Notes

Abbreviations are listed on pages 206–7

CHAPTER 1 (COWAN)

1 Some of what follows is drawn from Cowan, ‘The Wallace Factor in Scottish History’, in Robin Jackson and Sydney Wood (eds.), Images of Scotland, The Journal of Scottish Education, Occasional Paper Number One’, 5–17, and Cowan, Freedom, 20–9, 72–6.

2 Stevenson, Wallace Docs., 33.

3 On which see Dauvit Broun, ‘A new look at Gesta Annalia attributed to John of Fordun’ in Barbara E. Crawford (ed.), Church, Chronicle and Learning in Medieval and Early Renaissance Scotland: Essays presented to Donald Watt (Edinburgh, 1999), passim. In their respective contributions below Professor Duncan cites this text as ‘Fordun’, while Dr Grant prefers Gesta Annalia II.

4 For a recent assessment of these battles see Peter Armstrong, Stirling Bridge and Falkirk 1297–98, illustrated by Angus McBride (Oxford, 2003).

5 Chron. Fordun, ii, 321–32.

6 David Ross, pers. comm. See now David R. Ross, For Freedom: The Last Days of William Wallace (Edinburgh, 2005).

7 Chron. Wynton (Laing), ii, 339–49.

8 Chron. Bower, Vol. 6, 83.

9 Chron. Bower, Vol. 6, 93.

10 Hary, Wallace, vi.

11 Mair, History, 176–95.

12 George Buchanan, The History of Scotland, 4 vols., trans. James Aikman (Glasgow, 1827), Vol. 1, 401–14.

13 See the Preface to his edition of The Wallace, The Bannatyne Miscellany, Vol. 3, Bannatyne Club (Edinburgh, 1855).

14 William Robertson, The History of Scotland, 3 vols. (1759: London, 1809), Vol. 1, 212.

15 David Hume, The History of England, 8 vols. (London, 1823), Vol. 1, 312.

16 John Hill Burton, The History of Scotland from Agricola’s Invasion to the Extinction of the Last Jacobite Insurrection, new edition, 8 vols. (Edinburgh, 1876), Vol. 2, 180–1.

17 G. M. Brunsden, ‘Aspects of Scotland’s Social, Political and Cultural Scene in the Late Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, as Mirrored in the Wallace and Bruce Traditions’, in The Polar Twins, ed. Edward J. Cowan and Douglas Gifford (Edinburgh, 1999), 88–9. On this topic see also J. F. Miller, ‘Blind Harry’s “Wallace’’’, Glasgow Bibliographical Society (Glasgow, 1914), passim.

18 J, Moir (ed.), The Actis and Deidis of the Illustere and Vailyeand Campioun Schir William Wallace, Scottish Text Society (Edinburgh, 1889) xiii.

19 James Hogg, Memoirs of the Author’s Life & Familiar Anecdotes of Sir Walter Scott, (ed.) Douglas S. Mack (Edinburgh, 1972), 8.

20 Blind Harry, The Wallace, ed. Anne McKim, Canongate Classics (Edinburgh, 2003), 175.

21 Hamilton, Wallace, 103.

22 Walter Scott, Tales of a Grandfather Being Stories Taken from Scottish History, First Series, 3 vols. (London and Glasgow, 1923), Vol. 1, 61–2.

23 History of Sir William Wallace the Renowned Scottish Champion (Glasgow), Printed for the Booksellers. Glasgow University Library Bh.13–c.13.

24 Hogg, Memoirs, 130.

25 F. Groome, Ordnance Gazetteer of Scotland, 3 vols. (Edinburgh, 1886), Vol. 1, 377; Robert Burns, The Complete Letters of Robert Burns, ed. James A. Mackay (Alloway, 1987), 131.

26 Charles Rogers, The National Wallace Monument. The Site of the Design (Edinburgh, 1860), 14.

27 Lord Rosebery, Wallace, Burns, Stevenson (Stirling, 1912), 12.

28 George Eyre-Todd (ed.), The Glasgow Poets Their Lives and Times, 2nd edn (Paisley, 1906), 190–1.

29 John D. Carrick, Life of Sir William Wallace of Elderslie (Glasgow, 1827), 5th edn n.d., iii.

30 David Dalrymple, Lord Hailes, Annals of Scotland From the Accession of Malcolme III to the Accession of the House of Stewart to which are added Several Valuable Tracts relative to the history and antiquities of Scotland, A New Edition, 3 vols. (Edinburgh, 1797), Vol. 1, 269, 311.

31 James Paterson, Wallace The Hero of Scotland (Glasgow, 1881), xii, xvi, xviii.

32 [Thomas Smith Hutcheson], Life of Sir William Wallace; or Scotland Five Hundred Years Ago (Glasgow, 1858), vii.

33 William Burns, The Scottish War of Independence, 2 vols. (Glasgow, 1874), Vol. 1, 1–2.

34 Miss Holford, Wallace; or, The Fight of Falkirk; A Metrical Romance, 2nd edn (London, 1810), 16–17.

35 Lachlan Macquarie, Lachlan Macquarie Governor of New South Wales Journals of his Tours in New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land 1810–1822 (Sydney, 1956), 67.

36 ‘A Sporting Nation: Donald Dinnie’ by Gordon Dinnie, www.bbc.co.uk.

37 Lesley Duncan and Elspeth King (eds.), The Wallace Muse: Poems and Artworks inspired by the Life and Legend of William Wallace (Edinburgh, 2005), 67.

38 Robyn Annear, Nothing But Gold: The Diggers of 1852 (Melbourne, 1999), 294–301.

39 Eyre-Todd (ed.), Glasgow Poets, 437–8. For a selection of the other poets mentioned see The Wallace Muse.

40 Edward J. Cowan, Scottish History and Scottish Folk, Inaugural Lecture, Chair of Scottish History and Literature, University of Glasgow, 15 March 1995 (University of Glasgow, 1998), 3ff.

41 Elspeth King, Introducing William Wallace: The Life and Legacy of Scotland’s Liberator, Stirling Smith Art Gallery and Museum (Stirling, 1997).

42 Alasdair Cameron, ‘Scottish Drama in the Nineteenth Century’ in The History of Scottish Literature, Vol. 3, The Nineteenth Century, ed. Douglas Gifford (Aberdeen, 1988), 437.

43 Charles Waddie, Wallace or The Battle of Stirling Bridge: An Historical Play in Five Acts (Edinburgh, 1890), 64.

44 Sydney Goodsir Smith, Wallace: A Triumph in Five Acts (Edinburgh, 1960), 169–70.

45 Alexander Brunton, A New Edition of The Life and Heroic Actions of Sir William Wallace, Knight of Elderslie, in Three Parts (Glasgow, 1881), 147–50. See also 91–138, 151–203.

46 Lin Anderson, Braveheart: From Hollywood to Holyrood (Edinburgh, 2005).

47 This is the version of Wallace’s speech as rendered by Buchanan, History of Scotland, trans. Aikman, Vol. 1, 406–7.

48 Sallust, The Jugurthine War: The Conspiracy of Cataline, trans. S. A. Sanford (London, 1963), 99–100, 117–20.

CHAPTER 2 (WATSON)

1 There is, of course, a limit to the detail that can be set down here. The only really credible biography of Wallace is by Andrew Fisher.

2 I am not denying that Wallace was, technically, of noble blood. But I suspect his status was nearer the salt than the high table, and it is certainly the case that he has been turned into a ‘common’ man, not least by Mel Gibson in Braveheart.

3 It may well be, for example, that the battle of Loudon Hill described by Hary in fact incorporates recollections of the one fought by Bruce in 1307; see Hamilton, Wallace, 23–9.

4 Interestingly, John Mair, who published his history in 1521, notes that: ‘This William was one of a family of only inferior nobility in the district of Kyle, in which the surname is common’, Mair, History, 195. Despite associating his family with Elderslie, which was in Renfrewshire, Hary also has one of his characters, Corspatrick (supposedly the Earl of Dunbar), describe Wallace as ‘King of Kyle’, Hary, Wallace, 111.

5 CDS, 191.

6 Stevenson, Documents, 31–2.

7 Chron. Guisborough, 294; Prestwich, Documents, 73. I am ignoring the fact that an uprising took place in the northwest Highlands at least as early as March 1297.

8 Chron. Wyntoun (Laing), ii, 342; CDS, ii, no. 1497, p. 418; Hary, Wallace, 24–5.

9 Chron. Guisborough, 295–6; Stevenson, Documents, ii, 192.

10 Chron. Guisborough, 294. Hary certainly describes Wallace taking and burning Kinclaven after coming to Perth, Hary, Wallace, 37–8.

11 Rotuli Scotiae in Turri Londinensi et in Domo Capitulari Westmonasteriensi Asservati (Rot. Scot.), i, ed. D. Macpherson et al. (London, 1814–19), 42; The Scots Peerage, ed. Sir J. Balfour Paul (Edinburgh, 1904–14), iv, 10; Liber Quotidianus Controtulatoris Garderobiae, 1299–1300, ed. J. Topham et al. (London, 1787), 101.

12 Rot. Scot., i, 40; Prestwich, Edward I, 418–19; Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores, Memorandum de Parliamento, 1305, ed. F. W. Maitland (London, 1893), no. 280, no. 302; Calendar of Close Rolls, 1296–1302, ed. H. C. Maxwell-Lyte (London, 1906), 108; CDS, ii, pp. 198, 210; Rot. Scot., i, 32; CDS, ii, no. 894. Edward I thanked a number of loyal Scots for their help against this rebellion on 13 June 1297. These men were all from Dumfriesshire, clearly implying that the far southwest was the theatre of war.

13 Chron. Guisborough, 299.

14 Rot. Scot., i, 41; Stevenson, Documents, ii, 175, 210; CDS, ii, no. 922; Stevenson, Documents, ii, 233; CDS, ii, no. 1737; Rot. Scot., i, 42; Stevenson, Documents, ii, 217–18; CDS, ii, no. 971.

15 Hary, Wallace, 105; Memo. de Parl., no. 356.

16 Chron. Wyntoun (Laing), ii, 343–4.

17 Stevenson, Documents, ii, 201–2.

18 Edward was still on the Continent, fighting, rather ineffectually, against France.

19 Rot. Scot., i, 49–50.

20 Stevenson, Documents, ii, 232.

21 Murray’s wounds at Stirling Bridge challenge any view that he subsequently played an active role in the affairs of state.

22 Prestwich, Edward I, 479; Public Record Office, London (PRO) Exchequer, Queen’s Remembrancer, Various Accounts, E101/6/35, mm.7, 9; E101/354/31/2.

23 Chron. Guisborough, 304–7; Barrow, Bruce, 93.

24 Chron. Guisborough, 313–15; Prestwich, Edward I, 479.

25 It is to be doubted whether Edward I would have taken such a defeat lying down. It is possible, however, that the damage done to his reputation within the context of the already volatile political situation in England might have made it difficult for him to continue with his Scottish wars.

26 Docs. Hist. Scot., Palgrave, i, 332, 339.

27 Stevenson, Documents.

28 Parliamentary Writs and Writs of Military Summons, ed. F. Palgrave (Record Commission, 1827–33), i, 312–16.

29 Only three days before the two sides did actually meet at Falkirk.

30 Scotland in 1298: Documents relating to the campaign of Edward the First in that year, and especially to the Battle of Falkirk, ed. H. Gough (Paisley, 1888), 129.

31 Chron. Guisborough, 326.

32 Chron. Lanercost, 191; Chron. Guisborough, 325–8; J. E. Morris, The Welsh Wars of Edward I (Oxford, 1901), 66.

33 Chron. Wyntoun (Laing), 348.

34 Chron. Rishanger, 188; CDS, iv, Appendix 1, no. 7; Chron. Guisborough, 328–9; Lib. Quot., 101.

35 PRO, King’s Remembrancer’s Memoranda Rolls, E159/72, m.12.

36 Sir Malcolm Wallace’s presence in Bruce’s retinue perhaps lends credence to the view that it was the future king who had bestowed the honour of knighthood on Sir William and his elder brother.

37 CDS, ii, no. 1949.

38 The obvious deduction to be made is that Wallace did not have the permission of Sir John Comyn, the Guardian whose supporter made all the fuss, but he must, therefore, have had the permission of the other Guardian, Bruce. It is to be wondered, if the event was accurately reported, what the Comyns were afraid of.

39 Fisher, Wallace, 96; Barrow, Bruce, 168.

40 Stevenson, Documents, 163.

41 Barrow, Bruce, 95, 119. For a fuller discussion of these issues, see Watson, Hammer, chs. 5, 6.

42 Sir John was a key follower of Comyn and indeed was singled out by King Edward, together with the Guardian, for having ‘been more concerned to harm and travail the king and his people and [having] done worse than the others’. Palgrave, Docs. Hist. Scot., i, 296–8.

43 PRO, E159/76, m.18.

44 PRO, E101/11/21, mm.55–59; CDS, i, no. 1390.

45 Stevenson, Documents, ii, 492–4.

46 CDS, ii, nos. 1437, 1465; Stevenson, Documents, ii, 467–70.

47 CDS, iv, p. 475. The lands of Happrew did, in fact, belong to Fraser.

48 H. G. Richards and G. Sayles, ‘The Scottish Parliaments of Edward I’, SHR, xxv, 311.

49 CDS, ii, no. 1424.

50 Bruce’s youngest brother was currently a member of the Prince of Wales’ household, PRO, E101/364/13, m.96; CDS, ii, no. 1516.

51 CDS, ii, no. 1564.

52 Palgrave, Docs. Hist. Scot., i, 276.

53 Watson, Hammer, 187.

54 See Fiona Watson, ‘Settling the Stalemate: Edward I’s peace in Scotland, 1303–1305’, in M. Prestwich, R. Britnell, R. Frame (eds.), Thirteenth Century England VI (Woodbridge, 1997).

55 Palgrave, Docs. Hist. Scot., i, 283–5; PRO, E159/79, m.30.

56 CDS, iv, no. 477.

57 We should note that one John of Musselburgh made Wallace and Fraser’s whereabouts known to government forces immediately prior to Happrew, receiving 10s. for his pains. He was certainly not a noble, CDS, iv, 475.

58 Barrow, Bruce, 136–7.

59 For a fuller discussion of the whole horrific and vexed issue of Wallace’s execution, see Watson, Hammer, 211–14, as well as Fisher, Wallace, ch. 10.

CHAPTER 3 (DUNCAN)

1 A valuable recent short account with full references is Morton,Wallace: ‘Scotland is again hunting the snark, the true history of Wallace, although, to be fair, this time there are real sitings to go on’, p. 32. For a shorter treatment, E. J. Cowan, ‘The Wallace Factor in Scottish History’, Images of Scotland, ed. R. Jackson and S. Wood (Dundee, 1997), 5–17; also for an argument that Robert I’s support had a hand in moulding the repute of Wallace, Fraser, ‘A Swan from a Raven’.

2 The date of Murray’s death is not recorded.

3 It must be said that the canon’s safe-conduct is not copied in full in the chronicle, where the text opens: Andreas etc. But this presumes repetition of the opening of the previous letter of protection. The safe-conduct’s date is also omitted and could have been later than that of the protection. Fraser has Murray incapacitated and Wallace in command of this invasion, but also has the letters ‘appear to name Murray as the leader of the invasion’, ‘creating the impression that Murray was understood to have been . . . in command’, ‘A Swan from a Raven’, 3, 8, 7. An impression, an understanding, now or then? There is a convincing account of the 1297 invasion stressing the indiscipline of the Scots, the economic motives for widespread plundering and the poor strategic grasp of the Scottish command, by C. J. McNamee, ‘William Wallace’s Invasion of Northern England in 1297’, Northern History, xxvi (1990), 40–58. He discusses the 1298 Stainmoor campaign on pp. 54–5.

4 Chron. Guisborough, 305.

5 Chron. Guisborough, 277 confirmed by Chron. Lanercost, 174–5; the latter says nothing of destruction at Hexham in 1297. Discussion in M. Strickland, ‘A Law of Arms or a Law of Treason? Conduct of War in Edward I’s Campaigns in Scotland, 1296–1307’,Violence in Medieval Society, ed. R.W. Kaeuper (Woodbridge, 2000), 44–7.

6 J. Anderson, Diplomata Scotiae, no. XLIII, reproduced in APS, i, 452–3 and in National Manuscripts of Scotland, i, p. xiv, and here (plate 6). Text only in Wallace Docs., 161–2. Anderson’s practice was to engrave seals after, but not attached to, the document. His engraving of the Franco-Scottish treaty of 1295 is followed by a fragment of King John’s seal, that of the Wallace letter by a complete seal of John on cords. The best evidence is that the matrix of this seal had been destroyed, so the engraving misleads here. The Scrymgeour letter itself claims to carry the ‘common seal of the kingdom’, which must surely have been, or been like, the (lion rampant) obverse of the seal used on the Lübeck letter discussed below. In Wallace’s titles Anderson clearly shows ductor exercitus; the reading of Wallace Docs., 161, ductor exercituum, is an error.

7 When Wallace rebelled, he called the exiled to him ‘and was made quasi princeps’ of them, Chron. Guisborough, 294; those condemned to exile by the English chose Wallace, eligentes in principem, Nicholas Trivet: Annales [Annals Trivet], ed. T. Hog, Rolls Series (London, 1845), 356. Trivet was summarising Guisborough.

8 Chron. Fordun, i, 328. The hostility here may be somewhat exaggerated, but English sources comment on the gulf between Wallace and the nobility; cf. the assessment in Fraser, ‘A Swan from a Raven’.

9 Trivet and Rishanger added Murray and Wallace to Guisborough’s list of the Scottish commanders at Irvine, an error, but one that shows their growing reputations about that time: Annals Trivet, 357; Chron. Rishanger, 172. Murray’s only occurrence in Guisborough is in the Hexham writs; he is not in the index of Chron. Guisborough.

10 Chron. Lanercost, 190. The claim (twice) by Fraser, ‘A Swan from a Raven’, 9, 16, that Gray, in his Scalachronica, says ‘explicitly that [Wallace] was not the leader’ at Stirling Bridge, is incorrect. The source of the error is Maxwell’s translation: ‘Wallace, to whom the Scots adhered, immediately after this discomfiture, followed . . . Warenne . . .’ (Scalacronica, 19). In the printed French (Scalacronica, 124), the first comma is there but not the second one; even if the MS has two punctuation marks, they will not bear the weight of the proposed interpretation. Gray clearly regarded Wallace as commander of the Scots at Stirling.

11 Chron. Fordun, i, 329. Cecidit vulneratus, which does not mean that he was wounded and died later.

12 CDS, ii, no. 1178.

13 The word used for leader changed from dux to ductor, but I doubt if this is significant.

14 Chron. Guisborough, 307–8 for the attacks by Clifford on Annandale. Chron. Bower, vi, 89–93, 239. Fisher, Wallace, 66–70, and Reese, Wallace, 64–70, make no mention of the 1298 Stainmoor episode.

15 Rather than portando vexillum exercitus Scocie.

16 Mathew of Westminster, Flores Historiarum, 3 vols, Rolls Series (London, 1890), iii, 98; Wallace Documents, 17. I have preserved the ambiguity of the Latin as to whether Sir William or his unnamed son carried the banner. The description of King John suggests a Scottish source.

17 This is his description in the Scrymgeour charter.

18 Palgrave, Docs. Hist. Scot., 347. The banner was presumably lost, perhaps destroyed, at the battle of Methven.

19 P. Contamine, Guerre, état et societé à la fin du Moyen Âge (Paris, 1972), 671–3.

20 Regesta Regum Scottorum, v, The Acts of Robert I, ed. A. A. M. Duncan (Edinburgh, 1988), nos. 131, 251, 323.

21 Chron. Bower, vi, 83–4, new passage on 236. Bower assumes that Wallace was Guardian from the time of Stirling Bridge. The opening words of the new passage are Non tam eleccione quam . . . divina provisione . . . custos regni deputatus est. It is possible that the recognition of Guardianship was given at St Andrews.

22 Chron. Guisborough, 314–15; Chron. Lanercost, 190.

23 Chron. Rishanger, 384.

24 G. F. C. Sartorius, Geschichte des Hansischen Bundes (Göttingen, 1802–08), i, 352.

25 G. F. Sartorius, Urkundliche Geschichte des Ursprungs der deutschen Hanse, herausgegeben von J. M. Lappenberg (Hamburg, 1830). The letter is in Vol. ii, no. LXXXVIII, pp. 188–9, the corrections on p. 736.

26 ‘Our Scottish Antiquarian friends will be gratified to hear that Dr Lappenberg of Hamburg in his researches among the ancient records of that city has discovered a letter of date of 1287 [sic] addressed by Robert Wallace [sic] and Andrew Murray to Hamburg and Lubeck. Many English records are also among the number of his discoveries . . .’ Foreign Quarterly Review, iv (1829), 685.

27 Life of Wallace, ii, 192. In the 1840 (unchanged text) edition, the Appendix with text is on pp. 112–14. The Life itself is a rehash of Hary’s Wallace.

28 Wallace Docs., no. XV, p. 159 and n. The lithograph is frontispiece and the account of it is on pp. xxxii–xxxiii.

29 Urkundenbuch der Stadt Lübeck, i (Lübeck, 1843), no. DCLXVIII, pp. 599–600. I refer to this edition below, n. 36.

30 For a readable account of the event, Perilla Kinchin and Juliet Kinchin, Glasgow’s Great Exhibitions, 1888. 1901. 1911. 1938. 1988 (Bicester, no date), 95–125; it mentions on p. 100, ‘the letters [sic] of Sir William Wallace’. The late J. D. Mackie vividly recalled trying to lecture on Scotland and Sweden to an ever-moving throng of passers-by in the Palace of History. Unfortunately, the file of correspondence for this exhibition was stolen from the Mitchell Library in 1971.

31 Scottish Exhibition of National History, Art and Industry, Glasgow (1911): Palace of History, Catalogue of Exhibits (Glasgow, Edinburgh and London, 1911). The contents of this Palace were insured for £459,000 (George Eyre-Todd, Leaves from the Life of a Scottish Man of Letters (1934), 171–81 at 176). I am unsure whether the original hope was for one chair of history and literature as is usually said; in 1911 the usual approach to literature was historical. The sponsors certainly asked the University for two chairs when handing over the money (£20,000), but unsuccessfully. See also Edward J. Cowan, Scottish History and Scottish Folk, Inaugural Lecture, Chair of Scottish History and Literature, University of Glasgow 15 March 1995 (Glasgow, 1998), 3–10.

32 See Plate 5. It is Archiv der Hansestadt Lübeck, Urkunden, Anglicana 12a. This unfortunate reference was probably given in the nineteenth century. For the controversy over the absence of the letter from the new Museum of Scotland, see, e.g., Morton,Wallace, 30–1. There is more to be said on this episode.

33 All the evidence discussed by James W. Dilley, ‘German Merchants in Scotland, 1297–1327’, SHR, xxvii (1948), 142–55, comes from the reign of Edward II. The letter is not discussed in D. Ditchburn, Scotland and Europe, i (East Linton, 2000).

34 National Archives, Kew, E101/684/5/6. The keeper of the Wardrobe and Reginald de Thonderle, a London merchant, repaid the money to Viricus Huske and Wilhelm Beyr, merchants of Lübeck acting on behalf of their associates, tam citra mare quam ultra, who made the loan. Some lenders were presumably based in London, but all would be German.

35 The full place date is apud Hadsingtonam in Scocia, where in Scocia was presumably included for recipients unfamiliar with rural Scottish towns. It was not an error, for the use of Scocia for Scotland north of the Forth was then obsolescent.

36 The edition in Urkundenbuch der Stadt Lübeck, i, 599–600 carries the remark (in German), ‘Of the two seals, the first is no longer on the tag, the second, next to it, is well preserved’, followed by a description of the existing seal. A seal that disintegrates will nonetheless leave a shadow of its former existence; there is no such shadow of a first seal on the tag of the Lübeck letter.

37 J. H. Stevenson and M. Wood, Scottish Heraldic Seals, i (Glasgow, 1940), 25.

38 The letters in italics would be abbreviated in the legend.

39 Its legend was SIGILLVM SCOCIE DEPVTATVM REGIMINI REGNI. The broken matrix was in the English treasury, but there would be numerous impressions in Scotland.

40 Mitchell Library, B 313539. See Plate 4. A slight scratch, made since I saw the casts in 1999, reveals the copper. The casts cannot be removed from their setting. The weight of casts and wood (about 170 ccs) is about 4 grams, of which I reckon less than half represents the wood.

41 He is in the 1908 P. O. Directory under Dentistry (not Dentists) at what is probably his parents’ address. In 1909 he had moved to a tenement flat at 7 Lochburn Road (running eastwards off Maryhill Road by the canal) and remained there with his wife until 1929, but in 1930, when she is not mentioned, had moved to Jardine Street. He disappears after 1931. In the Voters’ Roll ‘Peter S. Rae’ is ‘Dental Mechanic’ in 1912, but at some time thereafter he qualified (presumably by apprenticeship) as a dentist, his description in the 1920s; he is absent from the statutory register of practising dentists in 1926. We owe the Wallace cast entirely to his skill as a dental technician but do not know whether he was active in the 1911 exhibition, nor how he obtained access to the seal. Possibly he had little connection until commissioned to make the casts by someone of influence among the exhibition promoters.

42 Ashby McGowan, ‘Searching for William the Welshman’, The Double Tressure, no. 22 (1999), 62–73.

43 See the illustration in Matthew Strickland and Robert Hardy, The Great Warbow: From Hastings to the Mary Rose (Sutton, 2005), 161.

44 Stevenson and Wood, Scottish Heraldic Seals, i, 25, lists this among royal privy seals, from casts in Lyon Office. It appends a fairly long and misleading essay that offers, among other information, the reading by the Inspector of Ancient Monuments (then James Richardson) of the legend on the reverse, as VSTI . . . VSA . . . W . . . where T is a misreading of F. It is said that the charge on the reverse, previously described as ‘two hands shooting an arrow from a bow’, is doubtful, that the device is unlike any known seal of the period but appears to be in the style of an earlier seal; and that possibly the device is a crossbow. The following paragraph in this account has more nonsense, but the letters read are almost correct: VSFI[LI]VSA[LANI]W[ALAIS]. There is a wholly inaccurate reading in A. Young and M. J. Stead, In the Footsteps of William Wallace (Stroud, 2002), 31.

45 There is no impression of his seal but his father’s is described by W. R. Macdonald, Scottish Armorial Seals, no. 2052, and is illustrated in CDS, ii, plate I, no. 5.

46 CDS, ii, 193–6; Inst. Pub., 61–113.

47 The towns were treated separately; CDS, ii, nos. 813–15, 819–20, as were some religious houses.

48 CDS, ii, 196–214, and nos. 746–820; Inst. Pub., 115–74.

49 Dr McAndrew points out that the first seals on each string relate to the earlier names on the document, but that the rest are in no order; article cited below, 672.

50 CDS, ii, no. 826. Anglice an inquest post mortem.

51 The origin of the name and word is obscure: Oxford English Dictionary, under ‘ragman’.

52 Adam mac Gillemuire (FILIVS GILMORI) on his seal (no. 1350) is fitz Grimbaud on RR: CDS, ii, 202; Inst. Pub., 137.

53 Bruce A. McAndrew, ‘The sigillography of the Ragman Roll’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Vol. 129 (1999), 663–752.

54 These figures are approximate.

55 There is no other large collection of seals of one date. For a good collection (282 seals) covering a broad timespan, W. Greenwell and C. Hunter Blair, ‘Durham Seals, V, Scottish Private Seals’, Archaeologia Aeliana, third series, xii (1915), 287–332.

56 As did those who assessed the holdings of Elena la Zouche. One example: Henry le Ferur (a smith) from Tranent whose device was a hammer (no. 3225) and who sat on the assize of Edinburgh sheriff court to retour Elena’s holdings in that sheriffdom (CDS, ii, no. 824 (3)).

57 I do not think that all were crown tenants, for the obligation of a crown tenant was usually to send a suitor to the sheriff court, who could be one of his own tenants; personal presence would be demanded annually only at the three head courts.

58 For example, Elys the gate-keeper (‘le porter’ text, IANITOR seal) of Rutherglen, device a bird on a twig (CDS, ii, 201; seal no. 1308). I give the numbers as in McAndrew’s list; from his 3000 remove the first figure 3 to find the number in Bain’s Appendix III list.

59 National Archives, Kew, E39/102/18. I am indebted to Mr Adrian Ailes of the Archives for identifying this document from the account given in CDS, ii, 533–4, no. 3. The list of seals in CDS is inaccurate in some respects. Thus, nos. 42 and 43 are duplicates of no. 33 (not 37) (McAndrew disagrees and I have not been able to check), 51 of no. 22 (not 27). McAndrew nos. 1301–1368, but the last two figures do not exactly correspond to Bain’s numbering on pp. 533–4.

60 In CDS, ii, it is Appendix I, no. 3 – whence its seals are numbered by McAndrew from 1301.

61 CDS, ii, 201–2; Inst. Pub., 136–7.

62 For example, from the Edinburgh list, Alan of Liberton, CDS, ii, 199, 201, seals nos. 3362, 3377, but neither of these seals (both of Alan but with different devices) can have come from Text 13, and Alan had either two seals or a relative of the same name. Hugh Ridel, CDS, ii, 194, 198, 201; seal survives only on 13, no. 1310. William de Drilaw, CDS, ii, 199, 201; identical seal survives from both documents, nos. 1325, 3396.

63 The Ayrshire names found elsewhere are John de Crawford, CDS, ii, 202, 214; seals nos. 1322, 1411 (with different devices); Thomas Winchester, CDS, ii, 194, 202; seal no. 1314. In addition, the last name in 13, Patrick le Archer (CDS, ii, 202) has a seal with device of a stringed horn and bow and arrow (correcting Bain and McAndrew), legend (S PATRICII ARCHER) in mirror image (no. 1336). McAndrew identifies a seal reading . . . CHER (no. 1321, omitted by Bain between his nos. 17 and 18 on CDS, ii, 533) with Patrick, but the charge (a trefoil) differs from Patrick’s.

64 CDS, ii, 205–6; Inst. Pub., 148–9. McAndrew identifies the seal ROG WALAYS (no. 3339) with Nicol le Waleys of RR; this seal is indeed preserved on a string with two others of names found among the 75 in RR with Adam and Nicholas Wallace. It is difficult to believe that Roger could be miscopied as Nicol. A Sir Alan Wallace witnessed a charter of the Bishop of the Isles in the 1230s, Paisley Reg., 135–6. An Ayrshire contemporary was Adam Wallace, ibid., 19, 24, 225.

65 The invaluable discussion by P. D. A. Harvey, ‘Personal Seals in Thirteenth-Century England’, Church and Chronicle in the Middle Ages, ed. I. Wood and G. A. Loud (London, 1991), 117–27, deals with this phenomenon in England (p. 125) but the whole article is a challenge to study non-armigerous seals in Scotland.

66 CDS, ii, 201–2, 205; Inst. Pub., 137, 147. The seals of the St Andrews text do not seem to have survived as a group.

67 Chron. Fordun, i, 328; ii, 321.

68 Young and Stead, Footsteps of William Wallace, 33–4; Chron. Guisborough, 294, 296; Chron. Lanercost, 190; Flores Historiarum, iii, 123. Lanercost makes James Stewart call Wallace ribaldus, a menial, rascal, the description in the Royal MS chronicle (Wallace Docs., 144). Interestingly, Gray’s Scalacronica has no harsh words on Wallace.

69 Chron. Rishanger, 383–4, Wallace Docs., 8–9: sagittarius qui arcu et pharetra victum querebat; de infima progenie et exili ortus et educatus, cum audaciam suam in multis locis examinasset, ut mos est virorum fortium, petivit a Scotis licentiam ut Anglicanis posset obviare, necnon eorum exercitui arcu suo resistere . . . It is uncertain whether ‘the way of strong men’ qualifies ‘audacity’ or ‘leave’.

70 CDS, ii, 191.

71 CDS, ii, 202 at middle, p. 534, no. 32 and in McAndrew’s list, no. 1336. I have not found anything comparable in R. Ellis, Catalogue of Seals in the Public Record Office, Personal Seals, save in Vol. ii, no. P942, the seal of Roger Archer, serjeant at arms, in 1350, displaying a shield of arms, including three arrow-heads.

72 For what follows I owe a great debt to R. Hardy, Longbow: a social and military history (Sparkford, 1992) and to discussions with my colleague, Dr Matthew Strickland, who kindly let me see The Great Warbow, cited above, note 43, before publication.

73 See the measured examples in J. D. G. Clark, ‘Neolithic Bows . . . and the Prehistory of Archery in North-western Europe’, Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, new ser. 29 (1963), 50–98; from eighth-century Swabia, G. Rausing, The Bow, some notes on its origin and development (Lund, 1967), 60; a tenth-century bow from Hedeby (192 cm tall), E. Roesdahl, The Vikings (London, 1998), 143.

74 Hardy, Longbow, 150–1.

75 Hardy, Longbow, 217.

76 Chron. Wyntoun, v, 298, line 1990; 306, line 2085 (without manlyk); 307, line 2125.

77 Ultimately from Pseudo-Turpin. Chron. Bower, vi, 83, 234–5; ii, 173, 261–2.

78 Hary, Wallace, book 10, lines 1224–30.

79 Hary, Wallace, book 4, lines 548–51.

80 These statements about Cressingham’s skin are made in chronicles and were not repeated in the charges of 1305.

81 This phrase is used in the letters appointing the justices; it is unusual.

82 They make no mention of ‘treason’ by that name.

83 The Brut, ed. Brie, I, 222, cited in J. G. Bellamy, The Law of Treason in England in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 2004), 49.

84 Dr Paul Brand confirms this to me, noting that it would certainly not be in Latin and could ‘just possibly’ have been in English – but that Wallace stood a better chance of understanding the French than English. He had, it was alleged, ‘spared none who used the English tongue’ when invading England.

85 J. Bellamy, The Law of Treason in England in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1970), 26. Unlike the Wallace trial, there is no record evidence for that of David, and our source, a chronicler, may have misattributed penalties to offences.

86 Barrow, Bruce, 136–7; Bellamy, Law of Treason, 36–9; Fisher, Wallace, ch. 10; there is also a good account in C. Knightly, Folk Heroes of Britain (1982).

87 Devaletur, but devaleo does not occur in the dictionary; read divelletur, from vellere, to pluck, tear out.

88 J. G. Edwards, ‘The treason of Thomas Turberville’, Studies in Medieval History presented to F. M. Powicke, ed. R. W. Hunt et al, 296–309.

89 This verb has been dropped by the copyist of the text.

90 From Latin mica, small pieces, whence micare, to break into pieces, Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources, i, 667. I am grateful to Dr David Howlett for confirming this definition.

91 In Wallace Documents, 191, the word is wrongly printed as frustratim.

92 Chron. Fordun, i, 328.

93 Chron. Wyntoun, v, 318–19; an alternative of the second line reads ‘Great tales, I heard say, are made’.

94 mother.

95 In the exchange (Chron. Wyntoun, v, 298–303) I have updated the Scots somewhat to make it more readily intelligible. The sword was a double entendre (not in DOST) for the penis; see Hary, Wallace, book 6, line 143. The woman is described as Wallace’sleman; in Hary, Wallace, she is his wife.

96 Curiously, Hary has Wallace kill the young Heselrig but makes no mention of the sheriff.

97 Chron. Wyntoun, v, 304–5. I have modernised the text here; the alternative reading is ‘I shall now quit it’.

98 Hary, Wallace, book 6; at line 156 he writes of 200 men, although it is not clear to me whether these are Wallace’s or English.

99 E. L. G. Stones (ed.), Anglo-Scottish Relations, 1174–1328 (Oxford, 1970), no. 33.

100 defuncti corpus . . . membratim vel in frustra immaniter concidentes.

101 Les Registres de Boniface VIII, ed. G. Digard et al, ii, col. 576–7, no. 3409. For a full discussion, see Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘Death and the Human Body in the later Middle Ages: The Legislation of Boniface VIII on the division of the corpse’, Viator xii (1981), 221–70, reprinted in her The Monarchy of Capetian France and Royal Ceremonial (Aldershot, 1991), no. VI.

102 The practice was much less usual in England than on the Continent.

103 That Edward I ordered similar exequies for himself, his bones to lead the army into Scotland, is a much later fiction: Prestwich, Edward I, 557.

104 J. H. Denton, Robert Winchelsey and the Crown, 1294–1313 (Cambridge, 1980), 219–39.

105 Morton, Wallace, 53–5.

106 Bellamy, Law of Treason, 33–9; Barrow, Bruce, 178–9; Fisher, Wallace, ch. 10.

107 Fenchurch.

108 This work (attach’ in the patent roll) has many meanings, and while it could possibly be the record of Wallace’s arrest, it could also mean ‘object seized as exhibit’. I suggest that here it means the documents taken with Wallace at his arrest.

109 This verb is missing in the Latin text.

110 congregationes.

111 concorditer et animose, a phrase that seems out of place.

112 Smithfield Elms.

113 Perth.

CHAPTER 4 (PRESTWICH)

1 Chronicles of Edward I and Edward II, ed. W. Stubbs, i (Rolls Series, 1882), 140.

2 Prestwich, Documents, 104; Stevenson, Documents, 207.

3 Stevenson, Documents, ii, 192–4, 198–200; Barrow, Bruce, 119–20.

4 J. E. Morris, The Welsh Wars of Edward I (Oxford, 1901), 160, 247.

5 Chron. Guisborough, 294.

6 Stevenson, Documents, ii, 222–4.

7 Barrow, Bruce, 123.

8 Chron. Guisborough, 299–303. Some chronicles simply ignored the battle, such as the Annales Angliae et Scotiae, in Chron. Rishanger, 383–4; and that from Hagnaby, British Library Vespasian B. xi, f 41v.

9 Chron. Guisborough, 302. Marmaduke Thweng held estates close to Guisborough Priory: Chron. Guisborough, xxviii. See also M. C. Prestwich, ‘An Everyday Story of Knightly Folk’, Thirteenth Century England IX, ed. M. C. Prestwich, R. H. Britnell, R. F. Frame (Woodbridge, 2003), 152, 157.

10 Chron. Rishanger, 179–80.

11 Scalacronica, 124.

12 Chron. Bower, 87.

13 J. Beverley Smith, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, Prince of Wales (Cardiff, 1998), 563. Another similarity that might be noted is that between William Latimer, who swam on his horse to safety when the English were attacked while crossing from Anglesey in 1282, and the unnamed knight who saved himself in similar fashion at Stirling Bridge: Walter of Guisborough, 219–20, 302.

14 Chron. Guisborough, 300–1.

15 N. B. Lewis, ‘The English Forces in Flanders’, 310–18.

16 Bartholomaei de Cotton, Historia Anglicana, ed. H. R. Luard (Rolls Ser., 1859), 337.

17 Chron. Guisborough, 303. For Cressingham’s corrupt methods as steward to Queen Eleanor, see J. C. Parsons, Eleanor of Castile (New York, 1995), 108.

18 Langtoft, ed. Thiolier, 388.

19 W. P. Hedley, Northumberland Families (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1968), i, 146; Barrow, Bruce, 130 n. A poem on the Scottish war regretted the deaths of Vescy, Morley, Somerville and Bertram, but of these, only Somerville died at Stirling Bridge: Political Songs, ed. T. Wright (Camden Soc., 1839), 173.

20 K. DeVries, Infantry Warfare in the Early Fourteenth Century (Woodbridge, 1996), discusses these and other battles of the period.

21 Chron. Guisborough, 302–3.

22 Prestwich, Edward I, 385.

23 Chron. Guisborough, 219.

24 Smith, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, 537–42.

25 Peter of Langtoft, Edition critique et commenté de Pierre de Langtoft: le règne d’Edouard Ier, vol. 3 (Paris, 1989), 336.

26 Political Songs, 171.

27 Chron. Bower, vi, 89.

28 The events of the period 1294–98, here briefly summarised, are discussed in Prestwich, Edward I, 376–435.

29 Prestwich, Documents, 100, 104–5.

30 Prestwich, Documents, 117.

31 Prestwich, Documents, 137–8.

32 Parliamentary Writs, i, 56–64.

33 Calendar of Close Rolls, 1296–1302, 129.

34 The National Archives (formerly Public Record Office), SC 6/1087/17.

35 Prestwich, Documents, 149.

36 The Chronicle of Bury St Edmunds, 1212–1301, ed. A. Gransden (London, 1964), 143–4; Prestwich, Documents, 32–3.

37 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1292–1301, 391.

38 CDS, ii, no. 946.

39 Prestwich, Documents, 151.

40 M. C. Prestwich, ‘Edward I and Adolf of Nassau’, Thirteenth Century England III, ed. P. Coss and S. D. Lloyd (Woodbridge, 1991), 132–3. The bad news that Adolf was not coming, and had insufficient troops with him, came in a letter sent to Edward from the Rhineland on 15 October: Prestwich, Documents, 161.

41 Prestwich, Documents, 110–12, 158–60.

42 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1292–1301, 312–4; Prestwich, Edward I, 478–9.

43 Chron. Guisborough, 315.

44 The Scottish raid is fully discussed by C. McNamee, ‘William Wallace’s Invasion of Northern England in 1297’, Northern History (1990), 40–58.

CHAPTER 5 (BROADIE)

1 An important Scottish source of biographical information about Scotus is Mair, History, 206–7. Mair confirms that ‘when he was no more than a boy’, Scotus was taken to Oxford by two Franciscan friars after he had received a grounding in Latin grammar. At that time there was no university in Scotland. He might otherwise have continued his studies in his native country.

2 A. Broadie, Why Scottish Philosophy Matters (Edinburgh, 2000), 34.

3 Scotus, at that time teaching in Paris, took the side of the pope and as a result had to go into exile. John Duns Scotus, John Duns Scotus’ Political and Economic Philosophy (St Bonaventure, NY, 2001), ed. Allan B. Wolter, viii–ix (hereinafter Scotus).

4 For the texts of these declarations, see A. A. M. Duncan, ‘The Declarations of the Clergy, 1309–10’, in The Declaration of Arbroath: History, Significance, Setting, ed. Geoffrey Barrow, Society of Antiquaries of Scotland (Edinburgh, 2003), 44–5, and Cowan,Freedom, 144–7 (translation also by Duncan).

5 The chief source for my exposition of Scotus on the will is Scotus on the Will and Morality, trans. and with an introduction by Allan B. Wolter (Washington DC, 1986). In my exposition here I also make use of some ideas developed in A. Broadie, The Shadow of Scotus: Philosophy and Faith in Pre-Reformation Scotland (Edinburgh, 1995), chs. 2–3. See also A. Broadie, ‘Scotus on the unity of the virtues’, in Studies in Christian Ethics, 12 (1999), 70–83.

6 Scotus, 28–103.

7 Scotus, 29.

8 Corpus Iuris Canonici, ed. Emil Friedberg (Leipzig, 1879), I, col. 742.

9 Scotus, 29.

10 Scotus, 33.

11 Scotus, 33.

12 Scotus, 33–5.

13 Scotus does not mention forms of transference of authority where the ruler is a group, but the implication seems to be that a ruling group would be succeeded by another that would be elected as the earlier had been elected.

14 For example, the Declaration of Arbroath is written in the name of ‘the whole community of the realm of Scotland’. Cowan, Freedom, 144.

15 In fact it gives the date 24 February 1309, which is 1310 by modern reckoning.

16 Duncan, ‘Declarations’, 45.

17 Cowan, Freedom, 145–6. The ‘us’ are the numerous barons who sealed the declaration. No clergy sealed the document, although it was probably written by Abbot Bernard of Arbroath, who was also the chancellor of King Robert, an interesting circumstance given that the document spells out the circumstances under which the signatories would oust the king.

18 For discussion of this aspect of will, see A. Broadie, ‘Duns Scotus on sinful thought’, in Scottish Journal of Theology, 49 (1996), 291–310, reprinted in ‘Duns Scotus on sinful thought’, in Classical and Medieval Literature Criticism, 59 (2003).

19 Broadie, Why Scottish Philosophy Matters, 34.

20 I first raised the question of the relationship between John Duns Scotus and William Wallace in a BBC Scotland Radio programme, ‘The brilliant dunce’, directed by Jack Regan, in 1993 on the occasion of Scotus’s beatification. Since then I have maintained an active interest in the question and more recently have benefited greatly both from conversations on the topic with Fr. Bill Russell and also from his generosity in showing me his as-yet-unpublished writings in the field, which afford considerable support for the position adopted here. I am most grateful to him.

CHAPTER 6 (GRANT)

1 This chapter has grown out of papers given since 1996 at Warwick, Stirling and Lancaster. My thanks to all who offered constructive comments and criticisms, especially Ted Cowan, Keith Stringer and Angus Winchester.

2 Ash, ‘Wallace and Bruce’ (quotations at pp. 83–4); Morton, Wallace, ch. 6 (quotation at p. 94).

3 For example, Barrow, Bruce, 71, 81; Fisher, Wallace, 6, 11; Nicholson, Later Middle Ages, 52; Michael Lynch, ‘Wallace, William’, in Michael Lynch (ed.), The Oxford Companion to Scottish History (Oxford, 2001), 634; Morton, Wallace, 19, and 125–30 for regular nationalist celebrations of Wallace’s birth at Elderslie. Ellerslie in Ayrshire has been unconvincingly claimed as Wallace’s birthplace in James Mackay, William Wallace: Brave Heart (Edinburgh, 1995), ch. 1.

4 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Later Middle Ages (London, 1987), chs. 2–3; Peter Coss, The Origins of the English Gentry (Cambridge, 2003), ch. 10.

5 Although precise definitions varied. See Georges Duby, The Chivalrous Society (London, 1977), chs. 3, 5, 9, 13; Maurice Keen, Chivalry (New Haven, 1984); Philippe Contamine, ‘The European nobility’, in Christopher Allmand (ed.), The New Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. VII: c. 1415–1500 (Cambridge, 1998); Michael Jones (ed.), Gentry and Lesser Nobility in Later Medieval Europe (Gloucester, 1986), chs. 4–6, 8, 10.

6 Keith M. Brown, Noble Society in Scotland: Wealth, Family and Culture from Reformation to Revolution (Edinburgh, 2000), 1–21; Jenny Wormald, ‘Lords and lairds in fifteenth-century Scotland: nobles and gentry’, in Jones, Gentry and Lesser Nobility.

7 Thomas Innes, Scots Heraldry: A Practical Handbook . . . (2nd edn, Edinburgh, 1956), ch. 7.

8 Nicholson, Later Middle Ages, 115–16, 375–6, 423; Roland Tanner, The Late Medieval Scottish Parliament: Politics and the Three Estates, 1424–1488 (East Linton, 2001), 48–9, 96–7, 199, 267–72; Grant, ‘Scottish Peerage’, SHR, lvii (1978).

9 Paisley Reg., 57.

10 Although academic studies usually say Wallace was of knightly stock, they do not count him as ‘noble’; and such anachronistic concepts as ‘middle class’ and ‘bourgeois’ have been used (Barrow, Bruce, 92; Morton, Wallace, 15).

11 Chron. Rishanger, 383–4; also Duncan, ‘William son of Alan’, above.

12 Chron. Lanercost, 193.

13 Chron. Fordun, i, 328.

14 Ibid.; Chron. Bower, vi, 83. Throughout, quotations from Gesta Annalia II have been checked with the text incorporated in Watt’s edition of Scotichronicon, the translation of which I follow, although sometimes with emendation. Since parentes does not mean ‘parents’ in the modern sense, I have translated it as ‘kindred’.

15 Chron. Wyntoun, v, 298.

16 Chron. Bower, vi, 82–3.

17 Chron. Fordun, i, 328 (my trans.; the text’s latibulis is a plural form of latibulum, ‘hiding-place’).

18 Chron. Bower, vi, 298, 312, 314–17.

19 He was not styled miles in the Hamburg/Lübeck letters of October 1297, but was so styled in the Scrymgeour charter of March 1298: Stevenson, Wallace Docs., 159; APS, i, 453.

20 Chron. Bower, vi, 235–6.

21 Ibid., vi, 234–5.

22 Hary, Wallace, i, 2, 13.

23 Assuming, that is, that Hary was referring to the Sir Richard Wallace who is recorded in the late thirteenth century: see below. Crawford was lord of Loudon: Scots Peerage, v, 490; Regesta Regum Scottorum, v, no. 128.

24 See McDiarmid’s analysis in Hary, Wallace, i, pp. lxvii–lxxxviii, ciii–civ.

25 Barbour, Bruce, 152–3; Hary, Wallace, ii, 138–45.

26 For Crawford as sheriff of Ayr, see e.g. CDS, ii, no. 739.

27 Craigie was acquired in the late fourteenth century, when Sir John Wallace of Riccarton married a daughter of Sir John Lindsay of Craigie: Registrum Magni Sigilli [RMS], i, no. 363; App. II, no. 1850; Paisley Reg., 79. Hary, Wallace, i, pp. li–liv; ii, 122.

28 RMS, i, no. 363; William Fraser, Memoirs of the Maxwells of Pollok (Edinburgh, 1863), i, no. 10.

29 In c.1272 and 1260–1283: Paisley Reg., 60, 233. For Wallace possession of Riccarton in the thirteenth century, G. W. S. Barrow, The Kingdom of the Scots (London, 1973), 350.

30 CDS, iii, no. 1236; Hary, Wallace, i, 159–60; ii, 209. For the real Rokeby, Robin Frame, ‘Thomas Rokeby, sheriff of Yorkshire, the custodian of David II’, in David Rollason and Michael Prestwich (eds.), The Battle of Neville’s Cross, 1346 (Stamford, 1998).

31 Hary, Wallace, i, 17, 19; ii, 145; Paisley Reg., 21; RMS, i, no. 365; ii, nos. 90, 836.

32 William Fraser, Memorials of the Montgomeries Earls of Eglinton (Edinburgh, 1859), ii, no. 23; George Crawfurd, A Genealogical History of the Royal and Illustrious Family of the Stewarts . . . (Edinburgh, 1710), 126. Crawfurd states that John Wallace of Elderslie resigned Auchenbothie to his younger son Thomas (citing a lost charter) and that Thomas’s family acquired the land of Johnstone by marriage. Since Auchenbothie-Wallace belonged to Robert Wallace of Johnstone in 1491 (RMS, ii, no. 2010), Crawfurd can presumably be trusted. But if the Elderslie Wallaces possessed Auchenbothie, then there can be absolutely no doubt that Hary’s ‘Elrisle’ is Elderslie in Renfrewshire; the Ayrshire Ellerslie can be utterly dismissed. McDiarmid’s comment about Auchenbothie (Hary, Wallace, ii, 126) is mistaken.

33 Paisley Reg., 151, 370; Exchequer Rolls of Scotland, ix, 659; RMS, ii, no. 2527.

34 Scots Peerage, iii, 171. He was an adherent of the seventh and eighth earls of Douglas: Michael Brown, The Black Douglases (East Linton, 1998), 23, 279.

35 That is, after its forfeiture and the ninth earl’s defection to England. See Michael Brown, ‘“Rejoice to hear of Douglas”: the house of Douglas and the presentation of magnate power in late medieval Scotland’, SHR, lxxvii (1997).

36 Facsimiles of the National Manuscripts of Scotland (London, 1867–71), ii, no. 8.

37 Chron. Lanercost, 207 (which calls John Wallace dominus, i.e. ‘Sir’); Prestwich, Edward I, 510; National Archives, London, Public Record Office, E101/370/16, fo. 9v.

38 Duncan, ‘William son of Alan’, ch. 3 above.

39 P. R. Coss, ‘Knights, esquires and the origins of social gradation’, Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc., 6th ser., v (1995), 173–7. This refers to England, but there is no reason to think Scottish practice was different.

40 Alexander Grant, ‘The province of Ross and the kingdom of Alba’, in Edward J. Cowan and R. Andrew McDonald (eds.), Alba: Celtic Scotland in the Middle Ages (East Linton, 2000), 123.

41 Nat. Mss. Scot., ii, no. 8; trans. Barrow, Bruce, 107.

42 A relatively small piece of land in Lanarkshire (12 merks-worth in Pettinain) was held of the crown for the service of two archers c.1259: APS, i, 98. For contemporary English gentry seals depicting arrows, see Coss, Origins of English Gentry, 233–5.

43 Duncan, ‘William son of Alan’, ch. 3 above.

44 K. J. Stringer, ‘Earldoms and “provincial lordships” 1124 to 1286’, in Peter G. B. McNeill and Hector L. MacQueen (eds.), Atlas of Scottish History to 1707 (Edinburgh, 1996), 183–6.

45 Chron. Guisborough, 328; Chron. Rishanger, 188.

46 Scots Peerage, ii, 437; iii, 142; RMS, i, no. 365; ii, nos. 90, 836. Another Carrick-Wallace link is in the marriage of the previously widowed countess, Alianora, to a Richard Wallace.

47 Auchincruive (NS3823) is close to the northeast bank of the River Ayr, three miles from the centre of Ayr. Just across the river lies the parish of Sundrum, which was acquired by Robert Wallace of Auchincruive (Sir Duncan’s father) c.1342: RMS, i, App. II, no. 788.

48 Hary, Wallace, i, 17, 25.

49 Keen, Chivalry, 141–8.

50 Morton, Wallace, chs. 6, 7.

51 Richard Finlay, ‘Historians: 1800–1900’, in Lynch, Oxford Companion, 307; also Richard Finlay, ‘Myths, heroes and anniversaries in modern Scotland’, Scottish Affairs, xviii (1997).

52 Morton, Wallace, 114–17; Graeme Morton, ‘The most efficacious patriot: the heritage of William Wallace in nineteenth-century Scotland’, SHR, lxxvii (1998).

53 Morton, Wallace, 59, 104, citing Carlyle’s review of Scott’s Tales of a Grandfather (1828). The passage was quoted from a nationalist standpoint in William Wallace: National Hero of Scotland. Special Commemorative Publication to Mark the 650th Anniversary of his Martyrdom (Perth, 1955); and from a socialist standpoint in Thomas Johnston, A History of the Working Classes in Scotland (Glasgow, 1923), 32: see Morton, Wallace, 169 n. 48, 178 n. 44.

54 Patrick Fraser Tytler, History of Scotland, Vol. I: 1289–1329 (2nd edn, Edinburgh, 1841), 109, 137–8.

55 Stevenson, Wallace Docs., pp. xv–xvi. He made similar remarks in 1870: Stevenson, Documents, i, pp. lii–liii.

56 For example, John Hill Burton, The History of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1867–70), chs. 20–2; or P. Hume Brown, History of Scotland (1899–1909), ch. 3.

57 Barrow, Robert Bruce, 80.

58 Michael Brown, The Wars of Scotland, 1214–1371 (Edinburgh, 2004), chs. 8–10.

59 CDS, ii, pp. 193–214.

60 Hary, Wallace, i, 41–2, 117, 130, 135, 138, 156, 171, 249–50; ii, 71–2, 102, 111, and (McDiarmid’s comments) 155–6.

61 Ibid., ii, 47–53.

62 Earl of Lennox: ibid., i, 52–3, 158–60, 175, 192, 215; ii, 42, 58. Stewart of Bute: ibid., ii, 44–7. The surnames of Wallace’s followers include Boyd, Campbell, Gordon, Hay, Keith, Montgomery, Ramsay and Seton (Cetoune): ibid., ii, index. The Douglases are also praised: ibid., ii, 27.

63 Chron. Fordun, i, 330; Chron. Bower, vi, 97.

64 Chron. Wyntoun, v, 316.

65 Chron. Bower, vi, 92–5.

66 Mair, History, 196.

67 Bellenden, Chronicles, ii, 256.

68 Sally Mapstone, ‘The Scotichronicon’s first readers’, in Barbara E. Crawford (ed.), Church, Chronicle and Learning in Medieval and Early Renaissance Scotland: Essays presented to Donald Watt (Edinburgh, 1999), 38–9.

69 Chron. Fordun, i, 330; Chron. Bower, vi, 95.

70 Chron. Wyntoun, v, 314–16; Chron. Bower, vi, 94; Mair, History, 199–200; Bellenden, Chronicles, ii, 256.

71 Barrow, Bruce, 102; Alan Young, Robert the Bruce’s Rivals: The Comyns, 1212–1314 (East Linton, 1997), ch. 1 and p. 168; Fraser, ‘A Swan from a Raven’, 18; Fiona Watson, ‘The demonisation of King John’, in Edward J. Cowan and Richard J. Finlay (eds.),Scottish History: The Power of the Past (Edinburgh, 2002).

72 Chron. Fordun, i, 325–6; Chron. Bower, vi, 75.

73 Chron. Fordun, i, 330; Chron. Bower, vi, 97.

74 Watt, in Chron. Bower, vi, 242; Fraser, ‘A Swan from a Raven’, 17.

75 The passage on Bruce begins Communiter autem dicitur. Skene translated autem as ‘But’; Watt omitted it altogether. I prefer ‘Moreover’, which gives a stronger link to the preceding sentences.

76 I am unconvinced by Fraser’s efforts (‘A Swan from a Raven’, 18–19) to reconcile this episode with his general argument that Gesta Annalia II’s account derives from Bruce propaganda – with which I differ.

77 Except Barbour, who is not relevant because The Bruce simply omits the years 1297–1305.

78 Chron. Bower, vi, 94–7.

79 Hary: McDiarmid’s comment, in Wallace, i, pp. xcix–c, and Mapstone, ‘Scotichroni- con’s first readers’, 41–2. Boece: Nicola Royan, ‘Scotichronicon rewritten? Hector Boece’s debt to Bower in the Scotorum Historia’, in Crawford, Church, Chronicle, 63. Mair (most critical of all, portraying Bruce as suspicious that Wallace was seeking the crown): ibid., 69, n. 4, and Mair, History, 201–2.

80 For example, Barrow, Bruce, 101–3; Nicholson, Later Middle Ages, 57–8; Fisher, Wallace, 82; Young, Robert the Bruce’s Rivals, 168; Watson, Hammer, 67; Brown, Wars of Scotland, 187. Watt, Chron. Bower, vi, 242–3, seems ambivalent. Only Cowan (Freedom, 23–4, 72–6) and Fraser (‘A Swan from a Raven’, 18–19) provide satisfactory discussion.

81 Chron. Guisborough, 325–8; Chron. Rishanger, 186–8, 385–7, 415; Chron. Lanercost, 191–2. Note that Guisborough does record that the earls of Angus and Dunbar were in Edward’s army.

82 Chron. Guisborough, 328; Chron. Rishanger, 188.

83 Barrow, Bruce, 104–5. Even the faction-focused discussions in Brown, Wars of Scotland, 189, and Michael Penman, David II, 1329–71 (East Linton, 2004), 16, demonstrate Bruce’s acceptability to the bulk of the politically significant classes.

84 Stephen Boardman, ‘Chronicle propaganda in late medieval Scotland: Robert the Steward, John of Fordun and the “Anonymous Chronicle”’, SHR, lxxvi (1997).

85 Dauvit Broun, ‘A new look at Gesta Annalia attributed to John of Fordun’, in Crawford, Church, Chronicle, esp. 15–19.

86 Chron. Fordun, i, 310; Chron. Bower, v, 423.

87 Chron. Fordun, i, 311–12; Chron. Bower, vi, 5.

88 Chron. Fordun, i, 327–8; Chron. Bower, vi, 80; Chron. Guisborough, 264; Chron. Lanercost, 161–2. The Gesta also misdates the Scottish earls’ invasion of England to after Dunbar and King John’s removal!

89 For example, Chron. Bower, vi, 233–4; Barrow, Bruce, 338 n. 47. Watson, ‘Demonisation of King John’, 36, seems to blame this distortion on Bruce propaganda; I would differ.

90 Chron. Fordun, i, 325. This appears to be taken seriously by Brown, Wars of Scotland, 176.

91 Chron. Guisborough, 273.

92 Ibid., 277–9; Stevenson, Documents, ii, 26–7; CDS, ii, nos. 742, 930.

93 Chron. Guisborough, 278.

94 For example, Stevenson, Documents, ii, 62–3, 66, 108, 185; CDS, ii, no. 897.

95 The Gesta’s emphasis on defeats being caused by flight might stem from the fact that Robert the Steward and the earl of March abandoned David II at Neville’s Cross (Chron. Fordun, i, 367), which David never forgave (Penman, David II, 4–5, and passim).

96 Fraser, ‘A Swan from a Raven’, 6–10. Murray is mentioned only as dying at Stirling Bridge: Chron. Fordun, i, 329. For Murray’s revolt, E. M. Barron, The Scottish War of Independence (2nd edn, Inverness, 1934), chs. 3–7, has still not been superseded.

97 Chron. Fordun, i, 328; Chron. Bower, vi, 83–5.

98 Chron. Fordun, i, 331–6.

99 Ibid., i, 333; trans. Chron. Bower, vi, 291.

100 Chron. Fordun, i, 333–5, 346–7. For the scale of the battle of Roslin, see Watson, Hammer, 170–1.

101 The Gesta does not mention Bruce’s participation in joint guardianship after 1298: John Comyn is presented as the only guardian.

102 Chron. Fordun, i, 337–53.

103 Chron. Bower, vi, 296–7 (trans. slightly emended); and vi, 312–13 (mournful death of John Comyn), 316–17 (Robert Bruce ‘discovered to be of royal stock’, which seems distinctly sarcastic), 342–3 (defeat of the earl of Buchan). See also the pro-Balliol ‘Scottish poem’ in Liber Extravagans [a supplement to Scotichronicon], ed. Dauvit Broun, in Chron. Bower, ix, 54–9, 66–84, 107–19.

104 As argued by Fraser, ‘A Swan from a Raven’, 19.

105 Chron. Wyntoun, v, 318.

106 CDS, ii, nos. 1432, 1465; iv, p. 474; as suggested by Fraser, ‘A Swan from a Raven’, 19. We do not know whether Bruce was enthusiastic or unenthusiastic about this, but he presumably had no choice.

107 Norman H. Reid, ‘Crown and community under Robert I’, in Alexander Grant and Keith J. Stringer (eds.), Medieval Scotland: Crown, Lordship and Community (Edinburgh, 1993), 203–7.

108 Its account of the Great Cause (Chron. Fordun, i, 313–18) strikes me as far too neutral to be unambiguously pro-Bruce.

109 Penman, David II, chs. 4–7, 9. This may have been especially relevant in 1363–64, the likely date of Gesta Annalia II, when the issue of an English succession was at its height: ibid., 318. Penman, however, argues that the Gesta deliberately omitted the story about the redeeming Wallace–Bruce meeting at Falkirk because of ‘mounting disgust at David II’s [pro-English] diplomatic agenda’ (ibid., 323); I cannot agree.

110 Indeed, her first husband was the son of a man executed for plotting to kill Robert I in 1320.

111 ‘A question about the succession, 1364’, ed. A. A. M. Duncan, in Scottish History Society Miscellany, xii (Scot. Hist. Soc., 1994), 54–7.

112 Chron. Fordun, i, 337–40. The account is broadly similar to Barbour’s, although Duncan notes significant differences: see Barbour, Bruce, 68–80.

113 Chron. Fordun, i, 381; Chron. Bower, vii, 325; Penman, David II, chs. 8–10; A. A. M. Duncan, ‘The “Laws of Malcolm MacKenneth”’, in Grant and Stringer, Medieval Scotland.

114 Chron. Wyntoun, v, 300–4.

115 See M. Keen, The Outlaws of Medieval Legend (London, 1977), 65; Stephen Knight, Robin Hood: A Complete Study of the English Outlaw (Oxford, 1994), 39.

116 Chron. Bower, v, 354–5.

117 Chron. Wyntoun, v, 136–7 (Wyntoun’s date made Robin a slightly older contemporary of Wallace).

118 R. B. Dobson and John Taylor, Rymes of Robin Hood (London, 1976), 18.

119 Chron. Bower, v, 354–5, 470. Admittedly, the Latin words for ‘raised’ differ: Gesta Annalia II uses levavit (Chron. Fordun, i, 328) whereas Bower uses erexit; also, Bower suppressed the Gesta statement about Wallace. Nevertheless, that shows he was conscious of the Gesta’s phrase, so it is reasonable to assume an echo in the Robin Hood passage.

120 Knight, Robin Hood, 39. Knight attaches considerable significance to Wyntoun, Bower and Mair in the creation of the Robin Hood image. He stresses that Mair was responsible for relocating Robin Hood to Richard I’s reign, where he has stayed ever since; Mair did so, Knight argues, because he applied Bower’s mention of ‘the prince’ to Prince John (ibid., 32–9; Mair, History, 156–7). Wallace and Robin Hood came closer in the sixteenth century through Maid Marian. She is a late addition, not specifically associated with Robin Hood until 1509 (Dobson and Taylor, Rymes of Robin Hood, 3, 39–42; Knight, Robin Hood, 269). Shortly afterwards, the traditional first name of Wallace’s wife, Marion, appears (although Hary was the first to name her, he gave her only a surname, Braidfute: Wallace, i, 91). And not only did Wallace and Robin Hood come together, they surely also begot another fictional freedom-fighting outlaw, William Tell, who is not recorded until the 1470s.

121 Dobson and Taylor, Rymes of Robin Hood, 43–5.

122 See Barbara A. Hanawalt, ‘Ballads and bandits: fourteenth-century outlaws and the Robin Hood poems’, in Stephen Knight (ed.), Robin Hood: Anthology of Scholarship and Criticism (Woodbridge, 1999).

123 Chron. Guisborough, 294, 296, 300; Chron. Lanercost, 190; The Chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft, ed. T. Wright (Rolls Series, 1868), ii, 362; Chron. Rishanger, 170, 226; Flores Historiarum, ed. H. R. Luard (Rolls Series, 1890), iii, 123. Latro can be translated as robber, thief, bandit or brigand. Only Thomas Grey’s Scalacronica does not describe Wallace as a robber or brigand – but, being a lay member of a Northumbrian gentry family, Grey was perhaps more relaxed about this.

124 Fraser, ‘A Swan from a Raven’, 6–7. Princeps latronum, however, is not only ‘chief of brigands’ but also ‘prince of thieves’ – as in the 1991 Robin Hood film!

125 ‘A plea roll of Edward I’s army in Scotland, 1296’, ed. C. J. Neville, in Scottish History Society Miscellany, xi (Scot. Hist. Soc., 1990), no. 136; summarised in CDS, ii, p. 191.

126 For example, Wallace, William le, ‘a thief ’, is indexed separately from Sir William (the hero) in CDS, ii, p. 707. Barrow, Bruce, ignores the story; Fisher, Wallace, 10, does not, but seems ambivalent about it.

127 R. Jouet, La Résistance à l’occupation anglaise en Basse-Normandie (1418–1450) (Caen, 1969); Nicholas Wright, Knights and Peasants: The Hundred Years War in the French Countryside (Woodbridge, 1998), ch. 4; Mark R. Evans, ‘Brigandage and resistance inLancastrian Normandy: a study of the remission evidence’, Reading Medieval Studies, xviii (1992). French historians see brigands as resistance fighters; English historians disagree.

128 Stevenson, Documents, ii, 28; Peter G. B. McNeill, ‘Edward I in Scotland’, in McNeill and MacQueen, Atlas of Scottish History, 87.

129 Real-life bandits mostly stole food, drink and clothing: Hanawalt, ‘Ballads and bandits’, 277.

130 Barbara A. Hanawalt, ‘Fur-collar crime: the pattern of crime among the fourteenth-century English nobility’, Journal of Social History, viii (1975). See also her Crime and Conflict in English Communities, 1300–1348 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979); and her ‘Ballads and bandits’.

131 John Bellamy, Crime and Public Order in England in the Later Middle Ages (London, 1973), esp. ch. 3 (quotation at p. 72).

132 E. L. G. Stones, ‘The Folvilles of Ashby-Folville, Leicestershire, and their associates in crime’, Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc., 5th ser., vii (1957); J. G. Bellamy, ‘The Coterel gang: an anatomy of a band of fourteenth-century criminals’, English Hist. Rev., lxxix (1964).

133 As is obvious from accounts of lawlessness in the Anglo-Scottish Borders: see e.g. Cynthia J. Neville, Violence, Custom and Law: The Anglo-Scottish Border Lands in the Later Middle Ages (Edinburgh, 1998).

134 Chron. Fordun, i, 310, 319–20.

135 Stevenson, Documents, i, 83–5, 155; APS, i, 448–9.

136 Brown, Black Douglases, 14–28.

137 Ibid., 35–40; also M. H. Brown, ‘The development of Scottish Border lordship, 1332–58’, Historical Research, lxx (1997).

138 Chron. Fordun, i, 328.

139 My understanding of Falkirk is largely based on John Keegan, The Face of Battle (2nd edn, London, 1991), esp. 71–3, 296–8, 308–11.

140 Chron. Guisborough, 327–8 (circular formation); Chron. Rishanger, 187 (fence); Barrow, Bruce, 101–3 (combination of the two accounts – ‘round each schiltrom wooden stakes had been driven into the ground and roped together’).

141 Chron. Lanercost, 190, certainly indicates that.

142 Barrow, Bruce, 84–5; Brown, Wars of Scotland, 183.

143 Chron. Guisborough, 299; Stevenson, Documents, ii, 202.

144 Barrow, Bruce, 83.

145 CDS, ii, no. 1689. The jury included Sir David Graham, who was no doubt biased against Wallace; but taken as a whole, it appears to represent a fair cross-section of Tayside landowners, and they all presumably agreed in sympathising with Meigle.

146 Keen, Chivalry, chs. 8–9.

147 That said, one piece of chivalrous behaviour on Wallace’s part should be noted. After Stirling Bridge, William de Ros was captured in Stirling Castle, and Wallace spared his life because he was the brother of Sir Robert de Ros of Wark, who had joined the Scots in 1296; however, Ros was not released but was imprisoned in irons in Dunbarton Castle until it surrendered to Edward I after Falkirk: CDS, iv, no. 1835. My thanks to Keith Stringer for reminding me of this.

148 Barrow, Bruce, 126–9, 136; Fisher, Wallace, 107–19.

149 Menteith was not alone. In 1296 Edward I appointed Englishmen to run Scotland, but in 1304–05 he used native Scots to run their own country. That is surely why, at least for a time, the conquest of 1304 looked much more permanent. See e.g. Watson,Hammer, chs. 2, 7.

150 Barrow, Bruce, 183, 186, 284, 286; Regesta Regum Scottorum, v, no. 239; RMS, i, App. II, no. 568; APS, i, 474.

151 Except in writing by Bower and Hary. In contrast, shrines were erected in Switzerland to William Tell, even although he was a mythical character.

152 As suggested by Cowan, Freedom, 75–6.

CHAPTER 7 (RIDDY)

1 The manuscript is Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland, MS 19.2.2 (ii), copied by John Ramsay.

2 Mair, History (Paris, 1521). Mair was born in 1469.

3 This is argued by McDiarmid in his edition, by R. James Goldstein, The Matter of Scotland: Historical Narrative in Medieval Scotland (Lincoln, NE, 1993), and by Sally Mapstone in her forthcoming study of Scottish kingship. Dr Mapstone generously allowed me to read the chapter on The Wallace in typescript.

4 John Cartwright (ed.), The Buik of King Alexander, Scottish Text Society, 5th series, 2 vols. (Aberdeen, 1985–89).

5 See my ‘Empire and Civil War: Contexts for Le Morte Darthur’, in A. S. G. Edwards and E. Archibald (eds.), A Companion to Malory (Woodbridge, 1996), 55–73.

6 Thomas Basin, Histoire de Charles VII, ed. and trans. Charles Samarin, 2 vols. (Paris, 1964), i, 106–13.

7 Hugh Miller, My Schools and Schoolmasters or The Story of My Education (Edinburgh, 1858), 41.

8 Ash, ‘Wallace and Bruce’, 84. For the Braveheart effect: the Hamilton of Gilbertfield version is again in print (William Hamilton, Blind Harry’s Wallace, ed. Elspeth King [Edinburgh, 1999]), and a new edition of Hary’s poem has been published in full (Anne McKim, ed., The Wallace [Edinburgh, 2003]), and in selected form (Anne McKim, ed., The Wallace: Selections [Kalamazoo, 2003]).

9 Letter from Burns to John Moore, August 1787, Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland, MS 15952: ‘the story of Wallace poured a Scottish prejudice in my veins which will boil along there till the flood-gates of life shut in eternal rest’. See http://www.nls.uk/burns/mainsite/burns/cowie.htm and http://www.gutenberg.net/etext06/8burn10.txt.

10 Norman MacCaig, ‘Celtic Cross’, in Collected Poems (London, 1991).

11 See my ‘Hardyng’s Chronicle and the Wars of the Roses’, Arthurian Literature XII (1993), pp. 91–108.

12 London, British Library, MS Harley 661, fol. 184.

13 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, rev. edn (London and New York, 1991).

CHAPTER 8 (KING)

1 Self-government for Scotland. R. B. Cunninghame Graham on Sir William Wallace. Wallace Day programme, Elderslie. August 1920.

2 The choice of date for the polling day was accidental, the main aim of the administration being to select a Thursday.

3 Scotland on Sunday (letters), 10 December 1998.

4 Courier. Letters column, 4 December 1998.

5 Scotland on Sunday (letters), 21 March 1999. See also Ted Cowan, ‘The Museum of Scotland’, History Today, 49 (2), 1999, 24–5.

6 The subject grew from the publication of three books – Donald Horne, The Great Museum: The Re-presentation of History (London/New South Wales, 1984), Patrick Wright, On Living in an Old Country. The National Past in Contemporary Britain (London, 1985) and Robert Hewison, The Heritage Industry: Britain in a Climate of Decline (London, 1987). These spawned the publication of a number of Scottish books and articles on the same theme.

7 See George Rosie, ‘Museumry and the Heritage Industry’, in The Manufacture of Scottish History, ed. Ian Donnachie and Christopher Whatley (Edinburgh, 1992) 157–67. The writer believes that museums are a decorative social frill: ‘A bit like a well heeled family decorating the living room by putting old snapshots of the family in to silver frames’.

8 Lecture by Professor Michael Lynch, Glasgow Royal Concert Hall, 20 May 2004.

9 Morton, Wallace, 188–96.

10 T. M. Devine, ‘Whither Scottish History’, SHR, lxxiii (1994), 1.

11 Tim Edensor, ‘National Identity and the Politics of Memory: Remembering Bruce and Wallace in symbolic space’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, xxix (1997), 182–3.

12 Stirling Natural History and Archaeology Society Transactions, 1923–24, 141.

13 Two Men in a Trench series, Optomen Television for Channel 4, 13 April 2004.

14 Stirling Observer, 26 June 1887.

15 Hary, Wallace, i, cvi.

16 For a full discussion, see Hamilton, Wallace, xi–xxix.

17 The Wallace, Blind Harry, ed. Anne McKim (Edinburgh, 2003).

18 For a full rehearsal of the perceived faults of Blind Hary, see Morton’s Wallace, 43–8.

19 Hary, Wallace, ii, 121.

20 D. E. R. Watt, Fasti Ecclesiae Scoticanae Medii Aevi ad Annum 1638 (St Andrews, 1969), 96.

21 Barrow, Bruce, 340–1, 348, 375.

22 Chron. Wyntoun, v, 212–14. See also Edward J. Cowan, ‘Identity, Freedom and the Declaration of Arbroath’, in Dauvit Broun, R. J. Finlay and Michael Lynch (eds.), Image and Identity – the making and re-making of Scotland through the ages (Edinburgh, 1998), 44, citing the reconstruction of this speech using material found in Spain.

23 James Primrose, Medieval Glasgow (Glasgow, 1913), 51.

24 Primrose, Medieval Glasgow, 55–6.

25 See Palace of History. Catalogue of Exhibits, Scottish Exhibition of National History, Art and Industry (Glasgow, 1911). The cast made by the architect, Peter McGregor Chalmers, for the 1911 Scottish Exhibition was worked on by a professional sculptor in 1989 to restore the face, hands, feet, supporting angels and the colouring, using an English model of the same date. It was part of the Early Glasgow display at the People’s Palace, 1989–95. See Elspeth King and Michael Donnelly, ‘Bricks without straw: putting a face on Early Glasgow’, in A Glasgow Collection. Essays in Honour of Joe Fisher (Glasgow, 1990), 74–83.

26 Elspeth King, ‘Collecting for Cultural Identity’, Museums Journal (1990), 25–8, and The People’s Palace and Glasgow Green (Edinburgh, 1985, 1995 reprint), 118.

27 Illustrated in a watercolour drawing of Provand’s Lordship by William ‘Crimea’ Simpson RI, FRGS (1823–99) in the collection of Glasgow Museums. The painting itself is a rare survivor, painted as a public house sign for the Wallace Tavern. Glasgow Museums inherited the work from the Provand’s Lordship Society in 1979, but it has remained in store.

28 Bust of Blind Hary, plaster 1996, Stirling Smith Art Gallery and Museum collections.

29 W. Kenny, The Annals of Aberdeen, 2 vols. (Aberdeen, 1818), I, 19.

30 T. W. Ogilvie, The Book of St. Fittich (Aberdeen, 1901), 61–2.

31 The Lübeck letter was borrowed for the 1911 Scottish Exhibition and various facsimiles were made. An oak-framed facsimile owned by Rob McMillan, secretary of the Gaelic League, was loaned to the Stirling Smith Museum 1998–2002.

32 Herald, 26 February 1999, p. 8.

33 J. M. Allan (and others), Stirling Girls. Towards a women’s history of Stirling (Stirling, 2003), 23.

34 James L. Hemstead, ‘The Wallace Sword’, in Burns Chronicle (2003), 15–18, offers a useful summary of sources and opinions on the Wallace sword.

35 J. Thomson, History of Dundee (Dundee, 1847), 26.

36 On display in Greenhill House, the Covenanters’ Museum, in Biggar. I am grateful to Brian Lambie of Biggar Museum Trust for access to all the information on Wallace and the material culture of Biggar that he has sought out and curated over the last fifty years.

37 Information sheet issued by Mohammed Al Fayed, present owner of Balnagowan Castle and the Wallace Chair.

38 William Hunter, Biggar and the House of Fleming (Biggar, 1861), 74–6.

39 Brian Hayward, Galoshins, The Scottish Folk Play (Edinburgh, 1992), 8. The play was performed by Biggar Primary schoolchildren as part of the Wallace conference at the Stirling Smith, 1997, through the auspices of Brian Lambie.

40 James Fergusson, William Wallace, Guardian of Scotland (Stirling, 1938 and 1948), vii.

41 Ronald G. Cant, ‘David Steuart Erskine, 11th Earl of Buchan: Founder of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland’, in A. S. Bell (ed.), The Scottish Antiquarian Tradition (Edinburgh, 1980), 1–20.

42 Hary, Wallace, i, 252, from line 775.

43 Hary, Wallace, ii, 245.

44 For a description of the 1661 scheme, see David McGibbon and Thomas Ross, The Castellated and Domestic Architecture of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1887–92; 1971 facsimile reprint), ii, 62–6.

45 James Paterson, Wallace and His Times (Edinburgh, 1858), Preface.

46 Photographic record of Niddrie Marischal House by Colin McWilliam for the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland (RCAHMS) Archives. February 1954 Ref ED/4458 frame 22.

47 Reg. no. 19,858, purchased 1996.

48 Elspeth King and Michael Donnelly, The People’s Palace History Paintings: A Short Guide (Glasgow Museums, 1990), 25.

49 George MacGregor (ed.), The Collected Writings of Dougal Graham (Glasgow, 1883), ii, 247.

50 Bonhams, The Scottish Sale. Made in Scotland, catalogue August 2004, 116. Burns’s copy of Blind Hary’s Wallace.

51 Colin D. I. G. Forrester, ‘Finding the site of the Wallace Oak in Torwood’, The Scottish American, v (1987); ‘The Wallace Oak, Torwood and Roy’s Military Survey’, Forth Valley Naturalist and Historian (1998), 63–70.

52 John G. Harrison, ‘The Torwood and the Wallace Oak: Some Early Records’, Forth Valley Naturalist and Historian (1999), 93–6.

53 Lindsay Corbett, ‘The Wallace Oak: Torwood. A supplement to Forrester’ [FNH 21], Forth Valley Naturalist and Historian (1999), 79–91.

54 Angus Smith, ‘Wallacebank Wood Wildlife Reserve 1986/99’, Forth Valley Naturalist and Historian (1999), 45–53.

55 Dundee’s Tree of Liberty planted in 1792 was lost to motorway development in the 1970s.

56 Palace of History, II, 691.

57 Palace of History, II, 690.

58 Printed in John D. Carrick, Life of Sir William Wallace (Edinburgh, 1830). Also illustrated in Elspeth King, Introducing William Wallace (Fort William, 1997), 21.

59 Jane D. Hogg, ‘The Burning of the Douglas Room, Stirling Castle 18 November 1855’, Transactions of the Stirling Field Club, xvi (1893–94), 77–8.

60 Janet Fyfe (ed.), Autobiography of John McAdam (1806–1883) (Edinburgh, 1980), 79–81, 173–6, 178.

61 David Trachtenberg and Thomas Keith, Mauchline Ware: A Collector’s Guide (Suffolk, 2002), 252.

62 Allan Donnelly, ‘Sir Walter Scott’s contribution to Mauchline Ware’, Mauchline Ware Collectors’ Club Journal No. 31 (1996).

63 William Hodges, ‘Census of books in Mauchline Ware Boards’, Mauchline Ware Collectors’ Club Journal No. 44 (2000).

64 Trachtenberg and Keith, Mauchline Ware, 226–73.

65 See example in Home and Antiques Magazine, June 2004, 142.

66 Birmingham Art Gallery and Museum Catalogue, Birmingham Gold and Silver, 1773–1993 (Birmingham, 1993).

67 See www.scran.ac.uk.

68 Evelyn Wright (ed.), A Scottish Country Doctor. Recalled by his son Thomas Wyld Pairman (East Linton, 2003), 47.

69 J. and M. Norgate and Felix Hudson, Dunfermline Clockmakers (Dunfermline, 1982), 36.

70 See www.scran.ac.uk.

71 Scott was also the childhood friend of Jane Porter (1776–1850). She published her novel on Wallace, The Scottish Chiefs, in 1810, some years before Waverley, and made the story of Wallace her own. The Scottish Chiefs was an all-time bestseller. Translated into French and Russian, it was also highly popular in the USA where, in 1844, authors, publishers and booksellers made her a special presentation.

72 James Hogg, Domestic Manners of Sir Walter Scott (Stirling, 1909), 111.

73 Rob Gibson, Andrew de Moray’s North Rising (Evanton, 1997).

74 Catalogue, Brave Art. An exhibition of contemporary art celebrating the 699th Anniversary of the Battle of Stirling Bridge (Stirling, 1996).

75 Elspeth King, ‘Scotland’s Liberator: The life and legacy of William Wallace 1297–1997’, Forth Valley Naturalist and Historian, Vol. xx, 93–9.

76 Official Souvenir Programme, Sir William Wallace National Commemoration Day, Elderslie, Saturday 22 August 1936.

CHAPTER 9 (KIDD)

1 Morton, Unionist Nationalism; Morton, Wallace; R. Finlay, ‘Myths, Heroes and Anniversaries in Modern Scotland’, Scottish Affairs, xviii (1997), 108–26; C. Kidd, ‘Sentiment, Race and Revival: Scottish Identities in the Aftermath of Enlightenment’, in L. Brockliss and D. Eastwood (eds.), A Union of Multiple Identities: The British Isles, c. 1750–c. 1850 (Manchester, 1997), 118–21.

2 For the ideological context surrounding the campaign, see N. Phillipson, The Scottish Whigs and the Reform of the Court of Session 1785–1830, Stair Society (Edinburgh, 1990).

3 The Shade of Wallace: A Poem (Glasgow, 1807), 9.

4 C. Kidd, Subverting Scotland’s Past: Scottish Whig Historians and the Creation of an Anglo- British Identity, 1689–c. 1830 (Cambridge, 1993), 164.

5 K. Robbins, Nineteenth-Century Britain: Integration and Diversity (1988: Oxford, 1995), 11.

6 M. Pittock, ‘Scott and the British Tourist’, in G. Carruthers and A. Rawes (eds.), English Romanticism and the Celtic World (Cambridge, 2003), 163.

7 K. Trumpener, Bardic Nationalism: The Romantic Novel and the British Empire (Princeton, 1997); G. Carruthers and A. Rawes, ‘Introduction: romancing the Celt’, in G. Carruthers and A. Rawes (eds.), English Romanticism and the Celtic World (Cambridge, 2003). See also L. Davis, Acts of Union: Scotland and the Literary Negotiation of the British Nation, 1707–1830 (Palo Alto, 1998).

8 I. Ferris, The Romantic National Tale and the Question of Ireland (Cambridge, 2002).

9 There is a new edition: Christian Isabel Johnstone, Clan-Albin: A National Tale, ed. Andrew Monnickendam (Glasgow, 2003).

10 Walter Scott, ‘General Preface to Waverley Novels’, in D. Hewitt (ed.), Scott on Himself: A Selection of the Autobiographical Writings of Sir Walter Scott (Edinburgh, 1981), 249.

11 Kidd, Subverting Scotland’s Past; J. Brims, ‘The Scottish Jacobins, Scottish Nationalism and the British Union’, in R. A. Mason (ed.), Scotland and England, 1286–1815 (Edinburgh, 1987).

12 See for example, D. Forbes, Hume’s Philosophical Politics (Cambridge, 1975).

13 J. Sutherland, The Life of Walter Scott (Oxford, 1995), 230.

14 J. W. Burrow, A Liberal Descent: Victorian Historians and the English Past (Cambridge, 1981), 172 fn.

15 R. Mitchell, Picturing the Past: English History in Text and Image, 1830–1870 (Oxford, 2000), 87.

16 Cf. Sutherland, Scott, p. 123, which notes that Scott’s novels were for southern export, with 700 of the first 1,000 copies of Waverley going to England. J. O. Hayden, ‘Introduction’, in Hayden (ed.), Scott: The Critical Heritage (London, 1970), 3, relates the contemporary reckoning that this first impression sold out in five weeks. Six editions appeared by the end of the year. Thereafter, sales accelerated, with Old Mortality selling 4,000 copies in the first six weeks and Rob Roy 10,000 in the first fortnight.

17 [Sarah Green], Scotch Novel Reading; or, Modern Quackery. A Novel Really Founded on Facts (3 vols., London, 1824), I, 4–5, 9, 11, 13–15, 43; III, 238, 244.

18 Robert Southey, Complete Poetical Works (London, 1845), 128.

19 John Stoddart, Remarks on Local Scenery and Manners in Scotland during the years 1799 and 1800 (2 vols., London, 1801), I, 164–5.

20 M. Reed (ed.), The Thirteen-Book Prelude by William Wordsworth (2 vols., Ithaca and London, 1991), I, 112. See King, ‘The Material Culture’, ch. 8 above.

21 Margaret Holford, Wallace; or the Fight of Falkirk: A Metrical Romance (1809: 2nd edn, London, 1810), ‘Dedication’, p. vi.

22 A. Hook, ‘Jane Porter, Sir Walter Scott, and the Historical Novel’, Clio, v (1976), 181–92, at 185.

23 Jane Porter, The Scottish Chiefs (London, 1810), ‘Preface’.

24 Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine (December 1818), 336.

25 Felicia Hemans, Poems (Edinburgh and London, 1849), 63 fn; Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine (September 1819), 686; Edinburgh Monthly Review, ii (November 1819), 575.

26 ‘Advertisement by the Author’, Hemans, Poems, 63 fn.

27 W. D. Brewer, ‘Felicia Hemans, Byronic cosmopolitanism and the ancient Welsh bards’, in Carruthers and Rawes (eds.), English Romanticism and the Celtic World.

28 Hemans, Poems, 476–7.

29 Felicia Hemans to Matthew Nicholson, 17 July 1811, in Felicia Hemans: Selected Poems, Letters, Reception Materials, ed. S. J. Wolfson (Princeton and Oxford, 2000), 476.

30 Reproduced in Hemans, Poems, 63 fn; James Hogg, ‘Wallace’, in Hogg, The Poetical Works of the Ettrick Shepherd (5 vols., Glasgow and London, 1855?), IV, 280–91.

31 Reproduced in Hemans, Poems, 63 fn.

32 Edinburgh Monthly Review, ii (November 1819), 575.

33 Scots Magazine, lxxxiv (November 1819), 448–9.

34 James Ballantine (ed.), The Hundredth Birthday of Robert Burns (Edinburgh and London, 1859), 445.

35 Cf. remarks at the Exeter celebrations of the centenary in Ballantine (ed.), Hundredth Birthday of Burns, 451.

36 Joanna Baillie, Poetical Works (London, 1851), 708.

37 William Burns, Scotland and her Calumniators (Glasgow, 1858), 18.

38 Quoted in R. J. Morris and G. Morton, ‘The remaking of Scotland: a nation within a nation, 1850–1920’, in M. Lynch (ed.), Scotland 1850–1979: Society, Politics and the Union (Historical Association Committee for Scotland and the Historical Association, 1993), 16–17.

39 Quoted in R. G. Hall, ‘Creating a People’s History: Political Identity and History in Chartism, 1832–1848’, in O. Ashton, R. Fyson and S. Roberts (eds.), The Chartist Legacy (Rendlesham, 1999), 241–2.

40 For the origins of the Norman Yoke thesis, see C. Hill, ‘The Norman Yoke’, in Hill, Puritanism and Revolution (1958: Harmondsworth, 1986), 58–125.

41 C. Kidd, ‘Race and the Scottish Nation, 1750–1900’ (lecture delivered at the Royal Society of Edinburgh, January 2003).

42 S. Barczewski, Myth and National Identity in Nineteenth-Century Britain: the Legends of King Arthur and Robin Hood (Oxford, 2000).

43 Richard Lodge, The Study of History in a Scottish University (Glasgow, 1894), 11, 14–15.

44 G. A. Henty, In Freedom’s Cause: A Story of Wallace and Bruce (London, 1885), esp. 21, 36, 224.

45 John Richard Green, A Short History of the English People (London, 1882 edn), 185.

46 George Macaulay Trevelyan, History of England (London, 1926), 218. For Trevelyan’s career, see D. Cannadine, G. M. Trevelyan: A Life in History (London, 1992).

47 I should like to thank Dorothy McMillan and Andrew Hook for comments on a draft of this essay.

CHAPTER 10 (COLEMAN)

1 My thanks must go to Colin Kidd and Alex Tyrrell for their support in the writing of this piece.

2 The analysis in this chapter is inspired by, and is intended to elaborate upon, the analysis of the Wallace cult articulated by Graeme Morton, specifically in Graeme Morton, ‘The Most Efficacious Patriot: the Heritage of William Wallace in Nineteenth-Century Scotland’, SHR, lxxvii (1998); A. Morton, Unionist-Nationalism.

3 For a historical geographer’s view of the changing meanings of Wallace, Bruce and their monuments, see T. Edensor, ‘National Identity and the Politics of Memory: Remembering Bruce and Wallace in Symbolic Space’, Environment and Planning D, 1997, Vol. 29.

4 T. Nairn, The Break Up of Britain (London, 1977); see also T. Nairn, ‘Scotland and Europe’, New Left Review, 83, Jan-Feb 1974, 57–82.

5 M. Ash, The Strange Death of Scottish History (Edinburgh, 1980).

6 Morton, Unionist-Nationalism.

7 Morton’s thesis has recently been applied to the development of Scottish art in the nineteenth century in J. Morrison, Painting the Nation: Identity and Nationalism in Scottish Painting, 1800–1920 (Edinburgh, 2003).

8 E. Hobsbawm, ‘Mass Producing Nations: Europe, 1870–1914’, in E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger (eds.), The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1983).

9 P. Nora, Introduction, in P. Nora (ed.), Realms of Memory (New York, 1998), I, 15.

10 Rogers, Wallace.

11 For an enlightening autobiographical sketch of Charles Rogers, see J. M. Allan, ‘Who Was Charles Rogers?’, Forth Valley Naturalist and Historian, xiii (1990).

12 Hobsbawm, ‘Mass Producing Nations’, 270, 274.

13 E. Renan, ‘What Is a Nation?’, reprinted in H. K. Babha (ed.), Nation and Narration (London, 1990), 20.

14 B. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1991).

15 G. L. Mosse, The Nationalisation of the Masses: Political Symbolism and Mass Movements in Germany from the Napoleonic Wars Through the Third Reich (New York, 1975), 58–61; Hobsbawm, ‘Mass Producing Nations’; R. Gildea, ‘The Past in French History’ (New Haven, 1994); K. Pomian, ‘Franks and Gauls’, in Nora, Realms of Memory, III.

16 For a compendium of the uses and abuses of the Wallace image, see Morton, Wallace, chs. 5, 6, 7.

17 Ash, ‘Wallace and Bruce’, 83–5; R. Finlay, ‘Heroes, Myths and Anniversaries in Modern Scotland’, Scottish Affairs, no. 18, Winter 1997, 114–18. Ash’s reading of the Wallace cult is a good example of the reductionist view of cultural nationalism as a legitimate expression of national consciousness.

18 ‘Inauguration of a Flagstaff at the Field of Bannockburn’, North British Daily Mail, 27 June 1870.

19 ‘Wallace Celebration, The Banquet in the Public Hall, Address by Lord Rosebery’, Glasgow Herald, 14 September 1897.

20 The Wallace Monument, Barnweill, Ayrshire (Glasgow, 1859), 8.

21 Rogers, Wallace, 282. For an outline of Dodds’ views on the constitutional nature of Scottish history, albeit one with a radically different historical focus, see J. Dodds, The Fifty Years’ Struggle of the Scottish Covenanters, 1638–88 (Edinburgh, 1860), particularly ch. 1.

22 J. Fyfe (ed.), Autobiography of John McAdam: 1806–1883 (Edinburgh, 1980), 79.

23 C. Rogers, The National Wallace Monument: the Site and the Design (Edinburgh, 1860), 14.

24 ‘Laying of the Foundation-Stone of The Wallace Monument’, and editorial piece, Glasgow Herald, 25 June 1861.

25 The Times, 4 December 1856, quoted in Hanham, Scottish Nationalism, 80.

26 Archibald Alison, Some Account of My Life and Writings: An Autobiography, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1883), II, 317.

27 Alison, Autobiography, II, 317.

28 Rogers, Wallace, 271.

29 Rogers, Wallace, 265–6.

30 ‘Wallace Celebration, The Banquet in the Public Hall, Address by Lord Rosebery’, Glasgow Herald, 14 September 1897.

31 T. Carlyle, Past and Present (London, 1843), ch. 2.

32 ‘The Wallace Sword: Transference from Dumbarton to Stirling’, Glasgow Herald, 17 November 1888.

33 Morton, Unionist-Nationalism, 176–84.

34 ‘Wallace and his Monument’, Tait’s Edinburgh Magazine, Vol. 23, August 1856, 459; C. Rogers, Social Life in Scotland from Early to Recent Times (Edinburgh, 1884), I, 138.

35 Hanham, Scottish Nationalism, 171–7; see also Morton, Unionist-Nationalism, ch. 6.

36 Alison, Autobiography, II, 315–17.

37 Hanham, Scottish Nationalism, 81–3.

38 An editorial piece in the Edinburgh Evening Courant criticised the Wallace Monument foundation-stone ceremony as being anti-English and backward-looking in sentiment and makes reference to the Scottish Rights movement in so doing (reprinted by theGlasgow Herald, 27 June 1861).

39 C. Rogers, The Serpent’s Track: A Narrative of Twenty-Two Years Persecution (London, 1880), 5.

40 Morton, Unionist Nationalism, ch. 4: Morton, ‘Efficacious Patriot’, 244.

41 Alison, Autobiography, II, 30–1.

42 Rogers, Serpent’s Track, 6, original emphasis.

43 Rogers, Autobiography, 133.

44 Rogers, Serpent’s Track, 6; Rogers, Autobiography, 132–5. Alison also describes the meeting in his Autobiography, II, 316–17.

45 A. T. Story, The Life and Work of Sir Joseph Noel Paton, RSA, LLD, Her Majesty’s Limner for Scotland (London, 1895), 15; M. H. Noel-Paton and J. P. Campbell, Noel Paton: 1821–1901 (Edinburgh, 1990), 32; Rogers, Autobiography, 150.

46 Quoted in Rogers, Autobiography, 151.

47 Rogers, Autobiography, 150, 152.

48 Quoted in Rogers, Wallace, 273.

49 Rogers, Wallace, 277–8; ‘Unveiling of the Wallace Statue’, Stirling Journal, 1 July 1887.

50 F. Walker, ‘National Romanticism and the Architecture of the City’, in G. Gordon (ed.), Perspectives of the Scottish City (Aberdeen, 1985), 137; Story, Sir Joseph Noel Paton, 15; Scotsman, 28 June 1870.

51 R. MacInnes, ‘“Rubblemania”: Ethic and Aesthetic in Scottish Architecture’, Journal of Design History, ix (1996), 137, 140–1; Walker, ‘National Romanticism’, 135–7.

52 For Rogers’ perspective on these events, countering those reported in the contemporary press, see Rogers, Autobiography, ch. 6.

53 Morton, Wallace, 79. The phrase is Morton’s.

54 Fyfe (ed.), Autobiography of John McAdam, 80, 174–6.

55 Between 1856 and 1861, while Rogers was coordinating the raising of subscriptions, £6,766 was raised; under the stewardship of William Burns and the McAdams, between 1861 and 1869, the sum was £6,123. ‘The Wallace Monument at Stirling’, Glasgow Herald, 13 September 1869. See also, Rogers, Autobiography, chs. 5–6.

56 Glasgow Herald, 13 September 1869.

57 It was originally intended that the portrait be presented to the Rev. Dr Rogers’ wife but, as she was unwell, Rogers saw fit to be present in order to receive the honour in person.

58 Fyfe (ed.), Autobiography of John McAdam, 81.

59 ‘Unveiling of Burns Bust at Stirling’, Glasgow Herald, 6 September 1886.

60 Hanham, Scottish Nationalism, 83.

61 ‘Wallace Monument at Stirling: Unveiling of the Statue of Wallace’, Glasgow Herald, 25 June 1887.

62 ‘Unveiling of the Wallace Statue’, Stirling Journal, 1 July 1887.

63 ‘Wallace Celebration: Anniversary of the Battle of Stirling Bridge’, Glasgow Herald, 14 September 1897.

64 The Times, 14 September 1897.

65 Quoted in ‘Press Opinions on Rosebery’s Speech’, Evening Citizen, 14 September 1897.

66 ‘Scottish Home Rulers and Wallace’, North British Daily Mail, 13 September 1897.

CHAPTER 11 (CALDWELL)

1 Hary, Wallace, I, 156, 140, 214.

2 Wallace Monument Reports, 2 vols., National Museums of Scotland, particularly Vol. 2.

3 Charles Rogers, The Book of Wallace (Grampian Club, 1889), Vol. 2, 299–301.

4 Acts of the Lords of Council in Public Affairs, 1501–1554, ed. R. K. Hannay (Edinburgh, 1932), 5.

5 John Irving, History of Dumbartonshire Castle, County and Burgh (Dumbarton, 1917–24), 104.

6 Iain MacIvor, Dumbarton Castle (official guide) (Edinburgh, 1958), 7.

7 Dorothy Wordsworth, Recollections of a Tour Made in Scotland, ed. Carol Kyros Walker (Yale, 1997), 79.

8 Treasurer’s Accounts, iii, 175.

9 David H. Caldwell, ‘Royal Patronage of Arms and Armour Making in Fifteenth and Sixteenth-Century Scotland’, in Scottish Weapons & Fortifications, 1100–1800, ed. David H. Caldwell (Edinburgh, 1981), 82–3.

10 Exchequer Rolls, x, 182.

11 Samuel Rush Meyrick, A Critical Inquiry into Antient Armour (London, n.d. [1824]), Vol. 2, 177. There is an illustration of the hilt of the Chester sword in the British Museum Guide to Mediaeval Antiquities (1924), 230, fig. 148.

12 C. N. McIntyre North, Book of the Club of True Highlanders (London, 1880), II, pl. XLI.

13 John Wallace, Scottish Swords and Dirks (London, 1970), 11–12.

14 Charles E. Whitelaw, Scottish Arms Makers (London, 1977), 170.

15 I am grateful to Carol Archibald, General Manager of Stirling District Tourism Limited, and Eleanor Muir, Manager at the Wallace Monument, for allowing me the opportunity to study the Wallace Sword.

CHAPTER 12 (FINLAY)

1 Colin MacArthur, Brigadoon, Braveheart and the Scots: Distortions of Scotland in Hollywood Cinema (London, 2003).

2 See for example the correspondence in the Herald, 10–19 February 1997.

3 For a discussion of some of these issues, see Ted Cowan, ‘The Wallace Factor in Scottish History’, in R. Jackson and S. Wood (eds.), Images of Scotland (Dundee, 1997).

4 For a brief discussion of the role of heroes and myths in history, see Oliver Zimmer, Nationalism in Europe, 1890–1940 (Basingstoke, 2003), 27–50.

5 See J. F. McMillan, Twentieth Century France: Politics and Society, 1898–1991 (London, 1992), 92.

6 Morton, Wallace, 108–11.

7 Ibid., 88.

8 Some of the key nineteenth-century texts are: J. D. Carrick, The Life of Sir William Wallace (London, 1894); D. Macrae, The Story of William Wallace: Scotland’s National Hero (Glasgow, 1905); A. F. Murison, Sir William Wallace: Famous Scots Series(Edinburgh, 1898).

9 John MacIntosh, Scotland from the Earliest Times to the Present Century (Stories of the Nations Series) (London, 1890), 52.

10 Thomas Carlyle, Past and Present, Vol. I (London, 1843 edn), ch. ii.

11 Sir Herbert Maxwell, The Making of Scotland: lectures on the War of Independence delivered at the University of Glasgow (Glasgow, 1911).

12 Sir Henry Craik, A Century of Scottish History (Edinburgh, 1901); J. Colville, By-ways of Scottish History (Edinburgh, 1897).

13 Colin Kidd, ‘The Strange Death of Scottish History Revisited: Constructions of the Past in Scotland c. 1790–1914’, SHR, lxxvi (1997).

14 The Duke of Atholl et al, A Scotsman’s Heritage (London, n.d.), 8.

15 John Buchan, Memory Hold the Door (London, 1940), 198.

16 See R. J. Finlay, ‘National Identity in Crisis?: Politicians, Intellectuals and the ‘End of Scotland’, 1920–1939’, History, 97, 256 (1994), 240–59.

17 A good example of Unionist negativity is the statement by Bob Boothby, MP for Aberdeenshire: ‘prior to 1707, the Scots were a miserable pack of savages, living in incredible poverty, and playing no part in the development of civilisation’. The Nation, 9 March 1929.

18 National Library of Scotland, Scottish National Party (Miscellaneous Collections), Acc.7295.

19 See I. G. C. Hutchison, Scottish Politics in the Twentieth Century (Basingstoke, 2001), 72–9.

20 See J. Mitchell, Strategies for Self-Government: The Campaign for a Scottish Parliament (Edinburgh, 1996), 257–8.

21 A good example of this line of thinking is to be found in Esmond Wright, ‘In Defence of the United Kingdom’, in Neil MacCormick (ed.), The Scottish Debate (Oxford, 1970), 103–21.

22 Scotsman, 27 November 1993.

23 Liberty, March 1920, 28.

24 Thomas Johnston, A History of the Scottish Working Class (Glasgow, n.d.), 23.

25 James D. Young, The Rousing of the Scottish Working Class (London, 1979), 177.

26 House of Commons Parliamentary Debates, 5th series, Vol. 307, col. 127.

27 R. J. Finlay, Independent and Free: Scottish Politics and the Origins of the Scottish National Party, 1918–1945 (Edinburgh, 1994), 1–24.

28 Scottish Home Rule, September 1925.

29 See R. J. Finlay, A Partnership for Good: Scottish Politics and the Union Since 1880 (Edinburgh, 1997), 95–102, and D. Howell, A Lost Left: Three Studies in Socialism and Nationalism (Manchester, 1986), 229–65.

30 For example, see the transcript of a radio broadcast by James Maxton, Bridgeton MP for Glasgow, National Library of Scotland, A. A. MacEwen Collection, Acc. 6113.

31 Scots Independent, February 1929, 39.

32 Scots Independent, June 1930, 6.

33 Ibid., September 1931, 163.

34 Scottish Home Rule, August 1923; Scots Independent, August 1931, 152.

35 Ibid.

36 Ibid., September 1931, 171.

37 Liberty, June 1920, 59.

38 Scots Independent, August 1931, 151.

39 Quoted in Scots Independent, December 1929, 19.

40 Ibid., August 1931, 151.

41 Ibid., March 1934, 74.

42 Ibid., August 1931, 153.

43 See Finlay, Independent and Free, 126–62.

44 Quoted in J. D. Young, ‘Marxism and the Scottish National Question’, Journal of Contemporary History, 1983.

45 Scottish Scene, 1935.

46 Scottish Journey (London, 1983 edn), 180.

47 Edwin Muir, Scott and Scotland: The predicament of the Scottish Writer. Introduction by Allan Massie (Edinburgh, 1982), 32, 45. On Gibbon and the Picts, see Colin Kidd, ‘The Ideological Uses of the Picts, 1707–c. 1990’, in E .J. Cowan and R. J. Finlay (eds.),Scottish History: The Power of the Past (Edinburgh, 2002), 181–2.

48 Finlay, Independent and Free, 225–43.

49 See for example the weight attached to Fletcher in Morrison Davidson, Leaves from the Books of Scots: The Story of William Wallace, Robert the Bruce, Fletcher of Saltoun and other Patriots (Scottish Secretariat, n.d.).

50 Hanham, Scottish Nationalism, 214.

51 See R. J. Finlay, ‘Scotland and the Monarchy in the Twentieth Century’, in W. L. Miller, Anglo-Scottish Relations, 1900–2000: Proceedings of the British Academy (Oxford, 2005).

52 A good example of the growth in republican-type ideals can be seen in the opening of the Scottish Parliament in 2004. Apart from the fact that there was a republican counter-celebration on Calton Hill that attracted a large number of the literati, much of the ceremony alluded to republican themes, such as the opening fanfare for the common man, the sentiments of Edwin Morgan’s poem and the singing of Burns’s Auld Lang Syne.