NOTES

PREFACE

1.Neil Davidson, preface to Holding Fast to an Image of the Past: Explorations in the Marxist Tradition (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2014), ix.

2.Johanna Brenner and Robert Brenner, “Reagan, the Right and the Working Class,” Against the Current, first series 2:2 (Winter 1981); Robert Brenner, “The Paradox of Social Democracy: The American Case,” in The Year Left 1985, edited by Mike Davis, Fred Pfeil, and Mike Sprinkler (London: Verso, 1985); Ellen Meiksins Wood, The Retreat from Class: A New “True Socialism” (London: Verso, 1986).

3.Neil Davidson, Discovering the Scottish Revolution, 1692–1746 (London: Pluto Press, 2003), 40 and 312, note 8.

4.Some leading figures, like Brenner himself or Charles Post, are revolutionaries, but as I have written elsewhere: “One of the difficulties with Political Marxism . . . is its political indeterminacy. Not all proponents are revolutionaries: Wood inhabits a centrist position close to that of Ralph Miliband and his successors on the editorial board ofThe Socialist Register, although she too has made important theoretical contributions, above all in relation to the nature of democracy under capitalism. Other Political Marxists, however, inhabit an almost exclusively scholastic universe in which ferocious declarations of adherence to what they take to be the Marxist method are completely detached from any socialist practice.” See Neil Davidson, “Is There Anything to Defend in Political Marxism?”International Socialist Review 91 (Winter 2013/14), 48–49.

5.Compare Benno Teschke, The Myth of 1648: Class, Geopolitics and the Making of Modern International Relations (London: Verso, 2003), 262–63, and Neil Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions? (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2012), 580–86.

6.See, for example, Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990) 4–7, although in most other respects this is a serious study.

7.See Neil Davidson, “Enlightenment and Anti-capitalism,” International Socialism 2:110 (Spring 2006); my original version will be printed in Nation-States: Consciousness and Competition.

8.See Ursula Huws [2006], “Begging and Bragging: The Self and the Commodification of Intellectual Activity,” in Labor in the Digital Economy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2015), 80–83.

9.Examples include [1981] “The Summer of 1981: A Post Riots Analysis”; [1984] “Women’s Liberation and Revolutionary Socialism”; and [1994] “The Prophet and the Proletariat,” all reprinted in Chris Harman, Selected Writings (London: Bookmarks Publications, 2010).

10.See Chris Harman, “Theorizing Neoliberalism,” International Socialism 2:117 (Winter 2008), especially pages 92–99, and my comments in Neil Davidson, “The Neoliberal Era in Britain: Historical Developments and Current Perspectives,” International Socialism 2:139 (Summer 2013), 173–78. Harman was of course scarcely alone in taking this position: for a more recent version of the argument that neoliberalism is essentially an ideology, see Kean Birch, We Have Never Been Neoliberal: A Manifesto for Doomed Youth (Winchester, UK: Zero Books, 2015).

11.Tom Nairn [1980], “Internationalism: A Critique,” in Faces of Nationalism: Janus Revisited (London: Verso, 1997), 36.

12.Robert Brenner [1999], The Economics of Global Turbulence: The Advanced Capitalist Economies from Long Boom to Long Downturn, 1945–2005 (London: Verso, 2006), 25.

13.See, for example, Pierre Broué [1971], The German Revolution, 1917–1923, edited by Ian Birchall and Brian Pearce (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2005), chapter 32, “The ‘Mass Communist Party.’” The point was made in the second “general principle” of the Communist International’s 1921 organizational theses: “There is no absolute form of organization which is correct for all Communist Parties at all times.” Amen to that. See [1921], “The Organizational Structure of the Communist Parties, the Methods and Content of their Work: Theses,” in Theses, Resolutions and Manifestos of the Third International, edited by Alan Adler (London: Ink Links, 1980), 234.

14.Justin Rosenberg, “Isaac Deutscher and the Lost History of International Relations,” New Left Review 1: 215 (January/February 1996). Rosenberg’s position has evolved since this starting point; for a brief critical discussion of his work see Alexander Anievas, Capital, the State and War: Class Conflict and Geopolitics in the Thirty Years’ Crisis, 1014–1945 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2014), 49–56.

15.For a useful corrective to exaggerated claims about forthcoming Chinese global dominance, by way of a review of Martin Jacques’s When China Rules the World, see Perry Anderson, “Sinomania,” London Review of Books 32, no. 2 (January 28, 2010).

16.The analogy with the Three Whales of Bolshevism is inexact, since these—the eight-hour day, land reform, and a constituent assembly—were agitational demands rather than theoretical positions. See, for example, Paul Le Blanc [1995], “One for the Encyclopaedias,” in Unfinished Leninism: The Rise and Return of a Revolutionary Doctrine(Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2014), 30. As far as the IS/SWP tradition is concerned, a fourth “whale” is sometimes invoked in the form of postwar “do-it-yourself reformism” driven by shop stewards’ organization in engineering and the auto industry, but as an observation that allowed militants to orient themselves in working-class activity rather than as a theory, and this type of shop-steward activity was in any case largely confined to the UK and its former Dominions.

17.See, for example, Chris Harman, “The Storm Breaks,” International Socialism 2:46 (Spring 1990), 36–38.

18.Michael Kidron, “Two Insights Don’t Make a Theory,” International Socialism 1:100 (July 1977).

19.Chris Harman, “Better a Valid Insight Than a Wrong Theory,” International Socialism 1:100 (July 1977), 11.

20.For an initial and very sketchy attempt to identify positive contributory factors behind the long boom, see Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 447–48.

21.The following three paragraphs draw on ibid., 305–15.

22.“In its mental purity, this mental construct cannot be found empirically anywhere in reality. It is a utopia.” Max Weber [1904], On the Methodology of the Social Sciences, edited by Edward A. Shils and Henry A. Finch (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1949), 90.

23.John Rees, “The Socialist Revolution and the Democratic Revolution,” International Socialism 2:83 (Summer 1999), 67. I find myself in the odd position of agreeing with Rees’s historical analysis while taking the diametrically opposite view of what it means for permanent revolution, since he—implicitly at least—adopts the position which I criticize below. For areas of agreement, compare, for example, ibid., 27–30, with Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 463, 618–21.

24.For an extended discussion of this point, see Alex Callinicos, “The Limits of Passive Revolution,” Capital and Class 34, no. 3, special issue, Approaching Passive Revolutions, edited by Adam David Morton (October 2010), 4.

25.Joseph Choonara, “The Relevance of Permanent Revolution: A Reply to Neil Davidson,” International Socialism 2:131 (Summer 2011).

26.Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 492–93, 621–29.

27.Neil Davidson and Donny Gluckstein, “Nationalism and the Class Struggle in Scotland,” International Socialism 2:48 (Autumn 1990).

28.I therefore agree with Alasdair MacIntyre when he writes that “there is no way to do the history of ideas adequately without doing genuine history and, more particularly, that the treatment of social and political ideas in abstraction from those contexts from which they derive life is doomed to failure.” See “Review of Baruch Knei-Paz, The Social and Political Thought of Leon Trotsky,” American Historical Review 84, no. 1 (February 1979), 114. But there are limits to this, beyond which the distinctions between different types of history break down. Any history of ideas has to contain enough “genuine” history to explain why it became possible for certain theories or positions to be formulated or expressed at a particular historical juncture and not before. How much history this involves in any particular case is always a matter of judgment, but it is unlikely to include reconstructing the entire epoch in which the formulation or expression took place. As I point out in perhaps too-exasperated terms in chapter 12, adherence to the notion of total history does not mean writing “a history of everything” every time one sits down to explore a set of ideas; it means always seeing those ideas as part of a greater whole rather than as autonomous moments.

29.See, in particular, Alex Callinicos, “Trotsky’s Theory of ‘Permanent Revolution’ and Its Relevance to the Third World Today,” International Socialism 2:16 (Spring 1982); Making History: Agency, Structure and Change in Social Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007), 205–33; “Bourgeois Revolutions and Historical Materialism,”International Socialism 2:43 (Summer 1989); and The Revenge of History: Marxism and the East European Revolutions (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991), chapter 2, especially 50–66.

30.Alex Callinicos, “Continuing the Discussion,” International Socialism 2:142 (Spring 2014), 200.

CHAPTER 1: HOW REVOLUTIONARY WERE THE BOURGEOIS REVOLUTIONS?

1.Neil Davidson [2004], “The Prophet, His Biographer, and the Watchtower: Isaac Deutscher’s Biography of Leon Trotsky,” in Holding Fast to an Image of the Past: Explorations in the Marxist Tradition (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2014).

2.Isaac Deutscher [1965], “Marxism in Our Time,” in Marxism in Our Time, edited by Tamara Deutscher (London: Jonathan Cape, 1972), 17–20.

3.Arno Mayer, The Persistence of the Old Regime: Europe to the Great War (London: Croom Helm, 1981), 3–4, 11; Why Did the Heavens Not Darken? The “Final Solution” in History (London: Verso, 1990), 3, 32.

4.Perry Anderson, “The Figures of Descent,” New Left Review I/161 (January/February 1987), 26, 27, 47–48.

5.Tom Nairn, The Enchanted Glass: Britain and Its Monarchy (Second edition, London: Vintage, 1994), 375.

6.Neil Davidson, Discovering the Scottish Revolution, 1692–1746 (London: Pluto Press, 2003), 5.

7.Christopher Hitchens, Regime Change (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 2003), 32–33, 48.

8.See, for example, Edward P. Thompson, “The Peculiarities of the English,” in The Socialist Register 1965, edited by Ralph Miliband and John Saville (London: Merlin Press, 1965), 321.

9.Davidson, Discovering the Scottish Revolution, 10.

10.See, for example, Gary Teeple, Globalization and the Decline of Social Reform (Second edition, Toronto: Prometheus Books, 2000), chapter 7, “Globalization as the Second Bourgeois Revolution.”

11.Nigel Harris, The Return of Cosmopolitan Capital: Globalization, the State and War (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003), 89, 264.

12.Immanuel Wallerstein, “The Rise and Future Demise of the World Capitalist System: Concepts for Competitive Analysis,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 16 (1974), 398.

13.For example, on the differences between English and French agriculture, see Max Weber [1919–20], General Economic History (London: Collier-Macmillan, 1961), 69–70, 72, 76–77, 85–86; on the specificity of economic rationality under feudalism, see Witfold Kula [1962], An Economic Theory of the Feudal System: Towards a Model of the Polish Economy, 1500–1800 (London: New Left Books, 1976), 165–75; on the uniqueness of English economic development, see Harold Perkin, “The Social Causes of the Industrial Revolution,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, fifth series 18 (1968), 135–36; on the initial development of capitalism by English landlords see R. S. Neale, “‘The Bourgeoisie, Historically, Has Played a Most Revolutionary Part,’” in Feudalism, Capitalism and Beyond, edited by Eugene Kamenka and R. S. Neale (London: Edward Arnold, 1975), 92–102; on both the integration of the towns into the feudal economy and, more generally, on the misidentification of markets for capitalism, see John Merrington, “Town and Country in the Transition to Capitalism,” in The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism, edited by Rodney H. Hilton (London: New Left Books, 1976), 173–87.

14.Robert Brenner, “Bourgeois Revolution and Transition to Capitalism,” in The First Modern Society: Essays in English History in Honor of Lawrence Stone, edited by A. L. Beier, David Cannadine, and J. M. Rosenheim (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 281.

15.Robert Brenner, “Property Relations and the Growth of Agricultural Productivity in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe,” in Economic Development and Agricultural Productivity, edited by Amit Bhaduri and Rune Skarstein (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 1997), 23.

16.Ibid., 25.

17.Robert Brenner, “The Social Basis of Economic Development,” in Analytical Marxism, edited by John Roemer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 53.

18.Brenner, “Bourgeois Revolution and Transition to Capitalism,” 300–301.

19.Robert Brenner [1976], “Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-industrial Europe,” in The Brenner Debate: Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-industrial Europe, edited by T. H. Aston and C. H. E. Philpin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 38–40; Robert Brenner, “Dobb on the Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism,”Cambridge Journal of Economics 2 (June 1978), 130.

20.Brenner, “Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-industrial Europe,” 40–41.

21.Ibid., 36.

22.Robert Brenner [1982], “The Agrarian Roots of European Capitalism,” in The Brenner Debate, 293.

23.Brenner, “Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-industrial Europe,” 55.

24.James Holstun, Ehud’s Dagger: Class Struggle in the English Revolution (London: Verso, 2000), 119.

25.See, for example, Karl Marx [1857–58], Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (Rough Draft) (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1973), 510–11, and Karl Marx [1867], Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1976), 876, 915–16, note 1. When confronted with those sections of Marx’s writings that contradict their views, Political Marxists either, like Wood, pretend that they mean something else or, like Comninel, issue disapproving admonitions about Marx’s failure to understand his own theory. See, for example, Ellen Meiksins Wood, “Horizontal Relations: A Note on Brenner’s Heresy,” Historical Materialism 4 (Summer 1999), 175, and George C. Comninel, Rethinking the French Revolution: Marxism and the Revisionist Challenge (London: Verso, 1987), 92. Rather than speculate on what Marx really meant, would it not be simpler to accept that Marx meant exactly what he said, and that, consequently, they and their co-thinkers have a theory of capitalism that is different from his?

26.See, for example, Marx, Grundrisse, 278, and Marx, Capital, vol. 1, 875.

27.Stephen H. Rigby, Marxism and History: A Critical Introduction (Second edition, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), xii.

28.Guy Bois [1978], “Against the Neo-Malthusian Orthodoxy,” in The Brenner Debate, 115.

29.Marx, Grundrisse, 508, where he also refers to the tenants of the landed proprietors as “already semi-capitalists,” albeit “still very hemmed in ones.”

30.Karl Marx [1850], “Review of Guizot’s Book on the English Revolution,” in Political Writings, vol. 2, Surveys from Exile, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1973), 252–55.

31.John Maynard Keynes [1931], “A Pure Theory of Money: A Reply to Dr Hayek,” in Collected Works, vol. 13, part 1, The General Theory and After: Preparation, edited by Donald E. Moggridge (London: Macmillan, 1972), 243.

32.Marx, Capital, vol. 1, 874, 975. See also Marx, Grundrisse, 505.

33.Wood, “Horizontal Relations,” 176, 177. See also Benno Teschke, The Myth of 1648: Class, Geopolitics and the Making of Modern International Relations (London: Verso, 2003), 140–41.

34.Davidson, Discovering the Scottish Revolution, 25–26.

35.Wood, “Horizontal Relations,” 171.

36.Nikolai I. Bukharin [1920], “The Economics of the Transition Period,” in The Politics and Economics of the Transition Period, edited with an introduction by Kenneth J. Tarbuck (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979), 78.

37.Friedrich von Hayek, The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism, in Collected Works, vol. 1, edited by W. W. Bartley (London: Routledge 1988), 7.

38.In Freudian terms, capitalism is the triumph of the market superego over the collectivist id.

39.Ricardo Duchesne, “Remarx: On The Origins of Capitalism,” Rethinking Marxism 14, no. 3 (Fall 2002), 135.

40.Adam Ferguson [1767], An Essay on the History of Civil Society, edited by Duncan Forbes (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1966), 8.

41.[Robert Wedderburn] [1549], The Complaynt of Scotland wyth ane Exortatione to the Three Estaits to Be Vigilante in the Deffens of their Public Veil, with an appendix of contemporary English tracts, re-edited from the originals by J. A. H. Murray (London: Scottish Text Society, 1822), 123.

42.Jane Whittle, The Development of Agrarian Capitalism: Land and Labor in Norfolk, 1450–1550 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), 310.

43.Fernand Braudel, Capitalism and Civilization, 15th–18th Centuries, vol. 3, The Perspective of the World (London: Fontana, 1985), 63.

44.Brenner, “Bourgeois Revolution and Transition to Capitalism,” 280.

45.Brenner, “Dobb on the Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism,” 139, note.

46.Teschke, The Myth of 1648, 12.

47.Comninel, Rethinking the French Revolution, 151.

48.James Harrington [1659], “The Prerogative of Popular Government,” in The Political Works of James Harrington, edited by J. G. A. Pocock (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 405–06; Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon [1646–74], Selections from The History of the Rebellion and The Life by Himself, edited by Gertrude Huehns (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), 229–30.

49.Both quoted in Brian Manning, Revolution and Counter-revolution in England, Ireland and Scotland, 1658–1660 (London: Bookmarks, 2003), 10, 60.

50.James Dalrymple, An Essay Towards a General History of Feudal Property in Great Britain (London: A. Millar, 1757), 338–39.

51.Neil Davidson, “The Scottish Path to Capitalist Agriculture 2: The Capitalist Offensive (1747–1815),” Journal of Agrarian Change 4, no. 4 (October 2004); “The Scottish Path to Capitalist Agriculture 3: The Enlightenment as the Theory and Practice of Improvement,” Journal of Agrarian Change 5, no. 1 (January 2005).

52.Adam Smith [1762–63, 1766], Lectures on Jurisprudence, edited by Ronald L. Meek, David D. Raphael, and Peter G. Stein (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), 264.

53.See chapter 5 in this volume.

54.Quoted in William Sewell, A Rhetoric of Bourgeois Revolution: The Abbe Sieyès and What Is the Third Estate? (Durham: Duke University Press, 1994), 72.

55.Monsieur B-de, Reflections on the Causes and Probable Consequences of the Late Revolution in France, with a View of the Ecclesiastical and Civil Constitution of Scotland, and of the Progress of Its Agriculture and Commerce (Dublin: W. Wilson et al., 1790), 44, 100, 103–04, 116.

56.Antoine-Pierre-Joseph-Marie Barnave [1792–93], “Introduction to the French Revolution,” in Power, Property, and History: Barnave’s Introduction to the French Revolution and Other Writings, edited by Emanuel Chill (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1971), 122.

57.Marx, Capital, vol. 1, 174.

58.François P. G. Guizot [1826], preface to History of Charles the First and the English Revolution from the Accession of Charles the First to His Execution (London: David Bogue, 1846), xvi, xviii, xix. My emphasis.

59.Brenner, “Bourgeois Revolution and Transition to Capitalism,” 280–85; Comninel, Rethinking the French Revolution, chapter 3; Ellen Meiksins Wood, The Pristine Culture of Capitalism: An Essay on Old Regimes and Modern States (London: Verso, 1991), 2–8; Teschke, The Myth of 1648, 165–67.

60.Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels [1845–46], The German Ideology: Critique of Modern German Philosophy according to Its Representatives Feuerbach, B. Bauer and Stirner, and of German Socialism according to Its Various Prophets, in Collected Works, vol. 5 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1976), 32.

61.Karl Marx [1847], The Poverty of Philosophy: Answer to the Philosophy of Poverty by M. Proudhon, in Collected Works, vol. 6 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1976), 166; Karl Marx [1847–49], “Wage Labor and Capital,” in Collected Works, vol. 9 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1977), 211; Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels [1848], “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” in Political Writings, vol. 1, The Revolutions of 1848, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1973), 72; Marx, Grundrisse, 277; Karl Marx [1859], “Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy,” in Early Writings (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, ), 425; Marx, Capital, vol. 1, 175, note 35; Friedrich Engels [1886], Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy, in Collected Works, vol. 26 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990), 390; Karl Marx [1894], Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 3 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1981), 927–28, 1024.

62.Marx, Capital, vol. 1, 183.

63.Marx to Weydemeyer, March 5, 1852, in Collected Works, vol. 39 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983), 60.

64.Georg Lukács [1923], “Towards a Methodology of the Problem of Organization,” in History and Class Consciousness: Studies in Marxist Dialectics (London: Merlin Press, 1971), 308.

65.Pierre-Louis Roederer [1815], “The Spirit of the Revolution of 1789,” in The Spirit of the Revolution of 1789 and Other Writings of the Revolutionary Epoch, edited by Murray G. Forsyth (Aldershot: Scolar, 1989), 4–7.

66.Marx and Engels, “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” 80, 98. Indeed, some writers seem to believe that the “Manifesto” does not refer to the bourgeois revolution at all. See Perry Anderson [1976], “The Notion of a Bourgeois Revolution,” in English Questions (London: Verso, 1992), 107.

67.Marx and Engels, “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” 69, 70, 72.

68.Marx [1848], “The Bourgeoisie and the Counter-revolution,” in The Revolutions of 1848, 193.

69.Michael Löwy, “‘The Poetry of the Past’: Marx and the French Revolution,” New Left ReviewI/177 (September/October 1989), 115.

70.Karl Marx [1847], “Moralizing Criticism and Critical Morality: A Contribution to German Cultural History Contra Karl Heinzen,” in Collected Works, vol. 6, 319; Marx, “The Bourgeoisie and the Counter-revolution,” 192.

71.Friedrich Engels [1892], “Introduction to the English Edition (1892) of Socialism: Utopian and Scientific,” in Collected Works, vol. 27 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990) 291–92.

72.Marx, Capital, vol. 1, 875.

73.Friedrich Engels [1865], “The Prussian Military Question and the German Workers’ Party [Extract],” in Political Writings, vol. 3, The First International and After, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1974), 122.

74.Friedrich Engels [1849–50], “The Campaign for the German Imperial Constitution,” in Collected Works, vol. 10 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1978), 155.

75.Friedrich Engels [1887], “The Role of Force in History,” in Collected Works, vol. 26, 464–66.

76.Friedrich Engels [1895], “Introduction to Karl Marx’s ‘The Class Struggles in France: 1848 to 1850,’” in Collected Works, vol. 27, 513.

77.Friedrich Engels [1885], “England in 1845 and in 1885,” in Collected Works, vol. 26, 297.

78.Vladimir I. Lenin [1905], “Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution,” in Collected Works, vol. 9, June–November 1905 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1962), 42.

79.Vladimir I. Lenin [1911], “The ‘Peasant Reform’ and the Proletarian-Peasant Revolution,” in Collected Works, vol. 17, December 1910–April 1912 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1963), 120–22, 125, 128.

80.Vladimir I. Lenin [1899], The Development of Capitalism in Russia: The Process of the Formation of Home Market for Large Scale Industry, in Collected Works, vol. 3, 1899 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1960), 239.

81.Vladimir I. Lenin [1907], “The Agrarian Question and the Forces of the Revolution,” in Collected Works, vol. 12, January–June 1907 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1962), 334–35. See also Lenin, “Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution,” 49–51.

82.Leon D. Trotsky [1906], “Results and Prospects,” in The Permanent Revolution & Results and Prospects (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1969), 67, 77.

83.Leon D. Trotsky [1923], “Can a Counter-revolution or a Revolution Be Made on Schedule?,” in The First Five Years of the Communist International, vol. 2 (London: New Park, 1974), 348.

84.Georg Lukács [1923], “Critical Observations on Rosa Luxemburg’s ‘Critique of the Russian Revolution,’” in History and Class Consciousness, 282.

85.Georg Lukács [1924], Lenin: A Study in the Unity of His Thought (London: New Left Books, 1970), 20.

86.Lukács, “Towards a Methodology of the Problem of Organization,” 307.

87.Antonio Gramsci [1929–34], “Notes on Italian History,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, edited by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), 82–83, Q10§24; 105, Q15§59.

88.Quoted in Julia Mikhailova, “Soviet Japanese Studies on the Problem of the Meiji Ishin and Development of Capitalism in Japan,” in War, Revolution and Japan, edited by Ian Neary (Folkestone: Curzon Press, 1993), 33–34.

89.Reproduced in Eric J. Hobsbawm, Echoes of the Marseillaise: Two Centuries Look Back on the French Revolution (London: Verso, 1990), 133.

90.Trotsky, “Results and Prospects,” 54.

91.Leon D. Trotsky [1925], “Where is Britain Going?,” in Collected Writings and Speeches on Britain, edited by R. Chappell and A. Clinton, vol. 2 (London: New Park, 1974), 86.

92.Marx and Engels, “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” 67.

93.Geoffrey de Ste Croix, The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World: From the Archaic Age to the Arab Conquests (London: Duckworth, 1981), 66.

94.Marx and Engels, “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” 68.

95.The bourgeoisie were included in an earlier version of this list. See Marx and Engels, The German Ideology, 432.

96.Marx, “Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy,” 426.

97.Eric J. Hobsbawm, introduction to Karl Marx, Pre-capitalist Economic Formations (New York: International Publishers, 1965), 38.

98.Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker, The Many-Headed Hydra: The Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic (London: Verso, 2000), 352.

99.John R. Green, A Short History of the English People (Revised edition, London: Macmillan and Company, 1888), xviii.

100.Marx and Engels, “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” 86.

101.Geoff Eley, Forging Democracy: The History of the Left in Europe, 1850–2000 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 109.

102.Vladimir I. Lenin [1920], “Fourth Session,” in Second Congress of the Communist International: Minutes of the Proceedings, vol. 1 (London: New Park, 1977), 110–11.

103.Leon D. Trotsky [1933], “Japan Heads for Disaster,” in Writings of Leon Trotsky [1932–33], edited by George Breitman and Sarah Lovell (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1972), 291. Compare two writers from the Stalinist tradition: Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Capital: 1848–1875 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1975), 151, and Albert Soboul, A Short History of the French Revolution, 1789–1799 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 167–68.

104.Alex Callinicos, “Trotsky’s Theory of ‘Permanent Revolution’ and Its Relevance to the Third World Today,” International Socialism 2:16 (Spring 1982), 110.

105.See Davidson, “The Prophet, His Biographer, and the Watchtower.”

106.Isaac Deutscher, Stalin: A Political Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1949), 554–55.

107.Isaac Deutscher, The Unfinished Revolution, 1917–1967 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967), 27–28; “The Unfinished Revolution, 1917–1967,” New Left Review I/43 (May/June 1967), 21–22.

108.Tony Cliff [1949], “The Class Nature of the People’s Democracies,” in Neither Washington Nor Moscow: Essays on Revolutionary Socialism (London: Bookmarks, 1984), 66.

109.Max Shachtman [1949], “Isaac Deutscher’s Stalin,” in The Bureaucratic Revolution: The Rise of the Stalinist State (New York: The Donald Press, 1962), 230–31.

110.Thompson, “The Peculiarities of the English,” 325.

111.Christopher Hill, “The Theory of Revolutions,” in Isaac Deutscher: The Man and His Work, edited by David Horowitz (London: Macdonald and Company, 1971), 124–25, 127–28.

112.Christopher Hill, Change and Continuity in Seventeenth-Century England (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1974), 279–80.

113.Christopher Hill, “A Bourgeois Revolution?,” in Three English Revolutions: 1640, 1688, 1776, edited by J. G. A. Pocock (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), 110, 131.

114.Ellen Meiksins Wood [1999], The Origin of Capitalism: A Longer View (London: Verso, 2002), 118.

115.Imre Lakatos, “Falsification and the Methodology of Scientific Research Programs,” in Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge, edited by Imre Lakatos and Alan Musgrave (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 117–18.

116.Indeed, the problem with even the most important recent discussions of the theory—and an indication of how far the insights of the classical Marxist tradition have been lost in this respect—is their failure to recognize the extent to which they are revisiting positions that had been established and lost in an earlier period. This is indicated by the absence of any systematic discussion of these antecedents in the post-Hill works most responsible for establishing the validity of a consequentialist position. See, for example, David Blackbourn and Geoff Eley, The Peculiarities of German History: Bourgeois Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984); Alex Callinicos, “Bourgeois Revolutions and Historical Materialism,” International Socialism 2:43 (Summer 1989); and Anderson, “The Notion of a Bourgeois Revolution.”

117.Karl Marx [1850], “The Class Struggles in France: 1848 to 1850,” in Surveys from Exile, 131.

118.Marx, “Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy,” 426.

119.Daniel Bensaïd, Marx for Our Times: Adventures and Misadventures of a Critique (London: Verso, 2002), 282.

120.Marx was anxious to make his work available to workers in the German states, where he still considered his main audience to be, particularly since his rival Ferdinand Lassalle appeared to be gaining support there. In order to guarantee that A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy would reach them, however, he had to ensure that it would not be banned from publication by the censors, hence the absence of reference to the class struggle in the somewhat mechanistic formulations of the preface. See Arthur M. Prinz, “Background and Alternative Motive of Marx’s ‘Preface’ of 1859,” Journal of the History of Ideas 30, no. 3 (July/September 1969).

121.Cornelius Castoriadis [1964–65], “Marxism and Revolutionary Theory,” in The Imaginary Institution of Society (Cambridge: Polity, 1987), 18–19.

122.Perry Anderson [1983], “Geoffrey de Ste Croix and the Ancient World,” in A Zone of Engagement (London: Verso, 1992), 17. See also Perry Anderson, Arguments within English Marxism (London: Verso, 1980), 55–56.

123.Alex Callinicos, Making History: Agency, Structure, and Change in Social Theory (Cambridge: Polity, 1987), 93–94.

124.Callinicos, “Bourgeois Revolutions and Historical Materialism,” 124–27; Gareth Stedman Jones, “Society and Politics at the Beginning of the World Economy,” Cambridge Journal of Economics 1 (1977), 86.

125.Claudio Katz, From Feudalism to Capitalism: Marxian Theories of Class Struggle and Social Change (New York: Greenwood Press, 1989), 181.

126.Pierre Bonnassie [1984], “The Survival and Extinction of the Slave System in the Early Medieval West (Fourth to Eleventh Centuries),” in From Slavery to Feudalism in Southwest Europe (Cambridge and Paris: Cambridge University Press and Éditions de la Maison des sciences de l’homme, 1991), 38–46.

127.Leon D. Trotsky [1923], “The Lessons of October,” in The Challenge of the Left Opposition (1923–25), edited with an introduction by Naomi Allen (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1975), 252.

128.Lukács, “Critical Observations on Rosa Luxemburg’s ‘Critique of the Russian Revolution,’” 283.

129.Vladimir I. Lenin [1918], “‘Left Wing’ Childishness and the Petty Bourgeois Mentality,” in Collected Works, vol. 27, February–July 1918 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1965), 335–36. It was of course Trotsky who first changed the definition of a workers’ state from one in which the working class held power to one in which property was nationalized. For an account that is rightly critical but sensitive to the pressures that pushed him in this direction, see Tony Cliff [1948], “The Nature of Stalinist Russia,” in Selected Writings, vol. 3, Marxist Theory after Trotsky (London: Bookmarks, 2003), 3–4.

130.Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power, vol. 2, The Rise of Classes and Nation-States, 1760–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 229. Mann claims to have discovered this concept in the work of Lucien Goldmann, but his discussion of leadership is more specific to the Jansenist movement in seventeenth-century France than to the bourgeoisie as a whole. See The Hidden God: A Study of Tragic Vision in the Pensées of Pascal and the Tragedies of Racine (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964), 117.

131.Hal Draper, Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution, vol. 2, The Politics of Social Classes (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1978), 169.

132.Anderson, “The Notion of a Bourgeois Revolution,” 112.

133.Jones, “Society and Politics at the Beginning of the World Economy,” 87.

134.Callinicos, Making History, 229.

135.Wood, The Origin of Capitalism, 118.

136.See chapter 2 in this volume.

137.Alexander Chistozvonov, “The Concept and Criteria of Reversibility and Irreversibility of a Historical Process,” Our History 63 (Summer 1975), 9–10.

138.Linebaugh and Rediker, The Many-Headed Hydra, 24–26. See also Holstun, Ehud’s Dagger, 432–33.

139.Davidson, Discovering the Scottish Revolution, 290–94.

140.Lukács, “The Change in Function of Historical Materialism,” in History and Class Consciousness, 225.

141.William Morris, “A Dream of John Ball,” in A Dream of John Ball and A King’s Lesson (London: Reeves and Turner, 1888), 31.

CHAPTER 2: ASIATIC, TRIBUTARY, OR ABSOLUTIST?

1.Chris Harman, “From Feudalism to Capitalism,” International Socialism 2:45 (Winter 1989), 44–46.

2.Curiously, for a writer whose own political roots lie in the Trotskyist tradition, Brenner’s position is close to Althusserianism in this respect, although he is considerably more comprehensible and actually discusses specific historical examples. Compare Robert Brenner, “The Social Basis of Economic Development,” in Analytical Marxism, edited by John Roemer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 53, with Etienne Balibar [1965], “The Basic Concepts of Historical Materialism,” in Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar, Reading Capital (London: New Left Books, 1970), 292.

3.Brenner is actually less dogmatic on this point than some of his followers, particularly Ellen Meiksins Wood, and has conceded that the capitalist mode of production was established in both Catalonia and the United Provinces at approximately the same time as in England, although without acknowledging how this damages his overall case. See Robert Brenner, “Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-industrial Europe,” in The Brenner Debate: Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-industrial Europe, edited by T. H. Aston and C. H. E. Philpin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 49, note 81, and “The Low Countries and the Transition to Capitalism,” Journal of Agrarian Change 1, no. 2 (April 2001). For Wood’s more-royalist-than-the-king response, see “The Question of Market Dependence,” Journal of Agrarian Change 2, no. 1 (January 2002).

4.Chris Harman, “The Rise of Capitalism,” International Socialism 2:102 (Spring 2004), 74–77. See also the footnotes to pages 85–86, particularly note 57. Responding to a footnote—even a long one, as in this case—may seem somewhat excessive, but we have Chris’s own authority for their significance. See Chris Harman, “Footnotes and Fallacies: A Comment on Brenner’s ‘The Economics of Global Turbulence,’” Historical Materialism 4 (Summer 1999), 95.

5.Chris Wickham, “The Uniqueness of the East,” Journal of Peasant Studies 12, nos. 2–3 (January/April 1985), 167.

6.Karl Marx [1859], “Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy,” in Early Writings (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1975), 426.

7.Chris Harman, A People’s History of the World (London: Bookmarks, 1999), 27.

8.Harman, “The Rise of Capitalism,” 74.

9.For the early debates, see Marian Sawer, “The Soviet Discussion of the Asiatic Mode of Production,” Survey 24, no. 3 (Summer 1979), and for the later ones, see Ernest Gellner, “Soviets against Wittfogel: Or, the Anthropological Preconditions of Mature Marxism,” in States in History, edited by John A. Hall (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986).

10.Engels writes: “Slavery was the first form of exploitation, peculiar to the world of antiquity; it was followed by serfdom in the Middle Ages, and by wage labour in modern times.” Friedrich Engels, The Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State: In the Light of the Recent Researches of Lewis H. Morgan, in Collected Works, vol. 26 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990), 274. Engels was at this point under the influence of Morgan, whose Ancient Society posits a direct transition from primitive communism to class society without any intervening “Asiatic” stage. See Maurice Godelier, “The Concept of the ‘Asiatic Mode of Production’ and Marxist Models of Social Evolution,” Relations of Production: Marxist Approaches to Economic Anthropology, edited by David D. Seddon (London: Frank Cass, 1978), 231–35. Lenin followed Engels in referring to “these great periods in the history of mankind, slave-owning, feudal and capitalist.” In a lecture to students at Sverdlov University in 1919, Lenin states four times in the space of one page of the printed version that mankind has passed or is passing through slavery to feudalism to capitalism. He also emphasizes that each period includes “such a mass of political forms, such a variety of political doctrines, opinions and revolutions” that it was vital for students to retain the fundamental centrality of class divisions to history and of the role of the state in representing the dominant classes throughout. Vladimir I. Lenin, “The State,” in Collected Works, vol. 29, March–August 1919 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1965), 477. For his reliance on Engels, see ibid., 473.

11.Karl A. Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism: A Comparative Study of Total Power (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1957), 387, 389. Hal Draper decisively disposes of this line of argument in Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution, vol. 1, State and Bureaucracy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1978), 629–38, 657–60.

12.Geoffrey de Ste Croix, The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World: From the Archaic Age to the Arab Conquests (London: Duckworth, 1981), 52.

13.Harman, “The Rise of Capitalism,” 74.

14.Perry Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London: New Left Books, 1974), 485–86.

15.Karl Marx, Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (Rough Draft) (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1973), 479, 495.

16.Godelier, “The Concept of the ‘Asiatic Mode of Production’ and Marxist Models of Social Evolution,” 241.

17.Barry Hindess and Paul Q. Hirst, Pre-capitalist Modes of Production (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975), 335–36.

18.Draper, State and Bureaucracy, 537. See also his similar comments on page 535.

19.Eric J. Hobsbawm, introduction to Karl Marx, Pre-capitalist Modes of Production (New York: International Books, 1965), 32, 35.

20.Ernest Mandel, The Formation of the Economic Thought of Karl Marx (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971), 124–25.

21.Anderson criticizes Godelier on precisely this point. See Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State, 486, note 3.

22.Marx, Grundrisse, 443.

23.See Samir Amin, Class and Nation Historically and in the Current Crisis (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1980), 68.

24.Samir Amin, Unequal Development (London: Hassocks, 1976), 15–16. For an overview of Amin’s life and opinions, see David Renton, “Samir Amin: Theorizing Underdevelopment,” in Dissident Marxism (London: Zed Books, 2004), chapter 9.

25.Wickham, “The Uniqueness of the East,” 170–71.

26.Ibid., 182, 187.

27.Eric R. Wolf, Europe and the People without History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 243 and 247 (the quote is from the latter page). Engels made essentially the same point in 1890. See Engels to Danielson, June 10, 1890, in Collected Works, vol. 48 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 2001), 507.

28.Alex Callinicos, Theories and Narratives: Reflections on the Philosophy of History (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995), 171–76. The other major analysis of a tributary society from within the International Socialist tradition is Colin Barker’s 1982 study of Japan, “The Background and Significance of the Meiji Restoration of 1868,” available atwww.marxists.de.

29.Karl Marx [1894], Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 3 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1981), 925–27. My emphasis.

30.Harman, “The Rise of Capitalism,” 85, note 57.

31.Brenner, “Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-industrial Europe,” 55.

32.Benno Teschke, The Myth of 1648: Class, Geopolitics and the Making of Modern International Relations (London: Verso, 2003), 191.

33.Ellen Meiksins Wood, The Pristine Culture of Capitalism (London: Verso, 1991), 159.

34.Ellen Meiksins Wood, The Origin of Capitalism: A Longer View (London: Verso, 2002), 184.

35.Harman, “The Rise of Capitalism,” 86.

36.John Haldon, The State and the Tributary Mode of Production (London: Verso, 1993), 67, 84, and 75–87 more generally.

37.Amin, Class and Nation Historically and in the Current Crisis, 88.

38.Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State, 428–30.

CHAPTER 3: CENTURIES OF TRANSITION

1.Chris Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages: Europe and the Mediterranean, 400–800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 9.

2.Ibid., 6, note 6.

3.Ibid., 728–41, 759–80.

4.For some preliminary comparisons and contrasts between three great revolutionary transitions, see chapter 1 in this volume, although the purpose of the discussion there is to identify the specificity of the bourgeois revolution rather than that of its predecessor.

5.Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power, vol. 1, A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 295–98, 371–76. In a review article, Wickham criticized Mann’s assumption that capitalism was already implicit in developments within medieval Europe, but does not broach his failure to discuss the emergence of feudalism in the first place. See “Historical Materialism, Historical Sociology,” New Left Review I/171 (September/October 1988), 73–75.

6.Compare Chris Harman, A People’s History of the World (London: Bookmarks, 1999), 85–86, 104–05 (on the transition to feudalism) and 161–374 (on the transition to capitalism).

7.Friedrich Engels [1884], The Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State: In the Light of the Recent Researches of Lewis H. Morgan, in Collected Works, vol. 26 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990), 245–56.

8.Max Weber [1896], “The Social Causes of the Decline of Ancient Civilization,” in The Agrarian Sociology of Ancient Civilizations (London: New Left Books, 1976), 397–408.

9.Marc Bloch [1947], “How Ancient Slavery Came to an End,” in Slavery and Serfdom in the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), 1–31.

10.Richard Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages (London: Hutchison, 1953), 15.

11.Perry Anderson, Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism (London: New Left Books, 1974), 128.

12.Perry Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London: New Left Books, 1974), 154–55.

13.Karl Marx, Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (Rough Draft) (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1973), 97–98.

14.John Haldon, “The Feudalism Debate Once More: The Case of Byzantium,” Journal of Peasant Studies 17, no. 1 (October 1989), 7; The State and the Tributary Mode of Production (London: Verso, 1993), 73–74. Anderson expresses disagreement with Shtaerman in several contexts, but does refer to her work in relation to the transition itself. See Anderson, Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism, 61, note 9; 83, note 43; and 85, note 48.

15.Moses Finley [1973], The Ancient Economy (Second edition, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1985), 180.

16.Geoffrey de Ste Croix, The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World: From the Archaic Age to the Arab Conquests (London: Duckworth, 1981), 136, 138, 267–69.

17.Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State, 420–29

18.Ibid., 403–10. His definition of feudalism can be found on 407.

19.Guy Bois [1989], Transformations of the Year One Thousand: The Village of Lournard from Antiquity to Feudalism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991), 135.

20.Ibid., 152.

21.Georges Duby [1978], The Three Orders: Feudal Society Imagined (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1980), 147–66, and Pierre Bonnassie [1978], “From the Rhône to Galicia: Origins and Modalities of the Feudal Order,” in From Slavery to Feudalism in South-Western Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 104–31. Although the term is not used, the same concept and chronology can also be found in Jean-Pierre Poly and Eric Bournazel [1984], The Feudal Transformation: 900–1200 (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1991), 2–3, 118–40, 351–57, and Pierre Dockes [1979], Medieval Slavery and Liberation (London: Methuen, 1982), 105–10.

22.Georges Duby [1987], France: The Middle Ages, 987–1460: From Hugh Capet to Joan of Arc (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991).

23.Adriaan Verhulst, “The Decline of Slavery and the Economic Expansion of the Early Middle Ages,” Past and Present 133 (November 1991), 200–202.

24.Bois himself admits that he might be “reproached for an excessive legalism,” but claims that “the social condition of the slave changed without slavery disappearing, just as workers’ conditions have changed since the nineteenth century without it therefore being possible to assume the definitive disappearance of this class.” SeeTransformations of the Year One Thousand, 17, 18.

25.Robert Moore is clearly unhappy about the Marxist connotations of the term “revolution” but nevertheless argues that a “new social order” came about, dominated by “the clerici who became the power elite of the new Europe” and who “constituted a class in all but name.” See The First European Revolution, c. 970–1215 (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000), 6.

26.Chris Wickham [1984], “The Other Transition: From the Ancient World to Feudalism,” in Land and Power: Studies in Italian and European Social History, 400–1200 (London: The British School at Rome, 1994), 29.

27.Ibid., 26.

28.Ibid., 20.

29.Ibid., 23.

30.Ibid., 28.

31.Ibid., 33.

32.Ibid., 36–40; Chris Wickham [1985], “The Uniqueness of the East,” in Land and Power, 43–50, 73–74.

33.Halil Berktay, “The Feudalism Debate: The Turkish End—Is ‘Tax-versus-Rent’ Necessarily the Product and Sign of a Modal Difference?,” Journal of Peasant Studies 14, no. 3 (April 1987), 301–10; Haldon, “The Feudalism Debate Once More,” 9–15; Haldon, The State and the Tributary Mode of Production, 63–69, 87–109.

34.Wickham, “The Uniqueness of the East,” 75.

35.Eric J. Hobsbawm, introduction to Karl Marx, Pre-capitalist Modes of Production (New York: International Books, 1965), 28. See also 32.

36.Marx, Grundrisse, 443. See also Samir Amin, Unequal Development (London: Hassocks, 1976), 15–16.

37.Chris Wickham, “Debate: The ‘Feudal Revolution,’” Past and Present 155 (May 1997), 207–08.

38.Ste Croix, The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World, 19–98

39.Chris Wickham, introduction to Land and Power, 1.

40.Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 822. And see, more recently, Chris Wickham, “Memories of Underdevelopment: What Has Marxism Done for Medieval History, and What Can It Still Do?,” in Marxist History Writing for the Twenty-First Century, edited by Chris Wickham (Oxford: published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press, 2007), 20.

41.In Robert Brenner’s recent summary: “Feudalism had emerged, as they saw it, as a result of exogenous shocks, when a series of invasions—by the so-called barbarians, then the Muslims, and finally the Vikings—disrupted the great trans-Mediterranean trade routes that had long nourished the European economy going back to Roman and Greek times.” See “Property and Progress: Where Adam Smith Went Wrong,” in Marxist History Writing for the Twenty-First Century, 49.

42.Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 302. See also 819, where Northern Francia, Syria, and Palestine are taken as examples of a “complex regional economy based on aristocratic wealth.”

43.Ibid., 339.

44.Fernand Braudel [1949/1966], The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Phillip II (2 volumes, London: Fontana, 1975), vol. 1, 20–21.

45.Ibid., vol. 1, 355–642; vol. 2, 657–900.

46.Wickham wrote that he would take a broader approach in what was then his forthcoming contribution to the Penguin History of Europe (Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 7), and he has done so. See, for example, The Inheritance of Rome: A History of Europe from 400 to 1000 (London: Allen Lane, 2009), 50–75, 232–51, 405–26.

47.Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 12.

48.Ibid., 145.

49.Ibid., 260–61, 262, 264. In Egypt, wage labor was mainly employed for harvest work. For more on the absence of slaves in Italy after around 300 AD, see 276–77.

50.Ibid., 435–36.

51.Ibid., 543.

52.Contrary to what is suggested in Chris Harman, “Shedding New Light on the Dark Ages,” International Socialism 2:109 (Winter 2005/06), 189–90.

53.Chris Wickham, “Productive Forces and the Economic Logic of the Feudal Mode of Production,” Historical Materialism 16, no. 2 (2008), 6.

54.Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 145.

55.Ibid., 60, 61.

56.Ibid., 304.

57.Ibid., 538–41.

58.See, for example, Maurice Godelier, “The Concept of the ‘Asiatic Mode of Production’ and Marxist Models of Social Evolution,” Relations of Production: Marxist Approaches to Economic Anthropology, edited by David D. Seddon (London: Frank Cass, 1978), 241. In my view this is the only way in which the notion of the Asiatic mode can be sensibly applied. See chapter 2 in this volume. Nevertheless, Wickham’s notion of a peasant mode is preferable, not only because it is free from the other connotations surrounding the “Asiatic,” but also—and more importantly—because it foregrounds the class involved in the production process.

59.Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 56–57 (and note 2 to those pages). See also 303–04.

60.Hal Draper, Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution, vol. 1, State and Bureaucracy (New York: Monthly Review, 1978), 239–45.

61.Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 304.

62.See Neil Davidson, “Many Capitals, Many States: Contingency, Logic, or Mediation?,” in Marxism and World Politics: Challenging Global Capitalism, edited by Alexander Anievas (Abingdon: Routledge, 2010), 82–83.

63.Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 563.

64.Wickham, “Productive Forces and the Economic Logic of the Feudal Mode of Production,” 6–7, 11.

65.Wickham, “Memories of Underdevelopment,” 42–43.

66.See chapter 1 in this volume.

67.Robert Brenner, “The Social Basis of Economic Development,” in Analytical Marxism, edited by John Roemer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 53; “Property Relations and the Growth of Agricultural Productivity in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe,” in Economic Development and Agricultural Productivity, edited by Amit Bhaduri and Rune Skarstein (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 1997), 23; “Property and Progress,” 88–89.

68.Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 539.

69.Ibid., 386.

70.Ibid., 572–73.

71.Ibid., 141.

72.Ibid., 140–43, 532.

73.Ibid., 408.

74.Ibid., 529–33

75.Ibid., 441.

76.Ibid., 350–51.

77.Ibid., 578–88.

78.Brent Shaw, “After Rome: Transformations of the Early Mediterranean World,” New Left Review II/51 (May/June 2008), 106. The charge gains some traction when Wickham, who at one point included war as one of the four elements of the economic dynamic, subsequently reduces them to three: “fiscal demand, private demand, [and] prior dependence on the Roman world-system.” See Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 821; compare ibid., 719.

79.Wickham, “Historical Materialism, Historical Sociology,” 77. For Marxist analysis of war and military competition more generally, see Alex Callinicos, Theories and Narratives: Reflections on the Philosophy of History (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995), 116–25.

80.Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 87, 711.

81.Ibid., 827.

CHAPTER 4: SCOTLAND: BIRTHPLACE OF PASSIVE REVOLUTION?

1.For a discussion of the different meanings ascribed to the term by Gramsci, see Adam David Morton, “Reflections on Uneven Development: Mexican Revolution, Primitive Accumulation, Passive Revolution,” Latin American Perspectives 37, no. 1 (January 2010), 7–10, and Alex Callinicos, “The Limits of Passive Revolution,” Capital and Class 34, no. 3, special issue, Approaching Passive Revolutions, edited by Adam David Morton (October 2010), 492–500.

2.See chapter 1 in this volume.

3.Gramsci to Tania, June 6, 1932, in Letters from Prison, vol. 2, edited by Frank Rosengarten (New York: Columbia University Press 1994), 181–82.

4.Antonio Gramsci [1929–34], “Notes on Italian History,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, edited by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), 115, Q10II§61.

5.Ibid., 61, Q19§24.

6.Antonio Gramsci [1927–34], “The Modern Prince,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, 182, Q13§17.

7.There is only one, indirect, reference to Scotland in Gramsci’s writings, in a passage commending the “tendency represented by John Maclean” in a survey of the European revolutionary left for an issue of L’Ordine nuovo, although it describes Maclean as being based “in England.” See “Vita politica internazionale,” L’Ordine nuovo (May 15, 1919). In this he was probably following Lenin’s wartime identification of the key individuals and organizations that could be the basis of a new International. See, for example, Vladimir I. Lenin [1916], “An Open Letter to Boris Souvarine,” in Collected Works, vol. 23, August 1916–March 1917 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1964), 201. A more tenuous connection can be traced from a reference in the prison notebooks to the Italian liberal educationalist Ferrante Aporti. As the editors of the 1971 Selections point out, Aporti was influenced by Robert Owen’s Scottish infant-school experiments after the Napoleonic Wars; it is, however, unclear the extent to which Gramsci was aware of this influence. See Hoare and Nowell-Smith, note to Gramsci, “Notes on Italian History,” 103, note 94.

8.Antonio Gramsci [1922], “Origins of the Mussolini Cabinet,” in Selections from the Political Writings, 1921–1926, edited by Quintin Hoare (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1978), 129. The importance of this passage was first highlighted in Adam David Morton, “Disputing the Geopolitics of Global Capitalism,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 20, no. 4 (December 2007), 599.

9.Supporting evidence for the argument that follows can be found in Neil Davidson, “Scotland’s Bourgeois Revolution,” in Scotland: Class and Nation, edited by Chris Bambery (London: Bookmarks, 1999); The Origins of Scottish Nationhood (London: Pluto Press, 2000); Discovering the Scottish Revolution, 1692–1746 (London: Pluto Press, 2003); “The Scottish Path to Capitalist Agriculture 1: From the Crisis of Feudalism to the Origins of Agrarian Transformation (1688–1746),” Journal of Agrarian Change 4, no. 3 (July 2004); “The Scottish Path to Capitalist Agriculture 2: The Capitalist Offensive (1747–1815),” Journal of Agrarian Change 4, no. 4 (October 2004); “Popular Insurgency during the Glorious Revolution in Scotland,” Scottish Labour History 39 (2004); and “The Scottish Path to Capitalist Agriculture 3: The Enlightenment as the Theory and Practice of Improvement,” Journal of Agrarian Change 5, no. 1 (January 2005).

10.Gramsci, “Notes on Italian History,” 105, Q15§59.

11.Ibid., 58–59, Q19§24.

12.Public General Statutes Affecting Scotland from the Beginning of the First Parliament of Great Britain, 6 Anne AD 1707, to the End of the Fourteenth Parliament of the United Kingdom, 10 and 11 Victoria, AD 1847 (3 volumes, Edinburgh: William Blackwood, 1876), vol. 1, 5.

13.Ibid., 107.

CHAPTER 5: THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IS NOT OVER

1.Georg Lukács [1923], “Towards a Methodology of the Problem of Organization,” in History and Class Consciousness: Essays in Marxist Dialectics (London: Merlin Press, 1971), 308.

2.See, for example, Isaac Deutscher [1959], The Prophet Unarmed: Trotsky, 1921–1929 (London: Verso, 2003), 260–65, and Eric J. Hobsbawm, Echoes of the Marseillaise: Two Centuries Look Back at the French Revolution (London: Verso, 1990), 48–66.

3.Albert Cobban [1955], “The Myth of the French Revolution,” in Aspects of the French Revolution (London: Paladin, 1971), 95–106. Cobban developed these arguments in The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964).

4.Jacob L. Talmon [1952], The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy (London: Mercury Books, 1961), 80.

5.Hobsbawm, Echoes of the Marseillaise, 109; Alasdair MacIntyre, “The End of Ideology and the End of the End of Ideology,” in Against the Self-Images of the Age: Essays on Ideology and Philosophy (London: Duckworth, 1971), 4.

6.The phrase sounds rather more elegant in the original French: “le derapage de la revolution.” See François Furet and Denis Richet [1965], La Révolution française (Revised edition, Paris: Gallimard, 1970), 126.

7.François Furet [1978], “The French Revolution Is Over,” in Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 5–6, 12.

8.David Bell, “Class, Consciousness, and the Fall of the Bourgeoisie,” Critical Review 16, nos. 2–3 (2004), 333.

9.Donald M. G. Sutherland, France, 1789–1815: Revolution and Counter-revolution (London: Fontana, 1985), 140, 442.

10.Benno Teschke, “Bourgeois Revolution, State Formation and the Absence of the International,” Historical Materialism 13, no. 2 (2005), 5.

11.See chapter 1 in this volume.

12.George C. Comninel, Rethinking the French Revolution: Marxism and the Revisionist Challenge (London: Verso, 1990), 182, 193, 200, 202.

13.Henry Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, 1789–1815 (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2006), viii.

14.Henry Heller, The Conquest of Poverty: The Calvinist Revolt in Sixteenth-Century France (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1986); Iron and Blood: Civil Wars in Sixteenth-Century France (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1991); Labour, Science and Technology in France, 1500–1620 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

15.Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, 1.

16.Ibid., 149.

17.Ibid., 26–28.

18.Paul McGarr, “The Great French Revolution,” International Socialism 2:43 (Summer 1989); Albert Soboul [1965], A Short History of the French Revolution, 1789–1799 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977).

19.Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, 22.

20.To be fair to Guérin, his conclusions about the prospects of working-class power in the French Revolution were ultimately more realistic than those of his followers: “The objective conditions of the time did not allow the [sans-culotte] vanguard to beat the bourgeoisie at their own game.” Daniel Guérin [1946], La lutte de classes sous la Première République (Revised edition, 2 volumes, Paris: Gallimard, 1968), vol. 1, 405.

21.Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, 23.

22.Ibid., 89, 93.

23.Ibid., 23.

24.Georges Lefevre [1951], The French Revolution, vol. 1, From its Origins to 1793 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1962); [1957], The French Revolution, vol. 2, From 1793 to 1799 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964); Albert Soboul [1962], The French Revolution, 1787–1799: From the Storming of the Bastille to Napoleon(London: Unwin Hyman, 1989).

25.Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, 23.

26.Ibid., 74.

27.Ibid., 150.

28.Ibid., 7.

29.Ibid., 31. See, for example, Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World System, vol. 2, Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-Economy, 1600–1750 (New York: Academic Press, 1980), 87–90.

30.Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, 34.

31.Ibid., 36.

32.Ibid., 5–6, 36, 45–48.

33.Ibid., 51.

34.Ibid., 37–38.

35.Ibid., 67.

36.See, in general, Perry Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London: New Left Books, 1974), 19–20, and, specifically in relation to France, Robert Brenner [1976], “The Agrarian Roots of European Capitalism,” in The Brenner Debate: Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-industrial Europe, edited by Trevor H. Aston and C. H. E. Philpin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 286–91.

37.See, in general, Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power, vol. 1, A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 475–83, and, specifically in relation to France, Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 52–54.

38.Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, 66.

39.Ibid., 67.

40.Ibid., 67–69, 70, 147.

41.Ibid., 54–60.

42.Teschke, “Bourgeois Revolution, State Formation and the Absence of the International,” 12. See also Ellen Meiksins Wood, The Origin of Capitalism: A Longer View (London: Verso, 2002), 63.

43.See chapter 1 in this volume.

44.Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, 72. For Gramsci’s original discussion of “organic intellectuals,” see Antonio Gramsci, “The Intellectuals,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, edited and translated by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), 14–21, Q8§22, Q12§1.

45.Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, 86.

46.Ibid., 88, 89.

47.Ibid., 91.

48.Ibid., 96, 103, 119, 129.

49.Ibid., 76–78.

50.Ibid., 110.

51.Ibid., 94, 99–103.

52.Ibid., 113.

53.Ibid., 137.

54.See, for example, my discussion of the transition to capitalism in rural Scotland, “The Scottish Path to Capitalist Agriculture 2: The Capitalist Offensive (1747–1815),” Journal of Agrarian Change 4, no. 4 (October 2004), 415–16, 423–31.

55.Benno Teschke, The Myth of 1648: Class, Geopolitics, and the Making of Modern International Relations (London: Verso, 2003), 263.

56.Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, 126.

57.Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492–1800 (London: Verso, 1997), 300–301.

58.C. L. R. James [1938], The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L’Overture and the San Domingo Revolution (New edition, London: Alison and Busby, 1980), 85–86.

59.Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, 139.

60.Simon Schama [1977], Patriots and Liberators: Revolution in the Netherlands, 1780–1813 (Second edition, London: Fontana, 1992), 12–15.

61.Jerome Blum, The End of the Old Order in Rural Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 362, 370; Terence J. Byres, Capitalism from Above and Capitalism from Below (Houndmills: Macmillan, 1996), 27–28.

62.Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, 7.

63.Ibid., 11.

64.Ibid., 149.

65.Ibid., 65.

66.Geoff Eley, “The British Model and the German Road: Rethinking the Course of German History before 1914,” in David Blackbourn and Geoff Eley, The Peculiarities of German History: Bourgeois Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), 85, 154. These conclusions are supported by most serious contemporary histories of Nazi Germany. See, for example, Ian Kershaw, Hitler, 1889–1936: Hubris (London: Allen Lane, 1998), 73–75, and Richard J. Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich (London: Allen Lane, 2003), 2–21.

67.Brian Manning, “The English Revolution: The Decline and Fall of Revisionism,” Socialist History 14 (1999), 46 and 44–46 more generally.

68.Heller, The Bourgeois Revolution in France, ix.

CHAPTER 6: THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR CONSIDERED AS A BOURGEOIS REVOLUTION

1.The major exceptions are: Herman Schluter [1913], Lincoln, Labor and Slavery: A Chapter in the Social History of America (New York: Russell and Russell, 1965); W. E. B. Du Bois [1935], Black Reconstruction in America (New York: Athenaeum, 1969); Bernard Mandel [1955], Labor, Free and Slave: Workingmen and the Anti-slavery Movement in the United States (Urbana: University of Illinois, 2007).

2.Eugene Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York: Vintage Books, 1972); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (New York: Harper and Row, 1988).

3.See, for example, David Williams, A People’s History of the Civil War: Struggles for the Meaning of Freedom (New York: The New Press, 2005), 12.

4.Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The “Objectivity Question” and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 95–96, 155.

5.Compare Charles and Mary Beard [1927], The Rise of American Civilization (New edition, two volumes in one, revised and enlarged, New York: Macmillan, 1935), vol. 2, The Industrial Era, 52–121, and Louis Hacker, The Triumph of American Capitalism: The Development of Forces in American History to the End of the Nineteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1940), 280–400.

6.For a selection, see Peter Camejo, Racism, Revolution, Reaction, 1861–1877: The Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction (New York: Monad Press, 1976), 13; James McPherson [1982], “The Second American Revolution,” in Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 10–22; Mandel, Labor, Free and Slave, 202; and George Novack, introduction to America’s Revolutionary Heritage, edited by George Novack (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1976), 16.

7.Comer Vann Woodward, Reunion and Reaction: The Compromise of 1877 and the End of Reconstruction (Boston: Little, Brown, 1951), ix, 215.

8.See, for example, Camejo, Racism, Revolution, Reaction, 1861–1877, 11, 216–17, 228–32.

9.Barrington Moore [1966], The Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1973), 427–28.

10.Ibid., 112.

11.Ibid., 149–52; Kevin Anderson, Marx at the Margins: On Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Non-Western Societies (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2010), 263, note 1; Eugene Genovese [1968], “Marxist Interpretations of the Slave South,” in In Red and Black: Marxian Explorations in Southern and Afro-American History (New York: Vintage, 1972), 345–48; McPherson, “The Second American Revolution,” 9–10.

12.John Ashworth, Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic, vol. 1, Commerce and Compromise, 1820–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 498.

13.John Ashworth, Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic, vol. 2, The Coming of the Civil War, 1850–1861 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 647.

14.Gerald Runkle, “Karl Marx and the American Civil War,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 6, no. 2 (January 1964), 138–41.

15.A third letter from the IWMA, “To the People of the United States,” emphasizing the need for blacks to be granted full equality, was not written by Marx but by one of the International’s trade-unionist leaders, William Cremer. See Anderson, Marx at the Margins, 193–94.

16.John Cairnes, The Slave Power: Its Character, Career, and Probable Designs (New York: Carleton, 1862); Frederick Law Olmstead, The Cotton Kingdom: A Traveler’s Observations on Cotton and Slavery in the American Slave States (New York: Mason Brothers, 1862).

17.Perry Anderson [1976], “The Notion of a Bourgeois Revolution,” in English Questions (London: Verso, 1992), 106; David Fernbach, introduction to Karl Marx, Political Writings, vol. 2, Surveys from Exile, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1974), 31–32; Genovese, “Marxist Interpretations of the Slave South,” 321–35.

18.Karl Marx [1867], Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1 (Harmondsworth: Penguin/New Left Review, 1976), 90.

19.Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels [1848], “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” in Political Writings, vol. 1, The Revolutions of 1848, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin/New Left Review, 1974), 69, note 15; Friedrich Engels [1885], “Preface to the Third German Edition of The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte by Marx,” in Collected Works, vol. 26 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990), 302–03.

20.See, for example, in relation to the Meiji Restoration, Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Capital: 1848–1875 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1975), 151, and Albert Soboul [1965], A Short History of the French Revolution, 1789–1799 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 167–68.

21.Geoff Eley, “The English Model and the German Road: Rethinking the Course of German History before 1914,” in David Blackbourn and Geoff Eley, The Peculiarities of German History: Bourgeois Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), 85.

22.Andrew Abbott [1997], “On the Concept of Turning Point,” in Time Matters: On Theory and Method (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2001), 250.

23.Alex Callinicos, “Trotsky’s Theory of ‘Permanent Revolution’ and Its Relevance to the Third World Today,” International Socialism 2:16 (Spring 1982), 110.

24.See chapter 1 in this volume.

25.Geoffrey de Ste Croix, The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World: From the Archaic Age to the Arab Conquests (London: Duckworth, 1981), 52.

26.Jairus Banaji, “Modes of Production in a Materialist Conception of History,” Capital and Class 3 (Autumn 1977), 4–5, 30–31; Karl Marx [1857–58], Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (Rough Draft) (Harmondsworth: Penguin/New Left Review, 1973), 463. See also the useful summary of Banaji’s position in Abigail Bakan, “Plantation Slavery and the Capitalist Mode of Production: An Analysis of the Development of the Jamaican Labor Force,” Studies in Political Economy 22 (Spring 1987), 75–77.

27.See chapter 4 in this volume. For a more detailed account, see Neil Davidson, Discovering the Scottish Revolution, 1692–1746 (London: Pluto Press, 2003), 73–285.

28.James Garfield, Garfield’s Words: Suggestive Passages from the Public and Private Writings of James Abram Garfield, edited by William Ralston Balch (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle, and Rivington, 1881), 161.

29.Mike Davis [1980], “How the US Working Class is Different,” in Prisoners of the American Dream: Politics and Economy in the History of the US Working Class (London: Verso, 1986), 12.

30.James Redpath, The Roving Editor, Or, Talks with Slaves in the Southern States (New York: A.B. Burdic, 1859), 300–301.

31.Georges Clemenceau, American Reconstruction, 1865–1870, and the Impeachment of President Johnson, edited by Fernand Baldensperger (New York and Toronto: Dial Press and Longmans, Green, 1928), 226.

32.Perry Anderson [1987], “The Figures of Descent,” in English Questions, 155–56. See also, specifically in relation to the US, Alex Callinicos, “Bourgeois Revolutions and Historical Materialism,” International Socialism 2:43 (Summer 1989), 153–54.

33.See, for example, Leo Panitch, Renewing Socialism: Democracy, Strategy, and Imagination (Boulder: Westview Press, 2001), 21, 40.

34.See, for example, Gordon S. Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New York: Vintage, 1992), 175–76.

35.See, for example, Gareth Stedman Jones, “The Specificity of US Imperialism,” New Left Review I/60 (March/April 1970), 63–65.

36.See, for example, “The Trouble with Revolutions,” The Economist (July 8, 1989), 14.

37.Independent Chronicle (September 5, 1776), quoted in Elisha Douglas, Rebels and Democrats: The Struggle for Equal Political Rights and Majority Rule during the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1955), 153.

38.John Adams [1765], “A Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal Law,” in The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: With a Life of the Author, Notes, and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles F. Adams, vol. 3, Autobiography, Diary, Notes of a Debate in the Senate, Essays, edited by Charles F. Adams (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1851), 454–55, 464.

39.Rowland Berthoff and John M. Murrin, “Feudalism, Communalism, and the Yeoman Freeholder: The American Revolution Considered as a Social Accident,” in Essays on the American Revolution, edited by Stephen G. Kurtz and James H. Hutson (Chapel Hill and New York: University of North Carolina Press and W. W. Norton, 1973), 261–86; Terence J. Byres, Capitalism from Above and Capitalism from Below (Houndmills: Macmillan, 1996), 165–86.

40.Hal Draper, Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution, vol. 2, The Politics of Social Classes (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1978), 17–21.

41.Beard, The Industrial Era, 54.

42.Michael Merrill, “The Anticapitalist Origins of the United States,” Review 13, no. 4 (Fall 1990), 481–93.

43.Forrest McDonald, Alexander Hamilton: A Biography (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979), 3.

44.William Drayton, The South Vindicated from the Treason and Fanaticism of the Northern Abolitionists (Philadelphia: H. Manly, 1836), 179–81.

45.Macon Telegraph (November 8, 1860), quoted in Michael Johnson, Toward a Patriarchal Republic: The Secession of Georgia (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1977), 46.

46.The Congressional Globe, new series, 68 (March 6, 1862), 1077.

47.Karl Marx [1844], “Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts,” in Early Writings (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1975), 340; Karl Marx [1848], “The Bourgeoisie and the Counter-revolution,” in The Revolutions of 1848, 192–93.

48.Karl Marx [1861], “The Civil War in the United States,” in Surveys from Exile, 351.

49.Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776–1848 (London: Verso, 1988), 9, 383–84; Moses I. Finley, Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1983), 11, 80–81.

50.Marx, Grundrisse, 224.

51.Ibid., 513.

52.David Roediger, “Precapitalism in One Confederacy: Genovese, Politics, and the Slave South,” in Towards the Abolition of Whiteness: Essays on Race, Politics, and Working Class History (London: Verso, 1994), 49.

53.Marx, Capital, vol. 1, 878.

54.Peter Kolchin, American Slavery, 1619–1877 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1993), 6.

55.Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern (London: Verso, 1997), 374.

56.Banaji, “Modes of Production in a Materialist Conception of History,” 15–17.

57.Mark Twain [1883], Life on the Mississippi (Teddington: Echo Press, 2006), 46.

58.Andrew Hook, “Scott and America,” in From Goosecreek to Gandercleugh: Studies in Scottish-American Literary and Cultural History (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1999), 103–10, and “The South, Scotland, and William Faulkner,” ibid., 193–201.

59.James McPherson, For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 27.

60.Elizabeth Fox-Genovese and Eugene Genovese [1979], “The Slave Economies in Political Perspective,” in Fruits of Merchant Capital: Slavery and Bourgeois Property in the Rise and Expansion of Capitalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), 39–40.

61.Kolchin, American Slavery, 190.

62.Vladimir I. Lenin [1911], “The ‘Peasant Reform’ and the Proletarian-Peasant Revolution,” in Collected Works, vol. 17, December 1910–April 1912 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1963), 128.

63.Byres, Capitalism from Above and Capitalism from Below, 27–28.

64.Hobsbawm, The Age of Capital, 188.

65.Jerome Blum, The End of the Old Order in Rural Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 362, 370; Byres, Capitalism from Above and Capitalism from Below, 105–08.

66.Kolchin, American Slavery, 99–105.

67.Elizabeth Fox-Genovese and Eugene D. Genovese [1975], “Yeoman Farmers in a Slaveholder’s Democracy,” in Fruits of Merchant Capital, 263.

68.Theodore Allen, The Invention of the White Race, vol. 2, The Origin of Racial Oppression in Anglo-America (London: Verso, 1997), 249.

69.Shearer Davis Bowman, “Antebellum Planters and Vormärz Junkers in Comparative Perspective,” American Historical Review 85, no. 3 (October 1980), 783, 785–86, 795, 806–07.

70.Viken Tchakerian, “Productivity, Extent of Markets, and Manufacturing in the Late Antebellum South and Midwest,” Journal of Economic History 54, no. 3 (September 1994), 519–20.

71.Kolchin, American Slavery, 153.

72.Bakan, “Plantation Slavery and the Capitalist Mode of Production,” 86–91; Gavin Wright, “Capitalism and Slavery on the Islands: A Lesson from the Mainland,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17, no. 4 (Spring 1987), 865–73.

73.David Turley, “Slave Emancipations in Modern History,” in Serfdom and Slavery: Studies in Legal Bondage, edited by Michael Bush (London: Longman, 1996), 187–89.

74.Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery, 492–93.

75.William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South (Boston: T. O. H. P. Burnham, 1863), 179.

76.Richard Ransom and Richard Sutch, “Capitalists without Capital: The Burden of Slavery and the Impact of Emancipation,” Agricultural History 62, no. 3 (Fall 1988), 138–39.

77.Albert Gallatin Brown [1858], “Speech Delivered at Hazlehurst, Mississippi, on the 11^th of September, 1858,” in Speeches, Messages, and Other Writings, edited by Michael W. Cluskey (Philadelphia: Jas. B. Smith, 1859), 594–95.

78.Robert Fogel, Without Consent or Contract: The Rise and Fall of American Slavery (New York: W. W. Norton, 1989), 414–15.

79.Wright, “Capitalism and Slavery on the Islands,” 863.

80.Vladimir I. Lenin [1917], “The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution,” in Collected Works, vol. 24, April–June 1917 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), 59.

81.Leon D. Trotsky [1932–33], The History of the Russian Revolution (London: Pluto Press, 1977), 223.

82.Andrew Dawson, “Northern Manufacturers and the Coming of the American Civil War,” in New Approaches to Socialist History, edited by Keith Flett and David Renton (Cheltenham: New Clarion Press, 2003), 115.

83.Engels to Marx, May 12, 1862, in Collected Works, vol. 41 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1995), 364.

84.Marx to Lion Phillips, May 6, 1861, in Collected Works, vol. 41, 277.

85.Probably the most balanced assessment of Lincoln by either man can be found in Karl Marx [1862], “Comments on the North American Events,” in Collected Works, vol. 19 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1984), 249–51.

86.Carl Schurz [1865], “Report on the Condition of the South,” in Speeches, Correspondence, and Political Papers, vol. 1, October 20, 1852 to November 26, 1870, edited by Frederic Bancroft (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1913), 354.

87.See, for example, Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (“unfinished revolution”) and Camejo, Racism, Revolution, Reaction, 1861–1877, 169–87 (“Republican betrayal”).

88.James McPherson [1964], The Struggle for Equality: Abolitionist and the Negro in the Civil War and Reconstruction (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 430–31.

89.Lisa Lowe, Immigrant Acts: On Asian American Cultural Politics (Durham: Duke University Press, 1996), 27–28.

90.Beard, The Industrial Era, 115.

91.James McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 861.

92.Davidson, Discovering the Scottish Revolution, 272–75.

CHAPTER 7: WHEN HISTORY FAILED TO TURN

1.Broué, The German Revolution, 1917–1923, edited by Ian Birchall and Brian Pearce (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2005), 449.

2.Chris Harman, The Lost Revolution: Germany, 1918 to 1923 (London: Bookmarks, 1982), 12.

3.The German Revolution is fifth in an excellent book series from the journal Historical Materialism, consisting of out-of-print classics, books hitherto untranslated into English, and new works of Marxist scholarship. One subsidiary reason for wishing this volume every success is that it might encourage some enterprising publisher finally to translate Broué’s biography, Trotsky (1988), into English.

4.I discuss the problem of periodization in relation to the bourgeois revolution in Discovering the Scottish Revolution, 1692–1746 (London: Pluto Press, 2003), 9.

5.A. J. P. Taylor [1945], The Course of German History: A Survey of the Development of German History Since 1815 (London: Methuen, 1961), 69.

6.Broué, The German Revolution, 899.

7.Leon D. Trotsky [1923], “The Lessons of October,” in The Challenge of the Left Opposition (1923–1925), edited by Naomi Allen (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1975); Paul Levi [1923], “Introduction to Trotsky’s The Lessons of October,” Revolutionary History 5, no. 2 (Spring 1994).

8.There are two main exceptions, both of which are highly recommended. One is by Franz Borkenau, an Austrian Comintern functionary turned Social Democrat, in a study of the Third International originally published in 1939. See Franz Borkenau [1938], World Communism: A History of the Communist International (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1962), chapter 14, “Germany in 1923.” Despite his reformist politics, Borkenau’s exhilarating account of the revolutionary upheavals in Europe at the end of the First World War is more evocative of the excitement, more alive to the possibilities of those days than many more tediously correct versions, although Broué rightly subjects Borkenau’s Kautskyite views on the supposed inescapable patriotism of the masses in August 1914 to a brief but searching criticism in The German Revolution, 47–49. The other is by E. H. Carr, the senior civil servant turned Times leader-writer turned historian, in his History of Soviet Russia. See E. H. Carr [1954], The Interregnum, 1923–1924 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1969), chapter 9, “The German Fiasco.” Carr’s book is, for me at any rate, the outstanding volume in his entire History of the Bolshevik Revolution.

9.Broué, The German Revolution, 450–51.

10.Ibid., 857.

11.Ibid., 577.

12.Ibid., 840.

13.Ibid., 855. For details of the earlier arguments of Levi and Radek, see 302–04 and 309–13.

14.Ibid., 308–09

15.Ibid., 3–5, 289. This was also the view of at least some of the German revolutionaries during the November revolution of 1918. See ibid., 131.

16.Leon D. Trotsky [1930], introduction to the first Russian edition of “Permanent Revolution,” in The Permanent Revolution & Results and Prospects (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1969), 7. A similar view was actually taken in 1957–58 by internal KPD critics of the Stalinist interpretation of November 1918. See Broué, The German Revolution, 844–45. The classic statement of the case for the bourgeois nature of German society before 1914 remains David Blackbourn and Geoff Eley, The Peculiarities of German History: Bourgeois Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984).

17.Broué, The German Revolution, 280–81.

18.Harman, The Lost Revolution, chapter 7, “The Bavarian Soviet Republic.”

19.Perry Anderson, “Communist Party History,” in People’s History and Socialist Theory, edited by Raphael Samuel (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1981), 148.

20.Eric D. Weitz, foreword to the English edition of Broué, The German Revolution, xv.

21.Broué, The German Revolution, 872.

22.Ibid., 355, 356.

CHAPTER 8: FROM UNEVEN TO COMBINED DEVELOPMENT

1.Michael Löwy, The Politics of Combined and Uneven Development: The Theory of Permanent Revolution (London: Verso, 1981), 52, 89–90.

2.Perry Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London: New Left Books, 1974), 236; Edward A. Brett, The World Economy since the War: The Politics of Uneven Development (London: Macmillan, 1985), 58–59; Isaac Deutscher [1957], “Four Decades of the Revolution,” in Ironies of History (Berkeley: Ramparts Press, 1971), 55; George Novack [1957], “Uneven and Combined Development in History,” in Understanding History: Marxist Essays (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1980).

3.Alex Callinicos and Justin Rosenberg, “Uneven and Combined Development: The Social-Relational Substratum of ‘the International’? An Exchange of Letters,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 21, no. 1 (March 2008), 101; Robert Brenner, “The Agrarian Roots of European Capitalism,” in The Brenner Debate: Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-industrial Europe, edited by Trevor H. Aston and C. H. E. Philpin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 255.

4.Giovanni Arrighi, Adam Smith in Beijing: Lineages of the Twenty-First Century (London: Verso, 2007), 102.

5.Leon D. Trotsky, “The Draft Program of the Communist International—A Critique of Fundamentals,” in The Third International after Lenin (London: New Park, 1974), 15, 61; [1932], “Uneven and Combined Development and the Role of American Imperialism: Minutes of a Discussion,” in Writings of Leon Trotsky [1932–33] (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1972), 116.

6.Robert Brenner, The Boom and the Bubble: The US in the World Economy (London: Verso, 2003), 9–24; [1999], The Economics of Global Turbulence: The Advanced Capitalist Economies from Long Boom to Long Downturn, 1945–2005 (London: Verso, 2006), 32–40; Doreen Massey, Spatial Divisions of Labour: Social Geography and the Geography of Production (Houndmills: Macmillan, 1995), 118–19; Neil Smith [1984], Uneven Development: Nature, Capital and the Production of Space (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990), 135–54.

7.Gottfried von Leibniz [1712], “On an Academy of Arts and Science,” in Selections, edited by P. P. Wiener (New York: Scribner, 1951), 596–97.

8.Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot [1750], “A Philosophical Review of the Successive Advances of the Human Mind,” in Turgot on Progress, Sociology and Economics, edited by Ronald L. Meek (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 5.

9.For examples, see Neil Davidson, “The Scottish Path to Capitalist Agriculture 3: The Enlightenment as the Theory and Practice of Improvement,” Journal of Agrarian Change 5, no. 1 (January 2005), 33–36.

10.“A Supplement, Containing an Account of the Present State of Agriculture, and the Improvements Recently Introduced,” in Lord Kames, The Gentleman Farmer: Being an Attempt to Improve Agriculture by Subjecting It to the Test of Rational Principles (Sixth edition, Edinburgh: Bell and Bradfute, 1815), 537.

11.Walter Scott [1806/1814], Waverley; Or, ’Tis Sixty Years Since, edited by Andrew Hook (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1972), 492.

12.Eric J. Hobsbawm [1965], introduction to Karl Marx, Pre-capitalist Economic Formations (New York: International Publications, 1965), 38.

13.Karl Marx and Frederick Engels [1845–46], The German Ideology: Critique of Modern German Philosophy according to Its Representatives Feuerbach, B. Bauer and Stirner, and of German Socialism according to Its Various Prophets, in Collected Works, vol. 5 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1976), 49, 51.

14.Marx to Engels, October 8, 1858, in Collected Works, vol. 40 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983), 346–47; see also Friedrich Engels [1895], “Introduction [to Karl Marx’s The Class Struggle in France, 1848 to 1850],” in Collected Works, vol. 27 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990), 513.

15.Karl Marx [1867], Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1976), 91.

16.See, for example, Karl Marx [1854], “The Future Consequences of the British Rule in India,” in Political Writings, vol. 2, Surveys from Exile, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1974), 323.

17.Karl Marx [1877], “[Letter to Otechesivenniye Zapiski],” in Collected Works, vol. 24 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1989), 199, 200. See also Marx to Zasulich, March 8, 1881, in Collected Works, vol. 46 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1992), 72.

18.Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels [1882], “Preface to the Second Russian Edition of the ‘Manifesto of the Communist Party,’” in Collected Works, vol. 24, 42.

19.Engels to Danielson, October 17, 1893, in Collected Works, vol. 50 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 2005), 214; Friedrich Engels, “Afterword (1894) [to On Social Relations in Russia],” Collected Works, vol. 27, 423, 424, 431.

20.Marx and Engels, The German Ideology, 83.

21.Karl Marx [1857–58], Grundrisse: Foundations for the Critique of Political Economy (Rough Draft) (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1973), 490; Engels to Schmidt, March 12, 1895, in Collected Works, vol. 50, 565.

22.Friedrich List [1841], The National System of Political Economy (New edition, London: Longmans, Green, 1904), 156.

23.Karl Marx [1845], “Draft of an Article on Frederick List’s Book, Das nationale System der politischen Oekonomie,” in Collected Works, vol. 4 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1975), 281.

24.Karl Marx [1859], “Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy,” in Early Writings (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1975), 425–26.

25.Quoted in Isaiah Berlin, introduction to Franco Venturi, Roots of a Revolution: A History of the Popular and Socialist Movements in Nineteenth-Century Russia (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1960), xx.

26.Georgi Plekhanov [1883], “Socialism and the Political Struggle,” in Selected Philosophical Works, vol. 1 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1961), 79.

27.Georgi Plekhanov [1884], “Our Differences,” in Selected Philosophical Works, vol. 1, 364–66.

28.Ibid., 357–58.

29.Georgi Plekhanov [1895], “The Development of the Monist View of History,” in Selected Philosophical Works, vol. 1, 704, 705.

30.See the contributions extracted from the Congress record, “Congress Debate on Colonial Policy [1907],” in Lenin’s Struggle for a Revolutionary International: Documents, 1907–1916, edited by John Riddell (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1984), 9–15.

31.Karl Kautsky [1906], “The American Worker,” Historical Materialism 11, no. 4 (2003), 16.

32.Antonio Labriola [1896], “Historical Materialism,” in Essays on the Materialistic Conception of History (Chicago: Charles. H. Kerr, 1909), 240; Leon D. Trotsky [1929], My Life: An Attempt at an Autobiography (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1975), 123–24, 133.

33.Smith, Uneven Development, xiv.

34.Vladimir I. Lenin [1916], “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism: A Popular Outline,” in Collected Works, vol. 22 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1964), 241.

35.Ibid., 263–64.

36.Leon D. Trotsky [1907–09], 1905 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1973), 68; Rudolf Hilferding [1911], Finance Capital, edited by Tim Bottomore (London: Routledge, 1981), 322; Antonio Gramsci [1917], “The Revolution Against ‘Capital,’” in Selections from the Political Writings, edited by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1977), 6.

37.Thorstein Veblen [1916], Imperial Germany and the Industrial Revolution (New York: Viking Press, 1939), 65–66, 85–86.

38.Leon D. Trotsky [1906], “Results and Prospects,” in The Permanent Revolution & Results and Prospects (New York: Pathfinder, 1969), 65–66, 105–106.

39.Leon D. Trotsky [1932–33], The History of the Russian Revolution (London: Pluto Press, 1977), 27.

40.See, for example, Otto Kuusinen et al., Fundamentals of Marxism-Leninism (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1961), 386.

41.Ernest Mandel, Trotsky as Alternative (London: Verso, 1995), 1.

42.Leon D. Trotsky [1940], “A Serious Work on Russian Revolutionary History,” in Writings of Leon Trotsky Supplement (1934–40), 858.

43.The only real forerunner here is Rosa Luxemburg in a brilliant early article on the Ottoman Empire; see [1896], “Social Democracy and the National Struggles in Turkey,” Revolutionary History 8, no. 3, The Balkan Socialist Tradition and the Balkan Federation, 1871–1915 (2003), 38–40.

44.Leon D. Trotsky [1929], “Permanent Revolution,” in The Permanent Revolution & Results and Prospects, 241.

45.Peter Curtin, The World and the West: The European Challenge and the Overseas Response in the Age of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 150.

46.Peter Gowan, The Global Gamble: Washington’s Faustian Bid for World Dominance (London: Verso, 1999), 167.

47.Trotsky, “Permanent Revolution,” 148–50, 252–60; “The Draft Program of the Communist International—A Critique of Fundamentals,” 14–19.

48.Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, 27–28.

49.Trotsky, “Revolution and War in China,” in Leon Trotsky on China (New York: Monad Press, 1976), 583.

50.Michael Burawoy, The Politics of Production: Factory Regimes under Capitalism and Socialism (London: Verso, 1985), 99.

51.Jamie Allinson and Alexander Anievas, “The Uses and Misuses of Uneven and Combined Development: An Anatomy of a Concept,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 22, no. 1 (March 2009), 52.

52.Vladimir I. Lenin [1899], The Development of Capitalism in Russia, in Collected Works, vol. 3 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1960), 191–210.

53.Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, 30. And see, for example, Alfred Rieber, Merchants and Entrepreneurs in Imperial Russia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 224.

54.Burawoy, The Politics of Production, 99.

55.Trotsky, “The Draft Program of the Communist International—A Critique of Fundamentals,” 159–60; [1928], “Summary and Perspectives of the Chinese Revolution,” in Leon Trotsky on China, 324–25.

56.See chapter 9 in this volume.

57.Georg Lukács [1924], Lenin: A Study in the Unity of his Thought (London: New Left Books, 1970), chapter 1.

58.Leon D. Trotsky [1932], “In Defense of the Russian Revolution,” in Leon Trotsky Speaks (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1972), 251.

59.Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, 27.

60.Clive Treblicock, The Industrialisation of the Continental Powers, 1780–1914 (London: Longman, 1981), 208.

61.Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, 55. And see, for example, Peter Gatrell, Government, Industry and Rearmament in Russia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 15.

62.See, for example, Alexander Gerschenkron, Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1962), 127–28.

63.Leon D. Trotsky [1924], “For the Internationalist Perspective,” in Leon Trotsky Speaks, 199. See also Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, 33.

64.David Cannadine, “The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the ‘Invention of Tradition,’ c. 1820–1977,” in The Invention of Tradition, edited by Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 120–50; Christopher A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004), 426–30.

65.Leon D. Trotsky [1924], “Radio, Science, Technology, and Society,” in Problems of Everyday Life: Creating the Foundations for a New Society in Revolutionary Russia (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1994), 257.

66.Trotsky, “The Draft Program of the Communist International—A Critique of Fundamentals,” 115.

67.Trotsky, The Revolution Betrayed: What Is the Soviet Union and Where Is It Going? (New York: Monod Press, 1937), 300.

68.Allinson and Anievas also have concerns with claims for the transhistorical nature of uneven and combined development, although for different reasons than those expressed here. See “The Uses and Misuses of Uneven and Combined Development,” 62–63.

69.Justin Rosenberg, “Why Is There No International Historical Sociology?,” European Journal of International Relations 12, no. 3 (September 2006), 321.

70.Ibid., 321–25.

71.Marx and Engels, The German Ideology, 50–51.

72.John Haldon, The State and the Tributary Mode of Production (London: Verso, 1994), 63–69; Chris Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages: Europe and the Mediterranean, 400–800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 57–61.

73.Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, 28.

74.Trotsky, “The Draft Program of the Communist International—A Critique of Fundamentals,” 15.

75.Justin Rosenberg, “International Relations—the ‘Higher Bullshit’: A Reply to the Globalization Theory Debate,” International Politics 44, no. 4 (December 2007), 456.

76.Justin Rosenberg, “Globalization Theory: A Post-mortem,” International Politics 42, no. 1 (March 2005), 41.

77.Callinicos and Rosenberg, “Uneven and Combined Development: The Social-Relational Substratum of ‘the International’?,” 99.

78.Colin Barker, “Beyond Trotsky: Extending Combined and Uneven Development,” in 100 Years of Permanent Revolution: Results and Prospects, edited by Bill Dunn and Hugo Radice (London: Pluto Press, 2006), 78. See also Allinson and Anievas, “The Uses and Misuses of Uneven and Combined Development,” 54.

79.Trotsky, “Permanent Revolution,” 146.

80.Robert Looker and David Coates, “The State and the Working Class,” in The Rise of the Modern State, edited by James Anderson (Brighton: Harvester, 1986), 112–13; Herman Schwartz, States versus Markets: The Emergence of a Global Economy (Second edition, Houndmills: Macmillan, 2000), 95–96.

CHAPTER 9: CHINA: UNEVENNESS, COMBINATION, REVOLUTION?

1.For the following three paragraphs of this section, see chapter 8 in this volume.

2.Jean Chesneaux, The Chinese Labor Movement, 1919–1927 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1968), 50.

3.Lucian W. Pye, foreword to Shanghai: Revolution and Development in an Asian Metropolis, edited by Christopher Howe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), xv.

4.David Strand, “‘A High Place Is No Better than a Low Place’: The City in the Making of Modern China,” in Becoming Chinese: Passages to Modernity and Beyond, edited by Wen-Hsin Yeh (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 102.

5.Harold Isaacs [1938], The Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution (Second revised edition, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1961), 1.

6.John Gittings, Real China: From Cannibalism to Karaoke (London: Simon and Schuster, 1997), 269–71.

7.Beverly Silver, Forces of Labor: Workers’ Movements and Globalization since 1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 147.

8.Dorothy Solinger, Contesting Citizenship in Urban China: Peasant Migrants, the State, and the Logic of the Market (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 34, 38–40.

9.R. Bin Wong, China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of the European Experience (New York: Cornell University Press, 1997), 67.

10.Lei Guang, “Rural Taste, Urban Fashions: The Cultural Politics of Rural/Urban Difference in Contemporary China,” Positions 11, no. 3, special issue, Intellectuals and Social Movements, Part 1 (Winter 2003), 616–17.

11.Wong, China Transformed, 185.

12.Mark Selden, “State, Market and Sectoral Inequality in Contemporary China,” in States versus Markets in the World System, edited by Peter Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Evelyne H. Stephens (Beverley Hills: Sage, 1985), 280.

13.Ajit S. Bhalla, Uneven Development in the Third World: A Study of China and India (Second revised edition, London: Macmillan, 1995), 297.

14.Raymond Lau, “Economic Determination in the Last Instance: China’s Political-Economic Development under the Impact of the Asian Financial Crisis,” Historical Materialism 8 (2001), 238.

15.David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), chapter 5.

16.United Nations Human Development Program, Human Development Report 2003: Millennium Development Goals: Compact among Nations to End Human Poverty (New York: United Nations Organization/Oxford University Press, 2003), 40–41.

17.Graham Hutchings, Modern China (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 2000), 229.

18.United Nations Human Development Program, Human Development Report 2003, 73.

19.United Nations Human Development Program, China Human Development Report 1999: Transition and the State (Oxford: United Nations Organization/Oxford University Press, 1999), 62.

20.Shaoguang Wang and Angang Hu, The Political Economy of Uneven Development: The Case of China (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1999), 13–14.

21.Andrew Glyn, “Global Imbalances,” New Left Review, II/34 (July/August 2005), 17.

22.Jonathan Watts, “Boom City Struggles to Cope as Millions Move In,” The Guardian (December 6, 2003); Shahid Yusif and Weiping Wu, “Pathways to a Global City: Shanghai Rising in an Era of Globalization,” Urban Studies 39, no. 7 (June 2002), 1233.

23.Callum Henderson, China on the Brink: The Myths and Realities of the World’s Largest Market (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1999), 30.

24.Wang and Hu, The Political Economy of Uneven Development, 73.

25.Lei Guang, “Rural Taste, Urban Fashions,” 618.

26.Wang Danyu, “Stepping on Two Boats: Urban Strategies of Chinese Peasants and Their Children,” International Review of Social History 45, Supplement 8, Household Strategies for Survival 1600–2000: Fission, Faction and Cooperation, edited by Laurence Fontaine and Jürgen Schlumbohm (2000), 181–82, 191–94; John Knight, Lina Song, and Jia Huaibin, “Chinese Rural Migrants in Urban Enterprises: Three Perspectives,” Journal of Development Studies 35, no. 3, special issue, The Workers’ State Meets the Market: Labor in China’s Transition (February 1999), 87–99.

27.Ya Ping Wang and Alan Murie, “Social and Spatial Implications of Housing Reform in China,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 24, no. 2 (June 2000), 406.

28.Li Zhang, Strangers in the City: Reconfigurations of Space, Power, and Social Networks within China’s Floating Population (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), 27.

29.Solinger, Contesting Citizenship in Urban China, 247.

30.Hutchings, Modern China, 339–43.

31.Guo Xiaolin, “‘It’s All a Matter of Hats’: Rural Urbanization in South-West China,” Journal of Peasant Studies 29, no. 1 (October 2001), 111–20.

32.Peter G. Rowe, conclusion to Modern Urban Housing in China, 1840–2000, edited by Lu Junhua, Peter G. Rowe, and Zhang Jie (London: Prestel, 2001), 289.

33.Sarah Cook and Margaret Maurer-Fazio, introduction to The Workers’ State Meets the Market, 1; Henderson, China on the Brink, 39; Lau, “Economic Determination in the Last Instance,” 241.

34.Wang Xiaoming, “China on the Brink of a ‘Momentous Era,’” Intellectuals and Social Movements, 591.

35.Henderson, China on the Brink, 47, 50, 258.

36.China Labor Watch, “Reebok’s Human Rights Standard and Chinese Workers’ Working Conditions” (January 1, 2002), available at chinalaborwatch.org.

37.Feng Chen, “Industry, Restructuring, and Workers’ Resistance in China,” Modern China 29, no. 2 (April 2003), 239.

38.Solinger, Contesting Citizenship in Urban China, 284.

39.Trini Leung, “The Third Wave of the Chinese Labor Movement in the Post-Mao Era,” China Labor E-bulletin 7 (June 5, 2002), available at http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/55/297.html.

40.Donny Gluckstein, The Western Soviets: Workers’ Councils versus Parliament, 1915–20 (London: Bookmarks, 1985), 51–55; Chris Wrigley, introduction to Challenges of Labor: Western and Central Europe, 1917–20, edited by Chris Wrigley (London: Routledge, 1993), 5–7, 15–16.

41.Lian Yang, “Dark Side of the Chinese Moon,” New Left Review, II/32 (March/April 2005).

42.Wang Dan, Li Minqi, and Wang Chaohua, “A Dialogue on the Future of China,” in One China, Many Paths, edited by Wang Chaohua (London: Verso, 2003), 321–22.

43.Andrew J. Nathan and Bruce Gilley, China’s New Rulers: The Secret Files (London: Granta, 2002), 235.

44.Ibid., 191–92.

45.Peter Linebaugh [1991], The London Hanged: Crime and Civil Society in the Eighteenth Century (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1993), xv.

46.Lian Yang, “Dark Side of the Chinese Moon,” 139.

47.Lau, “Economic Determination in the Last Instance,” 240.

48.Feng Chen, “Industry, Restructuring, and Workers’ Resistance in China,” 255–56.

49.Leon D. Trotsky [1932–33], The History of the Russian Revolution (London: Pluto Press, 1977), 27.

50.Gregory E. Guldin, What’s a Peasant to Do? Village Becoming Town in Southern China (Boulder: Westview Press, 2001), 189.

51.Ben Hillman, “The Rise of the Community in Rural China: Village Politics, Cultural Identity, and Religious Revival in a Hui Village,” The China Journal 51 (January 2004), 73.

52.Deborah Davis, “Social Transformations of Metropolitan China since 1949,” in Cities in the Developing World: Issues, Theory and Policy, edited by Josef Gugler (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 177, 199.

53.Stanley Rosen, “The Victory of Materialism: Aspirations to Join China’s Urban Moneyed Classes and the Commercialization of Education,” The China Journal 51 (January 2004), 51.

54.Alexis de Tocqueville [1856], The Ancien Régime and the French Revolution (London: Fontana, 1966), 196; Leon D. Trotsky [1921], “Flood-Tide,” in The First Five Years of the Communist International, vol. 2 (London: New Park Publications, 1974), 82.

55.Henderson, China on the Brink, 53.

56.Guldin, What’s a Peasant to Do?, 269–70.

CHAPTER 10: THIRD WORLD REVOLUTION

1.See chapters 8 and 11 in this volume.

2.There is no entirely satisfactory terminology in which to discuss these issues. None of the binary oppositions that have been used over the last hundred years or so—oppressor/oppressed, West/East, First World/Third World, core/periphery, North/South, advanced/backward, developed/underdeveloped, emergent/established—adequately express current global divisions. Even leaving aside their theoretical adequacy, they all refer to slightly different groups of countries. Vicky Randall argues that, whatever term we use, one “is needed to denote the continuing imbalance of economic and political power between (and not only within) the world’s nations. Given this axis of inequality, it also provides an important rallying point as a focus for symbolic identification. In addition it may be desirable to hold onto the idea of a North and South as a corrective to current clash of civilisation arguments.” See “Using and Abusing the Concept of the Third World,” Third World Quarterly 25, no. 1 (2004), 52. I havecontinued to use “Third World” for reasons of familiarity and convenience, not because it has any greater scientific provenance than the alternatives.

3.Ernest Mandel, Revolutionary Marxism Today, edited by Jon Rothschild (London: New Left Books, 1979), 88–89.

4.Eric J. Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 (London: Allen Lane, 1994), 357.

5.Gilbert Rist, The History of Development: From Western Origins to Global Faith (New revised and expanded edition, London: Zed Books, 2002), 151.

6.United Nations Human Development Program, Human Development Report 2003: Millennium Development Goals: A Compact among Nations to End Human Poverty (New York: United Nations Organization/Oxford University Press, 2003), 31. For a discussion of the differences between East Asia and sub-Saharan Africa in particular, see Giovanni Arrighi, “The African Crisis,” New Left Review II/15 (May/June 2002), 24–31.

7.Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), xiii, 335.

8.Roger Burbach, Globalization and Postmodern Politics: From Zapatistas to High-Tech Robber Barons (London: Pluto Press, 2001), 50.

9.Hari Al-Kazzaf, “Western Demos Make Big Impact on Islamic World,” Spectrezine, available at www.spectrezine.org/war/Egypt.htm.

10.Lant Pritchett, “Divergence, Big Time,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 11, no. 3 (Summer 1997), 9.

11.United Nations Human Development Program, Human Development Report 2003, 39.

12.Doug Henwood, After the New Economy (New York: The New Press, 2003), 132.

13.Nigel Harris, The End of the Third World: Newly Industrialising Countries and the Decline of an Ideology (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1986), 102.

14.Robert Brenner, The Boom and the Bubble: The US in the World Economy (London: Verso, 2002), 37.

15.Neil Smith, The Endgame of Globalization (New York: Routledge, 2005), 137.

16.United Nations Human Development Program, Human Development Report 2003, 39.

17.Hans Kundnani, “Rich Get Even Richer in Third World,” The Guardian (June 21, 2006).

18.Mike Davis, A Planet of Slums (London: Verso, 2006), 157–58.

19.Nigel Harris, The Return of Cosmopolitan Capital: Globalisation, the State and War (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003), 244.

20.Henwood, After the New Economy, 133.

21.Harris, The End of the Third World, 201.

22.Henwood, After the New Economy, 134.

23.Richard Wilkinson, The Impact of Inequality: How to Make Sick Societies Healthier (New York: The New Press, 2005), 15–16, 18.

24.Greg Critser, Fat Land: How Americans Became the Fattest People in the World (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 2004), 109–16.

25.Sophie Bessis, Western Supremacy (London: Zed Books, 2003), 223.

26.Retort, Afflicted Powers: Capital and Spectacle in a New Age of War (London: Verso, 2005), 11.

27.Robert Cooper, The Breaking of Nations: Order and Chaos in the Twenty-First Century (London: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2003), 68–70; Niall Ferguson, Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire (London: Allen Lane, 2004), 15–26, 290–95.

28.Quoted in Tyler Marshall, “Bush’s Foreign Policy Shifting,” Los Angeles Times (June 5, 2005).

29.Johan Norberg, In Defense of Global Capitalism (Stockholm: Cato Institute, 2003), 47.

30.Stefan Andreasson, “Economic Reforms and ‘Virtual Democracy’ in South Africa,” Journal of Contemporary African Studies 21, no. 3 (July 2003), 385.

31.Bill Emmott, 20:21 Vision (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 2003), 274.

32.William Easterly, “The Lost Decades: Developing Countries’ Stagnation in Spite of Policy Reform,” Journal of Economic Growth 6, no. 2 (June 2001), 154.

33.John Weeks, “Globalise, Global-lize, Global Lies: Myths of the World Economy during the 1990s,” in Phases of Capitalist Development: Booms, Crises and Globalisations, edited by Robert Albritton, Makoto Itoh, Richard Westra, and Alan Zuege (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001), 272–73.

34.David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 97, 119.

35.Amy Chua, World on Fire: How Exporting Free-Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability (London: Heinemann, 2003), 125. See also Neil Davidson, “The Trouble with ‘Ethnicity,’” International Socialism 2: 84 (Autumn 1999), 12–15.

36.Michael Mann, The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 31. See also 517.

37.Ibid., 526.

38.Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism, 97.

39.Peter Gowan [1991], “The Gulf War, Iraq, and Western Liberalism,” in The Global Gamble: Washington’s Faustian Bid for World Dominance (London: Verso, 1999), 127.

40.Chalmers Johnson, Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire (Second edition, New York: Henry Holt, 2002), 8.

41.Ibid., xvi–xvii. See also 17–18.

42.Smith, The Endgame of Globalization, 206.

43.He Qinglian, “China’s Listing Social Structure,” New Left Review I/5 (September/October 2000), 86.

44.Mike Davis, “Planet of Slums,” New Left Review II/26 (March/April 2004), 5–6, 9, 10.

45.United Nations Human Development Program, The Challenge of Slums: Global Report on Human Settlements 2003 (London: United Nations Organization/Oxford University Press, 2003), 216–18.

46.Larissa Lomnitz, “The Social and Economic Organization of a Mexican Shanty Town,” in Cities in the Developing World: Issues, Theory and Policy, edited by Josef Gugler (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 211, 216.

47.Ursula Huws, “The Making of a Cybertariat? Virtual Work in a Real World,” in The Making of a Cybertariat: Virtual Work in a Real World (London: Merlin Press, 2003), 176.

48.Katherine P. Moseley, “In Defense of the Primitive,” in Rethinking the Third World: Contributions towards a New Conceptualization, edited by Rosemary Galli (New York: Crane Russak, 1992), 102.

49.Ibid., 90.

50.John McMurtry, The Cancer Stage of Capitalism (London: Pluto Press, 1999), 248.

51.Roger Burbach, “Roots of the Postmodern Rebellion in Chiapas,” New Left Review I/205 (May/June 1994), 113, 114.

52.Roger Burbach, “For a Zapatista-Style Postmodernist Perspective,” Monthly Review 47, no. 10 (October 1996), 39.

53.See, for example, Burbach, “Roots of the Postmodern Rebellion in Chiapas,” 123, and Ana Carrigan, “Afterword: Chiapas, the First Postmodern Revolution,” in Subcomandante Marcos, Our Word Is Our Weapon: Selected Writings, edited by Juana Ponce de Leon (London: Serpent’s Tail, 2001), 441.

54.John Holloway, “The Concept of Power and the Zapatistas,” Common Sense 19 (June 1996), 21.

55.Subcomandante Marcos, “Punch Card and the Hourglass,” New Left Review II/9 (May/June 2001), 71.

56.Holloway, “The Concept of Power and the Zapatistas,” 23, 24.

57.Jo Tuckman, “Zapatistas Go Back to the Grassroots to Start Again,” The Guardian (December 27, 2003).

58.Judith A. Hellman, “Real and Virtual Chiapas: Magic Realism and the Left,” in The Socialist Register 2000: Necessary and Unnecessary Utopias, edited by Leo Panitch and Colin Leys (London: Merlin Press, 2000), 172–73.

CHAPTER 11: FROM DEFLECTED PERMANENT REVOLUTION TO THE LAW OF UNEVEN AND COMBINED DEVELOPMENT

1.Slavoj Žižek, “Afterword: Lenin’s Choice,” in Vladimir I. Lenin, Revolution at the Gates: A Selection of Writings from February to October 1917, edited by Slavoj Žižek (London: Verso, 2002), 305–06.

2.Tony Cliff [1963], “Permanent Revolution,” in Selected Works, vol. 3, Marxist Theory after Trotsky (London: Bookmarks, 2003).

3.Alasdair MacIntyre [1963], “Trotsky in Exile,” in Alasdair MacIntyre’s Engagement with Marxism: Selected Writings, 1953–1974, edited by Paul Blackledge and Neil Davidson (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2008), 275.

4.Tony Cliff, A World to Win: Life of a Revolutionary (London: Bookmarks, 2000), 42, 48.

5.Gonzalo Pozo-Martin, “Reassessing the Permanent Arms Economy,” International Socialism 2:127 (Summer 2010).

6.Leo Zeilig, “Tony Cliff: Deflected Permanent Revolution in Africa,” International Socialism 2:126 (Spring 2010), 182.

7.Ibid., 163. The article is part of a growing and impressive body of work by the same author on the rich and complex history of African politics. See also Leo Zeilig, Revolt and Protest: Student Politics and Activism in Sub-Saharan Africa (London: I. B. Tauris, 2007); Lumumba: Africa’s Lost Leader (London: Haus Publishing, 2008); andClass Struggle and Resistance in Africa (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2009).

8.Other writers in the International Socialism tradition have subsequently made this more explicit. See, for example, Alex Callinicos, “Bourgeois Revolutions and Historical Materialism,” International Socialism 2:43 (Summer 1989), 159–60, and Nigel Harris, The Mandate of Heaven: Marx and Mao in Modern China (London: Quartet Books, 1978), 261–82.

9.Tony Cliff, Trotsky, vol. 1, Towards October, 1879–1917 (London: Bookmarks, 1989), 128. For his entire discussion see ibid., 126–28, and Tony Cliff, Trotsky, vol. 4, The Darker the Night the Brighter the Star, 1927–1940 (London: Bookmarks, 1993), 164–65.

10.See Richard B. Day and Daniel Gaido, introduction to Witnesses to Permanent Revolution: The Documentary Record (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2009); Norman Geras, “Between the Russian Revolutions,” in The Legacy of Rosa Luxemburg (London: New Left Books, 1976); Reidar Larsson, Theories of Revolution: From Marx to the First Russian Revolution (Stockholm: Almquist and Wiksell, 1970), 252–304; Michael Löwy, The Politics of Combined and Uneven Development: The Theory of Permanent Revolution (London: Verso, 1981), chapter 2.

11.Leon D. Trotsky [1938], “The Death Agony of Capitalism and the Tasks of the Fourth International,” in The Transitional Program for Socialist Revolution (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1977), 138.

12.Leon D. Trotsky [1938], “Revolution and War in China,” in Leon Trotsky on China (New York: Monad Press, 1976), 581, 582–83.

13.Leon D. Trotsky [1938], “Latin American Problems: A Transcript,” in Writings of Leon Trotsky Supplement (1934–40), edited by George Breitman (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1979), 784–85.

14.Trotsky, “Revolution and War in China,” 582.

15.Trotsky, “The Death Agony of Capitalism and the Tasks of the Fourth International,” 138.

16.Cliff, “Permanent Revolution,” 188.

17.Löwy, The Politics of Combined and Uneven Development, 89.

18.Leon D. Trotsky [1933], “Japan Heads for Disaster,” in Writings of Leon Trotsky [1932–33], edited by George Breitman and Sarah Lovell (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1972), 291.

19.Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, “Why Did the West Extend the Franchise? Democracy, Inequality, and Growth in Historical Perspective,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 115, no. 4 (November 2000), 1182–86; Goran Therborn, “The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy,” New Left Review I/103 (May/June 1977), 4, 17.

20.Tony Cliff [1950], “The Class Nature of the People’s Democracies,” in Neither Washington nor Moscow: Essays on Revolutionary Socialism (London: Bookmarks, 1984), 65–66.

21.Alex Callinicos, “Trotsky’s Theory of ‘Permanent Revolution’ and Its Relevance to the Third World Today,” International Socialism 2:16 (Spring 1982), 110.

22.Cliff, A World to Win, 227.

23.Karl Marx [1844], “Critical Notes on ‘The King of Prussia and Social Reform. By a Prussian,’” in Early Writings (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1975), 419–20; Leon D. Trotsky, The Revolution Betrayed: What Is the Soviet Union and Where Is It Going? (New York: Monod Press, 1937), 288. Much the clearest discussion of the subject is in Hal Draper, Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution, vol. 2, The Politics of Social Classes (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1978), 17–21.

24.Chris Harman, “The Storm Breaks,” International Socialism 2:46 (Spring 1990), 64–71.

25.See chapter 7 in this volume.

26.Harman, “The Storm Breaks,” 38.

27.Fred Halliday and Maxine Molyneux, The Ethiopian Revolution (London: Verso, 1981), 62–74.

28.Cliff, “Permanent Revolution,” 196–98.

29.Chris Harman [1994], “The Prophet and the Proletariat,” in Selected Writings (London: Bookmarks, 2010), 344.

30.See chapter 1 in this volume.

31.Trotsky, “Revolution and War in China,” 581, 583–84.

32.For this “consequentialist” position, see Callinicos, “Bourgeois Revolutions and Historical Materialism,” 124–27, and chapter 1 in this volume.

33.See chapter 1 in this volume.

34.Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Capital: 1848–1873 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1975), 21.

35.John Rees, “The Democratic Revolution and the Socialist Revolution,” International Socialism 2:83 (Summer 1999), 28; Imperialism and Resistance (London: Routledge, 2006), 155.

36.Ellen Kay Trimberger, Revolution from Above: Military Bureaucrats and Development in Japan, Turkey, Egypt and Peru (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1978), 4–5, 41–45. Trimberger identifies the Meiji Restoration as the first revolution of this type.

37.Cliff, “Permanent Revolution,” 194–95.

38.Peter Gatrell, Government, Industry and Rearmament in Russia, 1900–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 93; Diane Koenker and William Rosenberg, Strikes and Revolution in Russia, 1917 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 103–10; Jeremiah Schneiderman, Sergei Zubatov and Revolutionary Marxism: The Struggle for the Working Class in Tsarist Russia(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1976), 69–140.

39.Cliff, “Permanent Revolution,” 196.

40.See chapter 8 in this volume.

41.Tim McDaniel, Autocracy, Capitalism and Revolution in Russia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 41–47.

42.Ibid., 407.

43.Mike Davis, “Sand, Fear and Money in Dubai,” in Evil Paradises: Dreamworlds of Neoliberalism, edited by Mike Davis and Daniel Bertrand Monk (London: Verso, 2007), 53–54. Indeed, in the case of China, it might be said that the neoliberal turn after 1978 actually resumed the process of uneven and combined development originally detected by Trotsky in the 1920s, which had been consciously halted by a Maoist leadership only too conscious of the explosive effects of uncontrolled urban expansion. See chapter 9 in this volume.

44.Beverly Silver, Forces of Labor: Workers’ Movements and Globalization since 1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 164.

45.Paul Ginsborg, A History of Contemporary Italy: Society and Politics, 1943–1988 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1990), 47–53, 223–29; Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), 287–89.

46.Edward Luttwak, Turbo-Capitalism: Winners and Losers in the Global Economy (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1998), 25–26.

47.Fred Halliday, Revolution and World Politics: The Rise and Fall of the Sixth Great Power (Houndmills: Macmillan, 1999), 320–21.

CHAPTER 12: REVOLUTIONS BETWEEN THEORY AND HISTORY

1.This is more common than readers might suppose. “Having been a reviewer myself,” confessed the late J. G. Ballard, “I can always tell when somebody has stopped reading the book he’s reviewing.” See [1975], “James Goddard and James Pringle: An Interview with J. G. Ballard,” in Extreme Metaphors: Interviews with J. G. Ballard, 1967–2008 (London: Fourth Estate, 2012), 95.

2.Alex Callinicos, “The Dynamics of Revolution,” International Socialism 2:137 (Winter 2013), 135–36, note 19.

3.Neil Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions? (Chicago: Haymarket, 2012), 575–77.

4.Kevin Anderson, Marx at the Margins: On Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Non-Western Societies (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), chapter 3; Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 164–70.

5.Jairus Banaji [1977], “Modes of Production in a Materialist Conception of History,” in Theory as History: Essays on Modes of Production and Exploitation (Leiden: E. J. Brill/Historical Materialism, 2010), 52–65.

6.Callinicos, “The Dynamics of Revolution,” 136, note 19.

7.Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 415–16.

8.Marcel van der Linden, Workers of the World: Essays towards a Global Labour History (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2008), 336–72.

9.Jairus Banaji [2003], “The Fictions of Free Labour: Contract, Coercion and So-Called Unfree Labour,” in Theory as History, 145.

10.Callinicos, “The Dynamics of Revolution,” 136.

11.Donny Gluckstein, “Comment on Bourgeois Revolution,” International Socialism 2:140 (Autumn 2013), 207.

12.Compare the original plan with the actual structure summarized in Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, xviii.

13.Gluckstein, “Comment on Bourgeois Revolution,” 207–08.

14.See the discussion in Perry Anderson [1990], “A Culture in Contraflow,” in English Questions (London: Verso, 1992), 290–93.

15.Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 225–36.

16.Ibid., 12–32.

17.Callinicos, “The Dynamics of Revolution,” 138.

18.Ibid., 138. My position on the nature of the tributary mode has changed: I originally regarded it as a variant of the feudal mode, but was subsequently convinced by Banaji and by Alex that the internal relations among the ruling class were sufficiently different from those of feudalism for it to be regarded as a different mode, even though the process of surplus extraction from the peasantry is similar—hence my reference to the tributary state as a collective feudal overlord, a description that I can now see was misleading in this context. Compare chapters 2 and 3 in this volume with Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 541–45.

19.And of course there were also states—diminutive Scotland in the West, vast Poland in the East—where the feudal lords were simply too powerful to allow the local dynasties to establish absolutism.

20.Callinicos, “The Dynamics of Revolution,” 137.

21.Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 117.

22.Georges Bataille, The Accursed Share: An Essay on General Economy, vol. 3 (Cambridge, MA: Zone Books, 1991), 279; Amy E. Wendling, “Are All Revolutions Bourgeois? Revolutionary Temporality in Karl Marx’s Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,” Strategies 16, no. 1 (2003), 45–46.

23.Alex Callinicos, “Bourgeois Revolutions and Historical Materialism,” International Socialism 2:43 (Summer 1989).

24.Ibid., 126, 152; Perry Anderson [1983], “Marshall Berman: Modernity and Revolution,” in A Zone of Engagement (London: Verso, 1992), 44.

25.Callinicos, “The Dynamics of Revolution,” 138–40.

26.Gluckstein, “Comment on Bourgeois Revolution,” 208, 210.

27.Ibid., 210.

28.See, in relation to the US, Charles Post, “Democracy against Capitalism in the Post–Civil War United States,” in The American Road to Capitalism: Studies in Class-Structure, Economic Development and Political Conflict, 1620–1877 (Leiden: E. J. Brill/Historical Materialism, 2011).

29.Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne H. Stephens, and John Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 7, 142–43.

30.Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels [1848], “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” in Political Writings, vol. 1, The Revolutions of 1848, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books/New Left Review, 1974), 86.

31.Callinicos, “The Dynamics of Revolution,” 138–39.

32.But for genuine parallels between Lincoln and Lenin, see “Afterword: We Cannot Escape History,” in this volume.

33.Callinicos, “The Dynamics of Revolution,” 141.

34.For my discussion of Wickham’s analysis of these struggles, see chapter 3 in this volume.

35.Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 500–502.

36.Callinicos, “The Dynamics of Revolution,” 145.

37.Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 610.

38.See, for example, Theda Skocpol [1982], “Rentier State and Shi’a Islam in the Iranian Revolution,” in Social Revolutions in the Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 240–43.

39.Alex Callinicos, “Specters of Counter-revolution,” International Socialism 2:140 (Autumn 2013), 4.

40.Whether the coup constitutes the counterrevolution is too large a subject to enter into here, but in my view, Hugh Roberts’s interpretation—criticized by Alex in “Specters of Counterrevolution”—is the more realistic position. See “The Revolution That Wasn’t,” London Review of Books 35, no. 17 (September 12, 2013), 6.

41.Callinicos, “The Dynamics of Revolution,” 145.

42.Neil Davidson, “From Deflected Permanent Revolution to the Law of Uneven and Combined Development,” International Socialism 2:128 (Autumn 2010). See also chapter 11 in this volume, and Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 144–48, 214–36, 285–308, and 621–29.

43.Ibid., 143.

44.Ibid., 146.

45.Ibid., 144.

46.Alex Callinicos, Is There a Future for Marxism? (London: Macmillan, 1982), 4.

47.Neil Davidson, “The Neoliberal Era in Britain: Historical Developments and Current Perspectives,” International Socialism 2:139 (Summer 2013), 176–77.

48.Alex Callinicos, “Marxism and Philosophy: A Reply to Peter Binns,” International Socialism 2:19 (Spring 1983), 139. Alex ended his piece by invoking “the words of Oliver Cromwell to the Scottish Estates, ‘I beseech ye in the bowels of Christ to think it possible that ye might be wrong.’” Ibid., 140. Since the avoidance of error is a theme of Alex’s review, I cannot forebear to point out that Cromwell was actually addressing the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. See [1650], “Cromwell to the General Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland,” August 3, 1650, in Oliver Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches with Elucidations by Thomas Carlyle, vol. 3 (London: Chapman and Hall, 1871), 18.

AFTERWORD: WE CANNOT ESCAPE HISTORY

1.James Joyce [1922], Ulysses (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1982), 40.

2.Abraham Lincoln, “Annual Message to Congress—Concluding Remarks,” December 1, 1862, in The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, vol. 5, edited by Roy P. Basler with the assistance of Marion Delores Pratt and Lloyd A. Dunlap (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953), 537.

3.See, for example, James M. McPherson [1986], “Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution,” in Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 29–37. For Marx’s views, see chapter 6 in this volume.

4.It is omitted, for example, from Robin Blackburn’s otherwise comprehensive collection of statements by the two men, published along with related papers as An Unfinished Revolution: Karl Marx and Abraham Lincoln (London: Verso, 2011). For the speeches and proclamations by Lincoln that Blackburn includes, see ibid., 105–22.

5.Garry Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg: The Words That Remade America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992).

6.David Bromwich [2001], “Lincoln’s Constitutional Necessity,” in Moral Imagination: Essays (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014), 141.

7.Abraham Lincoln, “Speech at Peoria, Illinois,” October 16, 1854, in The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, vol. 2, edited by Roy P. Basler with the assistance of Marion Delores Pratt and Lloyd A. Dunlap (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953), 275, 276.

8.Lincoln, “Annual Message to Congress—Concluding Remarks,” 537.

9.Karl Marx [1862], “Comments on the North American Events,” in Collected Works, vol. 19 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1984), 250.

10.Bromwich, “Lincoln’s Constitutional Necessity,” 145.

11.Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg, 145

12.Edmund Burke [1790], Reflections on the Revolution in France and on the Proceedings in Certain Societies in London Relative to That Event, edited by Conor Cruise O’Brien (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1968), 107.

13.Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg, 145–47.

14.See, in particular, chapters 1, 11, and 12 in this volume.

15.Hal Draper [1964], “Vladimir Ilyich Jefferson and Thomas Lenin,” in Socialism from Below, edited by Edward Haberkern (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1992), 204.

16.Charles Post, “Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and the Origins of the US Civil War: Towards a New Social Interpretation,” in The American Road to Capitalism: Studies in Class-Structure, Economic Development and Political Conflict, 1620–1877 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2011), 249, 251.

17.Marx, “Comments on the North American Events,” 250. By Lincoln’s lack of “cothurnus” Marx means that the former did not engage in oratory based on the formal and elevated type of classical Greek drama that bears this name.

18.Lincoln was one of those bourgeois revolutionary leaders, like Cromwell and Robespierre, who “gradually adopted increasingly radical policies under the pressure of events rather than design.” See Alex Callinicos, “Bourgeois Revolutions and Historical Materialism,” International Socialism 2:43 (Summer 1989), 156. But this is less a shared perspective than a common trajectory, which these figures followed in isolation from each other: Robespierre did not model himself on Cromwell, and Lincoln did not seek to emulate either of his predecessors, although some of the “military abolitionists” saw themselves as carrying out a task comparable to that of the French revolutionaries. See Robin Blackburn, The American Crucible: Slavery, Emancipation and Human Rights (London: Verso, 2011), 412.

19.Blackburn, The American Crucible, 411.

20.Neil Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions? (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2012), 225–26.

21.Lars Lih, Lenin (London: Reaktion Books, 2011), 132–33.

22.Vladimir I. Lenin, “Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution,” in Collected Works, vol. 9, June–November 1905 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1962), 48–50.

23.Vladimir I. Lenin [1915], “The Collapse of the Second International,” in Collected Works, vol. 21, August 1914–December 1915 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), 250.

24.Vladimir I. Lenin [1915], “Several Theses,” in Collected Works, vol. 21, 402–04.

25.Vladimir I. Lenin [1917], “Letters from Afar: First Letter: The First Stage of the Revolution,” in Collected Works, vol. 23, August 1916–March 1917 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), 297.

26.Vladimir I. Lenin [1917], “Farewell Letter to Swiss Workers,” in Collected Works, vol. 23, 372.

27.Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 226–36.

28.Vladimir I. Lenin [1917], “The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution,” in Collected Works, vol. 24, April–June 1917 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), 23, 24.

29.Davidson, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?, 233–34, 436–37.

30.John Marot, “Lenin, Bolshevism, and Social-Democratic Political Theory,” Historical Materialism 22, nos. 3–4 (2014), 167, 168.

31.David Lloyd George, War Memoirs, vol. 2 (London: Odhams Press, 1936), 1296.

32.See, for example, Antonio Gramsci, “State and Civil Society,” in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, edited by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), 229–39, Q1§134, Q1§133, Q13§24, Q7§16, Q6§178, Q6§117, Q6§157.

33.Georg Lukács [1924], Lenin: A Study in the Unity of His Thought (London: New Left Books, 1970), 83.

34.Daniel Bensaïd [2004], An Impatient Life: A Memoir (London: Verso, 2013), 3.

35.Daniel Bensaïd [2002], “Leaps! Leaps! Leaps!,” in Lenin Reloaded: Towards a Politics of Truth, edited by Sebastian Budgen, Stathis Kouvelakis, and Slavoj Žižek (Durham: University of North Carolina, 2007), 156–57.

36.Vladimir I. Lenin [1917], “The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution: Draft Platform for the Proletarian Party,” in Collected Works, vol. 24, 88.