A. (1995), Hathor Rising: the serpent power of Ancient Egypt, Totnes. Roberts also stresses what she sees as the important link between Hathor and Hatchepsut.
21 To some observers, however, the tripartite nature of the temple is of great importance. See, for example, Roberts, A. (1995), Hathor Rising: the serpent power of Ancient Egypt, Totnes: Chapter 116.
Chapter 7 Senenmut: Greatest of the Great
1 An extract from Senenmut's fictional curriculum vitae, composed by Winlock and based on various original sources. See Winlock, H. E. (1942), Excavations at Deir el-Bahri, 1911–1934, New York: 16.
2 Peter Dorman discusses early approaches to Senenmut in some detail before taking a fresh look at the archaeological and historical evidence for his life and achievements. Consult Dorman, P. F. (1988), The Monuments of Senenmut: problems in historical methodology, London and New York. For an earlier study of Senenmut, see Meyer, C. (1982), Senenmut: eine prosopogra-phische Untersuchung, Hamburg.
3 For a fictionalized account of the life of Senenmut, read Gedge, P. (1977), Child of the Morning, New York. This historical romance tells how the teenage priest Senmut rescues the Princess Hatchepsut from an untimely death by drowning in the Sacred Lake of the Karnak temple. This leads to a lifelong bond between the pair, which is only broken when the now powerful Senmut is assassinated by the agents of the displaced King Thothmes. The grieving Hatchepsut, setting a precedent for Egyptian queens, chooses to commit suicide rather than face life without her lover.
4 This matter is discussed further in Roehrig, C. H. and Dorman, P. F. (1987), Senimen and Senenmut: a question of brothers, Varia Aegyptiaca, 3: 127–34.
5 Lansing, A. and Hayes, W. (1937), The Egyptian Expedition 1935–36, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 32.2: 31–21.
6 Caminos, R. and James, T. G. H. (1963), Gebel Es-Silsilah 1: The Shrines, London: 5.
7 Extract from the text carved on the base of a block statue of Senenmut now housed in the British Museum. After James, T. G. H. (1984), Pharaoh's People: scenes from life in imperial Egypt, Oxford: 32.
8 Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 23.2: 36.
9 Extract from the autobiography of Ineni, Breasted, J. H. (1906), Ancient Records of Egypt: historical documents, vol. 2, Chicago: 43.
10 Forbes, D. (1990), Queen's Minion Senenmut, KMT 1: 1, 16. This article gives a brief but highly readable review of the life and major works of Senenmut.
11 Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 23.2:36.
12 Stevenson Smith, W, The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt, revised and edited by W. K. Simpson (1981), New Haven: 226.
13 Part of an inscription recording Senenmut's appeal to Hatchepsut for permission to have his statue placed within the Karnak temple, after Dorman, P. F. (1988), The Monuments of Senenmut: problems in historical methodology, London and New York: 125.
14 For a full translation of the story consult Lichtheim, M. (1976), Ancient Egyptian Literature II: the New Kingdom, Los Angeles: 214–23.
15 Wente, E. R. (1984), Some Graffiti from the Reign of Hatchepsut, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 43:47–54.
16 Manniche, L. (1977), Some Aspects of Ancient Egyptian Sexual Life, Acta Orientalia 38:22.
17 The ancient Romans took the view that man's desire for sexual intercourse made him weak and effeminate; sex therefore gave women power over men. The ancient Egyptians took entirely the opposite view.
18 Simpson, W. K. (1984), Senenmut, Lexikon der Ägyptologie, Wiesbaden, 5:850.
19 Gardiner, A. (1961), Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford: 184.
20 Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 23.2: 36.
21 Hayes, W. C. (1957), Varia from the Time of Hatchepsut, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 15: 84.
22 Extract from the list of funerary offerings recorded in Tomb 353, after Dorman, P. F. (1991), The Tombs of Senenmut, New York: 138.
23 Both Senenmut tombs were investigated in the first half of this century by H. E. Winlock, working on behalf of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. The previously unknown Tomb 353 was discovered in 1927, and this led to renewed interest in Tomb 71, which was cleared during the 1930–31 season.
24 The reconstructed sarcophagus has been published in Hayes, W C. (1950), The Sarcophagus of Sennemut, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 36: 19–23.
25 Dorman, P. F. (1991), The Tombs of Senenmut, New York: 29, notes that: ‘Today these corridors have been refilled with debris up to the level of the floor of Tomb 71 and cannot be reinvestigated without considerable clearance. The present writer was unable to enter the tomb of Aanen to investigate the passage from the other end.’
26 Although there is always the possibility that this pit represents an unrelated secondary burial cut into the floor of the hall some time after the tomb had fallen into disuse.
27 Winlock's interpretation of the sealing of Tomb 353 following the unexpected death of Senenmut. See Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 23.2:58.
28 For a detailed discussion of Senenmut's mysterious disappearance, plus a useful list of other publications on this subject, consult Schulman, A. R. (1969–70), Some Remarks on the Alleged ‘Fall’ of Senmut, Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt8: 29–48.
Chapter 8 The End and the Aftermath
1 Extract from the obelisk inscription of King Hatchepsut, translated by S. R. Snape.
2 The stela of Nakht from Sinai, for example, dated to Year 20 of the joint reign, shows the two kings as equals, Hatchepsut on the right and Tuthmosis on the left, making parallel offerings to local deities.
3 See, for example, Edgerton, W. F. (1933), The Tuthmoside Succession, Chicago: 34: ‘If I were to hazard my personal guess, I should say that Hatchepsut's body was probably disposed of in the same manner as the bodies of Senta's children in the demotic tale – that the dogs and cats ate her.’
4 See, for example, Hayes, W. C. (1935), Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty, Princeton: 151.
5 Published in Davis, T. M. (ed.) (1906), The tomb of Hatshopsitu, London: un-numbered plate opposite page 78.
6 Ciccarello, M. and Romer, J. (1979), A Preliminary Report of the Recent Work in the Tombs of Ramesses X and XI in the Valley of the Kings, San Fransisco: 3.
7 For a discussion of the tomb of Ramesses XI and its contents see Reeves, N. (1990), Valley of the Kings: the decline of a Royal Necropolis, London: 121–3.
8 Petrie, W. M. F. (1924), A History of Egypt during the XVIIth and XVIIIth Dynasties, 2, London: 92.
9 Donald P. Ryan describes the circumstances behind the rediscovery of this tomb, and discusses the Hatchepsut hypothesis, in Ryan, D. P. (1990), Who is buried in KV60?, KMT, 1:34–63.
10 Extract from the Annals of Tuthmosis III. Lichtheim, M. (1976), Ancient Egyptian Literature II: the New Kingdom, Los Angeles: 30.
11 Tuthmosis III – a Leonardo-like ‘Renaissance Man’ ahead of his time – is supposed to have designed the furnishings intended for the temple of Amen.
12 Maspero, G. (1889), Les Momies Royales de Deir el-Bahari, Paris: 547–8.
13 Hayes, W. C. (1935), Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty, Princeton: 138.
14 Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York, 23.1: 58.
15 Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1927–28, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York, 23.2:9.
16 Naville, E. in T. M. Davis (ed.) (1906), The tomb of Hatshopsitu, London: 71, 72.
17 Nims, C. F. (1966), The Date of the Dishonouring of Hatchepsut, Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde, Leipzig: 97–100. The whole question of the defacement of Hatchepsut's monuments is discussed in great detail, with all relevant references, in Dorman, P. F. (1988), The Monuments of Senenmut: problems in historical methodology, London: Chapter 3.
18 See Lipinska, J. (1967), Names and History of the Sanctuaries built by Tuthmosis III at Deir el-Bahri, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 35: 25–33.
19 See Van Siclen, C. (1989), New data on the date of the defacement of Hatchepsut's name and image on the Chapelle Rouge, Goettinger Miszellen 107: 85–6.
20 Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York, 23.1: 46. Further details of the finding of statue-fragments at Deir el-Bahri are included in the Bulletin Volumes 18,23 and 24.
21 Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York, 23.1: 46.
22 Unpublished work by the late Ramadan Saad, quoted in Dorman, P. F. (1988), Monuments of Senenmut: problems in historical methodology, London: Chapter 3.
23 A question already posed by Redford, D. B. (1967), History and Chronology of the 18th Dynasty: seven studies, Toronto: 87: ‘Standing alone before the image of the queen, Tuthmosis relented. She was, after all, his own flesh… In the darkness of the crypt, in the stillness of the cella, her cold statues, which never vulgar eye would again behold, still conveyed for the king the warmth and awe of a divine presence.’
24 It could, however, be argued that, because of the brief and disturbed nature of Twosret's reign, she was unable to build the inscribed monuments which would have preserved the evidence of such a persecution. Twosret's monuments may not have been defaced simply because they did not exist.
25 Plutarch, The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans, translated by Sir Thomas North (1927), Oxford.
26 The history of the temple, which is inextricably bound up with Hatchepsut's own history, has been recorded by several authors; see for example Naville, E. (1894), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari: its plan, its founders and its first explorers: Introductory Memoir, 12th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London; Wysocki, Z. (1979), The Temple of Queen Hatchepsut: Results of the investigations and conservation works of the Polish-Egyptian archaeological Mission 1968–72, Warsaw.
27 Naville, E. (1894), The Temple of Deir el-Bahari: its plan, its founders and its first explorers: Introductory Memoir, 12th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 3.
28 Wilkinson, J. G. (1835), Topography of Thebes and General View of Egypt, London.
29 Lepsius, K. R., translated by L. and J. R. Horner (1853), Letters from Egypt, Ethiopia, and the Peninsula of Sinai, London: 255–6.
30 Sharpe, S. (1859), The History of Egypt: from the earliest times till the conquest by the Arabs AD 640, London.
31 Pierret, P. (1875), Dictionnaire d'Archéologie Égyptienne, Paris: 248. Translation, author's own.