Appendix VI
The Offices of William Catesby
Rather than trying to provide an exhaustive listing of all of the offices that William Catesby held over the course of his life, this appendix is only concerned with how he specifically benefitted from the execution of William, Lord Hastings.1 Thus, it is principally confined to the offices and rewards he received following Hastings’ execution on 13 June 1483. Even that restriction provides significant scope since, as we shall see, Catesby reaped numerous rewards, many of which derived directly from Hastings’ demise.
Very shortly after 13 June, Catesby began to see manifest rewards for his service to the Protector, Richard, Duke of Gloucester. Among the first of these was a position he clearly coveted, that of Constable of Rockingham Castle and Master Forester of the Forest of Rockingham. As is evident from analysis of his land holdings, Rockingham occupied a prime place in Catesby’s ambitions. Around the same time he was also named both Chamberlain of the Exchequer and Steward of the holdings of the Duchy of Lancaster in Northamptonshire. Each of these offices had previously been held by Hastings, and the latter appointment brought him great influence in the area of his own existing family hegemony. Also, on 30 June, before Richard had even been formally crowned, Catesby was also named Chamberlain of Receipts.
Chamberlain of Receipts was another of those offices which the hapless Hastings had previously occupied. Added to this, Catesby was now the Steward of the Manors of Rockingham, Brigstock and Cliffe (assumedly the modern-day King’s Cliffe). As if these were not rewards enough, Catesby was also appointed to the much more prestigious position of Chancellor of the Exchequer on 30 June 1483. In respect of the latter appointment, Payling has the following to say:
Clearly he (Catesby) was an important figure before the political murder of Hastings in 13 June but he had become much more so in its aftermath. In the first days of the new reign he was appointed to two offices not usually the preserve of men of his rank: on 27 June he was named the chamberlain of the Exchequer previously held by Hastings, and, three days later, he became chancellor of the Exchequer. With these offices went places in the royal household and upon the royal council, and soon after he added another of Hastings’ offices, that of steward of the duchy of Lancaster lordships in Northamptonshire.2
Here then is a wealth of accumulated evidence of Catesby’s direct benefit, not only from Hastings’ vacated offices but also from the highest administrative positions in the land. Payling’s observation bears reiterating, that Catesby also thus became an immediate member of the inner circle, that being the Royal Council. Again, just two days after Richard assumed his leadership, Catesby was also Chancellor of the Earldom of March.3 It is clear that Catesby had gone from being a legally capable individual, but just one of the followers of Lord Hastings, to the leading professional administrator in the land. Little wonder that Collingbourne, thus impressed by Catesby’s meteoric rise, later placed him first in his insulting couplet.
These various offices and appointments, and the celerity with which they were awarded, very much supports my contention that it was Catesby who revealed the pre-contract and at the same time precipitated the death of Hastings. This contention is supported by the fact that this profusion of honours and appointments came to him right at the very start of Richard’s reign. Other honours also followed for Catesby in the first months of the new reign. On 16 August he was named Deputy Butler to the ports of Bristol, Exeter and Dartmouth and on 25 September of the same year he became Steward of the Duchy of Lancaster’s lordships in High Ferrers, Daventry and Peverell’s fee of the estates in Northamptonshire. Each of these appointments was associated with his relationship with Lovell.
This is by no means an exclusive listing of all of Catesby’s offices and influence, nor of his appointments to legal positions and various commissions. Neither does it emphasise his parliamentary seat nor arguably his most critical role as Speaker of the Parliament scheduled for November 1483 but subsequently convened in January 1484. However, it does give a useful account of not merely the rewards Catesby received, but the critical timing of those rewards immediately following Richard’s assumption of power. They stand in stark contrast to the lack of reward received by Stillington, it being arguable that the unfortunate cleric received absolutely no personal reward from Richard whatsoever. I think, in in answer to the question cui bono, Catesby was the one on the receiving end and the unprecedented reward of someone outside Richard’s close circle argues for the rendering of a unique service. There is, of course, another very tangible way in assessing Catesby’s reward and this can be found in the form of the accumulation of lands and influence on lands following the happenings of 13 June. It is to these acquisitions that I now turn.
The Lands of William Catesby
As with the offices of William Catesby, one of the most interesting comparisons that can be made is between his holdings prior to 13 June 1483 and the lands and influence he accumulated after this pivotal date. It is this division which is presented here. There are, however, important caveats with respect to this present comparison. First, I should be very explicit and note with care that this is not an exhaustive but an illustrative listing. Although a complete evaluation awaits future scholarship, the present comparison relies on a number of present sources and I am happy to acknowledge each of these.4 The principal way in which this comparison can be made plain is to provide a map-based representation of Catesby’s holdings either side of 13 June, and then distill what we may from the pattern that emerges. I have done this in Figures 36, 37, and 38.
Of the general trends which can be distilled from this overall pattern, some are indeed self-evident. These patterns certainly show that Catesby was enlarging his holdings and, if we compare the lands represented on Figure 36 that had taken his family well over a century to accumulate, then his own additions, which accrued in approximately two years, are enormous in comparison, see Figure 37. It is not only the size of his accumulations which are telling but also their spatial distribution. For example, it is clear that Catesby focused considerable effort at ‘in-filling’ around his already-established holdings, see Figure 38. We shall return to the specific case of the manor of Welton after we have noted the general pattern. As well as in-filling, Catesby expanded his lands consistent with the valley of the River Nene. He extended the boundary of his holdings both east and west, but his primary acquisitions were to the north in Leicestershire. It will, by now, come as no surprise that Leicestershire was the heartland of Lord Hastings holdings. Thus what we see here is a systematic and coherent plan to generate a cohesive, inter-linked domain of contiguous land holdings. In general, Catesby had done very well in looking to put this strategy into effect.
Perhaps the most evident example, especially of this in-filling policy, comes in respect of his dealings for the manor of Welton. It is also representative of Catesby’s rapaciousness, a characteristic of which he himself was well aware as we shall also see. In respect to his dealings concerning Welton, we can again cite Payling,5 who reports:
He also used the influence of the office [Speaker] to secure a goal of his own. In the aftermath of the usurpation he had taken a bond in the massive sum of 700 marks from Richard Hawte, a kinsman and supporter of Edward V, as security for his good behavior; he then pressed Hawte into agreeing to surrender two of his manors in Kent to Thomas Peyton, the owner of the Manor of Welton, which neighbored Ashby (St Ledgers), who also happened to be Hawte’s son-in-law; in return Peyton undertook to give Welton to Catesby. These arrangements were threatened by Hawte’s involvement in Buckingham’s rebellion; if he were attainted then the two manors in Kent would fall to the Crown and the agreement would be undone. To prevent this, William as speaker had inserted into the act of attainder against the Buckingham rebels a proviso exempting the two manors and Welton was surrendered to him.
Here we can see evidence of a number of facets of Catesby’s behaviour. Even a brief glance at the map will show that Welton lies right in the heart of the Catesby domain and he must have schemed for this transfer fairly extensively. Obviously he took advantage of Hawte’s (Haute) misfortune, but essentially he traded two of his family manors, which arguably would have gone to Peyton anyway, for the coveted manor at Welton. Here Catesby himself risked almost nothing to secure his desired aim. When this arrangement was threatened, Catesby used his legal skills and position to perpetuate the arrangement with the connivance of the law.
This incident does not represent a ‘one-off,’ but rather seems to have been part of a general pattern. In respect of the efforts at in-filling, we can also cite the case of Long Buckby (Bukby). Again, this was a property within only two to three miles of Catesby’s own centre at Ashby St Ledgers and, again Catesby seems to have schemed to get it. It has been noted that somehow, and here we are unsure of the mechanism, Catesby obtained land that was in this location. It has been noted that this land in the time of Henry III was in the possession of one Hugh Revell. Somehow Catesby was successful in obtaining it, but it is clear that this transaction preyed on his conscience. The evidence that we have for this lies in Catesby’s will, in which he himself stated:
Item: that the executors of Nicholas Cowley have the lond again in Evertoft withoute they have their C li. Item: in like wise Revell [6] his lond in Bukby.
The suggestion here is that Catesby, in his ‘hasty’ will, was trying to put right each of the suspect dealings that had helped him accumulate the domain we have seen. In this case we see that he was returning the Long Buckby lands to the Revell family, who had held them for an extensive period of time, notably since the reign of Henry III. The other cases cited in his will attest to a similar attack of conscience; the Welton lands were not mentioned, although they might conceivably come under his command to ‘restore all londs that I have wrongfully purchased.’ In places where Catesby could not force or cajole the private owner to part with their property, as was the case with Church lands, he used his undoubted influence with the king to help secure his design. Thus, in the case of Stanford-on-Avon, we can see this tactic come to fruition. Again, it is important to note the geographic context here. Stanford-on-Avon is not so close to Ashby St Ledgers as either Welton or Long Buckby; however, it does lie a few miles to the north, immediately adjacent to the properties of Catthorpe, Lilibounre and Clay Coton, for which Catesby had already manoeuvered. Critically, it also lay directly on the path of his manifest expansion into Leicestershire. Thus we find Roskell observing that, ‘it was at the King’s instance that on 5 October, 1483, the abbot of the said Yorkshire Benedictine house of Selby gave Lovell and Catesby a grant for their lives (in survivorship) of the office of steward of the manor of Stanford [on-Avon] (Northants.) near where Catesby’s own estates were on the ground.’ Roskell is very helpful here, but Stanford-on-Avon was not near Catesby’s estates; it now lies packed within them, another of the dominoes to fall in Catesby’s progressive march to dominion.
Thus, we can say that Catesby accumulated more lands and holdings during his brief two years of influence than his family had in the previous 100 years of effort (compare Figure 36 vs. Figure 37). When these were all lost in the aftermath of Bosworth, his family was impoverished and took more than a decade to recover even some of its traditional holdings. The Catesby family never again secured such influence, although with one of the direct descendants of William Catesby leading the ‘Gunpowder Plot’ more than a century later, the name Catesby did remain in the public eye, albeit one that connoted sedition and infamy.
A Listing of the Lands
As I have noted, the present assessment is illustrative only. It presents a listing of lands where Catesby had some influence and some investment. That association could range from directly owning all the lands in the manor to some association with a group who benefitted from revenues from the whole or even part of some location. The latter include monies received from revenues, claims on resources and the like. For example, in 1485, Catesby had a grant from King Richard of 100 oaks, to be taken from the king’s old park at Tanworth, and Earlswood in Tanworth. These were not possessions per se, but rights and advantages associated with various locations. It may be helpful for those in the future to list these here and to cite the provenance for such observations. I start with reference to some original public records.
In the Reign of Henry VI
Piece Details: SC 6/949/15
In Northamptonshire the lands of Margaret and William Catesby: Welton, Harlestone and Heyford, Watford, Creaton, Hinton, Braunston, Ashby, Stanford, Stormsworth, and Yelvertoft:, Hellidon, Hinton. 25 to 26 Hen VI 27 to 28 Hen VI 30 to 31 Hen VI 37 to 38 Hen VI 38 to 39 Hen VI 3 to 4 Edw IV 8 to 9 Edw IV 14 to 15 Edw IV [14 to 15 Edw IV] 16 to 17 Edw IV 17 to 18 Edw IV 20 to 21 Edw IV 21 to 22 Edw IV 22 Edw IV, to 1 Ric III.
Piece Details: SC 2/207/30
In Warwickshire, Description of Courts: Court of William Catesby and others. Places: Grandborough (Grendburgh); Ladbrooke (Lodbrok). 25, 26 Hen VI.
Piece Details: E 40/4369
Letter of attorney by John Talbot, Viscount de Lisle, William, lord of Lovell, knights, Henry Grene, Thomas Tresham, Robert Catesby, the elder, esquire, William Bryten, vicar of All Saints’, Northampton, John Gervys, rector of Bukkeby church, John Verney, rector of Lodbrok church, John Wattson, rector of Rodburn church, and John Prudde, authorising Edmund Newnham and Thomas Mettley to deliver to William Catesby, knight, and Joan his wife, full seisin of the manors of Grenburgh, Lodbrok in Grenburgh, and Lodbrok, the advowson of the church of Lodbrok, with lands &c., 25 June, 31 Henry VI.
Piece Details: SC 6/860/24
Dorstone (Lands of [? Lady Joan Catesby]): [Hereford] Description of Officer. 32 to [33] Hen VI
In the Reign of Edward IV
Piece Details: SC 6/1117/16
(Lands of William Catesby; Receipts attached):Leamington: [Warwick] Coventry, Fee in: [Warwick] Combe, (Rent paid by Abbot of Combe) Fee in: [Warwick] Braunston: [Northampton] Buckby: [Northampton] Towcetter: -- Medbourn: [Leicester] Granborough (Crenneborough): [Warwick] Radburn: [Warwick] Warwick: [Warwick] Description of Officer: Receiver, 20 Edw IV
Piece Details: E 40/4575
Sale by John Hathwyke, to William Catesby, for 200l. of the manor of Oxsshile, and the advowson of the church there: Warw.
4 January, 21 Edward IV.
In the Reign of Richard III
Piece Details: E 40/4306
Grant by William the abbot, and the convent of St Mary’s, Combe, to William Catesby, esquire of the king’s body, of a yearly rent of 26s.8d., for his life, with licence of entry into the lands and tenements of the lordship of Herburbur’, in case of non-payment of the said rent.
3 February, 1 Richard III.
Piece Details: E 40/4786
Demise by John, lord Le Scrop, knight, and Dame Elizabeth his wife, for her life, to William Catesby, esquire of the king’s body, of the manors of Berughy, Oneley and Gretton, with lands and tenements in Hayngworth: also letter of attorney authorising Thomas Aynesworth and William Lytylhay to deliver seisin of the premises: N’hamp.
16 February, 1 Richard III.
Item Details: C 47/10/28/19
Private papers of the Earl of Ormond: Bond of Thomas Ormond and William Boleyn, knights, to William Catesby for 40 pounds, 2 Ric III Feb 8
Piece Details: E 40/4776
Grant by Thomas Peyton, grandson of Thomas Peyton late of Esilham and of Margaret his wife, daughter and heiress of Ellen, daughter and heiress of John Malorre and Joan his wife, to William Catesby, esquire of the king’s body, and John Catesby, esquire, of Olthorp, of the manor of Welton, and of all the lands &c., 14 February, 2 Richard III.
Piece Details: E 40/4496
Grant by John Pratte of Henley, to William Catesby, esquire, of all his right in a pasture called ‘Henleys’ in Lapworth. Warwickshire, Last day of May, 2 Richard III.
Piece Details: E 42/540
Recovery by William Catesby, Esquire of the King’s Body, and John Catesby of Althorp (Olthorp), esquire, of the manor of Welton, and lands there, against Thomas Peyton: Northampton shire. 2 Ric III
Piece Details: E 210/571
Grant by William Catesby of …, to William Catesby, knight, of Aschby Legers, Roger Wike of Bylsworth, Thomas …, Thomas Barker of …, and Elizabeth Catesby, the grantor’s daughter, of all his lands &c. in Fodyngworth, co. Leicester, and Sylson, co. 20 …, 2 Richard III.
In the Reign of Henry VII
Item Details: E 150/1111/4
Catesby, William, attainted: Warwick, 1 Henry VII.
Piece Details: E 42/521
The king to John Halwell, Knight of the Body to the King: Grants of land in Silsworth and Braunston late of William Catesby, esquire, attainted of high treason: Northamptonshire., 7 Hen VII.
Piece Details: E 40/5059
Release by John Halyghwell, knight, to George Catesby, son and heir of William Catesby, of all his right in land in Silesworth: Northamptonshire, 18 December, 11 Henry VII.
Centre for Buckinghamshire Studies
22 August 1485 (NB: date of Bosworth). [D-X731/1/2] Feoffment 22 August 3 Richard III
1. Richard Maryet of Shiryngton [Sherington], gentleman
2. John Catesby, knight, William Catesby, esquire of the king’s body, Robert Tate and John Tate, aldermen of London, John Tate son of John Tate, lately mayor of London, Thomas Kebeel, William Lane, John Legerdon, clerk, John Ardys, Simon Sakavile, Robert Yonge, Richard Wolfe The manor of Sherington called Caves, with all its land and rights Witnesses: Michael Ardys, John FitzJohn, chaplain, Henry Rande, John Coyte. At Sherington
Cambridge University, King’s College Archive Centre
Wootton Lease: Date:3 February 1485 (1484/5)
Lease of Wootton manor by Walter Field, Provost of King’s College to Sir William Catesby. Seal attached.
Northamptonshire Record Office
Date:[1484]
Rental, houses, shops and lands at Northampton of Wm. Catesby showing payments to the chapel of the Blessed Virgin Mary in All Saints and to the bailiff of Northampton; also rental for Tylbroke, Bedfordshire.
Date:[1484], Rental, lands of Wm. Catesby at Long Buckby, Murcote & Shutlanger
Warwickshire Records Office
Gift with warranty from Richard Boughton, esq., to William Catysby, knight, William Catysby the younger, esq., John Huggeford, William Harper esq., John Harper esq., Richard Harper, John Danton, William Dyxwell, Master John Wymark, William Stanerton, John Dyve the younger, and Thomas Ley, of his manor of Browneswover, with all appurtenances. To have and to hold to the aforesaid, their heirs and assigns forever, of the chief lord of the fee, for the customary services. He appoints as attorneys John Norton and Henry Bene, to deliver seisin on his behalf. Given at Bruneswover 1st May, 15 Edward IV. Witnesses: William Hylle, chaplain, John Rose of wover, the aforesaid John Coke of the same, William Overton and many others.; Seal: round; device: deer’s head; red; tag.; Endorsed: charter of Richard Boughton made to William Catesby and others, of the manor of Brownsover: 1st May, 1475.
Manor of Oxhill: in 1482 the manor was sold for £200 to John Catesby of Lapworth.
Date: 12 February, 1481: Letter of attorney of Guy Fairfax knight and royal justice, Richard Pigot servant and law of the king, William Catesby, esq., and Thomas Kebell, appointing John Chancy and William Brett to receive seisin of the manors of Astwell with all the lands, tenements etc., belonging to it in Astwell, Wappenham and Falcutt from Thomas Billyng and Thomas Lovett (NB: each of these are small hamlets that are close to the village of Helmdon in Northamptonshire).
In Leicestershire: Catthorpe, Dunton Bassett, Husbands Bosworth, Swinford.
In Northamptonshire: Great Everdon, Hellidon, Silsworth, Snorscombe, Ashby St Ledgers.
Lands Reported in Payling (2007)
1. Tilbrook, Bedfordshire (acquired between 1476-1483)
2. Oxhill (acquired between 1476-1483)
3. 5/1/1482. ninety-nine-year lease on church/rectory, Ashby St Ledgers
4. Radbourne (acquired by great-great-grandfather, also William)
5. Ladbrooke (by marriage in early fourteenth century)
12 February 1481
Letter of attorney of Guy Fairfax knight and royal justice, Richard Pigot servant and law of the king, William Catesby, esq., and Thomas Kebell, appointing John Chancy and William Brett to receive seisin of the manors of Astwell with all the lands, tenements etc., belonging to it in Astwell, Wappenham and Falcutt from Thomas Billyng and Thomas Lovett. These are small hamlets that lie around the village of Helmdon in Northamptonshire.