Introduction: Why is Africa so poor?
1. World Bank, Can Africa Claim the 21st Century? Washington, 2000, pp. 6–17.
2. Jeffrey Sachs, “Helping the World’s Poorest,” Economist, 14 August 1999.
3. C. Meillassoux, (ed.), The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa, London, 1971, cited in John Reader, Africa: A Biography of the Continent, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1998, p.291.
4. World Bank, 2000, p.14.
5. For an account of the more gruesome aspects of Japanese colonial rule, see George L. Hicks’s The Comfort Women: Japan’s Brutal Regime of Enforced Prostitution in the Second World War, W.W. Norton, New York, 1995.
6. Address to UN university, Tokyo, 1998, reprinted in Thabo Mbeki, Africa: The Time Has Come, Tafelberg/Mafube, Cape Town, and Johannesburg, 1998, p.248.
7. Chinua Achebe, The Trouble with Nigeria, Heinemann, Oxford, 1984, p.1.
8. George Ayittey, Africa Betrayed, St. Martin’s Press, New York, 1992, pp. 168–9.
9. Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West and Fails Everywhere Else, Basic Books, New York, 2000, pp. 35–7.
10. UNAIDS, AIDS Epidemic Update, December 2002, www.unaids.org.
11. “Stop denying the killer bug,” Economist, 21 February 2002.
12. Everyone agrees that Uganda has done well in curbing AIDS, but Justin Parkhurst of the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine argued, in an article in the Lancet in July 2002, that the miracle was exaggerated. HIV prevalence was never quite as high as 30 percent, he said; the data were taken chiefly from testing women in urban antenatal clinics, which was not a fair sample of a population that is half male and 87 percent rural.
13. Achebe, 1984, p.19.
14. John Murphy, “Making a Splash in South Africa,” Baltimore Sun, 13 November 2000.
15. In 1993, when I was living in Seoul, a gallery there displayed a piece of installation art called Have you ever seen the president? It consisted of dozens of little black loudspeakers, arranged against a blank white wall in the shape of the South Korean president’s silhouette. Through the speakers were played grunts, moans, and expletives; the soundtrack of a porn film. If the artist, Hong Sung Min, was expecting to get a rise out of the president, Kim Young Sam, he was disappointed. The president ignored him. Artists are a little less bold in North Korea. In 1995, I visited a gallery in Pyongyang. In the entrance hall was a masterpiece of socialist realism, Kangson Twilight, a painting of a steelworks against a fiery sunset. Someone had clearly decided that, although this was ideologically correct, there was something missing. So they ordered the artist to add a large image of Kim Jong Il, North Korea’s “Dear Leader,” in the foreground.
16. Santi Chakrabati, Botswana finance ministry, author interview, March 1999.
Chapter 1. The vampire state
1. Some Africans disagree. George Ayittey (who coined the phrase “vampire state” to describe the typical post-colonial African government) points out that Africans have traded enthusiastically with each other for centuries and that the continent’s marketplaces prospered better before modern African governments tried to regulate them. See George Ayittey, Africa Betrayed, St. Martin’s Press, New York, 1992.
2. Some bakers tried to dodge this rule by, for example, putting raisins in their dough and calling the result “raisin bread,” which was not price-controlled. So the government kept lengthening the list of price-controlled goods.
3. The government denied that it had fixed the prices either of gasoline or of the Zimbabwe dollar. (Interview with Simba Makoni, the Zimbabwean finance minister, 6 March 2001.) The official line was that banks voluntarily agreed to deal in currency only at or around the rate recommended by the central bank. But the banks knew full well that if they failed to toe the line “voluntarily,” the government would formally oblige them to. So they all but stopped dealing in foreign currency. If important customers came to them asking for American dollars, they would put them in touch with other customers who were exporting and leave the two parties to work out a deal in private. Fuel prices, meanwhile, almost made sense if you believed that the official exchange rate reflected reality, which it didn’t. Supplies were further constrained by the fact that NOCZIM, a state-owned firm, had a monopoly over the import of gasoline into Zimbabwe. Being state-owned, it set prices as the government dictated, even if that meant that it could not pay for further imports.
4. IMF estimate, 2001.
5. Mugabe’s government had not, at the time of writing, got round to seizing mines and factories. But the regime did pull off some more stealthy heists. Pension funds, for example, were forced to invest a large part of their portfolios in ten-year government bonds that paid only 15 percent annually. At a time when inflation was over 200 percent, this was simple theft. Forcing pension funds to buy worthless paper is not quite the same as hitting grandma over the head and stealing her handbag – it leaves fewer bruises – but it had the effect of robbing many more present and future pensioners than any gang of muggers could, no matter how well organized. And each pensioner was robbed of much more than she usually carries in her purse.
6. In 1999, an independent MP, Margaret Dongo, managed to obtain a list of those who had received land under the land reform program. In the late 1990s, most land was given to rich, well-connected people, including cabinet ministers. See Land, Housing and Property Rights in Zimbabwe, Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, Geneva, 2001, p.16, www.cohre.org. An idea of what happened after the stolen election in 2002 can be gleaned from a secret audit, commissioned by the government itself and leaked in 2003, which described a thuggish free-for-all as Mugabe’s closest allies assembled vast country estates for themselves on land seized from white farmers. Black peasants who took the government’s promises of free land at face value were sometimes violently evicted to make way for generals and ministers. See Africa Confidential, 21 February 2003.
7. A figure often incorrectly given as 70 percent, or misleadingly given as “70 percent of the most productive farmland.” Commercially farmed land in Zimbabwe is productive largely because it is commercially farmed.
8. In 2000, there were about 70,000 whites in Zimbabwe and 75,000 elephants.
9. “The mess one man makes,” Economist, 22 April 2000.
10. Ayittey, 1992, p.65.
11. George Ayittey, Africa in Chaos, St. Martin’s Griffin, New York, 1999, p.52.
12. The best-written, though tongue-in-cheek, account of why Tanzania is so poor can be found in Eat the Rich, P. J. O’Rourke, Atlantic Monthly Press, 1998.
13. World Bank, Can Africa Claim the 21st Century? 2000, p.53.
14. Ayittey, 1999, p.114.
15. Ayittey, 1999, p.246.
16. Cited in International Crisis Group, Zimbabwe: The Politics of National Liberation and International Division, Harare/Brussels, 17 October 2002, p.4, www.crisisweb.org.
17. Ibid., p.4.
Chapter 2. Digging diamonds, digging graves
1. This chapter draws on the work of a former World Bank economist, Paul Collier, who was the lead author of, among other studies, Breaking the Conflict Trap; Civil War and Development Policy, World Bank, Washington, 2003. A conversation I had with Collier in May 2003 was also very helpful.
2. World Bank, Can Africa Claim the 21st Century? Washington, 2000, p.55.
3. World Bank, 2003, pp. 53–91.
4. World Bank, 2000, p.57.
5. One study found that a country whose exports of primary products (i.e., unprocessed ones, such as minerals, oil, and coffee) accounted for as much as 28 percent of GDP was more than four times as likely to be at war than a country with no primary exports. Paul Collier, Justice-Seeking and Loot-Seeking in Civil War, World Bank, Washington, 1999. Unpublished manuscript, cited in Jakkie Cilliers and Christian Dietrich (eds.), Angola’s War Economy: The Role of Oil and Diamonds, Institute for Security Studies, Johannesburg, 2000, p. 41n.
6. This marvelous phrase was coined by Declan Walsh, an intrepid Irish scribbler. Declan Walsh, “Expensive but Never Boring Hotel Is Centre Stage for Kinshasa’s Unfolding Story,” Sunday Independent (South Africa), 11 February 2001.
7. Zapiro (Jonathan Shapiro), editorial cartoon, 4 May 2000. Reprinted in David Philip, The Devil Made Me Do It, Johannesburg, 2000, p.91.
8. The Report of the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources, UN Security Council, April 2001. Cited in Financial Times, 18 April 2001.
9. Final Report of the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, UN Security Council, 16 October 2002.
10. Human Rights Watch, War Crimes in Kisangani, Washington, August 2002, p.4, www.hrw.org. Some observers put the figure even higher. In April 2003, the International Rescue Committee (www.theric.org.) estimated that the death toll was between 3 and 4.7 million. Even the lower of these numbers would make Congo’s war the most lethal since the Second World War. The true scale of the calamity will probably never be known. As one UN worker put it: “Congo is so green, you don’t even see the graves,” “Africa’s Great War,” Economist, 4 July 2002.
11. In January 2003, at least twenty-six alleged conspirators, including Colonel Eddy Kapend, a former aide to Kabila, were convicted of plotting the assassination and sentenced to death. The trial was grotesquely unfair, however, so the mystery is far from solved.
12. Fred Bridgland, Jonas Savimbi: A Key to Africa, Mainstream Publishing, London, 1986, p.30.
13. Angola Country Report, Economist Intelligence Unit, third quarter, 1998, p. 16f.
14. Ibid., p.14.
15. George Ayittey, Africa in Chaos, St. Martin’s Griffin, New York, 1998, pp. 313–14.
Chapter 3. No title
1. For a longer account of this process, see Jared Diamond’s Guns, Germs, and Steel, W.W. Norton & Co., New York, 1997.
2. Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West and Fails Everywhere Else, Basic Books, New York, 2000, pp. 35–7.
3. Government of Malawi, Report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry on Land Policy Reform, March 1999, pp. 54 and 116.
4. de Soto, 2000, pp. 18–20.
5. Personal communication, March 2003.
Chapter 4. Sex and death
1. The AIDS statistics in this chapter are largely taken from Epidemic Update reports issued by UNAIDS, www.unaids.org.
2. The best account of this under-reported horror is Jasper Becker’s book Hungry Ghosts: China’s Secret Famine, John Murray, London, 1996.
3. Steven Swindells, “Mogae warns Botswana faces extinction from AIDS,” Reuters, 14 March 2001.
4. Some of these quotes appeared in “Stories of the People,” an article by Emma Guest in African Decisions, July–September 2000. My wife and I visited Beitbridge together.
5. UNICEF, Orphans and HIV/AIDS in Zambia, Lusaka, 1998, p.2.
6. Ibid., p.17.
7. AIDS has also led to a dramatic increase in the number of homeless children: perhaps 90,000 live on Zambia’s streets or in the bush, scratching a living by recycling broken bottles or through petty theft (UNICEF, 1998, p.2). Too poor to afford glue to dull the evening chill, they sniff “jenkem” – fermented sewage. A British aid worker in Lusaka, the Zambian capital, predicts appalling social consequences: “We will have a generation of illiterate kids whose only formative experience has been one of sickness, death and marginalisation. We’re not talking about individual children. We’re talking about a group mentality, and their own nurturing ability in the future as parents, if they’re not seeing positive role models and being parented.” (Quoted in Emma Guest, Children of AIDS: Africa’s Orphan Crisis, Pluto Press, London, 2001, p.158.)
8. Console Tleane, “Racist Ideology Lurks Behind AIDS Research,” City Press (South Africa), 28 July 2002.
9. Human Rights Watch, Scared at School: Sexual Violence Against Girls in South African Schools, New York, 2001, www.hrw.org.
10. UNAIDS, Report on the Global HIV/AIDS Epidemic 2002, pp. 25–6.
11. Robert Thomson, “A Rebel with a Capitalist Cause,” Times (London), 2 January 2003.
12. World Bank, African Development Indicators 2001, Washington, 2001, p.320.
13. As mentioned above in a note to the introduction, although everyone agrees that Uganda has done well in curbing AIDS, some think the miracle was exaggerated. Justin Parkhurst of the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine argued, in an article in the Lancet in July 2002, that HIV prevalence was never quite as high as 30 percent. The data were taken chiefly from urban antenatal clinics, which were not representative of a population that is 87 percent rural.
14. This figure is from the Human Sciences Research Council’s Study on HIV/AIDS, December 2002, www.hsrc.ac.za, which puts adult HIV prevalence in South Africa at 16 percent and total prevalence at 11 percent. Previous estimates based, like other African AIDS data, on tests in antenatal clinics were much more alarming.
15. Chenjerai Hove, Shebeen Tales, Baobab Books, Harare, 1994, p.52.
Chapter 5. The son of a snake is a snake
1. Basil Davidson, The Black Man’s Burden; Africa and the Curse of the Nation-State, Three Rivers Press, New York, 1992, p.12.
2. Philip Gourevitch, We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed With Our Families, Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1998, pp. 147–9.
3. It is hard to say exactly which individuals gave which orders. Some of the alleged ringleaders are still on trial, others are on the run, and most claim they are innocent. At the time of writing, an international tribunal for the most important génocidaires had secured only sixteen convictions, including that of Jean Kambanda, a former prime minister. The alleged mastermind of the genocide, Colonel Theoneste Bagosora, was facing twelve charges, all of which he denied. The director of Radio Mille Collines, Ferdinand Nahimana, was on trial, while the alleged moneyman behind the massacres, Felicien Kabuga, had been sentenced to life in prison. The international tribunal, which is in Arusha, Tanzania, hands down maximum sentences of life imprisonment; middle-rankinggénocidaires, tried in Rwanda, face execution.
4. Gérard Prunier, The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide, Hurst & Co., 1997, pp. 1–35.
5. John Reader, Africa: A Biography of the Continent, Alfred Knopf, 1998, p.621.
6. Prunier, 1997, pp. 80–81.
7. Ibid., pp. 75–7.
8. If this seems implausible, see ibid., pp. 102–7.
9. Ibid., p.223.
10. Ibid., p.224.
11. Ibid., p.250.
12. “Prosecutor Accused,” Economist, 21 August 2003.
13. Eghosa Osaghae, Crippled Giant: Nigeria Since Independence, Hurst & Co., London, 1998, p.21.
14. Ibid., p.5.
15. Thomas Sowell, Preferential Policies: An International Perspective, William Morrow & Co., New York, 1990, p.71.
16. UNDP, Human Development Report 2002, pp. 151 and 158–9.
17. Wole Soyinka, The Open Sore of a Continent, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1996, p.124.
18. Ken Saro-Wiwa, quoted in Abdul Rasheed Na’Allah (ed.), Ogoni’s Agonies: Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Crisis in Nigeria, Africa World Press, Trenton, NJ, 1998, p.339.
19. The two men have even written a book together: The Pastor and the Imam: Responding to Conflict, Muhammad Ashafa and James Wuye, Ibrash Press, Lagos, 1999.
20. Ben Maclennan, Apartheid: The Lighter Side, Carrefour, Cape Town, 1990, p.153.
21. The best short account of the transition to majority rule is Patti Waldmeir’s Anatomy of a Miracle: The End of Apartheid and the Birth of the New South Africa, Penguin, London, 1997.
22. See, for example, Lawrence Schlemmer’s survey for the South African Institute of Race Relations in 2001, www.sairr.org.za.
23. Speech to the national assembly, May 1998. Quoted in Thabo Mbeki, Africa: The Time Has Come, Tafelberg/Mafube, Cape Town, and Johannesburg, 1998, p.71.
24. Thabo Mbeki, address to the fifty-first national conference of the ANC, 16 December 2002, www.anc.org.
25. House of assembly debate, 1953, quoted in Allister Sparks, The Mind of South Africa, Arrow Books, London, 1997, p.196. Verwoerd’s vision had started to fade long before 1994, however. From the 1970s, white governments spent much more on black education, although the racial gap was never eliminated. See John Kane-Berman, South Africa’s Silent Revolution, SAIRR, 2nd edition, 1991.
26. See “Race, Law and Poverty in the New South Africa,” Economist, 30 September 1999, and Tom Lodge, “ANC Factionalism: Curse or Blessing?” Focus, March 2003, www.hsf.org.za.
27. South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR), South Africa Survey 2001/2002, p.240, www.sairr.org.za.
28. SAIRR, 2001/02, pp. 268 and 275.
29. Quoted in Focus, the magazine of the Helen Suzman Foundation, September 2000, pp. 20–21, www.hsf.org.za.
30. Sunday Times (Johannesburg), “The Yummy and the Crummy,” 13 May 2001.
31. Themba Sono, From Poverty to Property, FMF Books, Johannesburg, 1999, p.9.
32. SAIRR, 2001/02, pp. 213–15.
33. Although it spent much more after the Soweto revolt in 1976, hoping to defuse black insurrectionary fervor.
34. Another 25 percent was listed in March 2003, with a discount for non-white South African buyers.
35. Patrick Chabal and Jean-Pascal Daloz, Africa Works: Disorder as a Political Instrument, International African Institute and James Currey, Oxford, 1999, pp. 38–9.
36. Paul Collier and H.P. Binswanger, “State Reconstruction, Civil Wars and Ethnic Conflicts,” paper presented at a World Bank conference in Abidjan, July 1999, cited in World Bank, Can Africa Claim the 21st Century? Washington, 2000, p.25.
37. Quoted in Sparks, 1997, p.70.
Chapter 6. Fair Aid, Free Trade
1. Andrew Roberts, A History of Zambia, Heinemann, London, 1976, pp. 185–94.
2. Tim Wadeson, CEO, Konkola Copper Mines, interview with the author, March 2001.
3. Faysal Yachir, Mining in Africa Today: Strategies and Prospects, London, 1988.
4. Lise Rakner, Nicolas van de Walle, and Dominic Mulaisho, “Zambia,” in Aid and Reform in Africa, World Bank, Washington, 2001, p.555. See also African Development Indicators 2002, World Bank, Washington, 2002.
5. Rakner et al., 2001, table 9.7 in appendix 9.5. www.worldbank.org.
6. George Ayittey, “Why Africa Is Poor,” Daily Telegraph (London), 27 August 2002. Between 1960 and 1997, Africa received aid totaling roughly $400 billion (adjusted for inflation).
7. World Bank, Assessing Aid: What Works, What Doesn’t, and Why, Oxford University Press, New York, 1998, p.14.
8. Several African officials have complained to me about this, but most seemed to think that there was little they could do about it.
9. Graham Hancock, Lords of Poverty: The Power, Prestige, and Corruption of the International Aid Business, Atlantic Monthly Press, 1992.
10. Hendrik van der Heijden, The Ineffectiveness of Economic Policy Reform, Foreign Aid and External Debt Relief in Zambia, report for the Swedish embassy in Lusaka, June 2000, p.8.
11. Ibid., 2000, p.9.
12. Interview with Theo Bull of Profit magazine (Lusaka), April 2000. Bull added together the aid foregone because of the delay, the mines’ operating losses, and the $45 million difference between the price received and an earlier (rejected) offer of $135 million.
13. I visited Zambia several times while Chiluba was in power and was struck by how few of the people I interviewed were prepared to be quoted by name – mindful, perhaps, that a number of prominent Zambian dissidents had died in mysterious circumstances. Among the courageous few who shunned anonymity, Fred M’membe, editor of the Post newspaper, and Dipak Patel, the former minister of commerce, were the most helpful. The November 2000 Report of the [Parliamentary] Committee on Economic Affairs and Labour on the Review of the Privatisation of Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines Ltd, which the government suppressed, also makes interesting reading, if you can get hold of a copy.
14. William Easterly, The Ghost of Financing Gap, Policy Research Working Paper 1807, World Bank, Development Research Group, Washington. Cited in World Bank, 1998, p.10.
15. W.A. Edge and M.H. Lekorwe (eds.), Botswana: Politics and Society, J.L. van Schaik Publishers, Pretoria, 1998, p.444.
16. Several interviews with economists and officials in Botswana helped flesh out this section. Among the most helpful were Kenneth Matambo of the Botswana Development Corporation, Charles Harvey and Keith Jefferis of the Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis, and Santi Chakrabati of the finance ministry.
17. World Bank, 1998.
18. Ibid., p.3.
19. Alberto Alesina and David Dollar, Who Gives Aid to Whom and Why?, NBER Working Paper 6612, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, Mass. Cited in World Bank, 1998, p. 16.
20. World Bank, 2000, p.5.
21. Rakner et al., 2001, pp. 551–5.
22. Ibid., p.537.
23. World Bank, Annual Review of Development Effectiveness, 1997.
24. “Reform school,” Economist, 5 April 2001.
25. David Dollar and Jakob Svensson, What Explains the Success or Failure of Structural Adjustment Programs?, World Bank, Development Research Group, Policy Research Working Paper 1938, Washington, 1998, cited in World Bank, 1998, p.52.
26. Howard and Janet Pack, “Is Foreign Aid Fungible? The Case of Indonesia,” Economic Journal 100, March 1990.
27. Various sources, cited in World Bank, 1998, p.68.
28. World Bank, African Development Indicators 2002, p.289.
29. A few hours later, during an interview with the author in the back of a darkened minibus, May 2002.
30. The only other time was when I was a young freelancer, and I was asked to interview a South Korean rock band called the Seoh Taeji Boys for an entertainment magazine. I’d never heard of them, but they seemed nice. I’ve no idea if the piece was ever published.
31. Brian Reidl, The Case Against the Farm Bill, Heritage Foundation web memo, 5 February 2002, www.heritage.org.
32. Consumers’ Association, 2003, www.which.net/campaigns/food/production/page2.html
33. P.J. O’Rourke, Eat the Rich, Picador, 1998, pp. 116–18.
34. For more details, see Economic Freedom of the World: 2001 Annual Report, Cato Institute, Washington, 2001, pp. 74–9, www.cato.org.
35. Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew Warner, Economic Reform and the Process of Global Integration, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, No. 1, 1995. Cited in Aaron Lukas, WTO Report Card III: Globalization and Developing Countries, Center for Trade Policy Studies, Cato Institute, Washington, June 2000.
Chapter 7. Of potholes and grasping gendarmes
1. Naomi Klein, No Logo, Picador, 2000, p.334.
2. Edward M. Graham, “Trade and Investment at the WTO: Just Do It!,” in Launching New Global Trade Talks: An Action Agenda, Special Report No. 12, Institute for International Economics, Washington, September 1998, p.158. Cited in Aaron Lukas, WTO Report Card III: Globalization and Developing Countries, Center for Trade Policy Studies. Cato Institute, Washington, 2000, p.7.
3. Philippe Legrain, Open World: The Truth about Globalization, Abacus, 2002, p.21.
4. UN Conference on Trade and Development, World Investment Report 2002.
5. Interview with Bunmi Oni, October 1999.
6. UNCTAD, World Investment Report 1999.
7. Interview with Mark Hill, CE, Microsoft South Africa, February 2000.
8. A fine account of Shell’s troubles in Nigeria can be found in Daniel Litvin’s book Empires of Profit: Commerce, Conquest and Corporate Responsibility, Texere, New York, 2003.
9. For a longer account, see Karl Maier, This House Has Fallen: Nigeria in Crisis, Allen Lane, London, 2000, pp. 75–110.
10. Interview with Bobby Danchin, February 2000.
11. De Beers might be an exception. If an NGO campaign made diamonds unfashionable, thus reducing the value of De Beers’ stockpile (valued in 2000 at about $4 billion), the damage would be quantifiable and therefore, in theory at least, insurable.
12. “Ethically Unemployed,” Economist, 30 November 2002.
13. George Ayittey, Africa Betrayed, St. Martin’s Press, New York, 1992, pp. 122–3.
14. Patrick Chabal and Jean-Pascal Daloz, Africa Works: Disorder As a Political Instrument, International African Institute, 1999, pp. 102–3.
15. The Economist, Survey of Nigeria, 15 January 2000, p.10.
Chapter 8. Wiring the wilderness
1. Shereen El-Feki, “Biting the Silver Bullet,” Economist, Survey of Agriculture and Technology, 23 May 2000.
2. Most of the modern statistics in this chapter are taken from the UNDP’s Human Development Report 2001: Making New Technologies Work for Human Development.
3. All the truly ancient statistics in this chapter are culled from Angus Maddison’s magisterial The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective, OECD, 2001.
4. I lifted the facts in this paragraph from Stephen Moore and Julian Simon’s excellent book It’s Getting Better All the Time: 100 Greatest Trends of the Last 100 Years, Cato Institute, Washington, 2000.
5. Interview with John Kabayo, August 2002.
6. Economist Intelligence Unit, country reprints, 2003.
7. “Wireless warriors,” Economist, 14 February 2002.
8. See David Bevan, Paul Collier, and Jan Willem Gunning, Nigeria and Indonesia: The Political Economy of Poverty, Equity, and Growth, Oxford University Press, 1999.
9. Sunday Times (Johannesburg), 28 May 2000.
10. “Leave Them Be,” Economist, 4 April 2002.
11. Interview with Focus, the magazine of the Helen Suzman Foundation, Issue 23, September 2001.
12. P. J. O’Rourke, Eat the Rich, Atlantic Monthly Press, New York, 1998, p.187.
13. World Bank, Can Africa Claim the 21st Century? Washington, 2000, pp. 20–1.
14. The Oxfam Education Report, p.214, www.oxfam.org.
15. World Bank, 2000, p.44.
16. UNDP, Human Development Report 2002, p.169.
17. Liz McGregor, “Risky Business,” Guardian (London), 30 November 2002.
Chapter 9. Beyond the rainbow nation
1. Ben Maclennan, Apartheid: The Lighter Side, Carrefour Press, Cape Town, 1990.
2. Tom Sharpe, Indecent Exposure, Martin Secker & Warburg, 1973.
3. Paul Kirk, “Mutilation by the Military,” Mail and Guardian, Johannesburg, 28 July 2001.
4. South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR), South Africa Survey 2000/2001, p.166.
5. National Electricity Regulator. Cited in ibid., p.338.
6. Budget estimate, cited in ibid., p.172.
7. Ibid., pp. 213–15.
8. Thabo Mbeki, interview with the author, July 2000.
9. Scared at School: Sexual Violence Against Girls in South African Schools, Human Rights Watch, New York, 2001, pp. 21–8.
10. “Beating Crime, Not Suspects,” Economist, 22 January 2000.
11. South Africa’s Bill of Rights, 32, 1a.
12. Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, October 1998, www.truth.org.za.
13. Saturday Star (Johannesburg). Peter Fabricius, “Mbeki Hails Cuba’s Humanism,” 31 March 2001.
14. BBC News Online, Mandela Adds to Mugabe Pressure, 7 May 2000, news.bbc.co.uk.
15. “Mboweni Slams Zimbabwe,” Reuters, 23 August 2001.
16. Speech to the Fifty-first National Conference of the ANC, 16 December 2002, www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/speeches/2002.
17. Mugabe’s Secret Famine, documentary written by Peter Oborne, produced by Juniper, broadcast on Channel 4 (UK), 12 January 2003.
18. Victor Mallet, “Rainbow Nation in Search of Self-assurance,” Financial Times (London), 6 October 2000.
19. Howard Barrell and Sipho Seepe, “A Sense of Hope,” Mail and Guardian (Johannesburg), 2 March 2001.
20. Maclennan, 1990, p.65.
21. Public Service Accountability Monitor, Rhodes University, www.psam.ru.ac.za.
22. Interview with Judge Willem Heath, head of the Special Investigating Unit, December 1999, and telephone interview with his spokesman, March 2000.
23. Colm Allan, head of the Public Service Accountability Monitor at Rhodes University, quoted in Focus, the magazine of the Helen Suzman Foundation, Issue 17, March 2000, www.hsf.org.za.
24. The State, Property Relations and Social Transformation, ANC discussion document, 1998, www.anc.org.za (archive).
25. Victor Mallet, “South Africa Opposition Attacks ANC Voter Threats,” Financial Times (London), 8 December 2000.
26. McGregor’s Who Owns Whom, cited in SAIRR, 2001/2002, p.188.
27. David Christianson, “Liberals Can Espouse Black Empowerment,” Focus, March 2003.
28. Patrick Wadula, “Empowerment Needed at Company Level,” Business Day (Johannesburg), 6 June 2001.
Conclusion: One step at a time
1. New African (London), January 2003.
2. Interview in Carte Blanche, a South African television news program, 3 September 2000.
3. See, for example, Doug Bandow, Native American Success Stories, 11 May 1998, www.cato.org.
4. Adrian Blomfield, “Tribesmen Paint the Town Red After MoD £4.5m Windfall,” Daily Telegraph (London), 28 November 2002.
5. Anton La Guardia, “African Rift Over Calls for Slavery Reparations,” Daily Telegraph (London), 31 August 2001.
6. George Ayittey, Africa Betrayed, St. Martin’s Press, New York, 1992, p.6.
7. For a lively account of life in Europe between the collapse of Rome and the Renaissance, see William Manchester’s A World Lit Only By Fire, Little Brown, Boston, 1992.