CHAPTER 5

Set Theoretic Terms

SO ALERT can positive action be, alert to all negative possibilities, and prompt under the guidance of an ideology to deal with these possibilities, that the course of positive action can be mapped out in set theoretic terms. For this, a minimum number of initial symbols are necessary.

I have said that a colony is any territory in which the interests of the people are alienated from them and subjected to those of a group distinct from the people of the territory itself. It follows that a colony may be externally or internally subjected. When the interests of the people are subjected to those of a group outside the territory itself, it is said to be externally subjected. When the interests are subjected to those of a class in the sense of Marx within the territory itself, it is said to be internally subjected.

The Union of South Africa would be an example of an internally subjected colony. It is obvious that such a colony enjoys the legal attributes of independence.

Colony is an economic-political term, not a legal one.

It is possible for the same territory to be both internally and externally subjected. Southern Rhodesia is such a colony. In either type of colony, however, negative action is essentially greater than positive action. Hence the symbolic representation of a territory g which is a colony is

Since, according to philosophical consciencism in its embracing of philosophical dialectical materialism, a change can only result from an operation of forces, in order to liberate a colony a dialectical moment needs to be introduced in (na>pa)g to transform it to (pa>na)g. Hence, a liberated territory arises under the condition

In this formula, it is also said that the dialectical moment must be sufficient for the transformation of (na>pa) to (pa>na).

And since the intention of this dialectical moment is to produce the relation (pa>na), another formula arises thus:

Since there is always a dialectical

moment such that

This in its general form is

to give us an existence theorem. But, equally, the following obtain:

Hence there is always a dialectical moment such that

This in turn can be universalized as

That is, in any territory, liberation can be won (v) or lost (viii). This is why every liberated territory must keep on increasing its positive action if it would remain liberated. In particular, in order to thwart neo-colonialism, positive action requires to be maintained in preponderance over negative action.

By successive instantiation, we obtain the following deductions:

It will be observed from the formula (iii) according to which

that the decrease of negative action

secured by introducing a dialectical moment into (na>pa) approaches zero. But not even in the limit does quite attain to zero, for according to philosophical consciencism every situation is a plenum of forces in tension. Hence, negative action cannot disappear completely but could only become a negligible quantity. I therefore put down as

The above formulae are subject to a rule of substitution, which enables us to substitute constants on variables, and a rule of detachment which enables us, granted an antecedent, to assert a consequence. Thus, if b is the name of a colony, we can obtain the following derivation:

By this rule, the general condition for a colony is applied to every individual colony.

Again, we may obtain the following derivation:

This derivation, according to rules analogous to those of the predicate calculus, shows that if a freedom fighter can by increasing positive action introduce a sufficient dialectical moment in (na>pa)g, he can be sure of winning independence.

Alternatively,

But independence does not automatically bring that unity of purpose required for maintaining it. Indeed, a reaction could quickly set in, for just as a liberated territory can be produced by the application of D(na>pa), so a neo-colonized territory can be produced by the application of D(pa>na). Further and sustained positive action is required to consolidate independence, and to raise a liberated territory to the level of a united nation. Hence,

In a newly independent territory, though unity might be produced by this increase of positive action over negative action, this unity will not necessarily be secure from the ravages of negative action. On the contrary, reactionary forces plunge their battering ram into the heart of its foundations. In order to stem and reverse this advance of reaction, a union of liberated territories is called for.

Let GI to Gk represent liberated territories in a geographical zone; then a union of GI to Gk, designated as UG I…k is required to maintain this unity and preserve independence. To produce this unity in a zone of liberated territories, GI to Gk, positive action needs to be increased in them conjointly. Hence,

But a qualitative distinction needs to be introduced into the formula (xi). A union of liberated territories could unfortunately be formed for reactionary purposes, and for the aiding and abetting of neo-colonialist interests. Hence the progressive union of liberated territories, for example, a union of African States, might be better represented as

or, more analytically

We have seen that for purposes of true development, a liberated territory must embrace philosophical consciencism. In its materialist aspect, philosophical consciencism preserves a humanist egalitarianism. The philosophical materialism which forms a part of consciencism accommodates dialectic, and holds it to be the efficient cause of all change. In order that development may not be gibbous, philosophical consciencism insists that account must be taken of the material conditions of the territory involved, as account must also be taken of the experience and consciousness of the people whose redemption is sought. A people can only be redeemed by lifting themselves up, as it were, by the strings of their boots. In these circumstances development must be socialist. It is only a socialist scheme of development which can ensure that a society is redeemed, that the general welfare is honestly pursued, that autonomy rests with the society as a whole and not in part, that the experience and consciousness of the people are not ravaged and raped. It is only a socialist scheme of development that can meet the passionate objectivity of philosophical consciencism.

We may symbolize the relation of forces required for development as ϕ. In that case we obtain a formula:

such that ϕ is secured only in the presence of philosophical materialism, dialectic and consciencism. It will be seen at once that this formula contains a redundancy, for m is a part of C, and so is a belief in D. This redundant formulation has, however, a psychological aspect which is valuable in making the necessity for m and D both explicit and unmistakable.

I have argued that the condition for optimum development which shall be humanist is socialist through and through. If we make S represent socialism, then we can obtain an analytic formula as follows:

This short formula summarizes a number of weighty truths, namely, that there is socialism if and only if there is the conjoint presence of philosophical materialism, philosophical consciencism, dialectic and national unity, in a liberated territory. It is essential that socialism should include overriding regard to the experience and consciousness of a people, for if it does not do so, it will be serving an idea and not a people. It will generate a contradiction. It will become dogmatic. It will shed its materialist and realist basis. It will become a fanaticism, an obscurantism, an alienator of human happiness.

When we talk of socialism in Africa, therefore, we really do intend to include as part of socialism an overriding regard to our actual material conditions, an overriding regard to our experience and our consciousness.

Appropriately therefore a general formula arises thus:

Here, m is a constant, for the theses of philosophical materialism are constant. C, however, stands for philosophical consciencism in general and not for the actual content which it should have in a territory g if it is to pay attention to the material conditions of the territory, and the experience and consciousness of its people. D, too, stands for a dialectical moment in general, but the actual form and content of this moment depends on the situation which it seeks to change, and the resources which, in a particular case, it has for bringing about the desirable change. D is therefore a variable. UGi, because it is a function of d, pa and na, is also a variable, because dependent. It is the variable nature of the parameters of formula (xv) which determines its generality.

But the formula at the same time gives a clue to the form it should take in any particular territory, g. The following formula results:

and for an optimum zone ∝, it has the form:

If b be the name of a particular territory, then we obtain

Hence, in order that socialism should be applicable in a country, the country must be liberated; it must enjoy unity; it must embrace philosophical materialism; it must have a specific philosophical consciencism holding its general nature in common, but expressing its individuality through the actual material conditions of the territory for which it is formulated, and through the experience and consciousness of the people of that territory; it must apply suitable and adequate dialectical moments, expressed through positive action, wielded through a mass party.

In order to liberate a territory, an increase of positive action over negative action must be obtained by the introduction of a dialectical moment. This dialectical moment can be introduced by joining together the forces of positive action in one mass political party, educating the people, explaining to them the evil nature of colonialism, that is, analysing their experience and giving them a greater awareness of this experience through workers’ sections, farmers’ sections, youth sections, women’s sections, newspapers and other implements of party organization. To unite the liberated territory, the mass political party must be further developed to the size of a popular movement. The policies of development then need to accord with the theses of philosophical materialism, and they must be subject to philosophical consciencism, showing a sensitivity to the material conditions and experience of the people.

The analytic form of (xvi) – (xix) reveals that socialism cannot be dogmatic in its specific provisions, for it contains constant and variable elements. In principle, socialism remains the same and pure; in application it is realistic and scientific.

Caution is supremely necessary here. A clever and unscrupulous neo-colonialism can pervert and corrupt this relativist aspect of specific socialism and use it in fact to re-colonize a people. It is essential that socialism in its specific form should at every point and every level be justified only by reference to socialist general principles. Specific socialism can only be an instantiation of the general formula, no more. The people should therefore not be betrayed under the guise of relating socialism to their actual conditions.

At this point, I shall give further elucidation to the concept of positive action. I have already pointed out that positive action as a lever towards independence is related to a mass party and the political education, unity of purpose and action which it can impart to a people. Positive action as a quantity could therefore vary with people, their degree of consciousness, and their degree of mobilization for progress. The people are however not conscious or mobilized apart from the consciousness and mobilization of individuals, pa may therefore be said to be the sum of the positive action, Pa, contained in individuals associated with a mass organization. Therefore,

Similarly, na represents the sum of the negative action, Na, of the individuals in a society to the extent that it is organized and concerted. Hence,

Thus, both pa and na are revealed as functions.

Since all the steps taken towards a genuine development of a liberated territory involve a relation of positive action to negative action, the index of development, p, may be defined thus:

As na never completely disappears, however closely it approaches 0, p can never become infinite, but at its peak has the following equivalence:

P is therefore asymptotic towards infinity at its peak. It is increased by increasing pa and decreasing na. In practice, however, na is never negligible and na is never attained.

But though na is never achieved, the index of development can rise as pa rises and na decreases. If this is what is required according to the equation for the index of development, then it can be secured by the same leverage as brings about . The intensity fication of the dialectical moment which produces independence will raise the index of development. A greater positive action therefore emerges as the key to development along socialist lines. That is, for socialist development, the socialist conscience of the people must be enhanced through education and party activity. The forces of positive action, political, economic and cultural, need to be mobilized and streamlined for progress.

This requires an increase in the number of people contributing to positive action and an improvement in the quality of their contribution. This requires a greater space ∝, achieved through positive unity as defined in formula (xiii), and it creates an optimum zone of self-induced development.

I should like at this point to revert to a general feature of philosophical consciencism. Philosophical consciencism is a general philosophy which admits of application to any country. But it is especially applicable to colonies and newly independent and developing countries. In the case of Africa, by means of the foregoing set theoretic methods the necessity of a union of independent African states is established, a union integrated by socialism, without which our hard-won independence may yet be perverted and negated by a new colonialism.