NOTES

Preface

1. Harper Lee, To Kill a Mockingbird (New York: HarperCollins, 1960; anniversary publication, 1999), 194–95.

2. See twelve photos in “KKK Rallies at South Carolina Statehouse in Defense of Confederate Flag,” NBC News, July 19, 2015; and “Paula Deen: ‘Why, of Course, I Say the N-Word, Sugar. Doesn’t Everybody?,’” Thesuperficial.com, July 19, 2013; and for calling Deen a “66-year-old, White trash, trailer park, backwards-ass, country-fried peckerwood,” see “Paula Deen’s Southern-Fried Racist Fantasies,” The Domino Theory by Jeff Winbush, June 20, 2013.

Introduction: Fables We Forget By

1. Charles Murray, Coming Apart: The State of White America, 1960–2010 (New York: Crown Forum, 2012), 4–5.

2. The Adventures of Ozzie and Harriet first aired in 1952, while The Honeymooners began in 1951. Murray, Coming Apart, 8–9.

3. See Francis J. Bremer, “Would John Adams Have Called John Winthrop a Founding ‘Father’?,” Common-Place 4, no. 3 (April 2004).

4. Sacvan Bercovitch, “How the Puritans Won the American Revolution,” Massachusetts Review 17, no. 4 (Winter 1976): 597–630, esp. 603. Also see Michael P. Winship, “Were There Any Puritans in New England?,” New England Quarterly 74, no. 1 (March 2001): 118–38, esp. 131–38; and Peter J. Gomes, “Pilgrims and Puritans: ‘Heroes’ and ‘Villains’ in the Creation of the American Past,” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 95 (1983): 1–16, esp. 2–5, 7.

5. The final version of the monument was eighty-one feet high. See James F. O’Gorman, “The Colossus of Plymouth: Hammatt Billings National Monument to the Forefathers,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 54, no. 3 (September 1995): 278–301.

6. Roger Cushing Aikin, “Paintings of Manifest Destiny: Mapping a Nation,” American Art 14, no. 3 (Autumn 2000): 84–85.

7. Matthew Dennis, Red, White, and Blue Letter Days: An American Calendar (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002), 85, 87, 101; Ann Uhry Abrams, The Pilgrims and Pocahontas: Rival Myths of American Origin (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1999), 5, 26. Also see Flora J. Cooke, “Reading Lessons for Primary Grades: History, Series I, ‘The Pilgrims,’” Course of Study 1, no. 5 (January 1901): 442–47; and John H. Humins, “Squanto and Massasoit: A Struggle for Power,” New England Quarterly 60, no. 1 (March 1987): 54–70.

8. On the aura of mystery surrounding Roanoke, see Kathleen Donegan, Seasons of Misery: Catastrophe and Colonial Settlement in Early America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 23–24, 67; Karen Ordahl Kupperman, “Roanoke Lost,” American Heritage 36, no. 5 (1985): 81–90.

9. In 1803, William Wirt, a future U.S. attorney general and a protégé of Thomas Jefferson, called Pocahontas the “patron deity” of Jamestown. George Washington Parke Custis, the grandson of Martha Washington, wrote the play Pocahontas in 1830. Mary Virginia Wall, in her play The Daughter of Virginia Dare (1908), made Dare the consort of Powhatan and the mother of Pocahontas. Southern writer Vachel Lindsay published his ode to Virginia as America’s birthplace, “Our Mother, Pocahontas,” in 1917. See Jay Hubbard, “The Smith-Pocahontas Story in Literature,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 65, no. 3 (July 1957): 275–300.

10. See Edward Buscombe, “What’s New in the New World?,” Film Quarterly 62, no. 3 (Spring 2009): 35–40; Michelle LeMaster, “Pocahontas: (De)Constructing an American Myth,” William and Mary Quarterly 62, no. 4 (October 2005): 774–81; Kevin D. Murphy, “Pocahontas: Her Life and Legend: An Exhibition Review,” Winterthur Portfolio 29, no. 4 (Winter 1994): 265–75. On women and nature, see Sherry Ortner, “Is Female to Male as Nature Is to Culture?” in Women, Culture, and Society, eds. Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1974), 68–87; Anne Kolodny, The Land Before Her: Fantasy and Experience of the American Frontier, 1630–1860 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984): 3–5; and Susan Scott Parrish, “The Female Opossum and the Nature of the New World,” William and Mary Quarterly 54, no. 3 (July 1997): 476, 502–14.

11. Hubbard, “The Smith-Pocahontas Story,” 279–85. Smith mentioned the rescue briefly in his first book, published in 1608, but only elaborated on the episode in his 1624 Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles . . .; see Karen Ordahl Kupperman, ed., Captain John Smith: A Select Edition of His Writings (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 57–73. Ralph Hamor described her as “one of rude education, manners barbarous and cursed generation,” and he saw the union as “meerely for the good and honour of the Plantation”; see Hamor, A True Discourse of the Present State of Virginia (London, 1615; reprint ed., Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 1957), 24, 63. On the popular Scottish ballad, see Rayna Green, “The Pocahontas Perplex: The Image of Indian Women in American Culture,” Massachusetts Review 16, no. 4 (Autumn 1975): 698–714, esp. 698–700.

12. Buscombe, “What’s New in the New World?,” 36; Murphy, “Pocahontas: Her Life and Legend,” 270.

13. Nancy Shoemaker, “Native-American Women in History,” OAH Magazine of History 9, no. 4 (Summer 1995): 10–14; and Green, “The Pocahontas Perplex,” 704.

14. On the use of coercion and punishment to uphold the lower ranks of labor force (mostly children and adolescents) in New England, see Barry Levy, Town Born: The Political Economy of New England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 61–72. Even William Bradford in his Of Plymouth Plantation attempted to erase the dead by using political arithmetic to show that the “increase” of children outnumbered the dead; see Donegan, Seasons of Misery, 119, 135–36, 138, 153–54; Richard Archer, Fissures in the Rock: New England in the Seventeenth Century(Hanover and London: University of New Hampshire Press, 2001), 44, 50, 59–63.

15. Donegan, Seasons of Misery, 70, 74–76, 78, 100–103 (cannibalism), 108–10. On the English sharing the Spanish desire for gold, see Constance Jordan, “Conclusion: Jamestown and Its North Atlantic World,” in Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Making of the North Atlantic World, eds. Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 280–81.

16. François Weil, “John Farmer and the Making of American Genealogy,” New England Quarterly 80, no. 3 (September 2007): 408–34, esp. 431; Francesca Morgan, “Lineage as Capital: Genealogy in Antebellum New England,” New England Quarterly 83, no. 2 (June 2010): 250–82, esp. 280–82; Michael S. Sweeney, “Ancestors, Avotaynu, Roots: An Inquiry into American Genealogical Discourse” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Kansas, 2010), 41.

17. Francis J. Bremer, “Remembering—and Forgetting—Jonathan Winthrop and the Puritan Founders,” Massachusetts Historical Review 6 (2004): 38–69, esp. 39–42. On legal standing, see Christopher Tomlins, Freedom Bound: Law, Labor, and Civic Identity in Colonizing English America, 1580–1865 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 119–20. On the new City Hall, see David Glassberg, “Public Ritual and Cultural Hierarchy: Philadelphia Civic Celebration at the Turn of the Century,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 107, no. 3 (July 1983): 421–48, esp. 426–29. On Plymouth Rock, see Abrams, The Pilgrims and Pocahontas, 6; and Gomes, “Pilgrims and Puritans,” 6. In his 1820 oration, the lawyer Daniel Webster described the rock as the “first lodgement, in a vast extent of country, covered with a wilderness, and peopled by roving barbarians”; see John Seelye, Memory’s Nation: The Place of Plymouth Rock (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 75.

18. On English notions of eliminating the poor, see E. P. Hutchinson, The Population Debate: The Development of Conflicting Theories up to 1900 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1967), 37, 44, 52, 123–24; Timothy Raylor, “Samuel Hartlib and the Commonwealth of Bees,” in Culture and Cultivation in Early Modern England, eds. Michael Leslie and Timothy Raylor (New York: St. Martin’s, 1992), 106.

19. Abbot Emerson Smith, Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 1607–1776 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1947): 5, 7, 12, 20, 67–85, 136–51; A. Roger Ekirch, “Bound for America: A Profile of British Convicts Transported to the Colonies, 1718–1775,” William and Mary Quarterly 42, no. 2 (April 1985): 184–222; Abbott Emerson Smith, “Indentured Servants: New Light on Some of America’s ‘First’ Families,” Journal of Economic History 2, no. 1 (May 1942): 40–53; A. L. Beier, Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England, 1560–1640 (London: Methuen, 1985), 162–64; Tomlins, Freedom Bound, 21, 76–77; Farley Grubb, “Fatherless and Friendless: Factors Influencing the Flow of English Emigrant Servants,” Journal of Economic History 52, no. 1 (March 1992): 85–108. On “Egyptian bondage,” see Marilyn C. Baseler, “Asylum for Mankind”: America, 1607–1800 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 99–101. On “Little Bess” Armstrong, see Emma Christopher, A Merciless Place: The Fact of British Convicts After the American Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 32.

20. Baseler, “Asylum for Mankind,” 35–40, 75; Tomlins, Freedom Bound, 504; Beier, Masterless Men, 95; Sir Josiah Child, A Discourse on Trade (London, 1690), 172–73; John Combs, “The Phases of Conversion: A New Chronology for the Rise of Slavery in Virginia,” William and Mary Quarterly 68, no. 3 (July 2011): 332–60.

Chapter One: Taking Out the Trash: Waste People in the New World

1. See Peter C. Mancall, Hakluyt’s Promise: An Elizabethan’s Obsession for an English America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 3, 6–8, 25, 31, 38, 40, 102.

2. Ibid., 8, 63, 76–77; D. B. Quinn, ed., The Voyages and Colonizing Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 2 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1940), 1:102; Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire, 1480–1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 30–31, 200–201, 218, 294–99.

3. Mancall, Hakluyt’s Promise, 3–4, 92–100, 158, 184–94, 218, 221–31; E. G. R. Taylor, “Richard Hakluyt,” Geographical Journal 109, no. 4–6 (April–June 1947): 165–71, esp. 165–66; Kupperman, Captain John Smith, 3–4, 267. On Smith’s borrowing from Hakluyt, see David B. Quinn, “Hakluyt’s Reputation,” in Explorers and Colonies: America, 1500–1625 (London and Ronceverte, WV: Hambledon Press, 1990), 19.

4. Mancall, Hakluyt’s Promise, 72, 92, 128–29, 139, 183–84; David B. Quinn and Alison M. Quinn, eds., A Particular Discourse Concerning the Greate Necessite and Manifolde Commodyties That Are Like to Growe to This Realm of Englande by the Westerne Discoveries Lately Attempted. Written in the Year 1584. By Richard Hackluyt of Oxforde. Known as Discourse of Western Planting (London: Hakluyt Society, 1993), xv, xxii. Hereafter cited as “Discourse of Western Planting.”

5. Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting,” 8, 28, 31, 55, 116, 117, 119. Michel de Montaigne’s “Of Cannibals” (1580) was translated into English in 1603; see Lynn Glaser, America on Paper: The First Hundred Years (Philadelphia: Associated Antiquaries, 1989), 170–73; and Scott R. MacKenzie, “Breeches of Decorum: The Figure of a Barbarian in Montaigne and Addison,” South Central Review, no. 2 (Summer 2006): 99–127, esp. 101–3.

6. For Virginia as Raleigh’s bride, see “Epistle Dedicatory to Sir Walter Ralegh by Richard Hakluyt, 1587,” in The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, ed. E. G. R. Taylor, 2 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1935), 2:367–68; also see Mary C. Fuller, Voyages in Print: English Travel to America, 1576–1624 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 75.

7. Tomlins, Freedom Bound, 114–18, 135–38, 143–44; and John Smith, Advertisements: Or, The Pathway to Experience to Erect a Plantation (1831), in The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580–1631), ed. Philip L. Barbour, 3 vols. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986), 3:290.

8. For the manure reference, see Smith, The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles . . . (1624) and John Smith, Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters of New England, or Any Where (1631) in Barbour, The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, 2:109; 3:276. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, “waste” when connected to the land meant several things: (1a) uninhabited or desolate region, desert, or wilderness; (1b) a vast expanse of water, empty space in the air, or land covered with snow; (2) a piece of land not cultivated or used for any purpose, lying in common (not owned privately); and (3) a devastated region. The legal definition is “any unauthorized act of a tenant for a freehold estate not of inheritance, or for any lesser interest, which tends to the destruction of the tenement, or otherwise to the injury of the inheritance.” This means a tenant, not an owner of the land, who damages the property and decreases its value. “Wasteland” referred to land in its uncultivated or natural state, or land (usually surrounded by developed land) “not used or unfit for cultivation or building and allowed to run wild.”

9. Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting,” 115. For the language of agrarian improvement, see Andrew McRae, God Speed the Plough: The Representation of Agrarian England, 1500–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 13, 116, 136–37, 162, 168.

10. Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting,” 28; also see the elder Hakluyt’s “Inducements to the Liking of the Voyage Intended Toward Virginia” (1585), in Taylor, The Original Writings, 2:331; and McRae, God Speed the Plough, 168. Timothy Sweet, “Economy, Ecology, and Utopia in Early Colonial Promotional Literature,” American Literature 71, no. 3 (September 1999): 399–427, esp. 407–8. Hakluyt’s list of tasks (down to plucking and packing feathers) was borrowed from George Peckham’s A True Reporte of Late Discoveries and Possession, Taken in the Right of the Crowne of Englande of the Newfound Landes: By That Valiant and Worthye Gentleman, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Knight. Hakluyt later included the relevant passage: Richard Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation (London, 1589), eds. David Beers Quinn and Raleigh Ashlin Skelton, 2 vols. (reprinted facsimile, London: Cambridge University Press, 1965), 2:710–11.

11. Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting,” 28, 120, 123–24. On using the colonies to unburden England of idle children of the poor, see Hakluyt the elder, “Inducements for Virginia,” in Taylor, The Original Writings, 2:330; Gilbert, “A Discourse of a Discoverie for a New Passage to Cataia” (London, 1576), in Quinn, The Voyages and Colonizing Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert,1:161; and Peckham, “A True Report,” in Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, 2:710–11.

12. Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting,” 28.

13. John Cramsie, “Commercial Projects and the Fiscal Policy of James VI and I,” Historical Journal 43, no. 2 (2000): 345–64, esp. 350–51, 359.

14. Walter I. Trattner, “God and Expansion in Elizabethan England: John Dee, 1527–1583,” Journal of the History of Ideas, vol. 25, no. 1 (January–March 1964): 17–34, esp. 26–27; Beier, Masterless Men, 56, 149–50, 168.

15. Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting,” 28. Gilbert made the same argument of settling needy men instead of sending them to the gallows; see “A Discourse of a Discoverie for a New Passage to Cataia,” in Quinn, The Voyages and Colonizing Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 1:160–61. Under Roman law, men, women, and children could become slaves if they were captives of war. Captives were given their lives in return for serving as slaves; see Peter Temin, “The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 34, no. 4 (Spring 2004): 513–38, esp. 534. A French scholar has noted that in English ethnography, the term “rubbish men” was used to describe debt slavery; see Alain Testart, “The Extent and Significance of Debt Slavery,” Revue Française de Sociologie 43, no. 1 (2002): 173–204, esp. 199.

16. Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting,” 31–32, 120. On the children of beggars being put into service, see A. L. Beier, “‘A New Serfdom’: Labor Laws, Vagrancy Statutes, and Labor Discipline in England, 1350–1800,” in Cast Out: Vagrancy and Homelessness in Global Perspective,eds. A. L. Beier and Paul Ocobock (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2009), 47.

17. Beier, Masterless Men, 158–60; C. S. L. Davies, “Slavery and Protector Somerset: The Vagrancy Act of 1547,” Economic History Review 19, no. 3 (1966): 533–49.

18. See William Harrison, “Chapter IX: Of Provisions Made for the Poor” (1577 and 1857), in Elizabethan England: From “A Description of England,” by William Harrison (in “Holinshed’s Chronicles”), edited by Lothrop Withington, with introduction by F. J. Furnivall (London: The W. Scott Publishing Co., 1902), 122–29, esp. 122; and Patrick Copland, Virginia’s God Be Thanked, or A Sermon of Thanksgiving for the Happie Successe of the Affayres in Virginia This Last Yeare. Preached by Patrick Copland at Bow-Church in Cheapside, Before the Honourable Virginia Company, on Thursday, the 18. of April 1622 (London, 1622), 31.

19. Beier, Masterless Men, 43; Copland, Virginia’s God Be Thanked, 31; John Donne, A Sermon upon the Eighth Verse of the First Chapter of the Acts of the Apostles. Preached to the Honourable Company of the Virginia Plantation, 13, November 1622 (London, 1624), 21. Though John White tried to counter this negative image, he acknowledged that it was widely believed the “Colonies ought to be Emunctories or Sinkes of States; to drayne away the filth”; see John White, The Planters Plea, or the Grounds of Plantations Examined and Usuall Objections Answered (London, 1630), 33. For the elder Hakluyt’s phrase of “offals of our people,” see his “Letter of Instruction for the 1580 Voyage of Arthur Pet and Charles Jackman,” in Hakluyt, Principall Navigations,1:460. The idea of draining off the poor into the colonies can be traced back to ancient Rome. Cicero described the poor as “‘dordem urbis et faecem, the poverty stricken scum of the city,’ who should be ‘drained off to the colonies’”; see Paul Ocobock, introduction in Beier and Ocobock, Cast Out, 4.

20. Harrison, Elizabethan England, 122. Harrison’s allusion to the poor as unbounded and haphazardly dispersed matched how the English thought of wastelands. A writer in 1652 described “those many and wild vacant Wast-Lands scattered up and down this Nation, be not suffered to lye longer (like deformed Chaos) to our discredit and disprofit”; see Wast Land’s Improvement, or Certain Proposals Made and Tendered to the Consideration of the Honorable Committee Appointed by Parliament for the Advance of Trade, and General Profits of the Commonwealth . . . (London, 1653), 2.

21. William Harrison contended that while some believe that a “brood of cattle” was far better than the “superfluous augmentation” of the poor, he pointed out that the poor were necessary in times of war. They alone would form a “wall of men” if England was invaded. See Harrison, Elizabethan England, 125; Beier, Masterless Men, 75–76.

22. Nicholas P. Canny, “Ideology of English Colonization: From Ireland to America,” William and Mary Quarterly 30, no. 4 (October 1973): 575–90, esp. 589–90; and Canny, “The Permissive Frontier: The Problem of Social Control in English Settlements in Ireland and Virginia,” in The Western Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America, 1480–1650, eds. K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny, and P. E. H. Hair (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979), 17–44, esp. 18–19. Also see Linda Bradley Salamon, “Vagabond Veterans: The Roguish Company of Martin Guerre and Henry V,” in Rogues and Early Modern English Culture, eds. Craig Dionne and Steve Mentz (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004), 261–93, esp. 265, 270–71; and Roger B. Manning, “Styles of Command in Seventeenth Century English Armies,” Journal of Military History 71, no. 3 (July 2007): 671–99, esp. 672–73, 687.

23. Craig Dionne, “Fashioning Outlaws: The Early Modern Rogue and Urban Culture,” and Salamon, “Vagabond Veterans,” in Dionne and Mentz, Rogues and Early Modern English Culture, 1–2, 7, 33–34, 267–68, 272–73; Harrison, Elizabethan England, 127–28; Beier, Masterless Men, 93–94; Claire S. Schen, “Constructing the Poor in Early Seventeeth-Century London,” Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 32, no. 3 (Autumn 2000): 450–63, esp. 453.

24. As Hakluyt wrote, “If frontier wars there chance to arise, and if thereupon we shall fortify, yet will occasion the training up of our youth in the discipline of war and make a number fit for the service of the wars and for the defense of our people there and at home”; see “Discourse of Western Planting,” 119–20, 123. Other colonial promoters argued that colonial service was a substitute for military service and that it would provide the necessary discipline for the idle poor. Christopher Carleill made this argument based on his own military experience in the Low Country wars; see Carleill, A Breef and Sommarie Discourse upon the Entended Voyage to the Hethermoste Partes of America: Written by Captain Carleill in April 1583 (1583), 6. For soldiers as cannon fodder, see Salamon, “Vagabond Veterans,” 271; and Sweet, “Economy, Ecology, and Utopia in Early Colonial Promotional Literature,” 408–9.

25. No scholar has recognized the connection between training the children of the poor and treating them as recycled waste.

26. On the laws passed against defecating in the streets and punishments for blasphemy and stealing vegetables, see “Articles, Lawes, and Orders, Divine, Politique, and Martiall for the Colony of Virginia: First Established by Sir Thomas Gates. . . . May 24, 1610,” in For the Colonial in Virginia Britannia. Lavves, Diuine, Morall, and Martiall, &c. Alget qui non Ardet. Res nostrae subinde non sunt, quales quis optaret, sed quales esse possunt (London, 1612), 10–13, 15–17; also see Kathleen M. Brown, Foul Bodies: Cleanliness in Early America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), 61–64. On the man murdering and eating his wife, see A True Declaration of the Estate of the Colonie in Virginia, with a Confutation of Such Scandalous Reports as have Tended to the Disgrace of So Worthy an Enterprise (London, 1610), 16; and John Smith, The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles . . . (1624), in Barbour, The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, 2:232–33; Donegan, Seasons of Misery, 103.

27. Donne, A Sermon upon the Eighth Verse of the First Chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, 19.

28. Karen Ordahl Kupperman, “Apathy and Death in Early Jamestown,” Journal of American History 66, no. 1 (June 1979): 24–40, esp. 24–27, 31; and Wesley Frank Craven, The Virginia Company of London, 1606–1624 (Williamsburg: Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation, 1957), 22–28, 32–34. On the promise of finding gold, see David Beers Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, 1481–1620 (New York: Knopf, 1974), 482–87. For a popular satire about the lure of quick riches and gold chamber pots to be found in the New World, see George Chapman, Eastward Hoe (London, 1605; reprint, London: The Tudor Facsimile Texts, 1914), 76. For “sluggish idlenesse,” see A True Declaration of the Estate of the Colonie (1610), 19. For “beastiall sloth” and “idleness,” see Virginia Company, A True and Sincere Declaration of the Purpose and End of the Plantation Begun in Virginia (London, 1610), 10.

29. Hakluyt, “Discourse on Western Planting,” 28. Hakluyt took this idea from Gilbert, who advised having the children of the poor trained in “handie craftes” so they could make “trifles” to be sold to the Indians; see Gilbert, “A Discourse of a Discoverie for a New Passage to Cataia” (1576), in Quinn, The Voyages and Colonial Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 1:161. Also see Canny, “The Permissive Frontier,” 25, 27–29, 33. And on prohibitions against gaming, rape, and trading with sailors, see “Articles, Lawes, and Orders . . . Established by Sir Thomas Gates,” 10–11, 13–14.

30. On Thomas More’s Utopia (1516), see Joan Thirsk, “Making a Fresh Start: Sixteenth-Century Agriculture and the Classical Inspiration,” in Michael Leslie and Timothy Raylor, eds., Culture and Cultivation in Early Modern England: Writing and the Land (Leicester and London: Leicester University Press, 1992), 22.

31. On Rolfe and tobacco, see Philip D. Morgan, “Virginia’s Other Prototype: The Caribbean,” in The Atlantic World and Virginia, 1550–1624, ed. Peter C. Mancall (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 362; and Edmund S. Morgan, “The Labor Problem at Jamestown, 1607–1618,” American Historical Review 76, no. 3 (June 1971): 595–611, esp. 609.

32. See Manning C. Voorhis, “Crown Versus Council in the Virginia Land Policy,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 3, no. 4 (October 1946): 499–514, esp. 500–501; and Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: Norton, 1975), 93–94, 171–73. Morgan quotes Jamestown planter John Pory, who wrote that “our principall wealth . . . consisteth in servants.” See Morgan, “The First American Boom,” William and Mary Quarterly 28, no. 2 (1971): 169–98, esp. 176–77.

33. See Tomlins, Freedom Bound, 31–36, 78–81; Mary Sarah Bilder, “The Struggle over Immigration: Indentured Servants, Slaves, and Articles of Commerce,” Missouri Law Review 61 (Fall 1996): 758–59, 764; and Warren M. Billings, “The Law of Servants and Slaves in Seventeenth Century Virginia,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 99, no. 1 (January 1991): 45–62, esp. 47–49, 51.

34. Morgan, “The First American Boom,” 170, 185–86, 198; Schen, “Constructing the Poor in Early Seventeenth-Century London,” 451; Billings, “The Law of Servants and Slaves,” 48–49. On high death tolls for indentured servants, see Martha W. McCartney, Virginia Immigrants and Adventurers: A Biographical Dictionary (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Company, 2007), 14; and Smith, The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles . . . , in Barbour, The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, 2:255.

35. Dr. John Pott paid the ransom for her release from the Indians with a few pounds of trade beads; he also claimed that her dead husband owed him three years of work on his indenture. See McCartney, Virginia Immigrants and Adventurers, 258; and “The Humble Petition of Jane Dickenson Widdowe” (1624), in Records of the Virginia Company of London, ed. Susan M. Kingsbury, 4 vols. (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1906–35), 4:473; also see Canny, “The Permissive Frontier,” 32.

36. Smith, The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles . . . (1624), in Barbour, The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, 2:388. The Merchant of Venice was published in 1600. Under Roman law, not only war captives but debtors and abandoned children could be made slaves. Children born to slaves could be slaves too. In Jamestown, children born to debtors could be made slaves. See Temin, “The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire,” 513–38, esp. 524, 531.

37. See David R. Ransome, “Wives for Virginia, 1621,” William and Mary Quarterly 48, no. 1 (January 1991): 3–18, esp. 4–7. The sex ratio was roughly four to one during the early years of Virginia; see Virginia Bernhard, “‘Men, Women, and Children’ at Jamestown: Population and Gender in Early Virginia, 1607–1610,” Journal of Southern History 58, no. 4 (November 1992): 599–618, esp. 614–18. On the shipping of cattle and cows as emissaries of Englishness, see Virginia DeJohn Anderson, “Animals into the Wilderness: The Development of Livestock Husbandry in the Seventeenth-Century Chesapeake,” William and Mary Quarterly 59, no. 2 (April 2002): 377–408, esp. 377, 379. The idea of sending women as breeders to the colonies was not new. In 1656, Cromwell had shipped off two thousand young women of England to Barbados in “order that by their breeding they should replenish the white population.” See Jennifer L. Morgan, Laboring Women: Reproduction and Gender in New World Slavery (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), 74–75.

38. William Berkeley, A Discourse and View of Virginia (London, 1663), 2, 7, 12.

39. Samuel Eliot Morrison, “The Plymouth Company and Virginia,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 62, no. 2 (April 1954): 147–65; Donegan, Seasons of Misery, 119.

40. Tomlins, Freedom Bound, 23, 54–56; Alison Games, Migration and Origins of the English Atlantic World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 25, 48, 53; T. H. Breen and Stephen Foster, “Moving to the New World: The Character of Early Massachusetts Migration,” William and Mary Quarterly 30, no. 2 (April 1973): 189–222, esp. 194, 201; Nuala Zahedieh, “London and the Colonial Consumer in the Late Seventeenth Century,” Economic History Review 42, no. 2 (May 1994): 239–61, esp. 245.

41. See his “General Observations” (1629), in John Winthrop Papers, 6 vols. (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1928–), 2:111–15; Edgar J. A. Johnson, “Economic Ideas of John Winthrop,” New England Quarterly 3, no. 2 (April 1930): 235–50, esp. 245, 250; Francis J. Bremer, John Winthrop: America’s Forgotten Founder (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 152–53, 160–61, 174–75, 181, and footnote 9 on 431–32.

42. John Winthrop, “A Model of Christian Charity” (1630), Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3rd ser., 7 (Boston, 1838), 33; Scott Michaelson, “John Winthrop’s ‘Modell’ Covenant and the Company Way,” Early American Literature 27, no. 2 (1992): 85–100, esp. 90; Lawrence W. Towner, “‘A Fondness for Freedom’: Servant Protest in Puritan Society,” William and Mary Quarterly 19, no. 2 (April 1962): 201–19, esp. 204–5.

43. Norman H. Dawes, “Titles of Symbols of Prestige in Seventeenth-Century New England,” William and Mary Quarterly 6, no. 1 (January 1949): 69–83; David Konig, Law and Society in Puritan Massachusetts: Essex County, 1629–1692 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 18–19, 29–30, 92; John Winthrop Papers, 4, 54, 476; Bremer, John Winthrop, 355.

44. Towner, “‘A Fondness for Freedom,’” 202; Tomlins, Freedom Bound, 254–55; Bremer, John Winthrop, 313.

45. Tomlins, Freedom Bound, 56, 255–56, 258. Fourteen was the age of discretion in Massachusetts law, and most did not arrive at adulthood until the age of twenty-one. See Ross W. Beales Jr., “In Search of the Historical Child: Adulthood and Youth in Colonial New England,” American Quarterly 27, no. 4 (April 1975): 379–98, esp. 384–85, 393–94, 397. Massachusetts first required youth to reside in families and work for them without compensation when land grants were distributed in 1623; laws were passed in Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island that “all single persons had to reside with families.” See William E. Nelson, “The Utopian Legal Order of Massachusetts Bay Colony, 1630–1686,” American Journal of Legal History 47, no. 2 (April 2005): 183–230, esp. 183; and Archer, Fissures in the Rock, 106.

46. Tomlins, Freedom Bound, 307, 310; Philip Greven, Four Generations: Population, Land, and Family in Colonial Andover, Massachusetts (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1970), 75, 81–83, 125, 132, 135, 149.

47. Winthrop’s first two wives died in childbirth. His last wife gave birth a year before he died. Bremer, John Winthrop, 90–91, 102–3, 115, 314, 373.

48. Cotton Mather, A Good Master Well Served (Boston, 1696), 15–16, 35–36, 38; Towner, “‘A Fondness for Freedom,’” 209–10; Robert Middlekauf, The Mathers: Three Generations of Puritan Intellectuals, 1596–1728 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), 195.

49. William Perkins, “On the Right, Lawful, and Holy Use of Apparel” in The Whole Treatise of the Cases of Conscience Distinguished into Three Books (Cambridge, England, 1606); Louis B. Wright, “William Perkins: Elizabethan Apostle of ‘Practical Divinity,’” Huntington Library Quarterly 2, no. 2 (January 1940): 171–96, esp. 177–78; Stephen Innes, Creating the Commonwealth: Economic Culture of Puritan New England (New York: Norton, 1998), 101–3. In 1651, officials in Massachusetts Bay Colony declared their “utter detestation & dislike that men and women of meane condition, education & callings should take upon theme the garb of the gentlemen”; see Leigh Eric Schmidt, “‘A Church-Going People Are a Dress-Loving People’: Clothes, Communication, and Religious Culture in Early America,” Church History 58, no. 1 (March 1989): 36–51, esp. 38–39. During King Philip’s War, the court charged “38 wives and maids and 30 young men . . . for wearing silk and that in a flaunting manner”; see Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, The Age of Homespun: Objects and Stories in the Creation of an American Myth (New York: Knopf, 2001), 125; and Konig, Law and Society in Puritan Massachusetts, 148. And on the anxiety over parents and masters indulging children and servants, see Edmund Morgan, The Puritan Family: Religious and Domestic Relations in Seventeenth-Century New England (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1966), 149.

50. For the privileges that church members had in court proceedings, see Thomas Haskell, “Litigation and Social Status in Seventeenth-Century New Haven,” Journal of Legal Studies, no. 2 (June 1978): 219–41. On Mary Dyer, see Carla Gardina Pestana, “The Quaker Executions as Myth and History,” Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1992): 441–69, esp. 441, 460–64; and David D. Hall, Worlds of Wonder, Days of Judgment: Popular Religious Belief in Early New England (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 172–74, 186. Excommunication in England could result in severe penalties of barring the person from receiving an inheritance or restricting the right to sue. In New England, at least initially, excommunication only led to disenfranchisement. In 1638, the courts established harsher punishments: if a person did not repent or seek readmission within six months of excommunication, he or she could be fined, jailed, banished, or “further.” See Konig, Law and Society in Puritan Massachusetts, 32.

51. Archer, Fissures in the Rock, 44, 50, 59–63, endnote 5, 180; Robert J. Dinkin, “Seating the Meetinghouse in Early Massachusetts,” New England Quarterly 43, no. 3 (September 1970): 450–64, esp. 453–54.

52. Kathryn Zabelle Derounian, “The Publication, Promotion, and Distribution of Mary Rowlandson’s Indian Captivity Narrative in the Seventeenth Century,” Early American Literature 23, no. 3 (1988): 239–62. On Rowlandson’s embrace of English class and material symbols, see Nan Goodman, “‘Money Answers All Things’: Rethinking Economic Cultural Exchange in the Captivity Narrative of Mary Rowlandson,” American Literary History 22, no. 1 (Spring 2010): 1–25, esp. 5.

53. Mary Rowlandson, The Sovereignty and Goodness of God, Together with the Faithfulness of His Promises Displayed: Being a Narrative of Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson and Related Documents, ed. Neil Salisbury (Boston: Bedford Books, 1997), 1, 16, 26, 75, 79, 83, 86, 89, 96–97, 103; Ulrich, The Age of Homespun, 59; Teresa A. Toulouse, “‘My Own Credit’: Strategies of (E)valuation in Mary Rowlandson’s Captivity Narrative,” American Literature 64, no. 2 (December 1992): 655–76, esp. 656–58; Tiffany Potter, “Writing Indigenous Femininity: Mary Rowlandson’s Narrative of Captivity,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 36, no. 2 (Winter 2003): 153–67, esp. 154.

54. See Increase Mather, Pray for the Rising Generation, or a Sermon Wherein Godly Parents Are Encouraged, to Pray and Believe for Children (Boston, 1678), 12, 17; Hall, Worlds of Wonder, 148–55; Gerald F. Moran, “Religious Renewal, Puritan Tribalism, and the Family in Seventeenth-Century Milford, Connecticut,” William and Mary Quarterly 36, no. 2 (April 1979): 236–54, esp. 237–38, 250–54; Bremer, John Winthrop, 314–15; Lewis Milton Robinson, “A History of the Half-Way Covenant” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, 1963).

55. Hakluyt wrote two different dedications: one emphasized Virginia as a nubile bride, and the other as a child, with Queen Elizabeth as her godmother overseeing the gossips (midwives) assisting in the birth of a child. Samuel Purchas repeated the same marital allusion, writing that Virginia’s “lovely looks” were “worth the wooing and loves of the best husband.” See “Epistle Dedicatory to Sir Walter Ralegh by Richard Hakluyt, 1587,” De Orbe Novo Petri Martyris, in Taylor, The Original Writings, 2:367; and “To the Right Worthie and Honourable Gentleman, Sir Walter Ralegh,” in A Notable Historie Containing four Voyages Made by Certayne French Captaynes into Florida (London, 1587), [2]. Raleigh used a similar allusion about Guiana, that she hath “yet to lose her Maidenhead.” See Sir Walter Ralegh, The Discovery of the Large, Rich, and Beautiful Empire of Guiana, with a relation of the Great and Golden City of Manoa (which the Spaniards call El Dorado), etc. performed in the Year 1595, edited by Sir Robert H. Schomburgk (London, 1848), 115; also see Louis Montrose, “The Work of Gender in the Discourse of Discovery,” Representations 33 (Winter 1991): 1–41, esp. 12–13; Fuller, Voyages in Print, 75; and Morgan, “Virginia’s Other Prototype,” 360.

56. See Rachel Doggett, Monique Hulvey, and Julie Ainsworth, eds., New World Wonders: European Images of the Americas, 1492–1700 (Washington, DC: Folger Shakespeare Library/Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1992), 37; Edward L. Bond, “Sources of Knowledge, Sources of Power: The Supernatural World of English Virginia, 1607–1624,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 108, no. 2 (2000): 105–138, esp. 114.

57. See Jack Dempsey, ed., New England Canaan by Thomas Morton of “Merrymount” (Scituate, MA: Digital Scanning, 2000), 283–88; Karen Ordahl Kupperman, “Thomas Morton, Historian,” New England Quarterly 50, no. 4 (December 1977): 660–64; Michael Zukerman, “Pilgrims in the Wilderness: Community, Modernity, and the May Pole at Merrymount,” New England Quarterly 50, no. 4 (December 1977): 255–77; John P. McWilliams Jr., “Fictions of Merry Mount,” American Quarterly 29, no. 1 (Spring 1977): 3–30.

58. He was first marooned on the Isle of Shoals (New Hampshire) after his arrest in 1628, and then shipped back to England. He returned to New England in 1629 and was banished again to England in 1630. He returned once more in 1643, only to be arrested the next year; he was released in 1645 on the condition that he go out of the jurisdiction, so he headed to Maine and died soon after. For the best overview of his life, see Jack Dempsey, Thomas Morton of “Merrymount”: The Life and Renaissance of an Early American Poet (Scituate, MA: Digital Scanning, 2000).

59. Morton believed that special water used by the Indians (the “crystal fountain”) cured barrenness; see Dempsey, New English Canaan, 7, 26–27, 53–55, 70, 90, 92, 120–21, 135–36, 139. For the best analyses of Morton’s writings, see Michelle Burnham, “Land, Labor, and Colonial Economics in Thomas Morton’s New English Canaan,” Early American Literature 41, no. 3 (2006): 405–28, esp. 408, 413–14, 418, 421, 423–24; and Edith Murphy, “‘A Rich Widow, Now to Be Tane Up or Laid Downe’: Solving the Riddle of Thomas Morton’s ‘Rise Oedipeus,’” William and Mary Quarterly 55, no. 4 (October 1996): 755–68, esp. 756, 759, 761–62, 765–67.

60. Hamor, A True Discourse of the Present State of Virginia, 20; Hakluyt, “Epistle Dedicatory to Sir Walter Ralegh by Richard Hakluyt, 1587,” 2:367–68. Lawson also emphasized the “wonderful increase” of sheep and cattle, which he described as “fat”—another word used to describe their abundant fertility; see John Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina, with introduction by Hugh Talmage Lefler (reprint of 1706 London ed., Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1967), 87–88, 91, 196. John Smith repeated this notion that Indian women “are easily delivered of childe.” See Smith, The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles . . . (1624) 2:1165. On New World images of fertility in general, see Parrish, “The Female Opossum and the Nature of the New World,” 475–514, esp. 502–6, 511. The Romans claimed that barbarian and nomadic women “give birth with ease,” and this idea readily translated to Native women in the New World. See Morgan, Laboring Women, 16–17.

61. Tomlins, Freedom Bound; Alsop also referred to Mary-land as having a “natural womb (by her plenty),” which gave forth several different kinds of animals. The land’s “superabounding plenty” he compared to a woman’s pregnant belly. If “copulative marriage” involved women coming to “market with their virginity,” Alsop contrasted virgins with prostitutes or doxies, who “rent out” their wombs, and to spinsters who had let their wombs become “mouldy”; see George Alsop, A Character of the Province of Maryland (London, 1666), in Narratives of Early Maryland, 1633–1684, ed., Clayton G. Hall (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1910), 340–87, esp. 343–44, 348, 358. Also see A Brief Description of the Province of Carolina on the Coasts of Floreda (London, 1666), 9–10.

62. On the marriage fraud to secure land, see Morgan, “The First American Boom,” 189–90. Historian Carole Shammas has noted that the colonies of Virginia and Maryland were more generous to widows, which benefited men who married them, encouraging a “lively marriage market in widows”; see Shammas, “English Inheritance Law and Its Transfer to the Colonies,” American Journal of Legal History 31, no. 2 (April 1987): 145–63, esp. 158–59. On high mortality rates and remarriage, see Lorena Walsh, “‘Till Death Do Us Part’: Marriage and Family in Seventeenth-Century Maryland,” in The Chesapeake in the Seventeenth Century: Essays on Anglo-American Society, eds. Thad W. Tate and David L. Ammerman (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 126–52. Widows were routinely made the executrix of their husband’s estates, and most women remarried one year and never longer than two years after a husband’s death; see James R. Perry, The Formation of a Society on Virginia’s Eastern Shore, 1615–1655 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 41, 79, 81.

63. T. H. Breen, “A Changing Labor Force and Race Relations in Virginia, 1660–1710,” Journal of Social History 7, no. 1 (Autumn 1973): 3–25, esp. 10. For “ye scum of the country,” leveling language, and the charge that Bacon attracted the idle, or those in debt, see “William Sherwood’s Account” and “Ludlow’s Account,” in “Bacon’s Rebellion,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 1, no. 2 (October 1893): 169, 171, 183. For Bacon’s followers as “Vulgar and Ignorant,” and “lately crept out of the condition of Servants,” see “A True Narrative of the Late Rebellion in Virginia, by the Royal Commissioners, 1677,” in Narratives of the Insurrections, 1675–1690, ed. Charles M. Andrews (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1915), 110–11, 113. On comparing the rebels to swine, see William Sherwood, “Virginias Deploured Condition, Or an Impartiall Narrative of the Murders comitted by the Indians there, and of the Sufferings of his Maties Loyall Subjects under the Rebellious outrages of Mr Nathaniell Bacon Junr: to the tenth day of August Anno Dom 1676 (1676),” in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. 9, 4th ser. (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1871): 176.

64. Stephen Saunders Webb, 1676: The End of American Independence (New York: Knopf, 1984; reprint ed., Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1995), 16, 34, 41, 66; Tomlins, Freedom Bound, 39–41, 425.

65. In Bacon’s manifesto, he made it clear that the Berkeley faction had formed a powerful “Cabal” that protected the “Darling Indians” over the lives of its English settlers. Bacon’s rebels also protested against the governor’s policy that forbade military action against Indians without an express order from Berkeley. See Nathaniel Bacon, “Proclamations of Nathaniel Bacon,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 1, no. 1 (July 1893): 57–60; and Webb, 1676, 7, 74.

66. On “Land lopers,” see Sherwood, “Virginias Deploured Condition,” 164. For unfair taxes and “Grandees” that “engrosse all their tobacco into their own hands,” see “A True Narrative of the Late Rebellion,” 108, 111; also see Peter Thompson, “The Thief, a Householder, and the Commons: Language of Class in Seventeenth Century Virginia,” William and Mary Quarterly 63, no. 2 (April 2006): 253–80, esp. 264, 266–67. For the mixture of taxes, debts, and declining tobacco prices as the economic causes of the rebellion, see Warren M. Billings, “The Causes of Bacon’s Rebellion: Some Suggestions,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 78, no. 4 (October 1970): 409–35, esp. 419–22, 432–33. And for the importance of land issues and abuses of the council in the aftermath of the rebellion, see Michael Kammen, “Virginia at the Close of the Seventeenth Century: An Appraisal by James Blair and John Locke,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 74, no. 2 (April 1966): 141–69, esp. 143, 154–55, 157, 159–60.

67. Bacon died on October 26, 1676; Berkeley died on July 9, 1677. As Kathleen Brown notes, Bacon’s death by the bloody flux suggested that he was “defeated by his own body’s corruption”; see Brown, Foul Bodies, 67. The lice may have been just as important, as it associated Bacon with the meaner sort and animals that carried lice. One account recorded that he had the “Lousy disease; so that swarmes of Vermyne that bred in his body he could not destroy but by throwing his shirts into the fire.” See “A True Narrative of the Late Rebellion,” 139; Wilcomb E. Washburn, “Sir William Berkeley’s ‘A History of Our Miseries,’” William and Mary Quarterly 14, no. 3 (July 1957): 403–14, esp. 412; and Wilcomb E. Washburn, The Governor and the Rebel: A History of Bacon’s Rebellion in Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1957), 85, 129–32, 138–39.

68. Andrews, Narratives of the Insurrections, 20. On white aprons, see Mrs. An. Cotton, “An Account of Our Late Troubles with Virginia. Written in 1676,” in Tracts and Other Papers, Principally Relating to the Origin, Settlement, and Progress of the Colonies of North America, from the Discovery of the Country to the Year 1776, ed. Peter Force, 4 vols. (Washington, DC, 1836–46), 1:8. In another account the women were called guardian angels, and Aphra Behn in her play on Bacon’s Rebellion alludes to the women being used as a truce to avoid combat; see “The History of Bacon’s and Ingram’s Rebellions, 1676,” in Andrews, Narratives of the Insurrections, 68; and Behn, The Widow Ranter, or, The History of Bacon in Virginia. A Tragi-Comedy (London, 1690), 35; also see Washburn, The Governor and the Rebel, 80–81; Terri L. Snyder, Brabbling Women: Disorderly Speech and the Law in Early Virginia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003), 33–34; and Webb, 1676, 20–21.

69. On Lydia Chisman, see “The History of Bacon’s and Ingram’s Rebellions,” in Andrews, Narratives of the Insurrections, 81–82. On Elizabeth Bacon’s later marriages, see “Bacon’s Rebellion,” 6. On the confiscation and return of the estates to widows of the rebels, see Washburn, The Governor and the Rebel, 141–42; and Wilcomb E. Washburn, “The Humble Petition of Sarah Drummond,” William and Mary Quarterly 13, no. 13 (July 1956): 354–75, esp. 356, 358, 363–64, 367, 371. Lyon G. Tylor, “Maj. Edmund Chisman,” William and Mary Quarterly 1, no. 2 (October 1892): 89–98, esp. 90–91, 94–97; Susan Westbury, “Women in Bacon’s Rebellion,” in Southern Women: Histories and Identities, eds. Virginia Bernhard, Betty Brandon, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, and Theda Perdu (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), 30–46, esp. 39–42.

70. Webb, 1676, 102, 132–63.

71. See Behn, The Widow Ranter, 3, 12, 42, 45, 48; Jenny Hale Pulsipher, “‘The Widow Ranter’ and Royalist Culture in Colonial Virginia,” Early American Literature 39, no. 1 (2004): 41–66, esp. 53–55; and Snyder, Brabbling Women, 11–12, 117, 122–23.

72. Jane D. Carson, “Frances Culpeper Berkeley,” in Notable American Women, 1607–1950, ed. Edward James et al., 3 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971), 1:135–36; Snyder, Brabbling Women, 19–25.

73. Kathleen M. Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 129–33; Tomlins, Freedom Bound, 455, 457–58.

74. Morgan, Laboring Women, 77–83; Anderson, “Animals into the Wilderness,” 403.

75. For the quotation see Francis Bacon, The Two Books of Francis Bacon, of the Proficience and Advancement of Learning, Divine and Human (London, 1808), 72; for a different interpretation of this quotation, see Parrish, “The Female Opossum and the Nature of the New World,” 489.

76. Turk McClesky, “Rich Land, Poor Prospects: Real Estate and the Formation of a Social Elite in Augusta County, Virginia, 1738–1770,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 98, no. 3 (July 1990): 449–86; John Combs, “The Phases of Conversion: A New Chronology for the Rise of Slavery in Virginia,” William and Mary Quarterly 68, no. 3 (July 2011): 332–60; Emory G. Evans, A “Topping People”: The Rise and Decline of Virginia’s Old Political Elite, 1680–1790 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2009), 1–30.

Chapter Two: John Locke’s Lubberland: The Settlements of Carolina and Georgia

1. On the words Jefferson borrowed from Locke, see John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, ed. Peter Laslett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 523, 415. For the idea that Locke should be read by everyone, men, women, and children, see advertisement for Locke’s Second Treatise on Government, in Massachusetts Evening Gazette, March 4, 1774; also see Boston Evening Gazette, October 19, 1772; and New London Gazette, October 9, 1767. Locke’s major critic (and of his “disciples”) was Welsh clergyman Josiah Tucker; see Josiah Tucker, A Series of Answers to Certain Popular Objections, Against Separating from the Rebellious Colonies, and Discarding Them Entirely; Being the Concluding Tract of the Dean of Gloucester, on the Subject of American Affairs (Gloucester, UK, 1776), in Four Tracts on Political and Commercial Subjects (Gloucester, 1776; reprint ed., New York, 1975), 21–22, 102–3. On Locke’s involvement in the slave trade, see David Armitage, “John Locke, Carolina, and the Two Treatises of Government,” Political Theory 32, no. 5 (October 2004): 602–27, esp. 608; James Farr, “Locke, Natural Law, and New World Slavery,” Political Theory 36, no. 4 (August 2008): 495–522, esp. 497; Wayne Glausser, “Three Approaches to Locke and the Slave Trade,” Journal of the History of Ideas 51, no. 2 (April–June 1990): 199–216, esp. 200–204; George Frederick Zook, “The Royal Adventurers in England,” Journal of Negro History 4, no. 2 (April 1919): 143–62, esp. 161.

2. Shaftesbury referred to Carolina as “my darling” in a 1672 letter to another proprietor, Sir Peter Colleton; see Langdon Cheves, ed., The Shaftesbury Papers and Other Records Relating to Carolina (Charleston: South Carolina Historical Society, 1897), 416; also see L. H. Roper, Conceiving Carolina: Proprietors, Planters, and Plots, 1662–1729 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 15.

3. Armitage, “John Locke, Carolina, and the Two Treatises of Government,” 603, 607–8; and Armitage, “John Locke, Theorist of Empire?,” in Empire and Modern Political Thought, ed. Sankar Muthu (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 7. For the important role of the secretary, see Herbert Richard Paschal Jr., “Proprietary North Carolina: A Study in Colonial Government” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1961), 145; and Barbara Arneil, John Locke and America: The Defense of English Colonialism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 1–2, 21–22, 24–26, 43–44.

4. See “Concessions and Agreement Between the Lords Proprietors and Major William Yeamans and Others” (January 7, 1665) and The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina (July 21, 1669), in North Carolina Charters and Constitutions, 1578–1698, ed. Mattie Erma Edwards Parker (Raleigh, NC: Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1963), 122–23, 129, 133.

5. Ibid., 107, 112, 129–30, 132, 137–42, 145; Charles Lowry, “Class, Politics, Rebellion, and Regional Development in Proprietary North Carolina, 1697–1720” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Florida, 1979), 38–39; Paschal, “Proprietary North Carolina: A Study in Colonial Government,” 216, 229, esp. 236–37.

6. Parker, The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, 129, 134; The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, in Locke: Political Essays, ed. Mark Goldie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 162; Farr, “Locke, Natural Law,” 498–500; Thomas Leng, “Shaftesbury’s Aristocratic Empire,” in Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1621–1681, ed. John Spurr (Surrey, UK: Ashgate, 2011), 101–26; Shirley Carter Hughson, “The Feudal Laws of Carolina,” Sewanee Review 2, no. 4 (August 1894): 471–83, esp. 482.

7. Parker, The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, 129, 136–37.

8. On Leet-men, see David Wootton, ed. and introduction, John Locke: Political Writings (New York: Penguin, 1993), 43; and John Locke, “An Essay on the Poor Law” (1697) and “Labour” (1661), in Goldie, Locke: Political Essays, 192, 328.

9. See Daniel W. Fagg Jr., “St. Giles’ Seigniory: The Earl of Shaftesbury’s Carolina Plantation,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 71, no. 2 (April 1970): 117–23, esp. 123; and Shaftesbury to Mr. Andrew Percival, May 23, 1674, in Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, vol. 5 (Charleston: South Carolina Historical Society, 1897), 5:443–44.

10. Thomas Woodward to Proprietors, June 2, 1665, in The Colonial Records of North Carolina, ed. William L. Saunders (Raleigh: Hale, 1886), 1:100–101. Hereafter cited as CRNC. Lindley S. Butler, “The Early Settlement of Carolina: Virginia’s Southern Frontier,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 79, no. 1, Part One (January 1971): 20–28, esp. 21, 28. On the influx of squatters, see Robert Weir, “‘Shaftesbury’s Darling’: British Settlement in the Carolinas at the Close of the Seventeenth Century,” in The Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. 1, The Origins of the Empire: British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth Century, ed. Nicolas Canny (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 381.

11. For Locke’s and Shaftesbury’s dismissal of settlers who were “Lazy or debauched,” see Locke’s Carolina Memoranda, and Lord Ashley to Joseph West, December 16, 1671, Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, 5:248, 366.

12. See Richard Waterhouse, A New World Gentry: The Making of a Merchant and Planter Class in South Carolina, 1670–1770 (New York: Garland, 1989), 62–63, 71, 74; and Lori Glover, All Our Relations: Blood Ties and Emotional Bonds Among the Early South Carolina Gentry(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), 87–88.

13. Theo. D. Jervey, “The White Indentured Servants of South Carolina,” South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine 12, no. 4 (October 1911): 163–71, esp. 166. Slaves were 72 percent of the population by 1740, and then declined to around 50 percent of the population over the next forty years; see Tomlins, Freedom Bound, 436–37. Fears of the high rates of importing slaves began in the 1690s, and the recruitment of Leet-men, to offset this imbalance, was still part of the equation; see Brad Hinshelwood, “The Carolinian Context of John Locke’s Theory,” Political Theory 4, no. 4 (August 2013): 562–90, esp. 579–80.

14. Noeleen McIlvenna, A Very Mutinous People: The Struggle for North Carolina, 1660–1713 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 1, 13, 162; Kirsten Fischer, Suspect Relations: Sex, Race, and Resistance in Colonial North Carolina (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002), 24; A. Roger Ekirch, “Poor Carolina”: Politics and Society in Colonial North Carolina, 1729–1776 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981), xviii–xix, 24. For “useless lubbers,” see Hugh Talmage Lefler, ed., A New Voyage to Carolina by John Lawson (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1967), 40.

15. See “From the Gentlemen’s Magazine,” Boston Evening-Post, February 5, 1739. Italics in the original.

16. See Oxford English Dictionary, 467; and William Shakespeare’s poem “The Passionate Pilgrim” (1598), line 201.

17. Sharon T. Pettie, “Preserving the Great Dismal Swamp,” Journal of Forestry 20, no. 1 (January 1976): 28–33, esp. 29, 31; McIlvenna, A Very Mutinous People, 18. There are other estimates of the size of the swamp. Alexander Crosby Brown believes the swamp in the colonial era was between six hundred and one thousand square miles; see Brown, The Dismal Swamp Canal(Chesapeake: Norfolk County Historical Society of Chesapeake, Virginia, 1970), 17.

18. William Byrd, “The Secret History of the Dividing Line” (hereafter SH) and his revised version, “The History of the Dividing Line Betwixt Virginia and North Carolina, Run in the Year of Our Lord, 1728” (hereafter HDL), in The Prose Works of William Byrd of Westover: Narratives of a Virginian (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1966), 19–20, 63, 70, 190, 196–97, 199, 202.

19. For swamps having no fixed borders, and wetlands as transitional zones, see William Howarth, “Imagining Territory: Writing the Wetlands,” New Literary History 30, no. 3 (Summer 1999): 509–39, esp. 521. For the ongoing boundary dispute, see Lowry, “Class, Politics, Rebellion,” 31, 45–46.

20. Byrd, HDL, 202; Charles Royster, The Fabulous History of the Dismal Swamp Company (New York: Knopf, 1999), 6–7, 82–83, 89–91, 98–99, 117, 287–88, 292–93, 299–301, 340, 342–43. Though Byrd’s full “History of the Dividing Line” was not published until 1841, a shorter excerpt circulated to promote the company; see “A Description of the Dismal Swamp in Virginia,” The Mail, or Claypoole’s Daily Advertiser, March 15, 1792.

21. Hugh T. Lefler and William S. Powell, Colonial North Carolina: A History (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1973), 81–86; Lindley Butler, Pirates, Privateers, and Rebel Raiders of the Carolina Coast (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 4–8, 30, 39–41, 46, 52–56, 60, 68; Marcus Rediker, “‘Under the Banner of the King of Death’: The Social World of Anglo-American Pirates, 1716–1726,” William and Mary Quarterly 38, no. 2 (April 1981): 203–27, esp. 203, 205–6, 218–19; David Cordingly, Under the Black Flag: The Romance and the Reality of Life Among the Pirates (New York: Harvest, 1995), 18–19, 198–202.

22. Webb, 1676, 26, 98; Jacquelyn H. Wolf, “Proud and the Poor: The Social Organization of Leadership in Proprietary North Carolina, 1663–1729” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1977), 28–29. For the proprietors wanting more compact settlements, see Lord Ashley to Governor Sayle, April 10, 1671, Lord Ashley to Sir John Yeamans, April 10, 1671, and Lord Ashley to Sir John Yeamans, September 18, 1671, in Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, 5: 311, 314–15, 344; Barbara Arneil, “Trade, Plantations, and Property: John Locke and the Economic Defense of Colonialism,” Journal of the History of Ideas, vol. 55, no. 4 (October 1994): 591–609, esp. 607; McIlvenna, A Very Mutinous People, 31, 33; Lowry, “Class, Politics, Rebellion,” 33–34, 45–46, 80–81.

23. Jacquelyn Wolf has calculated that 309 grantees owned 49 percent of all land grants. From 1663 to January 1729, the number of land grants recorded was 3,281. Out of this number, 2,161 were grants of two or more to the same person. By 1730, the total population was 36,000, and it has been estimated that between 3,200 and 6,000 were slaves. See Wolf, “The Proud and the Poor,” 25–28, 150–51, 157, 172–73; Fischer, Suspect Relations, 27. Charles Lowry, using land records instead of tithables, has calculated a lower population figure of 13,887 whites and 3,845 slaves. Contemporary observers in 1720 felt there were no more than 500 slaves in North Carolina. See Lowry, “Class, Politics, Rebellion,” 8–9, 79–80, 84, 113, 115–17, 122–23; McIlvenna, A Very Mutinous People, 23, 133–34. For the minister’s comments on sloth, see “Mr. Gordon to the Secretary, May 13, 1709,” in Saunders, CRNC, 1:714; and “Petition to Governor and Council, February 23, 1708/9,” in The Colonial Records of North Carolina, ed. Robert J. Cain, vol. 7, Records of the Executive Council, 1664–1734 (Raleigh: Department of Cultural Recourses, North Carolina Division of Archives and History, 1984), 431.

24. Because of the possible defect in the first charter, a second charter was issued in 1665. See “Charter to the Lord Proprietors of Carolina” (June 30, 1650), in Parker, North Carolina Charters and Constitutions, 90; Wolf, “The Proud and the Poor,” 69; McIlvenna, A Very Mutinous People, 49–50, 97–99. On the effort of Berkeley to acquire Albemarle, see Cain, Records of the Executive Council, 7:xix. For putting Carolina under stricter controls, see “Mr. Randolph’s Memoranda About Illegal Trade in the Plantations, Mentioned in the Foregoing Presentment,” November 10, 1696, and another report by Randolph, dated March 24, 1700, in Saunders, CRNC, 1:464–70, 527.

25. See Saunders, CRNC, 1:xxi; Mattie Erma E. Parker, “Legal Aspects of ‘Culpeper’s Rebellion,’” North Carolina Historical Review 45, no. 2 (April 1968): 111–27, esp. 118–20, 122–24; McIlvenna, A Very Mutinous People, 56–57, 65–66.

26. See “Answer of the Lords Proprietors of Carolina Read the 20 Nov. 1680” and “Petition of Thomas Miller to the King, November 20, 1680,” in Saunders, CRNC, 1:303, 326–28; and Parker, “Legal Aspects of ‘Culpeper’s Rebellion,’” 111–27, esp. 111–12; Lowry, “Class, Politics, Rebellion,” 49.

27. On the controversy surrounding Thomas Miller, see “Affidavit of Henry Hudson, January 31, 1679,” and “Carolina Indictment of Th. Miller Received from Ye Comm. Of Ye Customes the 15 July 1680,” in Saunders, CRNC, 1:272–74, 313–17; and Lindley S. Butler, “Culpeper’s Rebellion: Testing the Proprietors,” in North Carolina Experience: An Interpretative and Documentary History, eds. Lindley S. Butler and Alan D. Watson (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984), 53–78, esp. 56–57. On the scarcity of landgraves and caciques in North Carolina, see Paschal, “Proprietary North Carolina,” 184.

28. Wolf, “The Proud and the Poor,” 68, and footnote 29 on 172; Paschal, “Proprietary North Carolina,” 179; McIlvenna, A Very Mutinous People, 73, 80, 146; Lefler and Powell, Colonial North Carolina, 54; Lowry, “Class, Politics, Rebellion,” 49, 96–97. On Governor Spotswood waging war on North Carolina, and the connection to the Tuscarora Indians, see “Colonel Spotswood to the Board of Trade, July 25, 1711,” in Saunders, CRNC, 1:782.

29. “Journal of John Barnwell,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 6, no. 1 (July 1898): 442–55, esp. 451; on Barnwell’s treachery, see “Colonel Spotswood to the Board of Trade, July 26, 1752,” in Saunders, CRNC, 1:862. Barnwell was accompanied by around five hundred Yamassee and other Indian allies. Their interest in attacking the Tuscaroras was also spurred on by the desire to capture slaves. See Lowry, “Class, Politics, Rebellion,” 98–99.

30. See “Governor Spotswood to the Earl of Rochester, July 30, 1711,” in Saunders, CRNC, 1:798; Lord Culpeper to the Board of Trade, December 1681, British Public Record Office, class 1, piece 47, folio 261, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; and Barbara Fuchs, “Faithless Empires: Pirates, Renegadoes, and the English Nation,” ELH 67, no. 1 (Spring 2000): 45–69, esp. 50–51.

31. See Byrd, SH and HDL, 19, 66, 195; Philip Ludwell and Nathaniel Harrison, “Boundary Line Proceedings, 1710,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 5 (July 1897): 1–21. It appears that Byrd wrote and revised his two texts between 1729 and 1740. Although the more polished “History of the Dividing Line” was not published until 1841, he did circulate the text among friends and other curious people. See Kenneth A. Lockridge, The Diary, and Life, of William Byrd II of Virginia, 1674–1744 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987), 127, 142–43; and Louis B. Wright and Marion Tinling, eds., William Byrd of Virginia: The London Diary (1717–1721) and Other Writings (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958), 39–40.

32. See William Byrd to Charles Boyle, Earl of Orrery, July 25, 1726, in “Virginia Council Journals, 1726–1753,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 32, no. 1 (January 1932): 26–27; and Robert D. Arner, “Westover and the Wilderness: William Byrd’s Images of Virginia,” Southern Literary Journal 7, no. 2 (Spring 1975): 105–23, esp. 106–7.

33. Byrd, SH, 66, 81; HDL, 182. For another discussion of the “knights-errant” allusion, see Susan Scott Parrish, “William Byrd and the Crossed Languages of Science, Satire, and Empire in British America,” in Creole Subjects in the Colonial Americas: Empires, Texts, and Identities, eds. Ralph Bauer and Jose Antonio Mazotti (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 355–72, esp. 363.

34. Byrd, HDL, 182, 204–5. The idea of women doing all the work and “husbands lie snoring in bed” is a much older theme. Thomas More alluded to this dysfunctional gender pattern in Utopia, where he felt all men and women should be engaged in productive labor. See Thomas More, Utopia, eds. George M. Logan and Robert M. Adams (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989; rev. ed., 2011), 51.

35. Byrd, SH, 143; HDL, 311–12. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, “bogtrotting” was first used in 1682, and was associated not only with the Irish but with people who were poor and lived near marshes.

36. Byrd, HDL, 196. Scholars have recognized Byrd’s reference to Lubberland and sloth, but failed to trace its roots to the folktale of Lawrence Lazy, which circulated orally and was first published in English in 1670. The influence on Byrd is that his lazy Carolinians sit in the corner like Lazy Lawrence. For the history of the folktale, see J. B. Smith, “Toward a Demystification of Lazy Lawrence,” Folklore 107 (1996): 101–5; also see Susan Manning, “Industry and Idleness in Colonial Virginia: A New Approach to William Byrd,” Journal of American Studies 28, no. 2 (August 1994): 169–90; and James R. Masterson, “William Byrd in Lubberland,” American Literature 9, no. 2 (May 1937): 153–70. Byrd was also influenced by “An Invitation to Lubberland,” which appeared as a broadside in 1685. In this long verse, Lubberland is a land of plenty where one can “lead a lazy life free from labour” and “everyone do’s what he pleases.” See An Invitation to Lubberland, with an Account of the Great Plenty of That Fruitful Country (London, ca. 1685).

37. Byrd, HDL, 192, 196; SH, 59–61, 63. Wild boars cannibalize shoats and young pigs, and they eat everything, including newborn cattle. They are predators, and are willing to eat carrion and manure. Byrd’s theory about pork was probably influenced by John Lawson’s 1709 account of North Carolina. Lawson discussed how various Indians suffered from yaws, and he discussed pork as a “gross food,” spreading juices through the body. See Lefler, A New Voyage to Carolina, 25; it was a common assumption among the English that to be noseless reduced a person to the state of an animal, because it was believed that man was the only creature with a nose. English jest books were filled with nasty jokes about noseless people. See Simon Dickie, “Hilarity and Pitilessness in the Mid-Eighteenth Century: English Jestbook Humor,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 37, no. 1, Exploring Sentiment (Fall 2003): 1–22, esp. 2–3.

38. Byrd, HDL, 160–61, 221–22, 296. Byrd felt the Indians were healthy and strong, and less debilitated by the European disease of lewdness; see Fischer, Suspect Relations, 75–77. Lawson argued that men should marry Indian women rather than spend “four or five years Servitude,” in which they might suffer sickness and die. Both Lawson and Byrd argued that intermarriage was a better method of conquest than bloodshed. See Lefler, A New Voyage to Carolina, 192, 244, 246. Byrd did purchase 100,000 acres west of “Lubberland,” hoping to create a more stable community of Swiss-German settlers to offset the dangerous wastrels he observed on the expedition. By the end of his life, he had acquired 179,440 acres. See Lockridge, The Diary, and Life, of William Byrd, 140; Wright and Tinling, William Byrd of Virginia, 41.

39. For the account of Reverend John Urmston, who was in North Carolina from 1711 to 1720, see “Mr. Urmston’s Letter,” July 7, 1711, in Saunders, CRNC, 1:770; for Governor Johnson’s remarks, see Ekirch, Poor Carolina, 67; and for the later traveler, see J. F. D. Smyth, Esq., A Tour of the United States of America (Dublin, 1784), 64–65.

40. Smyth, A Tour of the United States of America, 65.

41. A Voyage to Georgia: Begun in the Year 1735, by Frances Moore, Georgia Historical Society, Savannah.

42. For the motto, see Mills Lane, ed., General Oglethorpe’s Georgia: Colonial Letters, 1733–1743 (Savannah, GA: Beehive Press, 1990), xviii. On the first group of settlers, see E. M. Coulter and A. B. Saye, eds., A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1949), xii, 111. Oglethorpe took on the unusual role of “gossip,” helping pregnant women to give birth; see Mr. Benjamin Ingham’s journal of his voyage to Georgia, 1736, in Egmont Papers, Philips Collection, University of Georgia, vol. 14201, 442–43; and Joseph Hetherington to Mr. Oglethorpe, March 22, 1733/34, in Lane, General Oglethorpe’s Georgia, 138.

43. On emulation, see James Edward Oglethorpe, Some Account of the Design for the Trustees for Establishing Colonies in America, eds. Rodney M. Baine and Phinizy Spalding (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1990), 31–32. On Oglethorpe’s sacrifices for the community, and giving up the soft bed, see Samuel Eveleigh to the Trustees, April 6, 1733, in Lane, General Oglethorpe’s Georgia, 1:13; and Governor Johnson to Benjamin Martyn, July 28, 1733, and Mr. Beaufain to Mr. Simond, January 23, 1733/34, and Extract of a letter from Georgia, March 7, 1735/36, Egmont Papers, vol. 14200, 36, 62; vol. 14201, 314.

44. Oglethorpe, Some Account of the Design, 51; Rodney E. Baine, “General James Oglethorpe and the Expedition Against St. Augustine,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 84, no. 2 (Summer 2000): 197–229, esp. 197–98. On the military design of Savannah, see Turpin C. Bannister, “Oglethorpe’s Sources for the Savannah Plan,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 20, no. 2 (May 1961): 47–62, esp. 60–62.

45. Oglethorpe wanted Georgia to allow men to “labour at a decent maintenance,” and he calculated the labor value of wives and eldest sons to offset the needs for servants and slaves; see James Oglethorpe, A New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South-Carolina and Georgia(London, 1733), 39, 42–43; also see Philip Thicknesse to his mother, November 3, 1736, in Lane, General Oglethorpe’s Georgia, 1:281; Rodney Baine, “Philip Thicknesse’s Reminiscences of Early Georgia,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 74, no. 4 (Winter 1990): 672–98, esp. 694–95, 697–98. For the citizen-soldier idea, see Benjamin Martyn, An Account, Showing the Progress of the Colony (London, 1741), 18. For Oglethorpe’s views on women and cleanliness, see Oglethorpe, Some Account of the Design, 23, 26, 29–31. On the problem of female slaves, see Betty Wood, Slavery in Colonial Georgia, 1730–1775 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984), 18. From 1732 to September 1741, 45.4 percent of the settlers sent on charity were “Foreign Protestants”; see Coulter and Saye, A List of the Early Settlers, x.

46. James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, August 12, 1733, in Egmont Papers, vol. 14200, 38–39.

47. See Colonel William Byrd to Lord Egmont, July 12, 1736, in “Colonel William Byrd on Slavery and Indentured Servants, 1736, 1739,” American Historical Review 1, no. 1 (October 1895): 88–99, esp. 89. On John Colleton, see J. E. Buchanan, “The Colleton Family and Early History of South Carolina and Barbados, 1646–1775” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Edinburgh, 1989), 33.

48. James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, January 17, 1738/9, Egmont Papers, vol. 14203, 143.

49. “The Sailors Advocate. To Be Continued.” (London, 1728), 8, 10–17; and Julie Anne Sweet, “The British Sailors’ Advocate: James Oglethorpe’s First Philanthropic Venture,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 91, no. 1 (Spring 2007): 1–27, esp. 4–10, 12.

50. John Vat to Henry Newman, May 30, 1735, and Patrick Tailfer and Others to the Trustees, August 27, 1735, in Lane, General Oglethorpe’s Georgia, 1:178, 225.

51. “Oglethorpe State of Georgia,” October 11, 1739, (Introductory Discourse to the State of the Colony of Georgia), Egmont Papers, vol. 14204, 35; and “The Sailors Advocate,” 12; Wood, Slavery in Colonial Georgia, 66; Coulter and Saye, A List of the Early Settlers, 106–11.

52. On the small number of Indian slaves, see Rodney M. Baine, “Indian Slavery in Colonial Georgia,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 79, no. 2 (Summer 1995): 418–24. On debtors and economic vulnerability, see Oglethorpe, Some Account of the Design, 11–12; Oglethorpe, A New and Accurate Account, 30–33; and Rodney M. Baine, “New Perspectives on Debtors in Colonial Georgia,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 77, no. 1 (Spring 1993): 1–19, esp. 4.

53. See Milton L. Ready, “Land Tenure in Trusteeship Georgia,” Agricultural History 48, no. 3 (July 1974): 353–68, esp. 353–57, 359.

54. See Translation of Reverend Mr. Dumont’s Letter to Mr. Benjamin Martyn, May 21, 1734, Egmont Papers, vol. 14207. Dumont wrote from Rotterdam, and represented a community of French Vaudois.

55. See Oglethorpe, A New and Accurate Account, 73–75. In his other promotional tract, he used a similar argument about the Roman colonies, noting that only men with land married and had children; see Oglethorpe, Some Account of the Design, 6, 9–10, 40.

56. James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, January 16, 1738/9, and James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, January 17, 1738/9, in Egmont Papers, vol. 14203, 142–43.

57. Wood, Slavery in Colonial Georgia, 67.

58. For the attempted murder, see “New York. Jan. 9. We Hear from Georgia,” Boston Gazette, January 22, 1739.

59. Alan Gallay, “Jonathan Bryan’s Plantation Empire: Land, Politics, and the Formation of a Ruling Class in Colonial Georgia,” William and Mary Quarterly 45, no. 2 (April 1988): 253–79, esp. 253, 257–60, 275.

Chapter Three: Benjamin Franklin’s American Breed: The Demographics of Mediocrity

1. Poor Richard, 1741. An Almanack for the Year of Christ 1741, . . . By Richard Saunders (Philadelphia, 1741), in The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Leonard W. Labaree et al., 40 vols. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1959–), 2:292. Hereafter cited as Franklin Papers.

2. On Silence Dogood and Franklin’s creation of literary disguises, see Albert Furtwangler, “The Spectator’s Apprentice,” in American Silhouettes: Rhetorical Identities of the Founders (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1987), 15–34, esp. 28–30; R. Jackson Wilson, Figures of Speech: American Writers and the Literary Marketplace from Benjamin Franklin to Emily Dickinson (New York: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 21–65. On Dingo, see David Waldstreicher, Runaway America: Benjamin Franklin, Slavery, and the American Revolution (New York: Hill & Wang, 2004), 50–52, 220. On the financial success of the Pennsylvania Gazette, see Charles E. Clark and Charles Wetherell, “The Measure of Maturity: The Pennsylvania Gazette, 1728–1765,” William and Mary Quarterly 46, no. 2 (April 1989): 279–303, esp. 291. On the wide reach of his almanacs, see William Pencak, “Politics and Ideology in ‘Poor Richard’s Almanack,’” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 116, no. 2 (April 1992): 183–211, esp. 195–96. On his retirement, see Benjamin Franklin, The Autobiography, with introduction by Daniel Aaron (New York: Vintage, 1990), 116.

3. Carl Van Doren, Benjamin Franklin (New York: Viking, 1938), 170–71, 174–80, 195–96, 210–15, 220, 223–24. On his proposals for his academy, see George Boudreau, “‘Done by a Tradesman’: Franklin’s Educational Proposals and the Culture of Eighteenth-Century Philadelphia,” Pennsylvania History 69, no. 4 (Autumn 2002): 524–57. On Pennsylvania Hospital, see William H. Williams, “The ‘Industrious Poor’ and the Founding of the Pennsylvania Hospital,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 97, no. 4 (October 1973): 431–43. On his reception in Europe, see J. L. Heilbron, “Benjamin Franklin in Europe: Electrician, Academician, and Politician,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 61, no. 3 (September 22, 2007): 353–73, esp. 355; and L. K. Mathews, “Benjamin Franklin’s Plans of Colonial Union,” American Political Science Review 8, no. 3 (August 1914): 393–412.

4. For his arguments about human impulses shaped by pleasure and pain, see Franklin, “A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain” (London, 1725), in Franklin Papers, 1:57–71, esp. 64, 71; also see Joyce Chaplin, Benjamin Franklin’s Political Arithmetic: A Materialist View of Humanity (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Libraries, 2006), 12–16.

5. Peter Kalm, Travels into North America; Containing Its Natural History, and a Circumstantial Account of Its Plantations and Agricultural in General, with the Civil, Ecclesiastical and Commercial State of the Country, the Manners of the Inhabitants, and Several Curious and Important Remarks on Various Subjects, trans. John Reinhold Forster, vol. 1 (Warrington, UK, 1770), 1:305–6; Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Johnson, August 23, 1750, Franklin Papers, 4:40–42, esp. 42.

6. For “uneasy in rest,” see “A Dissertation on Liberty,” Franklin Papers, 1:64. For the English as “stirrers abroad,” see the dedication in Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, 1:[2].

7. Franklin, “Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind” (1751), Franklin Papers, 4:225–34, esp. 228. This manuscript was first published in 1755; see William F. Von Valtier, “The Demographic Numbers Behind Benjamin Franklin’s Twenty-Five-Year Doubling Period,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 155, no. 2 (June 2011): 158–88, esp. 160–61, footnote 9.

8. Franklin, “Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind,” Franklin Papers, 231. On the value of marrying young, also see Franklin to John Alleyne, August 9, 1768, Franklin Papers, 3:30–31, 15:184.

9. “The Speech of Miss Polly Baker,” April 15, 1747, Franklin Papers, 3:123–25. One writer has suggested that Polly Baker was based on a real woman, an Eleanor Kellog, who was tried in Worcester, Massachusetts, in 1745 for having her fifth bastard child. See Max Hall, Benjamin Franklin and Polly Baker: The History of a Literary Deception (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1960; rev. ed., 1990), 94–98.

10. For the punishment for bachelors, see “To All Married Men to Whom These Presents Shall Come,” New-York Gazette, March 20, 1749, reprinted in the Boston Evening Post, April 7, 1749; also see “From an Epistle from a Society of Young Ladies,” New-York Evening Post, October 28, 1751; and a call to tax bachelors, Boston Evening Post, August 4, 1746; Franklin wrote elsewhere that “a single Man has not nearly the Value he would have in that State of Union”; see Franklin, “Old Mistresses Apologue,” June 25, 1745, Franklin Papers, 3:30–31.

11. William H. Shurr, “‘Now, God, Stand Up for Bastards’: Reinterpreting Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography,” American Literature 64, no. 3 (September 1992): 435–51, esp. 444. On Franklin’s “pronatalist convictions,” see Dennis Hodgson, “Benjamin Franklin on Population: From Policy to Theory,” Population and Development Review 17, no. 4 (December 1991): 639–61, esp. 640–41.

12. Franklin, “Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind,” Franklin Papers, 4:231–32. See excerpts from Locke’s “Atlantis” writings (1678–79) in Goldie, ed., Locke: Political Essays, xxvi, 255–59.

13. Franklin, “The Interest of Great Britain Considered (1760),” Franklin Papers, 9:59–100, esp. 73–74, 77–78, 86–87, 94.

14. Franklin to Peter Collinson (1753), Franklin Papers, 5: 158–59; and “Information to Those Who Would Remove to America,” by Dr. Franklin, Boston Magazine (October 1784), 505–10. Franklin, “The Interest of Great Britain Considered (1760),” Franklin Papers, 9:86.

15. Franklin, The Autobiography, 13–25. For runaway servants, see Marcus Rediker, “‘Good Hands, Stout Heart, and Fast Feet’: The History and Culture of Working People in Early America,” Labour/Le Travail 10 (Autumn 1982): 123–44, esp. 141; The Infortunate: The Voyage and Adventures of William Moraley, an Indentured Servant (1743), eds. Susan E. Klepp and Billy G. Smith, 2nd ed. (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005), xvii–xviii, xxv–xxvi, 16, 26, 41, 51, 72–74, 78–79, 87–88, 97.

16. Billy G. Smith, “Poverty and Economic Marginality in Eighteenth-Century America,” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 132, no. 1 (March 1988): 85–118, esp. 100–103, 105, 113; Gary B. Nash, “Poverty and Poor Relief in Pre-Revolutionary Philadelphia,” William and Mary Quarterly 33, no. 1 (January 1976): 3–30, esp. 12–13. On infant mortality rates, see Susan E. Klepp, “Malthusian Miseries and the Working Poor in Philadelphia, 1780–1830,” in Down and Out in Early America, ed. Billy G. Smith (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004), 63–92, esp. 64.

17. Jack Marietta, The Reformation of American Quakerism, 1748–1783 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984), 21–24, 28, 51, 65; Jean R. Soderlund, “Women’s Authority in Pennsylvania and New Jersey Quaker Meetings, 1680–1760,” William and Mary Quarterly 44, no. 4 (October 1987): 722–49, esp. 743–44.

18. See Frederick B. Tolles, “Benjamin Franklin’s Business Mentors: The Philadelphia Quaker Merchants,” William and Mary Quarterly 4, no. 1 (January 1947): 60–69; J. A. Leo Lemay, The Life of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 1, Journalist, 1706–1730 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 1:238, 258, 268, 458–59, and vol. 2, Printer and Publisher, 1730–1747(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 2:322–23; Jacquelyn C. Miller, “Franklin and Friends: Franklin’s ties to Quakers and Quakerism,” Pennsylvania History 57, no. 4 (October 1990): 318–36, esp. 322–26.

19. On the rise of the non-Quaker elite, see Stephen Brobeck, “Revolutionary Change in Colonial Philadelphia: The Brief Life of the Proprietary Gentry,” William and Mary Quarterly 33, no. 3 (July 1976): 410–34, esp. 413, 417–18, 422–23; Thomas M. Doerflinger, “Commercial Specialization in the Philadelphia Merchant Community, 1750–1791,” Business History Review 57, no. 1 (Spring 1983): 20–49, esp. 22, 28, 46.

20. See Robert F. Oaks, “Big Wheels in Philadelphia: Du Simitière’s List of Carriage Owners,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 95, no. 3 (July 1971): 351–62, esp. 351, 355. On Franklin’s horse and carriage, see Lemay, The Life of Benjamin Franklin, 2:320–21, and footnote 36 on 594; and see “Appendix 2: Franklin’s Residences and Real Estate to 1757” and “Appendix 8: Franklin’s Wealth, 1756,” in Lemay, The Life of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 3, Soldier, Scientist, and Politician, 1748–1757 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 3:599–602, 630–34. Franklin acquired other signs of elite status, such as a coat of arms and fine furniture, and he continued to purchase what he called “my Fancyings” while in England and Europe for his new home (which he began building in 1764) in Philadelphia; see Edward Cahill, “Benjamin Franklin’s Interiors,” Early American Studies 6, no. 1 (Spring 2008): 27–58, esp. 44–46.

21. Lemay, The Life of Benjamin Franklin, 2:320.

22. Pennsylvania Gazette, January 20, 1730, in Franklin: Writings, ed. J. A. Leo Lemay (New York: Library of America, 1987), 139. Approximately seventy-three thousand Europeans traveled to British North America during the 1730s, and at least seventeen thousand arrived in Philadelphia’s port. Nearly one of every three passengers disembarking in Philadelphia during the 1730s was an indentured servant, and an additional five hundred imported slaves joined them at the bottom of the social ladder. The largest influx of convict laborers from Britain occurred during the mid-eighteenth century. Philadelphians were concerned about absconding servants; see Pennsylvania Gazette, July 2, 1751.

23. See Boston News Post-Boy, December 4, 1704; for fans, see [Boston] Weekly Rehearsal, May 14, 1733; for buttons, see New-York Gazette, or Weekly Post-Boy, June 15, 1747.

24. [Boston] Weekly Rehearsal, March 20, 1732; see Jenny Davidson, Breeding: A Partial History of the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 137–43; Boudreau, “Done by a Tradesman,” 529.

25. Williams, “The ‘Industrious Poor’ and the Founding of the Pennsylvania Hospital,” 336–37, 339, 441–42; Franklin to Peter Collinson, May 9, 1753, and “‘Arator’: On the Price of Corn, and the Management of the Poor” (1766), Franklin Papers, 4:479–86, esp. 479–80; 13:510–15.

26. Franklin to Peter Collinson, May 9, 1753, Franklin Papers, 4:480–82.

27. “To the Author of the Letter on the Last Pennsylvania Gazette,” Pennsylvania Gazette, May 15, 1740; Franklin, Plain Truth: or, Serious Considerations on the Present State of the City of Philadelphia and Province of Pennsylvania. By a Tradesman of Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1747), and “Form of Association,” Pennsylvania Gazette, December 3, 1747, in Franklin Papers, 3:180–212, esp. 198–99, 201, 211; “Extracts from Plain Truth,” New-York Gazette, or Weekly Post-Boy, December 14, 1747.

28. Plain Truth, and “Form of Association,” in Franklin Papers, 3:198, 209, 211.

29. “Petition to the Pennsylvania Assembly Regarding Fairs” (1731), Franklin Papers, 1:211; Pennsylvania Gazette, November 18, 1731, and Waldstreicher, Runaway America, 94; Franklin, The Autobiography, 34–35.

30. On the inability to “wash out the stain of servility,” see “From the Reflector: Of Ambition and Meanness,” Boston Evening Post, March 2, 1752; on the meaner sort at the heels of those above them, see The New-York Weekly Journal, March 3, 1734. In England, there was actually more social mobility among the commercial classes; see Neil McKendrick, John Brewer, and John Harold Plumb, eds., Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982), 20.

31. “From a Paper entitled COMMON SENSE. The First Principles of Religion for Preserving Liberty,” Pennsylvania Gazette, February 12, 1741.

32. Franklin to Benjamin Franklin Bache, September 25, 1780, Franklin Papers, 33:326.

33. Franklin to Peter Collinson, May 9, 1753, Franklin Papers, 4:480–82.

34. Ibid.; Franklin to Peter Collinson [1753?], Franklin Papers, 5:158–59.

35. On the impact of Paine’s pamphlet, see Trish Loughan, “Disseminating Common Sense: Thomas Paine and the Problem of the Early National Best Seller,” American Literature 78, no. 1 (March 2006): 1–28, esp. 4, 7, 12, 14. On Paine’s background, see John Keane, Tom Paine: A Life(Boston: Little, Brown, 1995), 62, 73–74, 79, 84; J. C. D. Clark, “Thomas Paine: The English Dimension,” in Selected Writings of Thomas Paine, eds. Ian Shapiro and Jane E. Calvert (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014), 538; John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State, 1688–1783 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1900), 104–5, 222–30; Edward Larkin, “Inventing an American Public: Paine, the ‘Pennsylvania Magazine,’ and American Revolutionary Discourse,” Early American Literature 33, no. 3 (1998): 250–76, esp. 254, 257, 261; and Robert A. Ferguson, “The Commonalities of Common Sense,” William and Mary Quarterly 57, no. 3 (July 2000): 465–504, esp. 487–89, 502.

36. Thomas Slaughter, ed., Common Sense and Related Writings by Thomas Paine (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2001), 79; Thomas Paine, “Agrarian Justice, Opposed to Agrarian Law, and to Agrarian Monopoly,” (1797), in Shapiro and Calvert, Selected Writings of Thomas Paine, 555, 557.

37. On his theory of commerce and nations, he wrote, “It is the commerce and not the conquest of America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a great measure continue, were the countries independent of each other as France and Spain; because many articles, neither can go to a better market”; see Slaughter, ed., Common Sense, 89–90, 110.

38. Slaughter, Common Sense, 86, 89, 100, 113. Adam Smith offered a similar rebuke of the English financial system, highlighting its enormous debts and repeated engagement in costly wars in The Wealth of Nations (1776).

39. See Slaughter, Common Sense, 89, 100, 102–4. On Pennsylvania selling wheat and flour to southern Europe, see T. H. Breen, “An Empire of Goods: The Anglicization of Colonial America, 1760–1776,” Journal of British Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1986): 467–99, esp. 487. The magazine for which Paine became the chief editor, the Pennsylvania Magazine; or, American Monthly Museum, published a chart of exports (tonnage and value) from Philadelphia’s port for the years 1771 to 1773; see Pennsylvania Magazine; or, American Monthly Museum (February 1775), 72.

40. Paine wrote, “The mercantile and reasonable part in England, will be still with us; because peace with trade, is preferable to war without it”; see Slaughter, Common Sense, 114. On the debates in the Continental Congress on free trade in 1775 and 1776, see Staughton Lynd and David Waldstreicher, “Free Trade, Sovereignty, and Slavery: Toward an Economic Interpretation of the American Revolution,” William and Mary Quarterly 68, no. 4 (October 2011): 597–630, esp. 610, 624–30. The British “friends of America” who supported independence did so because they wanted to ensure that a strong alliance was sustained between Great Britain and America, for both economic and political reasons. See Eliga H. Gould, The Persistence of Empire: British Political Culture in the Age of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 165.

41. See Thomas Paine, “A Dialogue Between the Ghost of General Montgomery Just Arrived from the Elysian Fields; and an American Delegate, in the Wood Near Philadelphia” (1776), which was published in newspapers and in a later edition of Common Sense; see Philip Foner, ed., The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine, 2 vols. (New York: Citadel, 1945), 2:91. He expanded on this notion of commercial transatlantic alliances in his later writing; see Thomas Paine, Rights of Man, Part the Second. Combining Principle and Practice, second edition (London, 1792), 82–88; and Thomas C. Walker, “The Forgotten Prophet: Tom Paine’s Cosmopolitanism and International Relations,” International Studies Quarterly 44, no. 1 (March 2000), 51–72, esp. 59–60. Paine also explored the nature of mutual affections and voluntary commerce through the analogy of American Indian marriages; and the detrimental influence of titles in encouraging the “over-awed superstitious vulgar”; see “Reflections on Titles,” Pennsylvania Magazine; or, American Monthly Museum (May 1775), 209–210; and “The Old Bachelor, No. IV. Reflections on Unhappy Marriages,” Pennsylvania Magazine; or, American Monthly Museum (June 1775), 263–65.

42. Slaughter, Common Sense, 112–14. Paine noted that there were three ways for the rebellion to go: declaring independence by “the legal voice of the people in Congress; by military power; by a mob: It may not always happen that our soldiers are citizens, and the multitude are reasonable men.”

43. Slaughter, Common Sense, 79, 83–84, 102, 105; Keane, Tom Paine, 74.

44. Paine’s ship docked in Philadelphia on November 30, 1774. He published the first run of Common Sense on January 10, 1776. See Keane, Tom Paine, 84; also see “To the Honorable Benjamin Franklin, Esq.,” March 4, 1775, in Foner, Complete Writings, 1132. Paine recommended Goldsmith’s History of the World to his readers in the Pennsylvania Magazine, and he included a poem and portrait of the Irish writer; see “List of New Books,” and “Retaliation; a Poem, by Dr. Goldsmith,” Pennsylvania Magazine; or, American Monthly Museum (January 1775), 40, 42; also see Oliver Goldsmith, History of Earth and Animated Nature; abridged. By Mrs. Pilkington (Philadelphia, 1808), 16–22. The first edition of Goldsmith’s book appeared in eight volumes, published in London in 1774.

45. Linné first published his General System in 1735, where he simply laid out the four groups of Homo sapiens based on continents and colors; by 1758, he ascribed a series of traits. The 1735 edition was only eleven folio pages long; the 1758 edition was over three thousand pages. Buffon in his Histoire Naturalle (1749) preferred “race” to Linné’s more stagnant “variety.” Buffon viewed human races as particular stocks, lineages, in which traits were passed down through succeeding generations. See Sir Charles Linné, A General System of Nature, Through the Three Grand Kingdoms of Animals, Vegetables, and Minerals; Systematically Divided into Their Several Classes, Orders, Genera, Species, and Varieties, with Their Habitations, Manners, Economy, Structure, and Peculiarities, trans. William Turton, M.D. (London, 1802), 1; also see Nicholas Hudson, “From ‘Nation’ to ‘Race’: The Origins of Racial Classification in Eighteenth-Century Thought,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 29, no. 3 (1996): 247–64, esp. 253.

46. See Joseph Priestley, An Address to Protestant Dissenters of All Denominations, on the Approaching Election of Members of Parliament, with Respect to the State of Public Liberty in General, and of American Affairs in Particular (London, 1774), 9; “Free Thoughts on Monarchy and Political Superstition,” St. James Chronicle or the British Evening Post, January 22–25, 1774; and for the reprint of this piece in American newspapers, see Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet or, the General Advertiser, April 25, 1774; it also appeared in The Norwich Packet and the Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Rhode Island Weekly Advertiser, May 12, 1774. For Franklin’s friendship with Priestley, see Verner W. Crane, “The Club of Honest Whigs: Friends of Liberty and Science,” William and Mary Quarterly 23, no. 2 (April 1966): 210–33, esp. 231.

47. Slaughter, Common Sense, 87–90, 94, 99, 104, 110; James V. Lynch, “The Limits of Revolutionary Radicalism: Tom Paine and Slavery,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 123, no. 5 (July 1999): 177–99.

48. Slaughter, Common Sense, 88, 90, 92–93, 99; Keane, Tom Paine, 42–45. On Canada, see Paine, Letter Addressed to the Abbe Raynal, on the Affairs of North America: in Which the Mistakes in the Abbe’s Account of the Revolution of America Are Corrected and Cleared Up (1782), in Foner, Complete Writings, 2:258.

49. Slaughter, Common Sense, 100, 104–5.

50. Ibid., 87–88, 93–94, 110; and for the legal precept of waste on a pending lawsuit, see Book 2, chapter 14, “Of Waste,” in Sir William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England (London, 1765–66).

51. Slaughter, Common Sense, 113–14.

52. See Paine, “A Dialogue Between the Ghost of General Montgomery” (1776) and Letter Addressed to the Abbe Raynal, on the Affairs of North America (1782), in Foner, Complete Writings, 2:92, 243. Paine also published the dialogue in Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet, February 19, 1776.

Chapter Four: Thomas Jefferson’s Rubbish: A Curious Topography of Class

1. For Jefferson’s use of the phrases “empire of liberty” and “empire for liberty,” see Thomas Jefferson to George Rogers Clark, December 25, 1780, Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian Boyd et. al., 40 vols. to date (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1950–), 4:237; Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, April 27, 1809, in The Papers of Thomas Jefferson: Retirement Series, ed. J. Jefferson Looney, 11 vols. to date (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005–), 1:69. Hereafter cited as PTJ and PTJ-R. Andrew Burstein and Nancy Isenberg, Madison and Jefferson (New York: Random House, 2010), 388–90. Also see John Murrin, “The Jeffersonian Triumph and American Exceptionalism,” Journal of the Early Republic 20, no. 1 (Spring 2000): 1–25.

2. John E. Selby, The Revolution in Virginia, 1775–1783 (Williamsburg, VA: Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, 1988), 26–32; Michael McDonnell, “Jefferson’s Virginia,” in A Companion to Thomas Jefferson, ed. Francis D. Cogliano (Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012), 16–31, esp. 21–22. On Jefferson’s slaves, see Lucia Stanton, “Those Who Labor for My Happiness”: Slavery at Thomas Jefferson’s Monticello (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2012), 56. Jefferson grew tobacco and wheat, but tobacco was his principal cash crop; see Barbara McEwan, Thomas Jefferson: Farmer (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co., 1991), 2–3, 39–42, 45–46.

3. Thomas Jefferson to John Jay, August 23, 1785, and Thomas Jefferson to Francis Willis, July 15, 1796, PTJ, 8:426, 29:153; and Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, ed. William Peden (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1955), 164–65. For an excellent overview of Jefferson’s troubled career as a farmer, see Lucia Stanton, “Thomas Jefferson: Planter and Farmer,” in Cogliano, A Companion to Thomas Jefferson, 253–70.

4. See Thomas Jefferson to Thomas Leiper, February 23, 1801, PTJ, 8:210–12, 33:50. On Jefferson’s design for the moldboard plough, see Thomas Jefferson to Sir John Sinclair, March 23, 1798, PTJ 30: 197–209; the original memorandum, “Description of a Mouldboard of the Least, & of the Easiest and Most Certain Construction,” is located at the Massachusetts Historical Society, along with an undated drawing of the plough, MSi5 [electronic edition]. Thomas Jefferson Papers: An Electronic Archive, Boston, MA: Massachusetts Historical Society, 2003, thomasjeffersonpapers.org; and August C. Miller Jr., “Jefferson as an Agriculturalist,” Agricultural History 16, no. 2 (April 1942): 65–78, esp. 70, 71–72, 75.

5. On English notions of husbandry and improvement, see Joan Thirsk, “Plough and Pen: Writers in the Seventeenth Century,” Social Relations and Ideas: Essays in Honour of R. H. Hilton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 295–318, esp. 297–98, 316; Benjamin R. Cohen, Notes from the Ground: Science, Soil, and Society in the American Countryside (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), 18, 20, 25. On early modern English husbandry, see McRae, God Speed the Plough, 203–4, 206, 208, 210; George Washington to William Pierce, 1796, in The Writings of Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1744–1799, ed. John C. Fitzpatrick, 39 vols. (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1931–44), 34:451; and Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, 85; Miller, “Jefferson as an Agriculturalist,” 69, 71–72.

6. Jefferson described slaves as “confined to tillage”; see Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, 139.

7. See Kevin J. Hayes, “The Libraries of Thomas Jefferson,” in A Companion to Thomas Jefferson, 333–49; Burstein and Isenberg, Madison and Jefferson, 558. On Jefferson’s literary training and epicureanism, see Andrew Burstein, The Inner Jefferson: Portrait of a Grieving Optimist (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1995), 16–17, 32, 34, 129, 133; and Burstein, Jefferson’s Secrets: Death and Desire at Monticello (New York: Basic Books, 2005), 162, 165–66. On his purchase of wines and luxuries in France, see Herbert E. Sloan, Principle and Interest: Thomas Jefferson and the Problem of Debt (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1995), 25, and note 84 on 259–60, and Jefferson’s Memorandum Books: Accounts, with Legal Records and Miscellany, 1767–1826, eds. James A. Bear Jr. and Lucia C. Stanton (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), 671, 686, 717, 724, 728, 734, 741–42, 807. On training his slave James Hemings as a French chef, see Annette Gordon-Reed, The Hemingses of Monticello: An American Family (New York: Norton, 2008), 164–65, 209.

8. Thomas Jefferson to Charles Wilson Peale, April 17, 1813, PTJ-R, 6:69.

9. On cultivators having a “deposit for substantial and genuine virtue,” see Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, 164.

10. Michael A. McDonnell, The Politics of War: Race, Class, and Conflict in Revolutionary Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 27, 93, 95, 109, 119, 227–29, 258–61, 275, 277–78, 306–7, 389–94; John Ferling, “Soldiers for Virginia: Who Served in the French and Indian War?,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 94, no. 3 (July 1986): 307–28; Thomas Jefferson to Richard Henry Lee, June 5, 1778, PTJ, 2:194.

11. Thomas L. Humphrey, “Conflicting Independence: Land Tenancy and the American Revolution,” Journal of the Early Republic 28, no. 2 (Summer 2008): 159–82, esp. 170; L. Scott Philyaw, “A Slave for Every Soldier: The Strange History of Virginia’s Forgotten Recruitment Act of 1 January 1781,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 109, no. 4 (2001): 367–86, esp. 371.

12. Stanley Katz, “Thomas Jefferson and the Right to Property in Revolutionary America,” Journal of Law and Economics 19, no. 3 (October 1976): 467–88, esp. 470–71.

13. Holly Brewer, “Entailing Aristocracy in Colonial Virginia: ‘Ancient Feudal Restraints’ and Revolutionary Reform,” William and Mary Quarterly 54, no. 2 (April 1997): 307–46; Christopher Michael Curtis, Jefferson’s Freeholders and the Politics of Ownership in the Old Dominion (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 21–26, 56, 72, 75–76.

14. Curtis, Jefferson’s Freeholders, 56, 72.

15. Humphrey, “Conflicting Independence,” 180–81.

16. The bill was first presented in 1778, again in 1780, and in 1785, where it passed the House but died in the Senate. See “A Bill for the More General Diffusion of Knowledge” (1778), PTJ, 2:526–35; and Jennings L. Wagoner Jr., Jefferson and Education (Charlottesville, VA: Monticello Monograph Series, 2004), 34–38.

17. Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, 146. Bunyan had two references to muck; one was the muck-rake, which was an emblem for covertness, the other was that of a bad crop turned into muck in his Book for Boys and Girls. See Roger Sharrock, “Bunyan and the English Emblem Writers,” Review of English Studies 21, no. 82 (April 1945): 105–16, esp. 109–10, 112.

18. “A Bill for Support of the Poor,” PTJ, 2:419–23. This bill was not passed until 1785.

19. Georges-Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon, Natural History, General and Particular, by the Count de Buffon, Translated into English, 8 vols. (2nd. ed., London, 1785), 3:104, 134–36, 190.

20. Ibid., 3:57–58, 61–62, 129–30, 192–93.

21. Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, 7–8, 10, 19, 21–22, 43–54, 58–65, 79, 226–31, 253–54.

22. Thomas Jefferson to the Marquis de Chastellux, June 7, 1785, PTJ, 8:185–86.

23. Thomas Jefferson to G. K. van Hogendorp, October 13, 1785, and Thomas Jefferson to John Jay, August 23, 1785, PTJ, 8:426, 633; on chorography, see McRae, God Speed the Plough, 231–261.

24. “Report of the Committee, March 1, 1784,” PTJ, 6:603; C. Albert White, A History of the Rectangular Survey System (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1983), 11, 512; William D. Pattison, Beginnings of the American Rectangular Land Survey System, 1784–1800 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), 42–45, 63–65; Peter Onuf, “Liberty, Development, and Union: Visions of the West in the 1780s,” William and Mary Quarterly 43, no. 2 (April 1986): 179–213, esp. 184.

25. J. Hector St. John de Crèvecoeur, Letters from an American Farmer, ed. Susan Manning (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), xi–xiii, 15, 25, 27–28, 41–42, 45–47. For the excerpt of the farmer placing his son on the plough, see “Pleasing Particulars in Husbandry &c. [From Letters from J. Hector St. John, a Farmer in Pennsylvania, to his Friend in England],” Boston Magazine(July 1986), 285–91, esp. 285; also see Thomas Philbrick, “Crevecoeur as New Yorker,” Early American Literature 11, no. 1 (Spring 1976): 22–30; and St. John Crèvecoeur to Thomas Jefferson, May 18, 1785, PTJ, 8:156–57.

26. Answers to Démeunier’s First Queries, January 24, 1786, PTJ, 10:16.

27. On importing Germans into Virginia, see Thomas Jefferson to Richard Claiborne, August 8, 1787, PTJ, 16:540. On using Germans to train slaves, see Thomas Jefferson to Edward Bancroft, January 26, 1789, PTJ, 14:492, 35:718–21.

28. McDonnell, The Politics of War, 439, 455, 480–82; Woody Holton, “Did Democracy Cause the Recession That Led to the Constitution?,” Journal of American History 92, no. 2 (September 2005): 442–69, esp. 445–46.

29. John Ferling, Whirlwind: The American Revolution and the War That Won It (New York: Bloomsbury, 2015), 320–21; Charles Royster, A Revolutionary People at War: The Continental Army and the American Character, 1775–1783 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 353–57.

30. “Jefferson’s Reply to the Representations of Affairs in America by British Newspapers” [before November 20, 1784], PTJ, 7:540–45; Wallace Evan Davies, “The Society of Cincinnati in New England, 1783–1800,” William and Mary Quarterly 5, no. 1 (January 1948): 3–25, esp. 3, 5.

31. Thomas Jefferson to Abigail Adams, February 22, 1787, PTJ, 11:174–75; Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, January 30 and February 5, 1787, in The Republic of Letters: The Correspondence Between Thomas Jefferson and Madison, 1776–1826, ed. James Morton Smith, 3 vols. (New York: Norton, 1994), 1:461; Burstein and Isenberg, Madison and Jefferson, 146–48, 168; Woody Holton, Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution (New York: Hill & Wang, 2007), 145–48, 155, 159; and David P. Szatmary, Shays’ Rebellion: The Making of an Agrarian Insurrection (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1980), 66.

32. Abigail Adams to Thomas Jefferson, September 10, 1787, PTJ, 12:112. For Shays living in a sty, see “To the Printer,” American Recorder, and Charlestown Advertiser, January 19, 1787. For the description of Shaysites as “ragamuffins,” see the account of Reverend Bezaleel Howard of Springfield (September 1787), reprinted in Richard D. Brown, “Shays Rebellion and Its Aftermath: A View from Springfield, 1787,” William and Mary Quarterly 40, no. 4 (October 1983): 598–615, esp. 602. For a description of Shaysites as “Abroad in rags like wolves to roam,” see New Haven Gazette, and Connecticut Magazine, January 25, 1787.

33. “Jefferson’s Observations on Démeunier’s Manuscript,” PTJ, 10:52.

34. Curtis, Jefferson’s Freeholders, 97, 101.

35. Fredrika J. Teute and David S. Shields, “The Court of Abigail Adams,” and “Jefferson in Washington: Domesticating Manners in the Republican Court,” Journal of the Early Republic 35 (Summer 2015): 227–35, 237–59, esp. 229–30, 242, 246; Charlene M. Boyer Lewis, Elizabeth Patterson Bonaparte: An American Aristocrat in the Early Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), 12, 16, 20, 23, 29.

36. Pater Shaw, The Character of John Adams (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1976), 227, 230, 232–33.

37. See Simon Newman, “Principles or Men? George Washington and the Political Culture of National Leadership, 1776–1801,” Journal of the Early Republic 12, no. 4 (Winter 1992): 447–507.

38. Burstein and Isenberg, Madison and Jefferson, 262, 381; Jean Edward Smith, John Marshall: Definer of a Nation (New York: Henry Holt, 1996), 12; John C. Rainbolt, “The Alteration in the Relationship Between the Leadership and Constituents in Virginia, 1660–1720,” William and Mary Quarterly 27, no. 3 (July 1970): 411–34, esp. 418–22. Elite Virginians disliked vain displays of learning and dress as signs of the nouveau riche, which is why men like Jefferson and John Marshall dressed beneath their station. This class perspective is captured in Robert Munford’s satirical play The Candidates (1770); see Jay B. Hubbell and Douglas Adair, “Robert Munford’s ‘The Candidates,’” William and Mary Quarterly 5, no. 2 (April 1948): 217–57, esp. 233–35, 240–42; on Jefferson and his sheep, see Stanton, “Thomas Jefferson: Planter and Farmer,” 264.

39. Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, 86–87, 138–40.

40. See “A Bill Declaring What Persons Shall Be Deemed Mulattos,” PTJ, 2:476; and Thomas Jefferson to Francis C. Gray, March 4, 1815, PTJ-R, 8:310–11. On Jefferson’s method for breeding sheep, see “Notes on Breeding Merino Sheep,” enclosure in Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, May 13, 1810, and Thomas Jefferson to William Thorton, May 24, 1810; and “Petition of Albemarle County Residents to the Virginia General Assembly” [before December 19, 1811], PTJ-R, 2:390, 2:413, 4:346; and Thomas Jefferson’s Farm Book: With Commentary and Relevant Extracts from Other Writings, ed. Edwin Morris Betts (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1999), 111–41. Jefferson’s argument was repeated in an 1816 essay by Dr. Parry; he applied the same pattern of animal crossing to humans and designated four stages of mixed-race types: the first cross produces a mulatto, the second a quadroon, the third a mestizo, and the fourth a quinteroon. He claimed that the quinteroon was an “almost perfect white” that was free of the “taint of the Negro.” He also stressed that this worked only with white men and mixed-race women. The “converse would take place in the mixture of white female with male Negroes,” that is, the children would breed back to a perfect black. See Dr. C. H. Parry, “On the Crossing the Breeds of Animals,” Massachusetts Agricultural Repository and Journal (June 1, 1816): 153–58; also Buffon, Natural History, 3:164–65; and Andrew Curran, “Rethinking Race History: The Role of the Albino in the French Enlightenment Life Sciences,” History and Theory 48 (October 2009): 151–79, esp. 171.

41. William Short to Thomas Jefferson, February 27, 1798, PTJ, 30:150.

42. Jefferson believed that racial mixing improved blacks. He wrote, “The improvement of the blacks on body and mind, in the first instance of their mixture with the whites, has been observed by everyone, and proves that their inferiority is not the effect merely of condition of life.” See Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, 141; Stanton, “Those Who Labor for My Happiness,” 64–65, 178–79, 197, 224; and Gordon-Reed, The Hemingses of Monticello, 41, 49, 80, 86, 100–101, 661–62.

43. See Thomas Jefferson to Joel Yancy, January 17, 1819, and Thomas Jefferson to John W. Eppes, June 30, 1820, in Thomas Jefferson’s Farm Book, 43, 46. Jefferson measured the price of female slaves by their breeding capacity. In discussing a slave woman whom a relative considered selling, he described her as one who had “ceased to breed.” See Thomas Jefferson to William O. Callis, May 8, 1795, PTJ, 28:346.

44. John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, August [14?], November 15, 1813, in The Adams-Jefferson Letters: The Complete Correspondence Between Thomas Jefferson and Abigail and John Adams, ed. Lester J. Cappon (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1959), 365–66, 397–402.

45. Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, October 28, 1813, The Adams-Jefferson Letters, 387–88; Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, 140; Burstein, Jefferson’s Secrets, 167–68.

46. Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, October 13, 1813, The Adams-Jefferson Letters, 387–89.

47. Thomas Jefferson to William Wirt, August 5, 1815, PTJ-R, 8:642–43. Jefferson had described the “class of artificers” as “panders,” prone to vice; see Thomas Jefferson to John Jay, August 23, 1785, PTJ, 8:426; and Notes on the State of Virginia, 165. Jefferson also used the word “yeomanry” to represent the nonelite classes in the United States; see Thomas Jefferson to James Monroe, May 5, 1793, and Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, May 5, 1793, PTJ, 25:660–61.

48. John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, November 15, 1813, The Adams-Jefferson Letters, 401.

Chapter Five: Andrew Jackson’s Cracker Country: The Squatter as Common Man

1. See John R. Van Atta, Securing the West: Politics, Public Lands, and the Fate of the Old Republic, 1785–1850 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014), 17–18, 23.

2. See Malcolm J. Rohrbough, The Land Office Business: The Settlement and Administration of American Public Lands, 1789–1837 (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1990), 6; Eliga H. Gould, Among the Powers of the Earth: The American Revolution and the Making of a New World Empire(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012), 12.

3. While the concept of the southern backcountry began in the colonial period, its existence as a distinct area that was different from the East Coast settlement continued after the Revolution as new frontiers emerged during the early republic. See Robert D. Mitchell, “The Southern Backcountry: A Geographical House Divided,” in The Southern Backcountry: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Frontier Communities, eds. David C. Crass, Steven D. Smith, Martha A. Zierden, and Richard D. Brooks (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1998), 1–35, esp. 27.

4. Van Atta, Securing the West, 14, 18.

5. For the 1815 definition of squatter, see John Pickering, “Memoir of the Present State of the English Language in the United States, with a Vocabulary Containing Various Words Which Has Been Supposed to Be Peculiar to This Country,” Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (January 1, 1815), 523. Pickering cited the Englishman Edward Augustus Kendall for his account of how the word squatter was used in America; see Kendall, Travels Through the Northern Part of the United States in the Years 1807 and 1808 (New York, 1809), 160; also see Nathaniel Gorham to James Madison, January 27, 1788, The Papers of James Madison, 10:435–36. The Oxford English Dictionary incorrectly identifies Madison as first using the term, but Madison merely repeated verbatim in a letter to George Washington what Gorham had written to him. See also Madison to Washington, February 3, 1788, The Papers of James Madison, 10:463. For the article on Pennsylvania “squatlers,” see “Philadelphia, August 10,” The [Philadelphia] Federal, and Evening Gazette, August 10, 1790. On the Phelps-Gorham Purchase that involved around six million acres in western New York, see William H. Stiles, “Pioneering in Genesee County: Entrepreneurial Strategy and the Concept of Central Place,” in New Opportunities in a New Nation: The Development of New York After the Revolution, eds. Manfred Jonas and Robert W. Wells (Schenectady, NY: Union College Press, 1982), 35–68.

6. See Kendall, Travels, 160–62; Alan Taylor, “‘A Kind of War’: The Contest for Land on the Northeastern Frontier, 1750–1820,” William and Mary Quarterly 46, no. 1 (January 1786): 3–26, esp. 6–9; and for the case of Daniel Hildreth in Lincoln County Supreme Court in Massachusetts, see “Various Paragraphs,” Columbian Centinel. Massachusetts Federalist, October 18, 1800.

7. Kendall made the point that “squatters were not peculiar to Maine,” and then mentioned Pennsylvania. See Kendall, Travels, 161–62. For the various proclamations, see Proclamation, by Honorable George Thomas, Esq. Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania . . . (October 5, 1742); and Proclamation, by Honorable James Hamilton, Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania . . . (July 18, 1749); and Proclamation, by the Honorable John Penn, Esq., Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania (September 23, 1766); and for the emphasis on the death penalty, see Proclamation, by the Honorable John Penn, Esq., Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania . . . (February 24, 1768). There were the equivalent of squatters in Great Britain, vagrants who lived in forests and marshes—the wastelands of manorial estates, as well as people who lived on property they did not own after the 1666 fire in London. See the broadside warning of ejectment: This Court Taking into Consideration, the Utmost Time for Taking Down and Removing All Such Sheds, Shops, and Other Like Buildings, Which Have Been Erected Since the Late Dismal Fire . . . (London, 1673); also see A. L. Beier, Masterless Men, 9, 19, 73–74.

8. Eric Hinderaker, Elusive Empires: Constructing Colonialism in the Ohio Valley, 1763–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 239–40, 244, 246; Holly Mayer, “From Forts to Families: Following the Army into Western Pennsylvania, 1758–1766,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 130, no. 1 (January 2006): 5–43, esp. 13, 21, 23–24, 36–38, 40.

9. On Colonel Henry Bouquet, see Bouquet to Anne Willing, Bedford, September 17, 1759, in The Papers of Colonel Henry Bouquet, ed. Sylvester E. Stevens et al., 19 vols. (Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historical Commission and Works Progress Administration, 1940–44), 3:371–72, 4:115–16.

10. For various meanings of “squat” and “squatting,” see Oxford English Dictionary; Melissa J. Pawlikowski, “‘The Ravages of a Cruel and Savage Economy’: Ohio River Valley Squatters and the Formation of a Communitarian Political Economy, 1768–1782” (paper presented at the Society of Historians of the Early American Republic, July 17, 2011, in possession of the author). On Hottentots, see “The Voyage of Peter Kolben, A.M., to the Cape of Good Hope; with an Account of the Manners and Customs of Its Inhabitants,” The Pennsylvania Herald, and General Advertiser, July 21, 1786. For a Cherokee woman sitting squat on the ground, see “A True Relation of the Unheard of Sufferings of David Menzies, Surgeon Among the Cherokees; Deliverance in South-Carolina,” The Boston Post-Boy and Advertiser, March 6, 1767. For British soldiers and their fighting style, see “Annapolis, in Maryland, July 15,” [Boston] Weekly News-Letter, August 19, 1756; “New-York, March 27,” The New-York Gazette: or, The Weekly Post-Boy, March 27, 1758; “Extract of a Letter from Ticonderoga, July 31,” Pennsylvania Gazette, August 9, 1759; also see John K. Mahon, “Anglo-American Methods of Indian Warfare, 1675–1794,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 45, no. 2 (September 1958): 254–75. For the importance of the legal meaning of standing, see Tomlins, Freedom Bound, 119–20.

11. The colonial official also emphasized that “they enjoyed engaging in cruelty,” were horse stealers, and tried to stir up war by propagating “idle stories”; see Captain Gavin Cochrane to Lord Dartmouth, June 22, 1767, in M. Mathews, “Of Matters Lexicographical,” American Speech 34, no. 2 (May 1959): 126–30. On southern crackers, see Mr. Simpson and Mr. Barnard, Address Presented to Governor James Wright in March 1767, in The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia, ed. Allen D. Chandler, 26 vols. (Atlanta, 1904), 14:475–76; and Mr. James Habersham to Governor James Wright, in The Letters of James Habersham 1756–1775, in The Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, 15 vols. (Savannah, 1904), 6:204; also cited in Delma E. Presley, “The Crackers of Georgia,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 60, no. 2 (Summer 1976): 102–16, esp. 102–3. For the cracker eye-gouger, see “Extracts of the Letter from a Camp Near Seneca, August 18,” Pennsylvania Ledger, October 26, 1776 (this report was republished in numerous papers in Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Massachusetts).

12. Woodmason also called them “banditti, profligates, reprobates, and the lowest scum of the Earth.” He further noted that the people were intended to “set down as a barrier between the Rich planters and Indians.” See Richard Hooker, ed., The Carolina Backcountry on the Eve of the Revolution: The Journal and Other Writings of Charles Woodmason, Anglican Itinerant (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1953), 25, 27, 31–32, 52–54, 60–61, 154.

13. For the reference to “cracking traders” used by Ensign Alexander Cameron, a British agent in South Carolina, who was describing white poachers in a letter to Captain Gavin Cochrane, dated February 3, 1765, see John L. Nichols, “Alexander Cameron, British Agent Among the Cherokee, 1764–1781,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 97, no. 2 (April 1996): 94–114, esp. 95, 97. Cameron appears to be the first person to use “cracking traders” before Cochrane called them crackers. Cameron was a native of Scotland, and first came to America as a soldier with General James Oglethorpe in 1738. For the term “louse cracker” (nasty, slovenly fellow), see New-England Courant, February 22–March 5, 1722. For the definition of “louse cracker,” see John Ebers, The New and Complete Dictionary of England and German Language, vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1798), 363. For a “joke cracker,” as a person who wastes time, see “Cursory Thoughts,” Vermont Gazette, August 5, 1805. On nasty insults resembling smelly firecrackers, see Lloyd’s Evening Post, May 15–17, 1765. For a cracker as liar, or teller of marvelous tales, see “No. CXXXIV. Kit Cracker, a Great Dealer in the Marvelous, Describes Himself and His Adventures to the Observer,” in Richard Cumberland, The Observer: Being a Collection of Moral, Literary and Familiar Essays (London, 1791), 86–95.

14. For “crack brained people” acting like crazy animals, see “No. III, To the Editors of the Charleston Courier,” United States Gazette, June 13, 1804; also see “crack brained son” in The Providence Gazette, and Country Journal, January 3, 1768; and for a parody of haymakers and crack-brained drinkers, see “Attention Haymaker!,” Thomas’s Massachusetts Spy, or Worcester Gazette,July 20, 1796. For the use of the term “crack-brained” by prominent Georgia trustee the Earl of Egmont, see Robert G. McPherson, ed., The Journal of the Earl of Egmont, Abstract of the Trustees Proceedings for Establishing the Colony of Georgia, 1732–1738 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1962), 59. Reverend Woodmason also referred to a “crack’d the brain” North Carolinian; see Hooker, The Carolina Backcountry, 62; for “crack brained,” also see Oxford English Dictionary;and see Thomas Tusser, Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandry (1573; reprint ed., Oxford, 1848), 93.

15. For the reference to their “delight in cruelty” and “lawless set of rascals,” see Gavin Cochrane to Lord Dartmouth, June 27, 1766, in Mathews, “Of Matters Lexicographical,” 127. On “rascal” as rubbish, camp followers, and lean and inferior animals, see Oxford English Dictionary; for “rascal” as “trash,” see Edward Philips, A New World of Words: or A General Dictionary (London, 1671), n.p.

16. Benjamin Rush, “An Account of the Progress of Population, Agriculture, Manners, and Government in Pennsylvania, in a Letter to a Friend in England,” in Essays, Literary, Moral, Philosophical (Philadelphia, 1798), 214, 224–25. In 1816, the governor of the Michigan Territory described French settlers in the same way, as adopting the ways of Indians, living with periods of trade and then long periods of indolence, and neglecting their farms. They also were ignorant of “the common acts of domestic life.” He warned that until there was a new migration of people, the territory would be plagued with “indigent helpless people.” See Governor Lewis Cass to Secretary of War, May 31, 1816, in The Territorial Papers of the United States, vol. 10, The Territory of Michigan, 1805–1820, ed. Clarence Edwin Carter (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1942), 642–43. The same idea of purging the poor accompanied the migration of wealthier settlers into the western states. See John Melish (who wrote on Kentucky), Travels in the United States of America in the Years 1806 & 1807, and 1809, 1810, & 1811, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1812), 2:204.

17. On land speculators and class power, see Lee Soltow, “Progress and Mobility Among Ohio Propertyholders, 1810–1825,” Social Science History 7, no. 4 (Autumn 1983): 405–26, esp. 410, 412–15, 418, 420; Andrew R. L. Cayton, “Land, Power, and Reputation: The Cultural Dimension of Politics in the Ohio Country,” William and Mary Quarterly 47, no. 2 (April 1990): 266–86, esp. 278; Rudolf Freud, “Military Bounty Lands and the Origins of the Public Domain,” Agricultural History 20, no. 1 (January 1946): 8–18, esp. 8. For the relocation of the top-down social structure from Virginia to Kentucky, and the rise of the merchant class, see Craig T. Friend, “Merchants and Markethouses: Reflections on Moral Economy in Early Kentucky,” Journal of the Early Republic 17, no. 4 (Winter 1997): 553–74, esp. 556–57, 572. On elite speculators using kinship networks to advance their class power, see Marion Nelson Winship, “The Land of Connected Men: A New Migration Story from the Early Republic,” Pennsylvania History 64 (Summer 1997): 88–104, esp. 90, 97.

18. On old soldiers, see Peter Onuf, “Settlers, Settlements, and New States,” in The American Revolution: Its Character and Limits, ed. Jack Greene (New York: New York University Press, 1987), 171–96, esp. 180–82. For Jefferson’s policy on squatters, see Thomas Jefferson to Secretary of War, April 8, 1804, in The Territorial Papers of the United States, vol. 13, The Territory of Louisiana-Missouri, 1803–1806, ed. Clarence Edwin Carter (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1948), 13:19; and Thomas Jefferson to Albert Gallatin, November 3, 1808, in The Territorial Papers of the United States, vol. 7, The Territory of Indiana, 1800–1810, ed. Clarence Edwin Carter (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1939), 7:610–11; also see Bethel Saler, The Settlers’ Empire: Colonialism and State Formation in America’s Old Northwest (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015), 48–50, 54; Van Atta, Securing the West, 77–78.

19. On wretchedness and a poor and feeble population, see Mathew Carey, Essays on Political Economy, or, The Most Certain Means of Promoting Wealth, Power, Resources, and Happiness of Nations: Applied to the United States (Philadelphia, 1822), 177, 376. On public education and the poor, see Andrew R. L. Cayton, The Frontier Republic: Ideology and Politics in the Ohio Country, 1780–1825 (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1986), 77, 144–45; Van Atta, Securing the West, 110–12, 118, 210.

20. On landlessness and limited mobility, see Gary Edwards, “‘Anything . . . That Would Pay’: Yeoman Farmers and the Nascent Market Economy on the Antebellum Plantation Frontier,” in Southern Society and Its Transformation, 1790–1860, eds. Susanna Delfino, Michele Gillespie, and Louis M. Kyriakoudes (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2011), 102–30, esp. 108, 110; Craig Thompson Friend, “‘Work & Be Rich’: Economy and Culture on the Bluegrass Farm,” in The Buzzel About Kentuck, ed. Craig Thompson Friend (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1999), 124–51, esp. 128–33. For land agents discouraging tenancy, see Robert P. Swierenga, “The ‘Western Land Business’: The Story of Easley & Willingham, Speculators,” Business History Review 41, no. 1 (Spring 1967): 1–20, esp. 12, 16; Rohrbough, The Land Office Business, 170–71, 175–76, 235–36. On the difficulty of tenants becoming large landowners (as compared to sons of the rich inheriting wealth), see Soltow, “Progress and Mobility,” 423.

21. For the scandal swirling around Jackson’s divorce, see Norma Basch, “Marriage, Morals, and Politics in the Election of 1828,” Journal of American History 80, no. 3 (December 1993): 890–918; also see John Ward, Andrew Jackson: Symbol for an Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1953), 54–55; and Andrew Burstein, The Passions of Andrew Jackson (New York: Knopf, 2003), 11, 170, 172.

22. For “Old Hickory” as a strong tree, see “Ode to the Fourth of July,” Salem [MA] Gazette, July 15, 1823; and for Jackson’s nickname meaning he was “tough, unyielding, and substantial,” see “Old Hickory,” Haverhill [MA] Gazette and Patriot, August 7, 1824.

23. See Wilson’s poem “The Pilgrim,” and “Extract of a Letter from Lexington,” The Port-Folio (June 1810): 499–519, esp. 505, 514–15. On Wilson, see R. Cantwell, Alexander Wilson: Naturalist and Pioneer (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1961). Wilson applied the same criteria to studying birds and squatters; he wrote that the “character of the feathered race” could be determined by “noting their particular haunts, modes of constructing their nests”; see Edward H. Burtt Jr. and William E. Davis Jr., Alexander Wilson: The Scot Who Founded American Ornithology (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2013), 11.

24. Wilson, “Extract of a Letter from Lexington,” 519. For the symbolic meaning of homes in securing territorial claims, also see Anna Stilz, “Nations, States, and Territory,” Ethics 121, no. 3 (April 2011): 572–601, esp. 575–76.

25. Cornelia J. Randolph to Virginia J. Randolph (Trist), August 17, 1817, PTJ-R, Thomas Jefferson Foundation, Charlottesville, VA. I would like to thank Lisa Francavilla of the Retirement Series for alerting me to this letter.

26. See “Measuring for a Bed,” New Bedford [MA] Mercury, February 12, 1830 (reprinted from the Baltimore Emerald); also see “Sporting in Illinois,” Spirit of the Times; A Chronicle of Turf, Agriculture, Field Sports, Literature, and Stage (July 14, 1838): 169; and Ludwig Inkle, “Running from the Indians,” Magnolia; or Southern Monthly (August 1841): 359–62. esp. 360.

27. See John M. Denham, “The Florida Cracker Before the Civil War as Seen Through Travelers’ Accounts,” Florida Historical Quarterly 72, no. 4 (April 1994): 453–68, esp. 460, 467–68; and Inkle, “Running from the Indians.”

28. For a cracker shouting and squealing, see “The Tobacco Roller,” [Augusta, GA] Southern Sentinel, November 6, 1794. For the Mississippi squatter as a screamer, see “Taking the Mississippi,” Maine Farmer, October 26, 1848. For Hoosier anecdotes, see “A Forcible Argument,” New Hampshire Centinel, June 15, 1837; “The Hoosier Girls,” [Charleston, SC] Southern Patriot, October 12, 1837; “Hoosier Poetry,” [New Orleans] Daily Picayune, July 26, 1838; Barre [MA] Weekly Gazette, November 2, 1838; “From the National Intelligencer,” Macon Georgia Telegraph, April 7, 1840.

29. See John Finley, “The Hoosier’s Nest,” Indiana Quarterly Magazine of History 1, no. 1 (1905): 56–57; also see William D. Pierson, “The Origins of the Word ‘Hoosier’: A New Interpretation,” Indiana Magazine of History 91, no. 2 (June 1995): 189–96.

30. “Cracker Dictionary,” Salem [MA] Gazette, Mary 21, 1830; also see “Southernisms,” New Hampshire Patriot & State Gazette, July 27, 1835; and “The Gouging Scene,” Philadelphia Album and Ladies Literary Portfolio, September 25, 1830; and both “jimber-jawed” and “gimbal-jawed” were derived from “gimbal,” meaning hinge or joint, and thus meant a protruding and loose jaw, see Oxford English Dictionary.

31. “Cracker Dictionary.” Another writer defined a “squatter” with the motto of “‘here to-day—gone in a moment’”; see “Original Correspondence,” Boston Courier, November 25, 1830.

32. M. J. Heale, “The Role of the Frontier in Jacksonian Politics: David Crockett and the Myth of the Self-made Man,” Western Historical Quarterly 4, no. 4 (October 1973): 405–23, esp. 405–9, 417; James R. Boylston and Allen J. Wiener, David Crockett in Congress: The Rise and Fall of the Poor Man’s Friend (Houston: Bright Sky Press, 2009), 2–3.

33. Cynthia Cumfer, “Local Origins of National Indian Policy: Cherokee and Tennessee Ideas About Sovereignty and Nationhood, 1790–1811,” Journal of the Early Republic 23, no. 1 (Spring 2003): 21–46, esp. 25, 31; Heale, “The Role of the Frontier in Jacksonian Politics,” 416–17; and “Premium on Fecundity,” [Haverhill, MA] Essex Gazette, April 3, 1830.

34. Davy Crockett’s Almanack of 1837 (Nashville, 1837), 40–43; Heale, “The Role of the Frontier in Jacksonian Politics,” 408; James Atkins Shackford, David Crockett: The Man and the Legend (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1956), 68–69, 136, 144; Alexander Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class Politics and Mass Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (London: Verso, 1990), 78, 83; Boylston and Wiener, David Crockett in Congress, 16. On Crockett’s advocacy for the poor man over the rich speculator, see “Remarks of Mr. Crockett, of Tennessee,” United States Telegraph, May 19, 1828; “Congressional Canvas,” [Columbia, SC] Columbia Telescope, June 12, 1829; and “Col. David Crockett, of Tennessee,” Daily National Intelligencer, June 22, 1831; and “Cracker Dictionary.”

35. See “There Are Some Queer Fellows in Congress,” [Fayetteville, NC] Carolina Observer, March 20, 1828. On Crockett’s popularity, surpassing the government, Black Hawk, or a “caravan of wild varmints,” see an excerpt from his biography (supposedly written by Crockett), “Preface of Hon. David Crockett’s Biography,” United States Telegraph, February 22, 1834. On the comparison to the trained bear, see “The Indian Question,” Raleigh Register, and the North Carolina Gazette, July 1, 1834; for Frederick Douglass’s comparison of Crockett to the harlequin, see “Meeting in New York,” The North Star, June 8, 1849, and Todd Vogel, Rewriting White: Race, Class and Cultural Capital in Nineteenth-Century America (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004), 25.

36. Davy Crockett’s Almanack of 1837, 8, 17.

37. For Crockett’s speech in defense of poor squatters, see Guy S. Miles, “Davy Crockett Evolves, 1821–1824, American Quarterly 8, no. 1 (Spring 1956): 53–60, esp. 54–55; also see Melvin Rosser Mason, “‘The Lion of the West’: Satire on Davy Crockett and Frances Trollope,” South Central Bulletin 29, no. 4 (Winter 1969): 143–45; also see Walter Blair, “Americanized Comic Braggarts,” Critical Inquiry 4, no. 2 (Winter 1977): 331–49.

38. For alienating his Tennessee colleagues, see “Col. David Crockett, of Tennessee.” For his opposition to the Indian Removal Bill, see “The Indian Question.” For refusing to be Jackson’s dog, see “Politics of the Day,” Daily National Intelligencer, March 30, 1831; and “Col. Crockett. From the Boston Journal,” Indiana Journal, May 31, 1834; also see Megan Taylor Shockley, “King of the Wild Frontier vs. King Andrew I: Davy Crockett and the Election of 1831,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 56, no. 3 (Fall 1997): 158–69, esp. 161–62, 166.

39. On the defection of his friends and allies, see Burstein, The Passions of Andrew Jackson, 209–11.

40. For “hardy sons of the West,” see “Old Hickory,” [Haverhill, MA] Gazette and Patriot, August 7, 1824. On the “Old Hickory” name for tough, fibrous wood associated with the Tennessee tree of the frontier, see Harry L. Watson, Liberty and Power: The Politics of Jacksonian America(New York: Hill & Wang, 1990; rev. ed., 2006), 77.

41. See “Emigration to the Westward,” [Boston] Independent Chronicle, September 11, 1815; also see broadside “Unparalleled Victory” (Boston, 1815). For Jackson celebrating the British death toll, see “Address, Directed by Maj. General Jackson to Be Read at the Head of Each Corps Composing the Line Below New Orleans, January 24, 1815,” Albany Argus, February 28, 1815 (this address was widely published in many newspapers around the country). For the poem on Jackson’s bloody victory in New Orleans, see “The River Mississippi,” American Advocate and Kennebec Advertiser, March 25, 1815; Burstein, The Passions of Andrew Jackson, 125.

42. Burstein, The Passions of Andrew Jackson, 5, 121, 138. On Daniel Webster’s 1824 account of Jefferson’s remarks on Jackson, see Kevin J. Hayes, ed., Jefferson in His Own Time: A Biographical Chronicle of His Life, Drawn from Recollections, Interviews, and Memoirs by Family, Friends, and Associates (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2012), 99.

43. For an excerpt from Jesse Benton’s pamphlet attacking him as “Boisterous in ordinary conversation,” see “From the Georgia Constitutionalist,” [Charleston, SC] City Gazette and Commercial Daily Advertiser, October 22, 1824. For “A Backwoodsman and a Squatter,” see “Foreign Notices of American Literature,” Literary Gazette, March 3, 1821.

44. For the “rude instinct of masculine liberty,” see a review of Achille Murat’s Essay on the Morality and Politics of the United States of North America (1832), North American Quarterly Magazine (March 1838): 103–19, esp. 107. The author Achille Murat was a close friend of Jackson ally John Coffee and had lived in Florida for several years.

45. David S. Heidler and Jeanne T. Heidler, Old Hickory’s War: Andrew Jackson and the Quest for Empire (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2003), 87–108.

46. Jackson was accused in the British press of exterminating the Indians and introducing savage principles into the character of the American people; his execution of the two British citizens was seen as another “atrocity.” See “From the Liverpool Courier of Aug. 18,” Commercial Advertiser, October 3, 1818; also see Isaac Holmes, An Account of the United States of America, Derived from Actual Observation, During a Residence of Four Years in That Republic (London, 1824), 83; “American Justice!! The Ferocious Yankee Gen.! Jack’s Reward for Butchering Two British Subjects!,” Tennessee State Museum Collection, Nashville; Heidler and Heidler, Old Hickory’s War, 154–57; and David S. Heidler, “The Politics of National Aggression: Congress and the First Seminole War,” Journal of the Early Republic 13, no. 4 (Winter 1993): 501–30, esp. 504–5.

47. “White Savages,” Thomas’s Massachusetts Spy, and Worcester Gazette, September 9, 1818. For Seminoles’ distrust of violent crackers, see “From Darien Gazette,” [Windsor] Vermont Journal, June 28, 1819. For Indians only attacking “cracker houses,” see “Seminole—First Campaign. Extracts from the Journal of a Private,” New Hampshire Gazette, May 9, 1827.

48. On Jackson’s outburst to Adams, “D—m Grotius! D—m Puffendorf! D—m Vatell! This Is Mere Matter Between Jim Monroe and Myself!,” see Ward, Andrew Jackson: Symbol for an Age, 63. On Jackson threatening to cut off the ears of some senators, see “Mr. Lacock’s Reply,” Nile’s Weekly Register, April 3, 1819.

49. F. P. Prucha, “Andrew Jackson’s Indian Policy: A Reassessment,” Journal of American History 56, no. 3 (December 1969): 527–39, esp. 529; Waldo S. Putnam, Memoirs of Andrew Jackson; Major General in the Army of the United States and Commander in Chief of the Division of the South (Hartford, CT, 1818), 310. John Eaton, one of his most devoted allies and the author of his biography, admitted that Jackson had an irritable and hasty temper, which brought him into many disputes. This point was considered well known in the aftermath of the Seminole War. See “The Life of Andrew Jackson,” Western Review and Miscellaneous Magazine (September 1819): 87–91, esp. 87. For his “fiery and impetuous” temper and his disregard for “legal construction,” see “General Andrew Jackson,” National Register, August 5, 1820; and for his lack of civility, see “The Presidency,” Eastern Argus, October 7, 1823. For Clay’s insult of “military chieftain,” see his letter published in the Daily National Intelligencer, February 12, 1825. Jackson’s defenders claimed he had a duty to protect the life of every frontier settler, and that his policy was premised on protecting future emigrations; violence was the only way to deal with the savage foe. See “Defense of Andrew Jackson: Strictures on Mr. Lacock’s Report on the Seminole War,” Niles Weekly Register, March 13, 1819.

50. On Indian removal, see Michael Morris, “Georgia and the Conversation over Indian Removal,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 91, no. 4 (Winter 2007): 403–23, esp. 405, 419. Jackson denied that Indians had any right of domain and rejected Indian claims to “tracts of country on which they have neither dwelt or made improvements”; see Prucha, “Andrew Jackson’s Indian Policy: A Reassessment,” 532. On squatters in Alabama, see Van Atta, Securing the West, 186–87; and Rohrbough, The Land Office Business, 163.

51. On the Dickinson duel, see Burstein, The Passions of Andrew Jackson, 56–57; “Col. Benton and Col. Jackson,” Daily National Journal, June 30, 1828. For the 1824 account of Jackson’s duel with Dickinson, see “Traits in the Character of General Jackson,” Missouri Republican, September 13, 1824.

52. Some Account of Some of the Bloody Deeds of Gen. Andrew Jackson (broadside, Franklin, TN, 1818); also see “Reminiscences; or an Extract from a Catalogue of General Jackson’s ‘Juvenile Indiscretions,’ from the Age of 23 to 60,” Newburyport Herald, July 1, 1828.

53. See Andrew Jackson to John Coffee, June 18, 1824, in Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, ed. John Spencer Bassett, 6 vols. (Washington, DC, 1926–34), 3:225–26; and Matthew Warshauer, “Andrew Jackson as ‘Military Chieftain’ in the 1824 and 1828 Presidential Elections: The Ramifications of Martial Law on American Republicanism,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 57, no. 1 (Spring/Summer 1998): 4–23.

54. See “The Presidency” and “General Jackson,” Louisville Public Advertiser, January 14, 1824, and October 22, 1822.

55. See “Sketch of a Debate: Seminole War,” City of Washington Gazette, February 5, 1819.

56. See “The Beau and the Cracker,” Columbian Museum and Savannah Advertiser, October 7, 1796; and To a Woodman’s Hut (New York, 1812). The plot may be older, for it shares certain similarities with “A Dialogue Between a Noble Lord, and a Poor Woodman” (1770); Joseph Doddridge’s story was printed in his Logan. The Last of the Race of Schikellemus, Chief of the Cayuga Nation (1823), as cited in Cecil D. Eby, “Dandy Versus Squatter: An Earlier Round,” Southern Literary Review 20, no. 2 (Fall 1987): 33–36, esp. 34.

57. A popular anecdote circulated during the 1824 campaign that described a humorous encounter between the general and a “pert Macaroni” (dandy) in Philadelphia. See “Anecdote of General Jackson,” Raleigh Register, and North Carolina State Gazette, February 13, 1824.

58. For the Crockett-like response to coffin handbills, see John Tailaferro, Account of Some of the Bloody Deeds of GENERAL JACKSON, Being a Supplement to the “Coffin Handbill” (broadside, Northern Neck, VA, 1828). On Jackson as “homebred,” see “General Jackson,” Maryland Gazette and the State Register, January 22, 1824. On Jackson being from a common family, see “Jackson’s Literature,” United States’ Telegraph, March 8, 1828. For other articles focusing on his commonness and lack of education, see “The Presidency,” [Portland, ME] Eastern Argus, October 7, 1823; “Something Extraordinary,” Raleigh Register, and North Carolina State Gazette, August 6, 1824; and “General Jackson,” National Advocate, March 10, 1824.

59. For a cracker supporter of Jackson, see New Orleans Argus, August 21, 1828 (this piece came from the Darien Gazette in Georgia and was widely reprinted in New Hampshire, Connecticut, and New York newspapers); and “The Backwoods Alive with Old Hickory,” Louisville Public Advertiser, February 27, 1828.

60. See “Jackson Toasts,” Newburyport Herald, June 22, 1828; and “Humorous Sketch,” Norwich Courier, April 1, 1829; “Barney Blinn” (from the Augusta Georgia Chronicle), New London Gazette, December 19, 1827. For a song titled “Ode to General Jackson,” in which he cut the British with his saber, “knock’d off all their legs,” but retained the eternal devotion of his supporters even if he was “shot through the head,” see Charles Mathews, The London Mathews; Containing an Account of the Celebrated Comedian’s Journey to America . . . (Philadelphia, 1824), 33–34. For a satire of a typical Jackson man having no trouble with the fact that Jackson was a “blundering, half-taught, ignoramus,” see “The Subjoined Communication,” New-England Galaxy and United States Literary Advertiser, November, 7, 1828.

61. “Mr. Jefferson’s Opinion of Gen. Jackson—Settled,” Indiana Journal, January 3, 1828.

62. For the happy-marriage defense of Rachel Jackson, see New Hampshire Patriot & State Gazette, April 23, 1827. The accidental bigamy defense was published widely in newspapers; for example, see [Portland, ME] Eastern Argus, May 8, 1827. For exposing the fallacy of the accidental bigamy story, see Burstein, The Passions of Andrew Jackson, 28–33, 227–28, 241–48; and Ann Toplovich, “Marriage, Mayhem, and Presidential Politics: The Robards-Jackson Backcountry Scandal,” Ohio Valley History 5 (Winter 2005): 3–22.

63. For Jackson robbing another man of his wife, see “From Harrisburgh, Pa.,” New Orleans Argus, May 17, 1828; and Charles Hammond, “The Character of Andrew Jackson,” in Truth’s Advocate and Monthly Anti-Jackson Advocate (Cincinnati, 1828), 216.

64. See Basch, “Marriage, Morals, and Politics in the Election of 1828,” 903; Charles Hammond, “View of General Jackson’s Domestic Relations,” Truth’s Advocate and Monthly Anti-Jackson Advocate, 5; “Dana vs. Mrs. Jackson,” Richmond Enquirer, May 4, 1827; and “Dana vs. Mrs. Jackson,” New Hampshire Patriot & State Gazette, May 21, 1827. On Dana, see James D. Daniels, “Amos Kendall: Kentucky Journalist, 1815–1829,” Filson Historical Quarterly (1978): 46–65, esp. 55–56. And for Rachel’s log cabin immorality, see “Mrs. Jackson,” Richmond Enquirer, May 4, 1827. Jackson himself was attacked as a mulatto, when a rumor was spread that his mother was a British camp follower who had shacked up with a black man. The story focused on Jackson’s questionable pedigree, what “stock or race” Jackson had sprung from. See “Rank Villainy and Obscenity,” Charleston [SC] Mercury, August 22, 1828.

65. For the washerwoman reference and the snide comment on her “healthy tanned complexion,” see Lynn Hudson Parsons, The Birth of Modern Politics: Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams and the Election of 1828 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 189; for her pronunciation, see “British Scandal,” Salem Gazette, April 15, 1828; for her favorite song, “Possum Up a Gum Tree,” see “Mrs. Jackson,” New Bedford [MA] Mercury, December 5, 1828; and for attacks hastening her death, see “Mrs. Jackson,” [Portland, ME] Eastern Argus Semi-Weekly, February 24, 1829.

66. See “The Game of Brag,” Richmond Enquirer, February 29, 1840. For the talkative country politician, see George Watterston, Wanderer in Washington (Washington, DC, 1827), 3. For Jackson as the “Knight of New Orleans,” see “Toasts at a Celebration in Florida,” Orange County Patriot, or the Spirit of Seventy-Six, March 14, 1815. For Jackson as the savior of his country, see John Eaton, Letters of Wyoming to the People of the United States, on the Presidential Election, and in Favor of Andrew Jackson (Philadelphia, 1824), 12. And for Jackson as the “Matchless hero! Incomparable man! . . . The records of chivalry, the pages of history do not furnish a more exalted character than that!,” see William P. Van Ness, A Concise Narrative of General Jackson’s First Invasion of Florida, and of His Immortal Defense of New-Orleans; with Remarks. By Aristides(Albany, NY, 1827), 29–30. Also see “Mr. J. W. Overton’s Address,” Carthage Gazette, June 9, 1815. In 1824, supporters of Adams claimed they were not “part of the boisterous boasting part of the population,” but by 1832 they too were bragging about their candidate; see “Presidential,” Middlesex Gazette, June 23, 1824; for Henry Clay and his Party as braggarts, see “Henry Clay,” Richmond Enquirer, August 21, 1832; for the term “electioneering rag,” see “To the Editor of the Globe,” Richmond Enquirer, August 31, 1832; for the “game of brag” used by newspapers to defend Clay’s strength in the election, see “Put Up Your Cash!,” Rhode Island Republican, October 2, 1832; on bragging and elections, see “From the National Intelligencer,” The Connecticut Courant, May 25, 1835; for a poem mocking the failure of the Whig Party’s bragging, see “The Whigs Lament, After the Election in ’35,” New Hampshire Patriot & State Gazette, June 1, 1835; on Whigs and the game of brag, see “General Harrison,” Richmond Enquirer, July 29, 1836; and “Pennsylvania,” Richmond Enquirer, September 27, 1836. After visiting the United States, Englishwoman Francis Trollope wrote, “Every American is a braggadocio. He is always boasting.” See “Leaves from Mrs. Trollope’s Journal,” Connecticut Mirror, September 1, 1832.

67. See “A Challenge. The Walnut Cracker, vs. the Knight of the Red Rag,” Pendleton Messenger, August 2, 1820; this story was originally published in a Tennessee paper and reprinted here in a Pendleton, South Carolina, newspaper. This was a duel to be waged over an infringement of the boundary lines between the states. In issuing his challenge, Walnut Cracker, “instead of a glove,” sends him the heads of several men he had bitten off.

68. John R. Van Atta, “‘A Lawless Rabble’: Henry Clay and the Cultural Politics of Squatters’ Rights, 1832–1841,” Journal of the Early Republic 28, no. 3 (Fall 2008): 337–78; and for Clay’s remarks taken from his 1838 speech in the Senate, also see “The Squatter in the White House,” Mississippian, September 6, 1844; Rohrbough, The Land Office Business, 162–63, 169–75, 235–36. For a favorable portrait of squatters and the preemption debate, which was originally published in the New York Post, see “The Squatters,” Mississippian, March 24, 1837, and “The Squatters,” Wisconsin Territorial Gazette and Burlington Advertiser, July 10, 1837.

69. Michael E. Welsh, “Legislating a Homestead Bill: Thomas Hart Benton and the Second Seminole War,” Florida Historical Quarterly 27, no. 1 (October 1978): 157–72, esp. 158–59; Van Atta, Securing the West, 181, 226–28.

70. See “Public Exhibition. Mammoth Hog, Corn Cracker. ‘Kentucky Against the World,’” [New Orleans] Daily Picayune, June 3, 1840; Gustav Kobbe, “Presidential Campaign Songs,” The Cosmopolitan (October 1888), 529–35, esp. 531; and Robert Gray Gunderson, The Log-Cabin Campaign (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1957), 1, 8, 75–77, 102–3, 110–15. In a fake campaign biography of Martin Van Buren, supposedly written by Davy Crockett, Van Buren is mercilessly mocked as a strange hermaphroditic breed; see David Crockett, [Augustin Smith Clayton] The Life of Martin Van Buren (Philadelphia, 1835), 27–28, 79–81; and J. D. Wade, “The Authorship of David Crockett’s ‘Autobiography,’” Georgia Historical Quarterly 6, no. 3 (September 1922): 265–68.

71. John S. Robb, “The Standing Candidate; His Excuse for Being a Bachelor,” in Streaks of Squatter Life, or Far West Scenes (Philadelphia, 1847), 91–100. Robb’s story also appeared in newspapers; see “The Standing Candidate,” Cleveland Herald, March 19, 1847, and “Old Sugar! The Standing Candidate,” Arkansas State Democrat, June 4, 1847. For another story of the generous squatter (like the older backwoodsman story) opening his home to the traveler (and disabusing readers that squatters might be violent men), see “Sketches of Missouri,” [Hartford, CT] New-England Weekly Review, January 22, 1842.

72. See Daniel Dupre, “Barbecues and Pledges: Electioneering and the Rise of Democratic Politics in Antebellum Alabama,” Journal of Southern History 60, no. 3 (August 1994): 479–512, esp. 484, 490, 496–97. For the fear of squatters making violent threats against rival bidders, see “Land Sales,” New Hampshire Sentinel, August 13, 1835.

73. Alexander Keyssar, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (New York: Basic Books, 2000), 26, 50–52; Marc W. Kruman, “The Second Party System and the Transformation of Revolutionary Republicanism,” Journal of the Early Republic 12, no. 4 (Winter 1992): 509–37, esp. 517; Robert J. Steinfeld, “Property and Suffrage in the Early Republic,” Stanford Law Review 41 (January 1989): 335–76, esp. 335, 363, 375; Thomas E. Jeffrey, “Beyond ‘Free Suffrage’: North Carolina Parties and the Convention Movement of the 1850s,” North Carolina Historical Review 62, no. 4 (October 1985): 387–419, esp. 415–16; Fletcher M. Green, “Democracy in the Old South,” Journal of Southern History 12, no. 1 (February 1946): 3–23.

74. For Jackson drafting restrictions, see “An Impartial and True History of the Life and Service of Major General Andrew Jackson,” New Orleans Argus, February 8, 1828. On Florida, see Herbert J. Doherty Jr., “Andrew Jackson on Manhood Suffrage: 1822,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly15, no. 1 (March 1956): 57–60, esp. 60. Harold Syrett put it best: “Jackson did not once espouse a policy that was designed to aid the majority or to weaken the control of the minority over government”; see Harold C. Syrett, Andrew Jackson, His Contribution to the American Tradition (New York, 1953), 22. Liberia’s universal suffrage lasted nine years, before new restrictions were imposed in 1848. The United States was not the first country to grant women the right to vote either; that honor went to New Zealand in 1893. Suffrage restrictions targeting blacks, women, and the poor continued until the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and even now the United States disenfranchises the poor. See Adam Przeworski, “Conquered or Granted? A History of Suffrage Extensions,” British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (April 2009): 291–321, esp. 291, 295–96, 314.

75. For the contrasting portraits of “country crackers” listening to a speech by George McDuffie, see Augusta Chronicle and Georgia Advertiser, August 18, 1827. Henry Clay was attacked for calling settlers “squatters,” which meant a “term, denoting infamy of life or station”; see “Distinctive Features of Democracy—Outlines of Federal Whiggism—Conservative Peculiarities,” Arkansas State Gazette, October 19, 1842.

76. For a story of President John Quincy Adams meeting a “backwoodsman,” see “Letter to the Editor of the New-York Spectator,” Connecticut Courant, January 27, 1826; and James Fenimore Cooper, Notions of the Americans; Picked up by a Traveling Bachelor, 2 vols. (London, 1828), 1:87.

77. Sarah Brown, “‘The Arkansas Traveller’: Southwest Humor on Canvas,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 40, no. 4 (Winter 1987): 348–75, esp. 349–50. For a similar perspective, in which poor Georgia crackers are entertained with barbecues but remain trapped in a life of destitution and ignorance, see “A Georgia Cracker,” Emancipator, March 26, 1840.

Chapter Six: Pedigree and Poor White Trash: Bad Blood, Half-Breeds, and Clay-Eaters

1. One of the earliest uses of “poor white trash” appeared in 1822 from Georgetown, DC. This was a report on a “very novel and whimsical trial [that] came on in our Circuit court on Thursday last, Nancy Swann a lady of color whose might powers of witchcraft have made de black niggers, and the poor white trash tremble”; see Bangor [ME] Register, August 1, 1822. In the earliest printed reference, the writer remarked that he had never heard “white trash” used in this way; see “From the Chronicle Anecdotes,” [Shawnee] Illinois Gazette, June 23, 1821. The argument that poor whites were more miserable than slaves emerged in debates over the Missouri Compromise; see “Slavery in the New States,” Hallowell [ME] Gazette, December 8, 1819. And for poor white laboring classes as “rude and uncultivated than slaves themselves,” also see “Maryland,” Niles Weekly Register, December 15, 1821. For a satirical piece in which a black man is horrified to hear that white trash are marrying into free black circles, see Baltimore Patriot and Mercantile Advertiser, April 12, 1831. For the description of poor white trash at the funeral of Andrew Jackson in Washington City, see New York Herald, June 30, 1845.

2. Emily P. Burke, Reminiscences of Georgia (Oberlin, OH, 1850), 205–6; “Sandhillers of South Carolina,” Christian Advocate and Journal, August 1, 1851; “The Sandhillers of South Carolina,” Ohio Farmer, January 1, 1857; “Clay for Food,” Ballou’s Pictorial Drawing-Room Companion,July 1, 1858; “Clayeaters. From Miss Bremer’s ‘Homes of the New World,’” Youth’s Companion(September 21, 1854): 88; “Poor Whites of the South,” Freedom’s Champion, April 11, 1863; “Poor Whites in North Carolina,” Freedom’s Record, November 1, 1865.

3. George M. Weston, The Poor Whites of the South (Washington, DC, 1856), 5; Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party Before the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970; rev. ed., 1995), 42, 46–47.

4. Daniel Hundley, Social Relations in Our Southern States, ed. William J. Cooper Jr. (1860; reprint ed., Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979), xv, 251, 254, 258.

5. Harriet Beecher Stowe, Dred: A Tale of the Great Dismal Swamp, ed. Robert S. Levine (1856; reprint ed., Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 106–7, 109, 190–91, 400; also see Allison L. Hurst, “Beyond the Pale: Poor Whites as Uncontrolled Contagion in Harriet Beechers Stowe’s Dred,” Mississippi Quarterly 63, no. 3–4 (Summer/Fall 2010): 635–53; and Hinton Rowan Helper, The Impending Crisis of the South: How to Meet It, ed. George M. Fredrickson (1857; reprint ed., Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1968), ix, 32, 44–45, 48–49, 89, 110, 381. The Impending Crisis sold 13,000 copies in 1857; a new and enlarged version was published in 1860, and it sold over 100,000 copies, and Helper reported that it sold as many as 137,000 copies by May 1860. See David Brown, Southern Outcast: Hinton Rowan Helper and “The Impending Crisis of the South” (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2006), 1, 130, 148, 182.

6. The treaty with Mexico added 339 million acres, Oregon 181 million, and the Gadsden Purchase 78 million. On the war, see Thomas Hietala, Manifest Design: American Exceptionalism and Empire, rev. ed. (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003), 2, 10, 36, 40–42, 49, 52–53, 81–83, 200–201, 230–31, 251; Amy Greenberg, A Wicked War: Clay, Polk, and Lincoln and the 1846 Invasion of Mexico (New York: Knopf, 2012), 25, 55, 61–63, 67, 78–79, 84–85, 95, 100, 104, 259–61; Jesse S. Reeves, “The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo,” American Historical Review 10, no. 2 (January 1905): 309–24; Jere W. Robinson, “The South and the Pacific Railroad, 1845–1855,” Western Historical Quarterly 5, no. 2 (April 1974): 163–86.

7. On the increasing popularity of this ideology, see Reginald Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), 183, 208–9, 224–28, 236–37. Franklin’s theory still carried weight in the antebellum period. One writer claimed that the rate of increase doubles every twenty-three years, though what made the argument different from Franklin was the insistence that out of a population of seventeen million, “14,000,000 were of the Anglo-Saxon race.” See “America,” Weekly Messenger (December 7, 1842): 1502–3; also see “Progress of the Anglo-Saxon Race,” Literary World (July 26, 1851): 72–73; and for Anglo-Saxons (United States and Great Britain) conquering the world by their population and their language, see “The Anglo-Saxon Race,” Christian Observer, March 22, 1860.

8. “The Education of the Blood,” American Monthly Magazine (January 1837): 1–7, esp. 4.

9. See “Spurious Pedigrees” and “American Blood,” American Turf Register and Sporting Magazine (June 1830 and November 1836): 492–94 and 106–7; John Lewis, “Genealogical Tables of Blooded Stock,” Spirit of the Times: A Chronicle of the Turf, Agriculture, Field Sports, Literature and the Stage (January 14, 1837): 380; and “From Our Armchair: The Races,” Southern Literary Journal and Magazine of Arts (March 1837): 84–86.

10. Alexander Walker’s book was republished in Philadelphia in 1853; also see “Intermarriage,” British and Foreign Medical Review or Quarterly Journal of Practical Medicine and Surgery 7 (April 1839): 370–85. Orson Fowler echoed Jefferson, writing, “Farmers take extra pains to see that their sheep, calves, colts, and even pigs, should be raised from first rate stock, yet pay no manner of regard to the parentage of their prospective children.” Fowler also divided the races, and he argued that both the Indian and African would naturally succumb to the superior Caucasian race. See Orson Squire Fowler, Hereditary Descent: Its Laws and Facts Applied to Human Improvement (New York, 1848), 36, 44, 66–69, 80, 92, 100, 125, 127, 135. For another example of this new advice literature, see Dr. John Porter, Book of Men, Women, and Babies: The Laws of God Applied to Obtaining, Rearing, and Developing of Natural, Healthful, and Beautiful Humanity (New York, 1855), 25, 28–29, 73, 79, 110, 193; also see “Remarks on Education,” American Phrenological Journal, November 1, 1840; and for the same language of “attending to pedigree” used for cattle breeding, see “Essay upon Livestock,” Farmer’s Register; a Monthly Magazine, February 28, 1838; also see “Our Anglo-Saxon Ancestry,” Philanthropist, December 8, 1841; and for hereditary thinking in general, see Charles Rosenberg, No Other Gods: On Science and American Social Thought (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1961), 28, 31–32, 34, 40, 42; also see Robyn Cooper, “Definition and Control: Alexander Walker’s Trilogy on Woman,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 2, no. 3 (January 1992): 341–64, esp. 343, 345, 347–48.

11. Lawrence published Lecture on Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History of Man in 1819. On the different schools of thought to which Lawrence and Nott belonged, see John Haller Jr., “The Species Problem: Nineteenth-Century Concepts on Racial Inferiority in the Origins of Man Controversy,” American Anthropologist 72 (1970): 1319–29. For Nott’s argument on mulattoes as hybrids, and his insistence that the present-day “Anglo-Saxon and negro races” are “distinct species,” see J. C. Nott, “The Mulatto a Hybrid—Probable Extermination of the Two Races If the Whites and Blacks Are Allowed to Intermarry,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, August 16, 1843; also see Reginald Horsman, Josiah Nott of Mobile: Southerner, Physician, and Racial Theorist (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987).

12. See “Literary Notices,” Northern Light, September 2, 1844; Horsman, “Scientific Racism and the American Indian at Mid-Century,” American Quarterly 27, no. 2 (May 1975): 152–68.

13. “Inaugural Address 1836,” in First Congress—First Session. An Accurate and Authentic Report of the Proceedings of the House of Representatives. From the 3d of October to the 23d of December, by M. J. Favel (Columbia, TX, 1836), 67; Sam Houston to Antonio Santa Anna, March 21, 1842, in Writings of Sam Houston, 1813–1863, eds. Amelia W. Williams and Eugene C. Barker, 8 vols. (Austin, TX, 1938), 2:253; also see Charles Edward Lester, Sam Houston and His Republic (New York, 1846), 103.

14. For Houston’s inauguration ceremony and speech, see First Congress—First Session. An Accurate and Authentic Report of the Proceedings of the House of Representatives, 57, 65–69. There were negative reports of Houston as a “base, and lost man,” living in exile with Indians, until the Texas Revolution; see “General Houston,” Rural Repository, July 16, 1836. Colonel Mirabeau Lamar, a former Georgia politician, was also praised in the press as “a statesman, a poet, and a warrior,” and the “beau ideal of Southern chivalry”; see “A Modern Hero of the Old School,” Spirit of the Times, June 18, 1836. Lamar called for “an exterminating war upon their warriors, which will admit no compromise and have no termination except in their total extinction.” He had no intention of waiting until nature took its course. See Gary Clayton Anderson, The Conquest of Texas: Ethnic Cleansing in the Promised Land, 1820–1875 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2005), 174; also see Mark M. Carroll, Homesteads Ungovernable: Families, Sex, Race and the Law in Frontier Texas, 1823–1860 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2001), 23–24, 33–38, 43; Peggy Pascoe, What Comes Naturally: Miscegenation Law and the Making of Race in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 18, 21.

15. On Gideon Lincecum, see Mark A. Largent, Breeding Contempt: The History of Coerced Sterilization in the United States (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2011), 11–12.

16. Carroll, Homesteads Ungovernable, 3–5, 11–13, 17–19.

17. Ibid., 42, 46. For the speeches of James Buchanan and Levi Woodbury, see appendix to Congressional Globe, Senate, 28th Congress, 1st Session, June 1844, 726, 771. Also see Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny, 217. And for the mongrel notion that the “Spaniards grafted themselves on the conquered and debased aborigines, and the mongrel blood became dull and indolent,” see Brantz Mayer, Mexico as It Was and as It Is (New York, 1844), 333.

18. William W. Freehling, The Road to Disunion: Secessionists at Bay, 1776–1854 (New York: Oxford University Press), 419; Greenberg, A Wicked War, 69–70; Hietala, Manifest Design, 5, 26–34, 40–43, 50. For Benjamin Rush’s theory, see chapter 5 of this book. For Robert Walker’s speech on Texas annexation, see appendix to Congressional Globe, Senate, 28th Congress, 1st Session, June 1844, 557; Robert Walker, Letter of Mr. Walker, of Mississippi, Relative to the Annexation of Texas (Washington, DC, 1844), 14–15; Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny, 215–17; and Stephen Hartnett, “Senator Robert Walker’s 1844 Letter on Texas Annexation: The Rhetorical Logic of Imperialism,” American Studies 38, no. 1 (Spring 1997): 27–54, esp. 32–33. For Nott’s misuse of census data, see C. Loring Brace, “The ‘Ethnology’ of Josiah Clark Nott,” Journal of Urban Health50, no. 4 (April 1974): 509–28; and Albert Deutsch, “The First U.S. Census of the Insane (1840) and Its Use as Pro-Slavery Propaganda,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 15 (1944): 469–82.

19. Speech on Texas annexation by alexander Stephens, Appendix of Congressional Globe, 28th Congress, 2nd Session, House of Representatives, January 25, 1845, 313. Walker turned Texas into an organic body, with “veins and arteries,” that had to be reunited with the United States to heal the wounds of a “mutilated state.” See Letter of Mr. Walker, 9; Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny, 218.

20. On marital annexations, see Nancy Isenberg, Sex and Citizenship in Antebellum America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 140; James M. McCaffrey, Army of Manifest Destiny: The American Soldier in the Mexican War, 1846–1848 (New York: New York University Press, 1992), 200; and on Cave Johnson Couts, see Michael Magliari, “Free Soil, Unfree Labor: Cave Johnson Couts and the Binding of Indian Workers in California, 1850–1867,” Pacific Historical Review 73, no. 3 (August 2004): 349–90, esp. 359, 363–65. On Polk’s relationship with Couts, see Greenberg, A Wicked War, 69. The war unleashed a flood of racist propaganda; see Lota M. Spell, “The Anglo-Saxon Press in Mexico, 1846–1848,” American Historical Review 38, no. 1 (October 1932): 20–31, esp. 28, 30.

21. On Texas riffraff, see Carroll, Homesteads Ungovernable, 4, 79, 84–86. For half-breeds and “mongrel dandyism,” see Charles Winterfield, “Adventures on the Frontier of Texas and California: No. III,” The American Review; A Whig Journal of Politics, Literature, Art and Science(November 1845): 504–17. Americans described the population of California as a “mongrel race,” a composite of the worst traits of the “arrogance of the Spanish and the laziness of Indians”; see “California in 1847 and Now,” Ballou’s Pictorial Drawing-Room Companion, February 6, 1858.

22. For Native Americans used as indentured servants, see Margliari, “Free Soil, Unfree Labor,” 349–58. On using Indians as slave and servant labor, see “California—Its Position and Prospects,” United States Magazine and Democratic Review (May 1849): 412–27. The same kinds of appeals were made to recruit marriageable women to Florida; see New Bedford Mercury, September 4, 1835. Novelist Eliza Farnham wrote promotional literature for recruiting women to California; see her California, Indoor and Outdoor, How We Farm, Mine, and Live Generally in the Golden State(New York, 1856); also see Nancy J. Taniguchi, “Weaving a Different World: Women and the California Gold Rush,” California History 79, no. 2 (Summer 2000): 141–68, esp. 142–44, 148. For the French caricature, see Le Charivari, ca. 1850, Picture Collection, California State Library. On importing women to California ending spinsterhood, see “A Colloquial Chapter on Celibacy,” United States Magazine and Democratic Review (December 1848): 533–42, esp. 537. On the sex ratio imbalance in California, claiming there were three hundred men to every woman, see “Letters from California: San Francisco,” Home Journal, March 3, 1849.

23. See Sucheng Chan, “A People of Exceptional Character: Ethnic Diversity, Nativism, and Racism in the California Gold Rush,” California History 79, no. 2 (Summer 2000): 44–85; Hinton Rowan Helper, The Land of Gold: Reality Versus Fiction (Baltimore, 1855), 264.

24. Helper, Land of Gold, 264; Brown, Southern Outcast, 25–26.

25. Helper, Land of Gold, 166, 214, 221–22, 268, 272–73, 275. Helper also used the old allusion to Indians disappearing like melting snow; see Laura M. Stevens, “The Christian Origins of the Vanishing Indian,” in Mortal Remains: Death in Early America, eds. Nancy Isenberg and Andrew Burstein (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 17–30, esp. 18.

26. Helper, Land of Gold, 38–39, 47, 92, 94, 96, 111.

27. Ibid., 121–30. Helper’s description of the defeated bull becomes a model for how he described defeated poor whites in the southern states. He wrote that in the South the free white laborer is “treated as if he was a loathsome beast, and shunned with utmost disdain . . . he is accounted as nobody, and would be deemed presumptuous, if he dared open his mouth, even so wide to give faint utterance to a three-lettered monosyllable, like yea or nay, in the presence of the august knight of the whip and the lash”; see The Impending Crisis, 41.

28. Helper, Land of Gold, 150, 152–60, 180–82, 185; Helper, The Impending Crisis, 42, 49, 89, 102–3, 101–11.

29. Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 166; Richard H. Sewell, A House Divided: Sectionalism and Civil War, 1848–1865 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), 52–55; also see John Bigelow, Memoir of the Life and Public Services of John Charles Fremont (New York, 1856), 50–53.

30. On poor whites as refugees and exiles, see “Slavery and the Poor White Man,” Philanthropist, May 31, 1843. On slavery depopulating the earth of her white inhabitants, and creating a class and political hierarchy in the South between the slaveowners and the “vassels to slaveowners,” see “Slavery and the Poor White Men of Virginia,” National Era, January 11, 1849. On “land-sharks,” see Helper, The Impending Crisis, 151.

31. On David Wilmot, see Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 60, 116; Jonathan H. Earle, Jacksonian Antislavery and the Politics of Free Soil, 1824–1854 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 1–3, 27–37, 123–39; also see “Slavery,” Workingman’s Advocate, June 22, 1844; and “Progress Towards Free Soil,” and “The Homestead,” Young America, January 17, February 21, 1846. On the defeat of the Homestead Bill of 1854, see Gerald Wolff, “The Slavocracy and the Homestead Problem of 1854,” Agricultural History 40, no. 2 (April 1966): 101–12.

32. See report of speech in “Slavery in Kentucky,” Philanthropist, May 5, 1841. Wilmot privately used the arguments of blood to attack the southern white slaveholder, claiming that “men born and nursed by white women are not going to be ruled by men who were brought up on the milk of some damn Negro wench!” In the theory of the time, as stated earlier, the quality of bloodlines was passed through a mother’s milk. For the Wilmot quote, see Earle, Jacksonian Antislavery, 131.

33. On Frémont’s acceptance speech, see Bigelow, Memoir of the Life and Public Services of John Charles Fremont, 458; also see “America vs. America,” Liberator, July 22, 1842; and Helper, The Impending Crisis, 42, 121, 149, 376.

34. Helper, The Impending Crisis, 67–72, 90–91; Weston, The Poor Whites of the South; and on how southerners used the agricultural address to lament southern decline, see Drew Gilpin Faust, “The Rhetoric and Ritual of Agriculture in Antebellum South Carolina,” Journal of Southern History 45, no. 4 (November 1979): 541–68.

35. For the description of “Hard-scratch,” see Warren Burton, White Slavery: A New Emancipation Cause Presented to the United States (Worcester, MA, 1839), 168–69; and Henry David Thoreau, “Slavery in Massachusetts,” in Reform Papers, ed. Wendell Glick (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1973), 109; and for a discussion of this point, see Jennifer Rae Greeson, Our South: Geographic Fantasy and the Rise of National Literature (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 207.

36. Stowe, Dred, 105–6, 190–93.

37. Jeff Forret, Race Relations at the Margins: Slaves and Poor Whites in the Antebellum Southern Countryside (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2006), 112; Timothy James Lockley, Lines in the Sand: Race and Class in Lowcountry Georgia, 1750–1860 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2001), 115, 129, 164.

38. Forret, Race Relations at the Margins, 29, 97, 105, 112; and for Gregg’s speech, see Helper, The Impending Crisis, 377; also see Tom Downey, “Riparian Rights and Manufacturing in Antebellum South Carolina: William Gregg and the Origins of the ‘Industrial Mind,’” Journal of Southern History 65, no. 1 (February 1999): 77–108, esp. 95; and Thomas P. Martin, “The Advent of William Gregg and the Grantville Company,” Journal of Southern History 11, no. 3 (August 1945): 389–423.

39. On New Orleans laborers and poor white men and women in the fields, see Helper, The Impending Crisis, 299–301; also see Seth Rockman, Scraping By: Wage Labor, Slavery, and Survival in Early Baltimore (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009).

40. On the class barriers to social mobility among poor whites, see Charles C. Bolton, Poor Whites of the Antebellum South: Tenants and Laborers in Central North Carolina and Northeast Mississippi (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1994), 14, 25, 27–29, 53, 67, 69, 94; and Stephen A. West, From Yeoman to Redneck in the South Carolina Upcountry, 1850–1915 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008), 28–39, 43–44. On the declining opportunities for nonslaveholding whites, see Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Norton, 1978), 24–42.

41. Stowe, Dred, 27, 37, 109, 194.

42. See William Cooper’s introduction in Hundley, Social Relations in Our Southern States, xv–xx.

43. Hundley, Social Relations in Our Southern States, xxxii–xxxiii, 27–29, 31, 34–36, 40–41, 43–44, 60, 70–71, 82, 91, 198, 226, 239, 251, 255–57.

44. Stowe, Dred, 81, 83, 86–87, 89–90, 99, 107–9, 190–94, 400, 543, 549.

45. “Curious Race in Georgia,” Scientific American, July 31, 1847. Emily Pillsbury of New Hampshire took a teaching position at the Savannah Female Orphan Asylum in 1840 and stayed in the South for nine years. She married the Reverend A. B. Burke while there, but he died and she left for Ohio. See Burke, Reminiscences of Georgia, 206. For the “abnormal classes in the slave states,” also see “Selections: Manifest Destiny of the American Union,” Liberator, October 30, 1857 (reprinted from the English publication the Westminster Review).

46. On white trash women as a wretched specimen of maternity, see “Up the Mississippi,” Putnam’s Monthly Magazine of American Literature, Science, and Art (October 1857): 433–56, esp. 456. On their strange complexion and hair, see Burke, Reminiscences of Georgia, 206; “Sandhillers of South Carolina,” Christian Advocate and Journal, August 7, 1851; “The Sandhillers of South Carolina,” Ohio Farmer, January 31, 1857; “Clay-Eaters,” Ballou’s Pictorial Drawing-Room Companion, July 31, 1858. On clay-eating infants, see “The Poor Whites of the South,” Freedom’s Champion, April 11, 1863; and Hundley, Social Relations in Our Southern States, 264–65.

47. Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, eds., A Diary from Dixie, as Written by Mary Boykin Chesnut (New York, 1905), 400–401.

48. Hammond also claimed that mulattoes existed primarily in the cities and resulted from sex between northerners/foreigners and blacks. He called them “mongrels.” On Hammond, see Drew Gilpin Faust, James Henry Hammond and the Old South: A Design for Mastery (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982), 278–82; and James H. Hammond, Two Letters on Slavery in the United States, Addressed to Thomas Clarkson, Esq. (Columbia, SC, 1845), 10–11, 17, 26, 28. On others in the proslavery intelligentsia, see Drew Gilpin Faust, “A Southern Stewardship: The Intellectual and Proslavery Argument,” American Quarterly 31, no. 1 (Spring 1979): 63–80, esp. 67, 73–74; and Laurence Shore, Southern Capitalists: Politics and Ideology in Antebellum South Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 43.

49. On Tucker, see Faust, “A Southern Stewardship,” 74. On the Richmond Enquirer, see “White Slavery—The Privileged Class,” National Era, January 24, 1856. And on the Republican reaction to this conservative southern defense of slavery, see “Charles Sumner’s Speech,” Ohio State Journal, June 19, 1860. Also see Hundley, Social Relations in Our Southern States, 272. Peter Kolchin has argued that proslavery defenders turned to defending servitude without regard to complexion; see Kolchin, “In Defense of Servitude: Proslavery and Russian Pro-Serfdom Arguments, 1760–1860,” American Historical Review 85, no. 4 (October 1980): 809–27, esp. 814–17.

50. The decision was issued on March 6, 1857. Justice Taney insisted that the Declaration of Independence did not refer to slaves or descendants of the African race. He argued that there was no distinction between the slave and free black or mulatto, and that a “stigma” and “deepest degradation” was forever applied to the whole race. This “impassable barrier” was in place by the time of the Revolution and the federal Constitutional Convention. He further insisted that the black race was set apart by “indelible marks.” He upheld the idea that Dred Scott was a “Negro of African descent; his ancestors were of pure African blood.” See Scott v. Sandford, 19 How. 393 (U.S., 1856), 396–97, 403, 405–7, 409–10, 419. On the importance of pedigree, see James H. Kettner, The Development of American Citizenship, 1608–1870 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1978), 326, 328. Taney had rejected the authority of the Northwest Ordinance in an earlier 1851 decision, which he then used in the Dred Scott decision; see William Wiecek, “Slavery and Abolition Before the Supreme Court,” Journal of American History 65, no. 1 (June 1978): 34–58, esp. 54, 56. Taney was able to insist that there was no difference between slaves and free blacks because he placed all the descendants of the entire race into one single category—again proving the importance of pedigree. Also see Dan E. Fehrenbacher, Slavery, Law, and Politics: The Dred Scott Case in Historical Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 187–98.

Chapter Seven: Cowards, Poltroons, and Mudsills: Civil War as Class Warfare

1. See the account of the arrival and speech of President Jefferson Davis in Montgomery, Alabama, in the Charleston [SC] Mercury, February 19, 1861, in Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, ed. Dunbar Rowland, 10 vols. (Jackson: Mississippi Department of Archives and History, 1923), 5:47–48.

2. Thomas Jefferson saw national unity as rooted in shared cultural values and national stocks. He wrote that too many immigrants would turn America into a “heterogeneous, incoherent, distracted mass.” He wished for the U.S. government to be “more homogeneous, more peaceable, more durable” by limiting immigrants. See Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, 84–85. Others used the “one flesh trope,” such as the writer who argued that all the southern slave states were metaphorically married and “no Yankee shall put asunder”; see Richmond Examiner, October 19, 1861.

3. Davis used “degenerate sons” in four speeches and “degenerate descendants” in another. For his February 18, 1861, speech, see Rowland, ed., Jefferson Davis, 5:48; for other references, see ibid., 4:545; 5:4, 391; 6:573.

4. For Davis’s speech of December 26, 1862, see “Jeff Davis on the War: His Speech Before the Mississippi Legislature,” New York Times, January 14, 1863.

5. See “Speech of Jefferson Davis at Richmond” (taken from the Richmond Daily Enquirer, January 7, 1863), Rowland, Jefferson Davis, 5:391–93.

6. On the importance of demonizing the enemy, see Jason Phillips, Diehard Rebels: The Confederate Culture of Invincibility (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2007), 40–41.

7. On masking divisions within the Confederacy, see Paul Escott, After Secession: Jefferson Davis and the Failure of Confederate Nationalism (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1978); and George C. Rable, The Confederate Republic: A Revolution Against Politics (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 27; Michael P. Johnson, Toward a Patriarchal Republic: The Secession of Georgia (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1977), 41. On southerners fighting for the Union, see William W. Freehling, The South vs. the South: How Anti-Confederates Shaped the Course of the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), xiii. On class strife, see David Williams, Rich Man’s War: Class, Caste, and Confederate Defeat in the Lower Chattahoochee Valley (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998); and Wayne K. Durrill, War of Another Kind: Southern Community in Great Rebellion (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990). And on dissent in the South during the war, see Victoria E. Bynum, The Long Shadow of the Civil War: Southern Dissent and Its Legacies (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010); and Daniel E. Sutherland, ed., Guerrillas, Unionists, and Violence on the Confederate Homefront (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1999).

8. The New York Herald reprinted the quote and claimed that the article came from the Muskogee Herald in Alabama. The New York Herald writer complained that this was one of many attacks that could be found in numerous southern newspapers in Virginia, Mississippi, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Alabama. See “Ridiculous Attacks of the South upon the North, and Vice Versa,” New York Herald, September 16, 1856.

9. For the banner of “greasy mechanic,” see “Great Torchlight Procession! Immense Demonstrations,” Boston Daily Atlas, October 1856.

10. Speech of Jefferson Davis at Aberdeen, Mississippi, May 26, 1851, in Rowland, Jefferson Davis, 2:73–74. He made a similar argument in a speech before the Mississippi legislature, November 16, 1858; see ibid., 3:357. This idea was widely used in the South by ruling elites to reaffirm the allegiance of poor whites; see Williams, Rich Man’s War, 28; and William J. Harris, Plain Folk and Gentry in a Slave Society: White Liberty and Black Slavery in Augusta’s Hinterlands (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1985), 75.

11. “Offscourings,” which can be traced back to English insults aimed at vagrants, was a vicious slur. It meant fecal waste—dispelling the worst remains from the lining of the intestines. On urban roughs and the Union army, see Lorien Foote, The Gentlemen and the Roughs: Violence, Honor, and Manhood in the Union Army (New York: New York University Press, 2010). On immigrants, see Tyler Anbinder, “Which Poor Man’s Fight? Immigrants and Federal Conscription of 1863,” Civil War History 52, no. 4 (December, 2006): 344–72. On Union men as worse than “Goths and Vandals,” see “The Character of the Coming Campaign,” New York Herald, April 28, 1861. The Confederacy refused to recognize black soldiers as soldiers, or as prisoners of war, and promised death to any Union officer commanding such troops; see Dudley Taylor Cornish, The Sable Arm: Black Troops in the Union Army, 1861–1865 (1956; reprint ed., Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1987), 158–63, 178.

12. James Hammond, Speech to the U.S. Senate, March 4, 1858, Congressional Globe, 35th Congress, 1st Session, Appendix, 71; also see Faust, James Henry Hammond and the Old South, 374.

13. Hammond, Speech to the U.S. Senate, 74. The equation of the Republican Party (and its philosophy) with a socialist revolution was common among southern writers; see Harris, Plain Folk and Gentry, 138; and Manisha Sinha, The Counter-Revolution of Slavery: Politics and Ideology in Antebellum South Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 191, 223–29.

14. For “Red Republicans,” see “The War upon Society—Socialism,” De Bow’s Review (June 1857): 633–44. On black Republicans making slaves the equals of poor whites, see Williams, Rich Man’s War, 47; also see Arthur Cole, “Lincoln’s Election an Immediate Menace to Slavery in the States?,” American Historical Review 36, no. 4 (July 1931): 740–67, esp. 743, 745, 747. For the threat of amalgamation, see George M. Fredrickson, “A Man but Not a Brother: Abraham Lincoln and Racial Equality,” Journal of Southern History 41, no. 1 (February 1975): 39–58, esp. 54. And for race-mixing charges during Lincoln’s reelection campaign, see Elise Lemire, “Miscegenation”: Making Race in America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), 115–23.

15. Alexander Stephens, “Slavery the Cornerstone of the Confederacy,” speech given in Savannah, March 21, 1861, in Great Debates in American History: States Rights (1798–1861); Slavery (1858–1861), ed. Marion Mills Miller, 14 vols. (New York, 1913), 5:287, 290.

16. For Wigfall’s remarks, see “Proceedings of the Confederate Congress,” Southern Historical Society Papers (Richmond, VA, 1959), 52:323. For the bootblack reference, see “Latest from the South,” [New Orleans] Daily Picayune, February 15, 1865. For class components of his speech, see “The Spring Campaign—Davis’ Last Dodge,” New York Daily Herald, February 9, 1865. Also see Edward S. Cooper, Louis Trezevant Wigfall: The Disintegration of the Union and the Collapse of the Confederacy (Lanham, MD: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2012), 137–40.

17. Williams, Rich Man’s War, 184. On conscription, see Albert Burton Moore, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy (New York, 1924), 14–18, 34, 38, 49, 53, 67, 70–71, 308. On desertion and the unequal burden of military service, see Scott King-Owen, “Conditional Confederates: Absenteeism Among Western North Carolina Soldiers, 1861–1865,” Civil War History 57 (2011): 349–79, esp. 377; Rable, The Confederate Republic, 294; and Jaime Amanda Martinez, “For the Defense of the State: Slave Impressment in Confederate Virginia and North Carolina” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia, 2008). Some Georgians thought that arming slaves would dispel the cries of “rich man’s war and poor man’s fight” and convince white deserters to rejoin the Confederate ranks; see Philip D. Dillard, “The Confederate Debate over Arming Slaves: View from Macon and Augusta Newspapers,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 79, no. 1 (Spring 1995): 117–46, esp. 145.

18. On the attitudes and policy of Union generals, see Mark Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War: Union Military Policy Toward Southern Civilians, 1861–1865 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995); and Ulysses S. Grant: Memoirs and Selected Letters (New York: Library of America, 1990), 148–49. Grant used the same five-to-one reference in a letter written during the war. He also voiced a similar view amid the war that the “war could be ended at once if the whole Southern people could express their unbiased feeling untrammeled by leaders.” See Grant to Jesse Root Grant, August 3, 1861, and Grant to Julia Dent Grant, June 12, 1862, in ibid., 972, 1009. On Hinton Rowan Helper, Land of Gold (1855), see chapter 6 of this book.

19. The Irrepressible Conflict. A Speech by William H. Seward, Delivered at Rochester, Monday, Oct 25, 1858 (New York, 1858), 1–2.

20. See “The Destinies of the South: Message of His Excellency, John H. Means, Esq., Government of the State of South-Carolina, . . . November 1852,” Southern Quarterly Review (January 1853): 178–205, esp. 198; also see James Hammond, Governor Hammond’s Letters on Southern Slavery: Addressed to Thomas Clarkson, the English Abolitionist (Charleston, SC, 1845), 21; Jefferson Davis, “Confederate State of America—Message to Congress, April 29, 1861,” in A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Confederacy, ed. James D. Richardson, 2 vols. (Nashville: United States Publishing Co., 1906), 1:68; and Christa Dierksheide and Peter S. Onuf, “Slaveholding Nation, Slaveholding Civilization,” in In the Cause of Liberty: How the Civil War Redefined American Ideals, eds. William J. Cooper Jr. and John M. McCardell Jr. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2009): 9–24, esp. 9, 22–23.

21. “The Union: Its Benefits and Dangers,” Southern Literary Messenger (January 1, 1861): 1–4, esp. 4; and “The African Slave Trade,” Southern Literary Messenger (August 1861): 105–13; also see Rable, The Confederate Republic, 55. On the reaction to Helper’s book, see Brown, Southern Outcast; and Williams, Rich Man’s War, 31–32.

22. See Memoir on Slavery, Read Before the Society for the Advancement of Learning, of South Carolina, at Its Annual Meeting at Columbia. 1837. By Chancellor Harper (Charleston, SC, 1838), 23–24. On lower literacy rates and fewer opportunities for the poor to receive a common school education in the South, see Carl Kaestle, Pillars of the Republic: Common Schooling and American Society, 1780–1860 (New York, 1893), 195, 206; James M. McPherson, Drawn with the Sword: Reflections on the American Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 19. Estimates on illiteracy vary widely. McPherson chose the lower number of a three-to-one margin in illiteracy rates between slave and northern states. Wayne Flynt noted that the 1850 federal census announced that illiteracy rates among whites were 20.3 percent in the slave states, 3 percent in the middle states, and .42 percent in New England. That makes it over 40:1 with New England and 7:1 for the middle states. See Wayne Flynt, Dixie’s Forgotten People: The South’s Poor Whites (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1979), 8. On the call for a Confederate publishing trade, see Michael T. Bernath, Confederate Minds: The Struggle for Intellectual Independence in the Civil War South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013).

23. See “The Differences of Race Between the Northern and Southern People,” Southern Literary Messenger (June 1, 1860): 401–9, esp. 403. On patrician rule in the South, see Frank Alfriend, “A Southern Republic and Northern Democracy,” Southern Literary Messenger (May 1, 1863): 283–90. On tempting the poor, see “Message of Gov. Joseph E. Brown,” November 7, 1860, in The Confederate Records of Georgia, ed. Allen D. Candler, 5 vols. (Atlanta, 1909–11), 1:47; William W. Freehling and Craig M. Simpson, Secession Debated: Georgia Showdown in 1860 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Bernard E. Powers Jr., “‘The Worst of All Barbarism’: Racial Anxiety and the Approach of Secession in the Palmetto State,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 112, no. 3/4 (July–October 2011): 139–56, esp. 151; Harris, Plain Folk and Gentry, 134. And on vigilante societies and “Minute Men” companies, see West, From Yeoman to Redneck, 68–69, 76–81, 84, 91–92. Northern observers in the southern states wrote that many poor whites opposed secession but felt “forced to maintain silence.” See “The Poor Whites at the South—Letter from a Milwaukee Man in Florida,” Milwaukee Daily Sentinel, April 15, 1861. Alfriend repeated the same argument as Governor Brown, that the Lincoln administration would win over the poor whites by “all the glozing arts at the command of himself and his adroit advisers, he will flatter the vanity and pamper the grasping and indolent propensities of the people for federal bounties and cheap lands,” and that the Republican message will peculate down to the “lower strata of Southern society.” He also predicted that what awaited the South was either a war of conquest or a class war: “If not conquest, it will be civil war, not between the North and South, but between the slaveholder and the non-slaveholder backed by the North.” See “Editor’s Table,” Southern Literary Messenger (December 1, 1860): 468–74, esp 472.

24. James D. B. De Bow was a South Carolinian who relocated to New Orleans to publish his own periodical. At first titled the Commercial Review of the South and West, it later became De Bow’s Review. Although early in his career he advocated public education and industrialization in the South, he fully embraced the secessionist rhetoric that “cotton is King” and slavery was the major source of the South’s superiority. De Bow published The Interest in Slavery of the Southern Non-Slaveholder as a pamphlet in 1860, and then republished the piece as articles in the Charleston Mercury and De Bow’s Review. See James De Bow, “The Non-Slaveholders of the South: Their Interest in the Present Sectional Controversy Identical with That of Slaveholders,” De Bow’s Review, vol. 30 (January 1861): 67–77; Eric H. Walther, “Ploughshares Come Before Philosophy: James D. B. De Bow,” in The Fire-Eaters (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1992), 195–227; and Sinha, The Counter-Revolution of Slavery, 234. Governor Joseph Brown of Georgia made a similar appeal to poor whites; he praised the high wages in the South, and warned that if slavery was eliminated poor whites would lose legal and social status and slaves would plunder those living in the mountainous region of the state—a region known for a high proportion of poorer nonslaveholders. Elite secessionists praised his appeal and felt it was “well calculated to arouse them” to the cause of secession and would fortify their minds against all appeals that might “array the poor against the wealthy.” See Johnson, Toward a Patriarchal Republic, 49–51.

25. Rable, The Confederate Republic, 32–35, 40–42, 50–51, 60–61; Johnson, Toward a Patriarchal Republic, 63–65, 110, 117–23, 153, 156; William C. Davis, Jefferson Davis: The Man and His Hour (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1991), 308; Stephanie McCurry, Confederate Reckoning: Power and Politics in the Civil War South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 51, 55, 63, 75, 81; and G. Edward White, “Recovering the Legal History of the Confederacy,” Washington and Lee Legal Review 68 (2011): 467–554, esp. 483. The Southern Literary Messenger felt that constitutional reform should restrict the franchise from “classes incapable of exercising it judicially,” thus freeing the Confederate government from the “mercy of lawless and untutored majorities”; see “Editor’s Table,” 470; also see Richard O. Curry, “A Reappraisal of Statehood Politics in West Virginia,” Journal of Southern History 28, no. 4 (November 1962): 403–21, esp. 405. And on Unionists in East Tennessee and their fear of secessionists imposing an elitist government, see Noel L. Fisher, “Definitions of Victory: East Tennessee Unionists in the Civil War and Reconstruction,” in Sutherland, ed., Guerrillas, Unionists, and Violence on the Confederate Homefront (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1999), 89–111, esp. 93–94.

26. Simms feared that the border states would promote manufacturing and thus increase the poor white population. See William Gilmore Simms to William Porcher Miles, February 20, 24, 1861, in The Letters of William Gilmore Simms, eds. Mary C. Simms Oliphant, Alfred Taylor Oldell, and T. C. Duncan Miles, 5 vols. (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1952–56), 4:330, 335; Alfriend, “A Southern Republic and Northern Democracy”; also see “The Poor Whites to Be Dis-Enfranchised in the Southern Confederacy,” Cleveland Daily Herald, February 2, 1861. The editor of the Southern Confederacy, T. S. Gordon of Florida, defended not only the rejection of Jefferson’s notions of the rights of man, but the idea that his generation had the right to “think for themselves” and disregard the “opinions of their forefathers”; see a reprint of Gordon’s article in “Bold Vindication of Slavery,” Liberator, March 22, 1861; and Rable, The Confederate Republic, 50, 55–56.

27. For the slaveowners’ House of Lords, see Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, February 9, 1861. While Ruffin called the masses the “swinish multitude,” Georgia conservatives called them the mob or “domestic foes”; see William Kauffman Scarborough, ed., The Diary of Edmund Ruffin, 3 vols. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1972–89), 2:167–71, 176, 542; Rable, The Confederate Republic, 42; Johnson, Toward a Patriarchal Republic, 101, 130–31, 143, 178–79, 184; McCurry, Confederate Reckoning, 43; see reprint and discussion of editorial published in the Charleston [SC] Mercury in “Seceding from Secession,” New York Times, February 25, 1861. For another example of secessionists viewing the three-fifths compromise as a usurpation of southern rights, see “National Characters—The Issues of the Day,” De Bow’s Review (January 1861); on race as a “title of nobility,” see “Department of Miscellany . . . The Non-Slaveholder of the South,” De Bow’s Review (January 1, 1861).

28. “The Southern Civilization; or, the Norman in America,” De Bow’s Review (January/February 1862).

29. See John F. Reiger, “Deprivation, Disaffection, and Desertion in Confederate Florida,” Florida Historical Quarterly 48, no. 3 (January 1970): 279–98, esp. 286–87; Escott, After Secession, 115, 119; Reid Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers (New York: Viking, 1988), 160; “The Conscription Bill. Its Beauty,” Southern Literary Messenger (May 1, 1862): 328; and Harris, Plain Folk and Gentry, 153. On using the slur “Tartar,” see James D. Davidson to Greenlee Davidson, February 12, 1861, in Bruce S. Greenawalt, “Life Behind Confederate Lines in Virginia: The Correspondence of James D. Davidson,” Civil War History 16, no. 3 (September 1970): 205–26, esp. 218; also see Williams, Rich Man’s War, 122; Bessie Martin, Desertion of Alabama Troops in the Confederate Army: A Study in Sectionalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1932), 122.

30. On the twenty-slave exemption, see Williams, Rich Man’s War, 132; Escott, After Secession, 95; also see King-Owen, “Conditional Confederates,” 351, 359, 377–78. James Phelan measured patriotism in class terms: he wrote that the “pride of intellect, position, and education will only acutely feel its necessity and spring with alacrity to the post of such danger and sacrifice.” The poor white farmers lacked those qualities. See James Phelan to Jefferson Davis, May 23, 1861, in The War of Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 130 vols. (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1880–1901), Series IV, 1:353, also see Escott, After Secession, 115; Rable, The Confederate Republic, 156, 190–91; Harris, Plain Folk and Gentry, 64; Jack Lawrence Atkins, “‘It Is Useless to Conceal the Truth Any Longer’: Desertion of Virginia Soldiers from the Confederate Army” (M.A. thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 2007), 41–42.

31. Class-conscious men felt that honor and service displayed that they were the “right breed of people”; see Lee L. Dupont to his wife, February 27, 186[1 or 2], Dupont Letters, Lowndes-Valdosta Historical Society, as quoted in David Carlson, “The ‘Loanly Runagee’: Draft Evaders in Confederate South Georgia,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 84, no. 4 (Winter 2000): 589–615, esp. 597. William Holden, the editor of the Raleigh Weekly Standard in North Carolina, became a vociferous critic of conscription. He wrote, “We are not willing to see any one white child starve to death on account of this war, while the negroes are fat and sleek.” See Raleigh Weekly Standard, July 1, 1863, as quoted in Rable, The Confederate Republic, 190–91. On “dog catchers,” see John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel Clerk’s Diary at the Confederate Capital, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1866), 2:317; also see an editorial from the Richmond Whig, reprinted in “The Rebel Army and the Rebel Government,” Philadelphia Inquirer, January 24, 1862.

32. Robert E. Lee to President Jefferson Davis, August, 17, 1863, in The Wartime Papers of Robert E. Lee (Boston: Little, Brown, 1961), 591; also see Atkins, “Desertion among Virginia Soldiers,” 47–48; Harris, Plain Folk and Gentry, 179–80. North Carolina’s desertion rates may have been closer to Virginia’s numbers, but it is extremely difficult to get an accurate estimate; see Richard Reid, “A Test Case of the ‘Crying Evil’: Desertion Among North Carolina Troops During the Civil War,” North Carolina Historical Review 58, no. 3 (July 1981): 234–62, esp. 234, 237–38, 247, 251, 253, 254–55. For retaliation against Confederates who joined the Union, see Lesley J. Gordon, “‘In Time of War’: Unionists Hanged in Kinston, North Carolina, February 1864,” in Sutherland, Guerrillas, Unionists, and Violence, 45–58; Bynum, The Long Shadow of the Civil War, 28, 43–46; see Victoria E. Bynum, The Free State of Jones: Mississippi’s Longest Civil War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001).

33. On Georgia deserters and the defiant wives of renegades, see Carlson, “The ‘Loanly Runagee,’” 600, 610–13; and Harris, Plain Folk and Gentry, 180–81.

34. For the joke, see Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph, December 23, 1864. Drawing on the work of James Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Resistance (1985), Katherine Guiffre points out that powerless groups often engage in everyday acts of rebellion—gossiping, malingering, petty theft—instead of extreme acts, such as fomenting a large-scale uprising; see Katherine A. Guiffre, “First in Flight: Desertion as Politics in the North Carolina Confederate Army,” Social Science History 21, no. 2 (Summer 1997): 245–63, esp. 249–50, 260. I argue that jokes served a similar purpose, making light of what the ruling elite saw as acts of treason, cowardice, or mutiny.

35. Historians debate the estimates of men who served in the Confederate army. For the most recent estimates, see McCurry, Confederate Reckoning, 152. On desertion, see Mark A. Weitz, More Damning Than Slaughter: Desertion in the Confederate Army (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2005); and Reid, “A Test Case of the ‘Crying Evil,’” 234, 247. For the best study on the problem of disaffection among conscripts, substitutes, and those who enlisted late in the war (two groups often ignored in studies of Confederate soldiers’ motivation), see Kenneth W. Noe, Reluctant Rebels: The Confederates Who Joined the Army After 1860 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 2, 7, 88–89, 94–95, 108, 113–14, 178, 190. As Noe notes, conscripts and substitutes, the men most likely to be disaffected, are also the two cohorts about whom historians have the least knowledge of their personal feelings. It is difficult to track down the correspondence of these men. Class also determines who was literate enough to write—so historians who rely on personal letters inevitably reflect a class bias. For the lower-class origins of substitutes and the difficulty identifying them, also see John Sacher, “The Loyal Draft Dodger? A Reexamination of Confederate Substitution,” Civil War History 57, no. 2 (June 2011): 153–78, esp. 170–73. For another example of festering resentment, Sergeant William Andrews of the First Georgia Volunteers wrote after Lee’s surrender, “While it is a bitter pill to have to come back into the Union, don’t think there is much regret at the loss of the Confederacy. The treatment that the soldiers have received from the government in various ways put them against it.” See David Williams, Teresa Crisp Williams, and David Carlson, Plain Folk in a Rich Man’s War: Class and Dissent in Confederate Georgia (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002), 194.

36. Williams et al., Plain Folk in a Rich Man’s War, 25–29, 34–36; also see “Cotton Versus Corn,” Philadelphia Inquirer, May 4, 1861.

37. See Teresa Crisp Williams and David Williams, “‘The Woman Rising’: Cotton, Class, and Confederate Georgia’s Rioting Women,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 86, no. 1 (Spring 2002): 49–83, esp. 68–79; on the riot in Richmond, see Michael B. Chesson, “Harlots or Heroines? A New Look at the Richmond Bread Riot,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 92, no. 2 (April 1984): 131–75; for two accounts of the Richmond bread riot of 1863, see Mary S. Estill, “Diary of a Confederate Congressman, 1862–1863,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 39, no. 1 (July 1935): 33–65, esp. 46–47; and Jones, April 2, 1863, A Rebel Clerk’s Diary, 1:285–87; also see Williams, Rich Man’s War, 99, 100–101, 114–15; Escott, After Secession, 122. As Lebergott argued, because the Confederacy failed to collect sufficient taxes, it was forced to rely on impressments, which often targeted the weakest members of society: farms run by women whose husbands were soldiers. This practice encouraged desertions and heightened women’s anger toward the government. See Stanley Lebergott, “Why the South Lost: Commercial Purpose in the Confederacy, 1861–1865,” Journal of American History 79, no. 1 (June 1983): 58–74, esp. 71–72. In defense of the Confederacy, some reports insisted that the Richmond protest was not a “bread riot,” and that the cause was crime, not want; see “Outrageous Proceedings in Richmond,” Staunton Spectator, April 7, 1863; but in the same newspaper, another article argued that class conflict was going to destroy the Confederate cause, see “The Class Oppressed,” Staunton Spectator, April 7, 1863.

38. “Pity the Poor Rebels,” Vanity Fair, May 9, 1863.

39. Entries for July 26, 27, 1863, Lucy Virginia French Diaries, 1860, 1862–1865, microfilm, Tennessee State Library and Archives, Nashville; Stephen V. Ash, “Poor Whites in the Occupied South, 1861–1865,” Journal of Southern History 57, no. 1 (February 1991): 39–62, esp. 55.

40. On government officials dining on delicacies while soldiers were suffering, see Jones, September 22, 1864, A Rebel Clerk’s Diary, 2:290; and on snubbing Varina Davis, see Jones, March 19, 1865, A Rebel Clerk’s Diary, 2:453.

41. “The Drum Roll,” Southern Field and Fireside, February 18, 1864; and Anne Sarah Rubins, The Shattered Nation: The Rise and Fall of the Confederacy, 1861–1868 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005), 88. The same theme of the loss of class privilege (wives forced to clean the “slops of the bed chamber”) appeared in the Richmond Daily Whig, February 12, 1865; see George C. Rable, “Despair, Hope, and Delusion: The Collapse of Confederate Morale Re-Examined,” in The Collapse of the Confederacy, eds. Mark Grimsley and Brooks D. Simpson (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2001), 129–67, esp. 149–50; and “Items of Interest,” Houston Daily Telegraph, December 21, 1864.

42. See “Sketches from the Life of Jeff. Davis,” Macon Daily Telegraph, March 12, 1861. For southern papers calling Lincoln a drunken sot, see “The News,” New York Herald, May 21, 1861. For Lincoln derided as the “Illinois ape,” see Josiah Gilbert Holland, The Life of Abraham Lincoln (Springfield, MA, 1866), 243; also see “A Bad Egg for the Lincolnites,” The Macon Daily Telegraph, September 18, 1861, and Richmond Examiner, October 19, 1861. On Davis’s and Lincoln’s shared birthplace of Kentucky, see “News and Miscellaneous Items,” Wisconsin Patriot, March 30, 1861. For Hunter’s opinion of Lincoln, see Letter from Salmon Portland Chase, October 2, 1862, in Diary and Correspondence of Salmon Portland Chase, eds. George S. Denison and Samuel H. Dodson (Washington, DC: American Historical Association, 1903), 105. And for the slur against midwesterners, see John Hampden Chamberlayne, Ham Chamberlayne—Virginia: Letters and Papers of an Artillery Officer in the War for Southern Independence, 1861–1865 (Richmond, VA, 1932), 186. Chamberlayne also criticized people in Maryland for their free-labor ethos and Yankee blood. He described them as having low character, “with the education of common schools, with Dutch instincts dashed with Yankee blood.” He dismissed them for only working to make money, believing that the man “is worthiest who most unremittingly toils with his hands, or if with his brains, he must dry them up with years of mechanic toil over Day Book & Ledger.” See ibid., 105.

43. “The Presidential Campaign,” New York Herald, June 8, 1860.

44. “The Educated Southerner,” “The Effect of Bull Run upon the Southern Mind,” “Anti-Mortem Sketches,” and Charles Godfrey Leland, “North Men, Come Out!,” Vanity Fair, May 6, August 17, August 21, and September 28, 1861. On Vanity Fair, which was published from December 31, 1859, to July 4, 1863, see James T. Nardin, “Civil War Humor: The War in Vanity Fair,” Civil War History 2, no. 3 (September 1956): 67–85, esp. 67; also see “The Bad Bird and the Mudsill,” Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, February 21, 1863.

45. “A Soldier’s Speech,” Wooster [OH] Republican, November 12, 1863. One essay argued that mudsills were the backbone of the economy; see “Who Are the Mudsills?,” American Farmer’s Magazine, August 1858. Garfield was less generous in his assessment of Confederate deserters. He described them as “men of no brains who had been scared into the rebel army and whose lives were not worth to the county what the bullet would cost to kill them”; see Harry James and Frederick D. Williams, eds., The Diary of James Garfield, 4 vols. (East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1967–1981), 1:65, and Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers, 33. For another rousing defense of northern mudsills, see the poem “Northmen, Come Out!,” with the stanzas, “Out in your strength and let them know / How working men to work can go. / Out in your might and let them feel / How mudsills strike when edged with steel”; see Charles Godfrey Leland, “Northmen, Come Out!,” Hartford Daily Courant, May 6, 1861, originally published in Vanity Fair. Northerners also reported on “secesh nabobs” paying high prices for “mudsill substitutes”; see Hartford Daily Courant, December 20, 1861.

46. Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War, 15–16, 56, 68–70. Halleck was an expert on international law, and the principle of occupying armies taxing disloyal citizens was laid out in Emmerich de Vattel’s 1793 treatise The Law of Nations. This practice was not new to the Civil War, but what was different was the decision to target the rich. See W. Wayne Smith, “An Experiment in Counterinsurgency: The Assessment of Confederate Sympathizers in Missouri,” Journal of Southern History 35, no. 3 (August 1969): 361–80, esp. 361–64; Louis S. Gerteis, Civil War St. Louis (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 2001), 172–76. And on guerrilla warfare shaping these policies, see Daniel E. Sutherland, “Guerrilla Warfare, Democracy, and the Fate of the Confederacy,” Journal of Southern History 68, no. 2 (May 2002): 259–92, esp. 271–72, 280, 288; and Michael Fellman, Inside War: The Guerrilla Conflict in Missouri During the American Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 88, 94, 96.

47. John F. Bradbury Jr., “‘Buckwheat Cake Philanthropy’: Refugees and the Union Army in the Ozarks,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 57, no. 3 (Autumn 1998): 233–54, esp. 237–40. Estimates vary on the total number of southern refugees. Stephen Ash claims that nearly 80,000 white refugees had entered Federal lines by 1865. Elizabeth Massey contends that 250,000 were displaced by the war and the majority were women. See Stephen V. Ash, When the Yankees Came: Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied South, 1861–1865 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999); Stephen V. Ash, Middle Tennessee Society Transformed, 1860–1870: War and Peace in the Upper South (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); and Mary Elizabeth Massey, Women in the Civil War (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966), 291–316.

48. Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War, 108; and Smith, “An Experiment in Counterinsurgency,” 366; Jacqueline G. Campbell, “There Is No Difference Between a He and a She Adder in Their Venom: Benjamin Butler, William T. Sherman, and Confederate Women,” Louisiana History: Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association 50, no. 1 (Winter 2009): 5–24, esp. 12, 15, 18–19. Marion Southwood not only commented on the wealthy hiding assets but emphasized that it was the elites who “turned up their aristocratic noses” at the thought of assenting to the oath of allegiance; see Marion Southwood, “Beauty and Booty”: The Watchword of New Orleans (New York, 1867), 123, 130–33, 159. The same rule of punishing rude women and subjecting disloyal women to confiscation was established by General Halleck in Missouri; see Gerteis, Civil War St. Louis, 174. Confederates described the destruction of elite property in class terms: as one account wrote, men from the “dunghill” of the North holding “saturnalias round the princely mansions of the Southern planters”; see “Rebel (Yankee Definition),” Houston Tri-weekly Telegraph,November 18, 1864. In Maryland, when one Virginia slaveowner demanded the return of his slaves, a dozen Union soldiers threw the man onto a blanket and tossed him up in the air. One sergeant described the slaveowner as “a perfect specimen of a Virginia gentleman,” and he was pleased to think that man must have been horrified to be humiliated and unmanned by “Union soldiers—northern mudsills.” See James Oakes, Freedom National: The Destruction of Slavery in the United States, 1861–1865 (New York: W. W. Norton, 2012), 365.

49. Hans L. Trefousse, Andrew Johnson: A Biography (New York: Norton, 1989), 19, 21–23, 43, 55, 138, 152, 155–56, 168, 179; Ash, Middle Tennessee Society Transformed, 107, 159–60; also see Rufus Buin Spain, “R. B. C. Howell, Tennessee Baptist, 1808–1868” (M.A. thesis, Vanderbilt University, 1948), 105–7. It is interesting that Johnson planned to have all citizens take the loyalty oath and would begin with the wealthiest class, then ministers, doctors, and measured secessionist sympathies according to a class scale; see ibid., 101, 104–6.

50. Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War, 169, 202–3; and Debra Reddin van Tuyll, “Scalawags and Scoundrels? The Moral and Legal Dimensions of Sherman’s Last Campaigns,” Studies in Popular Culture 22, no. 2 (October 1999): 33–45, esp. 38–39. Soldiers blamed South Carolina for the war, and thought of its political elite as the very symbol of tyranny and arrogance. They looked forward to wreaking vengeance on the capital—where they vandalized property, set fire to buildings, and targeted the homes of the elites. See Charles Royster, The Destructive War: William Tecumseh Sherman, Stonewall Jackson, and the Americans (New York: Knopf, 1991), 4–5, 19–21.

51. Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War, 173–74, 188; Burstein and Isenberg, Madison and Jefferson, 204–5.

52. Hallock Armstrong to Mary Armstrong, April 8, 1865, in Letters from a Pennsylvania Chaplain at the Siege of Petersburg, 1865 (published privately, 1961), 47.

53. Letter from William Wheeler, April 1, 1864, in Letters of William Wheeler of the Class of 1855 (Cambridge, MA: H. G. Houghton & Co., 1875), 444–46; Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War, 173–74; John D. Cox, Traveling South: Travel Narratives and the Construction of American Identity (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2005), 165, 174–76. And for the indistinguishable quality of shanties of poor white or blacks, see George H. Allen, Forty-Six Months with the Fourth R. I. Volunteers in the War of 1861 to 1865: Comprising a History of Marches, Battles, and Camp Life, Compiled from Journals Kept While on Duty in the Field and Camp (J. A. & R. A. Reid Printers, 1887), 219; also see “Confederate Prisoners at Chicago,” Macon Daily Telegraph, February 14, 1863; Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers, 42, 95, 97; Diary of Robert Ransom, Andersonville Diary, Escape, and List of the Dead, with Name, Co., Regiment, Date of Death and No. of Grave in Cemetery (Auburn, New York, 1881), 71.

54. On marching through mud, fighting swamps and rebels, see Manning Ferguson Force, “From Atlanta to Savannah: The Civil War Journal of Manning F. Force, November 15, 1864–January 3, 1865,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 91, no. 2 (Summer 2007): 185–205, esp. 187–90, 193–94. And on muddy mass graves, see Drew Gilpin Faust, The Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War (New York: Random House, 2008), 73–75.

55. Phillips, Diehard Rebels, 56, 62. Confederates also hoped that the New York City draft riots were a sign of class revolution in the North; see “Important News from the North” and another report in the Richmond Enquirer, July 18, 1863; also see A. Hunter Dupree and Leslie H. Fischel Jr., “An Eyewitness Account of the New York City Draft Riots, July, 1863,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 47, no. 3 (December 1960): 472–79, esp. 476.

56. “Recent News by Mail,” Philadelphia Inquirer, April 14, 1861.

Chapter Eight: Thoroughbreds and Scalawags: Bloodlines and Bastard Stock in the Age of Eugenics

1. W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Evolution of the Race Problem,” Proceedings of the National Negro Conference (New York, 1909), 142–58, esp. 148–49.

2. Ibid., 147–48, 152–54, 156.

3. Ibid., 153–54, 157.

4. Charles Darwin, The Descent of Man (London, 1871), 2:402–3. Galton’s major publications were an article, “Hereditary Talent and Character” (1865), and books Hereditary Genius (1869), Inquiry into Human Faculty (1883), and Natural Inheritance (1889); see Mark H. Haller, Eugenics: Hereditarian Attitudes in American Thought (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1963), 4–6, 8–12. Also see Richard A. Richards, “Darwin, Domestic Breeding and Artificial Selection,” Endeavour 22, no. 3 (1988): 106–9; and for the importance of animal breeding in shaping Darwin’s theory of natural selection, see Robert J. Roberts, “Instinct and Intelligence in British Natural Theology: Some Contributions to Darwin’s Theory of Evolutionary Behavior,” Journal of the History of Biology 14, no. 2 (Autumn 1981): 193–230, esp. 224–25.

5. “Plebein [sic] Aristocracy,” Independent (May 24, 1864); and Heather Cox Richardson, West from Appomattox: The Reconstruction of America After the Civil War (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 17–20.

6. For a typical example of a free-labor economy for poor whites and free slaves, see “The Emancipation and Free Labor Question in the South,” New York Herald, May 18, 1865; also see Heather Cox Richardson, The Death of Reconstruction: Race, Labor, and Politics in the Post–Civil War North, 1865–1901 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 21–22, 24–25, 34, 39, 42.

7. The newspapers focused on the stipulation that exempted the elite class from the amnesty: “All persons who have voluntarily participated in said rebellion and the estimated value of whose taxable property is over $20,000”; see “President Johnson’s Plan of Reconstruction in Bold Relief,” New York Herald, May 31, 1865; “President Johnson and the South Carolina Delegation,” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 26, 1865. And for an article pointing out how all the New York newspapers stressed this point, see “The New York Press on the President’s Talk with the South Carolina Delegation,” Daily Ohio Statesman, July 6, 1865. Also see Andrew Johnson, “Proclamation 134—Granting Amnesty to Participants in the Rebellion, with Certain Exceptions,” May 29, 1865; and “Interview with South Carolina Delegation, June 24,” in The Papers of Andrew Johnson, May–August 1865, ed. Paul H. Bergeron (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1992), 8:128–29, 280–84.

8. On Johnson’s decision to pardon the elites because he needed their support, see Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (New York: Harper & Row, 1988), 191. Johnson pardoned 13,500 out of the 15,000 who applied; see Richardson, The Death of Reconstruction, 16.

9. For Johnson’s view of a racial war of extermination, see “The Negro Question—Dangers of Another ‘Irrepressible Conflict,’” New York Herald, July 12, 1865; also see [San Francisco] Evening Bulletin, July 31, 1865. On Johnson’s opinion that Negro suffrage would breed a race war between the freedmen and poor whites, see “The President upon Negro Suffrage,” Philadelphia Inquirer, October 25, 1865; also see “Interview of George L. Stearns,” October 3, 1865,” The Papers of Andrew Johnson, 9:180.

10. See the remarks by Senators David Schenck, Henry S. Lane, John P. Hale, and Reverdy Johnson, Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, 2nd Session, 959, 984–85, 989; and Congressman Green Clay Smith, Congressional Globe, 39th Congress, 1st Session, 416; also see Paul Moreno, “Racial Classification and Reconstruction Legislation,” Journal of Southern History 61, no. 2 (May 1995): 271–304, esp. 276–77, 283–87; and Michele Landis Dauber, “The Sympathetic State,” Law and History Review 23, no. 2 (Summer 2005): 387–442, esp. 408, 412, 414–15.

11. For “loafing whites,” see “North Carolina: Blacks and Whites Loafing,” New York Times, May 28, 1866; and “From Over the Lake. Barancas—Gens. Steel and Ashboth—The Seen and Unseen—The Refugee Business, Etc., Etc.,” New Orleans Times, March 9, 1865. On poor white refugees and children, see “Poor White Trash,” Independent (September 7, 1865): 6; Daniel R. Weinfield, “‘More Courage Than Discretion’: Charles M. Hamilton in Reconstruction-Era Florida,” Florida Historical Quarterly 84, no. 4 (Spring 2006): 479–516, esp. 492; and William F. Mugleston and Marcus Sterling Hopkins, “The Freedmen’s Bureau and Reconstruction in Virginia: The Diary of Marcus Sterling Hopkins,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 86, no. 1 (January 1978): 45–102, esp. 100. It was also reported that North Carolina had the highest number of “white trash,” and most of the cases adjudicated by the Freedmen’s Bureau involved this class. See “Affairs in the Southern States: North Carolina,” New York Times, March 22, 1865.

12. “From the South: Southern Journeyings and Jottings,” New York Times, April 15, 1866; Sidney Andrews, The South Since the War (Boston, 1866); Whitelaw Reid, After the War: A Tour of the Southern States (London, 1866); John T. Trowbridge, The South: A Tour of Its Battlefields and Ruined Cities (Hartford, CT: 1866). Andrews’s book was known for providing a “portraiture of the poor whites” that was “painfully true to nature”; see “New Books,” Philadelphia Inquirer, April 23, 1866. His portrait of the typical poor white as physically stunted and displaying “insipidity in his face, indecision in his step, and inefficiency in his whole bearing” was reprinted verbatim in “Poor Whites of North Carolina, Wilmington, October 14,” Freedmen’s Record. Organ of the New England Aid Society (November 1, 1865): 186–87.

13. Gilmore’s allusion to a fungus was identical to social Darwinist Herbert Spencer’s argument that “whatever produces a diseased state in one part of the community, must inevitably inflict injury upon all other parts”; see Spencer, Social Statistics, or, The Conditions Essential to Human Happiness Specified and the First of Them Developed (London, 1851), 456. Edward Kirke (pseudonym of James Roberts Gilmore), Down in Tennessee, and Back by Way of Richmond (New York, 1864), 104, 184, 188–89. Excerpts from Gilmore’s book were printed in the newspapers; see “The White Population in the South. ‘Poor Whites’—‘Mean Whites’—And the Chivalry,” New Hampshire Sentinel, November 10, 1864; “The Common People of the South” Circular(September 26, 1864): 222–23; “From ‘Down in Tennessee.’ The ‘Mean Whites’ of the South,” Friends’ Review(October 15, 1864): 101–2. Gilmore also published an article; see J. R. Gilmore, “The Poor Whites of the South,” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine (June 1, 1864): 115–24.

14. Andrews wrote, “I should say that the real question at issue in the South is, not ‘What shall be done with the negro? but ‘What shall be done with the white?’” Andrews, The South Since the War, 224. The variation on Andrews’s phrase quoted in the text, which added “poor white,” appeared in a Colorado newspaper article (reprinted from the Chicago Republican), “The Rising Race in the South,” Miner’s Register, January 12, 1866. The same question was raised in the Christian Advocate and Journal: “It is not the negro who calls for pity, he can take care of himself; it is the ignorant, landless, clay-colored, hope-abandoned whites that demand and yet defy relief”; see Reynard, “A Vacation Tour in the South and West: Hell Opens Her Mouth,” Christian Advocate and Journal (August 24, 1865), 266.

15. A writer for the New York Times argued that poor whites had had the vote for eighty years and remained “improvident, ignorant and debased” and the “easy dupes of designing leaders”; see “The Suffrage Question,” New York Times, February 13, 1866; also see “The Poor Whites,” Miner’s Register, October 18, 1865; Reid, After the War, 59, 221, 247–50, 255, 302–3, 325, 348; Andrews, The South Since the War, 335–36. On freedmen having a greater desire for education than poor whites, see “A Dominant Fact of the Southern Situation,” New York Times, August 10, 1865. On rapid educational progress of freedmen, see “Condition of the South,” New York Times, August 27, 1867. On the equal need for education of poor whites, see “The Education of Poor Whites,” New York Times, October 5, 1865. On neatness and thriftiness and preparation for the franchise among the freedmen, see Trowbridge, The South, 220, 458, 589; also see Stephen K. Prince, Stories of the South: Race and Reconstruction and Southern Identity (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014), 28. On freedmen’s superiority to poor whites in brains and muscle, see “The Negro, Slave and Free,” Hartford Daily Courant, March 6, 1865. On loyalty of the freedman and distrust of poor whites, see “Governing and Governed” and “Two Reasons,” New Orleans Tribune, June 8, 1865, August 27, 1865; “Reconstruction,” Wilkes Spirit of the Times, August 26, 1865; “Reconstruction and Negro Suffrage,” Atlantic Monthly 16, no. 94 (August 1865): 238–47, esp. 245; also see Richardson, The Death of Reconstruction, 32–37.

16. For “inert,” see “The Poor Whites,” Miner’s Register, October 18, 1865. For deformed and idiotic, see Gilmore, Down in Tennessee, 187. For “thoughtless,” “fumbling,” and the “moony glare” of the lunatic, see “The Poor White Trash,” New Orleans Tribune, September 1, 1865. For poor whites ranked on the lowest level in Darwin’s evolutionary scale, see “From the South: Southern Journeyings and Jottings,” New York Times, April 7, 1866; also see “The Poor Whites,” The Congregationalist, September 22, 1865. For belonging to the “genus Homo,” but “from long effects of long generations of ignorance, neglect, degradation and poverty, it has developed few of the higher qualities of the race to which it belongs,” see J. S. Bradford, “Crackers,” Lippincott’s Magazine, vol. 6 (November 1870): 457–67, esp. 457.

17. For “dangerous class,” see “The Poor Whites,” Miner’s Register, October 18, 1865. On intermarrying, incest, and wife selling, see Gilmore, Down in Tennessee, 184, 187. On mothers conniving illicit liaisons for daughters and poor white women having sex with black men, see “The Low-Down People,” Putnam’s Magazine (June 1868): 704–13, esp. 705–6. On filthy refugees in boxcars, see Reid, After the War, 248; also see W. De Forest, “Drawing Bureau Rations,” Harper’s Monthly Magazine 36 (May 1868): 792–99, esp. 794, 799. On Herbert Spencer, see Robert J. Richards, Darwin and the Emergence of Evolutionary Theories of Mind and Behavior (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 303–4; Spencer first used “survival of the fittest” in his Principles of Biology (London, 1864), 1:444, 455. On the popularity of Darwin and Spencer, see “The Theory of Natural Selection,” The Critic (November 26, 1859), 528–30; “Natural Selection,” [New Orleans] Daily Picayune, January 9, 1870. And for an article underscoring Darwin’s tree analogy, and that the harsh law of natural selection meant that certain branches have “decayed and dropped off,” see “Review of Darwin’s Theory of the Origins of Species by Means of Natural Selection,” American Journal of Science and the Arts (March 1860): 153–84, esp. 159.

18. “The Low-Down People,” Putnam’s Magazine of Literature, Science, Art and National Interests (June 1868): 704–16. On the importance of The Jukes, see Nicole Hahn Rafter, White Trash: The Eugenic Family Studies, 1877–1919 (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1988), 2–3, 6–7.

19. See Sanford B. Hunt, “The Negro as Soldier,” Anthropological Review 7 (January 1869): 40–54, esp. 53; also see John S. Haller Jr., Outcasts from Evolution: Scientific Attitudes of Racial Inferiority, 1859–1900 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971), 20–32.

20. “Mongrel” came from various sources: animal and plant breeding, evolutionary science, racist arguments for miscegenation and amalgamation, and older theories of conquest (barbarian and Mongol hordes became “mongrel hordes”), and the English slur of “mongrel pup” for a lower-class man without any pedigree. For free blacks as a spurious and mongrel race, see “Free Blacks of the North,” [Fayetteville, NC] Carolina Observer, October 7, 1858. On the mongrel party voting themselves down to the level with degraded Negroes, see “Correct Likeness of the Union Party,” [Millersburg, OH] Holmes County Farmer, October 5, 1865; and “Mexico and the Indians—Two More ‘Twin Relics’ for the Next New Party,” New York Herald, June 28, 1867. On preserving the “best blood” from “admixture of baser blood,” see “Our People,” New-Orleans Times, November 24, 1865. And since mongrels were often identified as dogs without any known pedigree, see “Strange Dog,” [New Orleans] Daily Picayune, June 12, 1866. On the famous English mongrel pup rhyme (“Of mongrel, pup, ay, whelp and hound, / And curs of low degree”), see “Letter from Mobile,” Daily Picayune, August 16, 1866. On comparing the South to the mongrel republic of Mexico, see “The Future of the Freemen,” New-Orleans Times, October 22, 1865; “Southern Self-Exile—Mexico and Brazil,” Richmond Examiner, April 14, 1866; “The Mongrel Republics of America,” Old Guard, September 1867, 695–702; “Editor’s Table,” Old Guard (September 1868): 717–20. And for mongrel hordes, see “Speech of Gen. Geo. W. Morgan,” Daily Ohio Statesman, October 5, 1865. Also see Elliott West, “Reconstructing Race,” Western Historical Quarterly 34, no. 1 (Spring 2003): 6–26, esp. 11; Haller, Outcasts from Evolution, 72–73, 82; John G. Menke, Mulattoes and Race Mixture: American Attitudes and Images, 1865–1918 (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1979), 51, 60–61, 101–2; Forrest G. Wood, Black Scare: The Racist Response to Emancipation and Reconstruction (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 65–70. For the long-standing English slur for a dog “without a breed,” see Neil Pemberton and Michael Worboys, Mad Dogs and Englishmen: Rabies in Britain, 1830–2000 (New York: Palgrave, 2007), 30–31. And on the Greek etymology of the word “mongrel” meaning “lust” and “an outrage on nature,” see Warren Minton, “Notes. On the Etymology of Hybrid (Lat. Hybrida),” American Journal of Philology (October 1, 1884): 501–2.

21. On the carpetbagger and his black valise, see Ted Tunnell, “‘The Propaganda of History’: Southern Editors and the Origins of the ‘Carpetbagger’ and the ‘Scalawag,’” Journal of Southern History 72, no. 4 (November 2006): 789–822, esp. 792. For the theme of race traitor and treason, see Hyman Rubin III, South Carolina Scalawags (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2006), xvi; Foner, Reconstruction, 297.

22. On President Johnson’s veto of the Civil Rights Act described as rejecting “mongrel citizenship,” see “Veto of Civil Rights Bill,” [Harrisburg, PA] Weekly Patriot and Union, April 5, 1866; also see Francis S. Blair Jr. to Andrew Johnson, March 18, 1866, and the Veto of the Civil Rights Bill, March 27, 1866, in Bergeron, The Papers of Andrew Johnson, vol. 10, February–July 1866,10:270, 312–20. Johnson was more explicit in his Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1867, in which he contended the two races could never subject be to “amalgamation or fusion of them into one homogeneous mass”—and to try to force this on the South would “Africanize half the country.” Johnson’s attack on mongrel citizenship in his veto of the Civil Rights Act echoed the speeches of Edgar Cowan in the Senate, who had raised the danger of gypsies, Chinese, and Indians gaining citizenship from the act. See Senate, Congressional Globe, 39th Congress, 1st Session, May 30, 1866, 2890–91. Johnson was personally invested in the idea of “fitness.” He wrote that section of the veto. See John H. Abel Jr. and LaWanda Cox, “Andrew Johnson and His Ghost Writers: An Analysis of the Freedmen’s Bureau and Civil Rights Veto Messages,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 48, no. 3 (December 1961): 460–79, esp. 475.

23. In one term, Johnson vetoed twenty-nine legislative bills, far more than Jackson or any previous president; during the period from Washington to the Civil War, all the presidents combined had vetoed only fifty-nine acts of Congress. On the revolutionary significance of the Fourteenth Amendment, see Robert J. Kraczorowski, “To Begin the Nation Anew: Congress, Citizenship, and Civil Rights After the Civil War,” American Historical Review 92, no. 1 (February 1987): 45–68, esp. 45; and see Wood, Black Scare, 111–13. On Johnson’s obstruction leading to impeachment, especially his opposition to the Fourteenth Amendment and control of the military, see Michael Les Benedict, The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson (New York: Norton, 1973), 49; and Hans L. Trefousse, Impeachment of a President: Andrew Johnson, the Blacks, and Reconstruction(New York: Fordham University Press, 1999), 41–48, 54.

24. For “pride of caste” and “pride of race,” see “Extension of Suffrage,” Macon Daily Telegraph, October 28, 1865. For women protecting bloodlines, see “Our People,” New-Orleans Times, November 24, 1865. Senator Montgomery Blair, brother of Francis Blair Jr., in a speech at a large Democratic rally in New York City, argued that only abandoned women would marry black men; see “The New York Campaign,” New York Herald, October 19, 1865; and F. Fleming, ed., “The Constitution and the Ritual of the Knights of the White Camelia,” in Documents Relating to Reconstruction (Morgantown, WV, 1904), 22, 27. On the Knights of the White Camelia and racial purity, also see “Arkansas,” New York Herald, October 31, 1868. On treating a mixed-race child as bastard progeny, see “Miscegenation,” Georgia Weekly Telegraph, February 27, 1870.

25. On Blair’s fondness for Darwin’s Origins of Species, see Foner, Reconstruction, 340. On his speeches, see “General Blair’s Letter to General George Morgan, July 13, 1868” and “Speeches of Horatio Seymour and Francis P. Blair, Jr., Accepting the Nominations, July 10, 1868,” in Edward McPherson, The Political History of the United States of America During the Period of Reconstruction (from April 15, 1865, to July 15, 1870) . . . (Washington, DC, 1880), 369–70, 381–82; “General Blair’s Speeches,” [Alexandra, LA] Louisiana Democrat, September 2, 1868; “Blair on the Stump,” New York Times, August 9, 1868. On the Georgia case, see Scott v. State, 39 Ga. 321 (1869). For coverage of the case, see “Social Status of the Blacks,” New York Herald, June 27, 1869; also see Charles Frank Robinson III, Dangerous Liaisons: Sex and Love in the Segregated South (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2003), 24, 37–38; Pascoe, What Comes Naturally, 20; James R. Browning, “Anti-Miscegenation Laws in the United States,” Duke Bar Journal 1, no. 1 (March 1951): 26–41, esp. 33. For the theory that mongrel mixtures exaggerate the vices of both races, see “The Philosophy of Miscegenation,” New-Orleans Times, January 4, 1867. It is just as important to understand that Democratic politicians supported laws against amalgamation in order to curb the “waywardness” of low-down whites for degrading Saxon blood; see “Remarks of Thomas Orr, in the Senate, on the Bill to Prevent the Amalgamation of the African with the White Race in Ohio,” [Columbus, OH] Crisis, February 28, 1861.

26. Hyman argues that violence was the key to the dismantling of the Republican Party, including targeted assaults against scalawags who were political leaders; see Hyman, South Carolina Scalawags, xvi, xxv, 41, 45, 48. Republican vice presidential candidate Schuyler Colfax gave a powerful speech in the defense of scalawags, and stressed the vicious threats made against them; see “Political Intelligence,” New York Herald, October 8, 1868. For hanging scalawags, see “The Rebel Press,” [Raleigh, NC] Tri-Weekly Standard, 1868. The editor of the Atlanta Constitution argued that the inauguration of a Democratic president would be a signal for hanging scalawags and carpetbaggers; see George C. Rable, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984), 69. On the trial for the murder of radical Republican Mr. Ashburn, the defense attorney—none other than former governor Joseph Brown—used the scalawag slur to justify the attack; see “The Ashburn Tragedy,” Georgia Weekly Telegraph, July 17, 1868. On the KKK targeting scalawags, see “Editorial,” Daily Memphis Avalanche,June 7, 1868. On calls to shoot scalawags, see “Reconstruction Convention,” Daily Austin Republican, July 22, 1868. And for a Republican election poem mocking the Democratic Party’s campaign: “Then let’s shoot and stab and kill, / The men who dare their thoughts to tell / If we lack the power, we have the will / To drive the scalawags, down to hell”; see “Democratic Principles,” Houston Union, May 7, 1869. On assassinations of prominent Republican politicians in 1868, also see Foner, Reconstruction, 342.

27. For an account of the stereotypical black man “Cuffy” kissing a scalawag, see “‘I Salute You, My Brother,’” [Memphis, TN] Public Ledger, May 7, 1868; and “A Scalawag Senator Invites a Darkey to His House,” [Atlanta] Daily Constitution, July 3, 1868. For scalawags as “piebald,” “mangy,” “slarapery” (meaning flabby-headed or feebleminded) and “stinkee,” see “Arkansas,” “News in Brief,” and “The Scalawag,” Daily Avalanche, May 20, June 24, August 27, 1868; “Ye Stinkee and the Perry House,” Georgia Weekly Telegraph, March 27, 1868. For “slaves of the scalawag white trash,” see “Mississippi,” New York Herald, August 12, 1868. On inciting Negroes with “low-flung” speeches, a comment made by Judge Carlton after observing a Republican gathering in Virginia, see “Meeting at Music Hall Last Night,” [Albany, IN] Daily Ledger, October 31, 1868. On the role as party operatives, see “Carpet Baggery and Scalawagerie,” New-Orleans Times, August 16, 1868; Foner, Reconstruction, 297.

28. “The Autobiography of a Scalawag,” Boone County [IN] Pioneer, March 13, 1868.

29. For reference to “low born scum and quondam slaves,” see the poem “White Men Must Rule,” published in the [Raleigh] North Carolinian, February 15, 1868, as quoted in Karen L. Zipf, “‘The Whites Shall Rule the Land or Die’: Gender, Race, and Class in North Carolina Politics,” Journal of Southern History 65, no. 3 (August 1999): 499–534, esp. 525. For a specific call to return the hereditary elite to power in place of “mongrel Republicanism,” see “Address of the Conservative Men of Alabama to the People of the United States,” Daily Columbus [GA] Enquirer,October 1, 1867.

30. For Wade Hampton, see “The Week,” Nation 7, no. 165 (August 27, 1868): 161; and “America,” London Daily News, September 18, 1865. For scalawag as vagabond stock, see “Horse and Mule Market,” [New Orleans] Daily Picayune, February 9, 1867. For carpetbaggers as the “offscourings of the North” and scalawags the “spewed up scum of the South,” see “Feels Bad,” [Raleigh, NC] Tri-Weekly Standard, May 14, 1868. The same theme was used again to sum up the failure of Reconstruction; see Charles Gayarre, “The Southern Question,” North American Review (November/December 1877): 472–99, esp. 482–83.

31. For his speech, see “Bullock Ratification Meeting,” Georgia Weekly Telegraph, March 27, 1868.

32. For motley breeds, see “Negro Suffrage,” Abbeville [SC] Press, March 16, 1866; and that mongrels communicate all the vices and few of the virtues of the parent stock, see “Results of Miscegenation,” Pittsfield [MA] Sun, March 16, 1865. For scalawag cattle as a low breed dragging down the rest to its level, see New York Tribune, October 24, 1854. One journalist made fun of the term “scalawag” as the “elegant language of refined Virginia gentleman,” and observed that the word applied to all natives who were loyal or Republicans, regardless of their class background; see “Virginia,” New York Times, July 27, 1868. Scholars who have studied actual “scalawags” have shown that they were not white trash, but they were of a lower class than either antebellum politicians in the South or their opponents who formed the Redeemer governments in the 1870s. Many had only a public school education. Many supported black suffrage, as James Baggett has argued, “to prevent conservatives, who were judged their betters, from ruling”; see Baggett, “Summing Up the Scalawags,” and appendix Table 3, The Scalawags: Southern Dissenters in the Civil War and Reconstruction (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2003), 261–62; Hyman, South Carolina Scalawags, xxi, 27–28, 52; also see James Baggett, “Upper South Scalawag Leadership,” Civil War History 29, no. 1 (March 1983): 53–73, esp. 58–60, 73. On the modest landholdings (and the majority as nonslaveholders), see Richard L. Hume and Jerry B. Gough, Blacks, Carpetbaggers, and Scalawags: The Constitutional Conventions of Radical Reconstruction (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008), 6, 19, 262, 270.

33. On the importance of education uniting the North and South, see “National Help for Southern Education,” “President Hayes’s Speech,” and “Education for the South,” New York Times, January 31, September 2, December 17, 1880; Charles F. Thwing, “The National Government and Education,” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 68 (February 1884): 471–76; Allen J. Going, “The South and the Blair Education Bill,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 44, no. 2 (September 1957): 267–90. Reverend A. D. Mayo was one of the strongest supporters of the Blair bill, and a vocal advocate of training poor whites in the South; see A. D. Mayo, “The Third Estate of the South,” Journal of Social Sciences (October 1890): xxi–xxxii. On reconciliation stories, see Nina Silber, “‘What Does America Need So Much as Americans?’: Race and Northern Reconciliation with Southern Appalachia, 1870–1900,” in Appalachians and Race: The Mountain South from Slavery to Segregation, ed. John Inscoe (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 2001): 245–58.

34. Mary Denison, Cracker Joe (Boston, 1887), 9–10, 17, 33, 97–198, 206, 233, 248–55, 314, 317, 320. For other reconciliation stories presenting positive portrayals of crackers, see “The Southern Cracker,” Youth’s Companion (May 13, 1875): 149–50; Charles Dunning, “In a Florida Cracker’s Cabin; To the Mockingbird,” Lippincott’s Magazine (April 1882): 367–74; Zitella Cocke, “Cracker Jim,” Overland Monthly and Out West Magazine 10, no. 55 (July 1887): 51–70.

35. William Goodell Frost, “University Extension in Kentucky” (September 3, 1898): 72–80, esp. 72, 80; also see Frost, “Our Contemporary Ancestors in the Southern Mountains,” Atlantic Monthly 83 (March 1899): 311–19; and James Klotter, “The Black South and White Appalachia,” Journal of American History 66, no. 4 (March 1980): 832–49, esp. 840, 845. For less flattering portrayals, see Will Wallace Harvey, “A Strange Land and Peculiar People,” Lippincott’s Magazine 12 (October 1873): 429–38, esp. 431. Others stressed their isolation in the mountains, cut off from modern commerce, as the cause of their shiftlessness, lawlessness, ignorance, and clanlike vendettas; see James Lane Allen, “Mountain Passes of the Cumberland (with Map),” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 81 (September 1890): 561–76, esp. 562. Allen also stressed their distinctive physiognomy—their time warp style of living—which gave them a “general listlessness,” angular bodies “without great muscular robustness,” and “voices monotonous in intonation”; see James Lane Allen, “Through the Cumberland Gap on Horseback,” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 73 (June 1886): 50–67, esp. 57.

36. Davis of Arkansas served from 1901 to 1913; Tillman, who also served as a senator, was first elected governor of South Carolina in 1890; Vardaman was Mississippi governor from 1904 to 1908, then senator from 1913 to 1919. See Stephen Kantrowitz, Ben Tillman and the Reconstruction of White Supremacy (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000); William F. Holmes, White Chief: James Kimball Vardaman (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1970); Albert D. Kirwan, Revolt of the Rednecks: Mississippi Politics, 1876–1925 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1951), 145–47, 152–53, 160–61. And on Jeff Davis, see Richard L. Niswonger, “A Study in Southern Demagoguery: Jeff Davis of Arkansas,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 39, no. 2 (Summer 1980): 114–24. For the story of the term “redneck” involving Guy Rencher, see “Mississippi Campaign Reaches Noisy Stage,” [New Orleans] Daily Picayune, July 11, 1911. For rednecks in the Mississippi swamps, see Hunt McCaleb, “The Drummer,” Daily Picayune, April 2, 1893. On rednecks in the Boer War, see “Dashing Sortie by British,” [Baltimore] Sun, December 11, 1899. One article noted that the Boers called the British and Americans “damned rednecks”; see “The News from Ladysmith,” New York Daily Tribune, November 2, 1899. On Guy Rencher, see Dunbar Rowland, The Official and Statistical Register of the State of Mississippi, 1908, vol. 2 (Nashville, 1908): 1156–57. On one of the earliest usages of “redneck” in Mississippi politics, on August 13, 1891, see Patrick Huber and Kathleen Drowne, “Redneck: A New Discovery,” American Speech 76, no. 4 (Winter 2001): 434–43. For the folk rhyme “I Would Rather Be a Negro Than a Poor White Man,” see Thomas W. Talley, Negro Folk Rhymes: Wise and Otherwise (New York, 1922), 43. For the dating of the rhyme, see Archie Green, “Hillbilly Music: Source and Symbol,” Journal of American Folklore 78, no. 309 (July–September 1965): 204–28, esp. 204.

37. On the “coon-flavored President,” see Biloxi Herald, April 22, 1903; “Vardaman at Scranton,” [New Orleans] Daily Picayune, June 24, 1903. For “coon-flavored miscegenationist,” see “Correspondence: A Mississippian on Vardaman,” Outlook, September 12, 1903; also see “Lynch Law, and Three Reasons for Its Rule,” [New Orleans] Times-Picayune, March 21, 1904; “Southern Democrats Berate President,” New York Times, October 19, 1901; J. Norrell, “When Teddy Roosevelt Invited Booker T. Washington to Dinner,” Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, no. 63 (Spring 2009): 70–74; and Dewey W. Grantham Jr., “Dinner at White House: Theodore Roosevelt, Booker T. Washington, and the South,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 17, no. 2 (June 1958): 112–30, esp. 114–18.

38. For Roosevelt’s comment on Vardaman’s “foul language” as “kennel filth which the foulest New York blackguard would not dare to use on the stump,” and his “unspeakable lowness,” see Theodore Roosevelt to Lyman Abbott, October 7, 1903, Theodore Roosevelt Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC. He voiced similar views in a letter to the muckraking journalist Ray Stannard Baker; see Roosevelt to Ray Stannard Baker, June 3, 1908, in The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, ed. Elting Morison, 8 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1951–54), 6:1046–48. For controversy over Vardaman’s dog insult, see “The Vardaman Campaign,” Macon Telegraph, August 31, 1903; “It Is Not Denied,” “And This Man Wants to Be Governor!,” The Biloxi Daily Herald, July 31, August 5, 1903; and two untitled articles in The Biloxi Daily Herald, July 22, August 1, 1903; “Vardaman Wrote It,” New York Times, August 16, 1904.

39. On rednecks and hillbillies, see “Vardaman, the Saint,” [Gulfport, MS] Daily Herald, March 3, 1911. On “dirty” democracy and the people, see “Vardaman at Scranton,” [New Orleans] Daily Picayune, June 24, 1903. On Vardaman as a “medicine man,” see William Alexander Percy, Lanterns on the Levee: Recollections of a Planter’s Son (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1973; originally published 1941), 143.

40. See John M. Mecklin, “Vardamanism,” Independent (August 31, 1911): 461–63. On the symbolic meaning of the “cracker cart” or “critter-kyarts” as the cracker’s usual form of transportation, see “Work Among the ‘Poor Whites,’ or ‘Crackers,’” Friends’ Review (March 22, 1888): 532–33. For an Afro-American newspaper’s pointed criticism of Vardaman’s racism, see “That Devilish Old Vardaman,” Topeka Plaindealer, August 15, 1913. On the problem of poor white illiteracy in Mississippi, see S. A. Steel, “A School in the Sticks: Problem of White Illiteracy,” Zion’s Herald, December 30, 1903; and “Governor Vardaman on the Negro,” Current Literature 36, no. 3 (March 1904): 270–71. On the importance of pitting poor whites against blacks, see John Milton Cooper Jr., “Racism and Reform: A Review Essay,” Wisconsin Magazine of History 55, no. 2 (Winter 1971): 140–44; and Kirwan, Revolt of the Rednecks, 212.

41. Percy, Lanterns on the Levee, 148–49.

42. For accounts of Roosevelt’s visit and speech, see “President Denounces Rape and Lynching,” [Columbia, SC] State, October 26, 1905; “Gala Day in Little Rock. President on Race Problem,” Charlotte Daily Observer, October 26, 1905; “Twelve Doves of Peace Hover over Roosevelt,” Lexington Herald, October 26, 1905. On rebuking Davis, see “The President’s Most Important Speech,” Macon Telegraph, October 29, 1905; “Governor Jefferson Davis,” Morning Olympian, December 6, 1905; “Can’t Train with Roosevelt Now,” Fort Worth Telegram, December 6, 1905. For comment that Roosevelt avoided being shot by Vardaman, see “Vardaman Outwitted,” New York Times, November 1, 1905; and William B. Gatewood Jr., “Theodore Roosevelt and Arkansas, 1901–1912,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 32, no. 1 (Spring 1973): 3–24, esp. 18–19; also see Mrs. Wallace Lamar, “Roosevelt Wrongs His Mother’s Blood,” Macon Telegraph, October 26, 1905; and Henry Fowler Pringle, “Theodore Roosevelt and the South,” Virginia Quarterly Review 9, no. 1 (January 1933): 14–25.

43. On Roosevelt’s view of Washington’s educational project, see Theodore Roosevelt to L. J. Moore, February 5, 1900, in Morison, The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, 2:1169; Thomas G. Dyer, Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1980), 97.

44. Theodore Roosevelt to Cecil Arthur Spring-Rice, August 11, 1899, in Morison, The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, 2:1053; Roosevelt, “The World Movement,” in The Works of Theodore Roosevelt, ed. Herman Hagdorn (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1924), 14:258–85; Dyer, Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race, 39, 42, 64, 148; also see David H. Burton, “The Influence of the American West on the Imperialist Philosophy of Theodore Roosevelt,” Arizona and the West 4, no. 1 (Spring 1962): 5–26, esp. 10–11, 16.

45. Roosevelt, of course, wrote an account of his Amazon expedition; see Theodore Roosevelt, Through the Brazilian Wilderness (New York, 1914). For a detailed account of his trip, see Candice Millard, River of Doubt: Theodore Roosevelt’s Darkest Journey (New York: Doubleday, 2005). And for the best discussion of Roosevelt’s rugged masculinity, see Gail Bederman, Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880–1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 170–215.

46. On the composition of the Rough Riders, see Gary Gerstle, “Theodore Roosevelt and the Divided Character of American Nationalism,” Journal of American History 86, no. 3 (December 1999): 1280–1307, esp. 1282–83, 1286–87.

47. Frederic Remington, “Cracker Cowboys of Florida,” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 91, no. 543 (August 1895): 339–46, esp. 339, 341–42, 344; for a similar portrait, see “Florida Crackers and Cowboys,” [San Francisco] Daily Evening Bulletin, May 5, 1883.

48. Theodore Roosevelt to Owen Wister, April 27, 1906, The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, 5:226–28; “Br’er Vardaman,” Biloxi Herald, January 21, 1902.

49. Roosevelt took the concept of “race suicide” from University of Wisconsin professor Edward Ross; see Theodore Roosevelt to Marie Van Horst, October 18, 1902. This letter became the “famous race suicide letter,” and was reprinted as the introduction to Van Horst’s book The Woman Who Toils (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1903); also see Theodore Roosevelt, “On American Motherhood,” March 13, 1905, speech given before the National Congress of Mothers, in [Supplemental] A Compilation of the Messages and Speeches of Theodore Roosevelt, 1901–1905, ed. Alfred Henry Lewis, vol. 1 (Washington, DC: Bureau of National Literature and Art, 1906), 576–81; Dyer, Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race, 15, 147, 152–55, 157; Laura L. Lovett, Conceiving the Future: Pronatalism, Reproduction, and the Family in the United States, 1890–1938 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 91–95. The majority of fearmongers who worried about “race suicide” never based their claims on statistical data; see Miriam King and Steven Ruggles, “American Immigration, Fertility, and Race Suicide at the Turn of the Century,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 20, no. 3 (Winter 1990): 347–69, esp. 368–69.

50. Report of the Eugenics Section of the American Breeders’ Association, in Harry H. Laughlin, Scope of the Committee’s Work, Eugenics Record Office Bulletin, No. 10A (Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island, NY), 16, as quoted in Julius Paul, “Population ‘Quantity’ and ‘Fitness for Parenthood’ in the Light of State Eugenic Sterilization Experience, 1907–1966,” Population Studies 21, no. 3 (November 1967): 295–99, esp. 295; also see Theodore Roosevelt to Charles Davenport, January 3, 1913, Charles Benedict Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia (Digital Library, #1487); and Theodore Roosevelt, “Twisted Eugenics,” Outlook (January 3, 1914): 30–34; Dyer, Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race, 158–60.

51. For his criticism of the new income tax and for his other proposals for mothers, see Theodore Roosevelt, “A Premium on Race Suicide,” Outlook (September 27, 1913); Roosevelt also supported the idea of a “very high tax on the celibate and childless”; see Kathleen Dalton, Theodore Roosevelt: A Strenuous Life (New York: Vintage Books, 2004), 312; also see “Mother’s Pensions in America,” Journal of the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology 9, no. 1 (May 1918): 138–40, esp. 139. On “fit” mothers, see Jessica Toft and Laura S. Abrams, “Progressive Maternalist and the Citizenship Status of Low-Income Single Mothers,” Social Science Review 78, no. 3 (September 2004): 447–65, esp. 460. Some jurists saw the pensions as working similarly to eugenics, preventing “the child’s poverty” from reaching a “menacing state”; see Susan Sterett, “Serving the State: Constitutionalism and Social Spending, 1860s–1920s,” Law and Social Inquiry 22, no. 2 (Spring 1997): 311–56, esp. 344.

52. “Eugenic Mania,” Pacific Medical Journal (October 1, 1915): 599–602; Steven Selden, “Transforming Better Babies into Fitter Families: Archival Resources and the History of the American Eugenics Movement, 1908–1930,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 149, no. 2 (June 2005): 199–225; Daniel J. Kelves, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity (New York: Knopf, 1985), 59–62, 91–92; Matthew J. Lindsay, “Reproducing a Fit Citizenry: Dependency, Eugenics, and the Law of Marriage in the United States, 1860–1920,” Law and Social Inquiry 23, no. 3 (Summer 1998): 541–85; Mark A. Largent, Breeding Contempt: The History of Coerced Sterilization in the United States (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2008), 13–95.

53. Kelves, In the Name of Eugenics, 44–46, 103; Anne Maxwell, Picture Imperfect: Photography and Eugenics, 1870–1940 (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2008), 111; Matthew Frye Jacobson, Barbarian Virtues: The United States Encounters Foreign Peoples at Home and Abroad, 1876–1917 (New York: Hill & Wang, 2000), 157–58; Jan A. Witkowski, “Charles Benedict Davenport, 1866–1944,” in Davenport’s Dream: 21st Century Reflections on Heredity and Eugenics, eds. Jan. A Witkowski and John R. Inglis (Cold Spring Harbor, NY: Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory Press, 2008), 47–48; Barbara A. Kimmelman, “The American Breeders’ Association: Genetics and Eugenics in an Agricultural Context, 1903–13,” Social Studies Science 13, no. 2 (May 1983): 163–204.

54. Davenport wrote his brother in 1924 that if immigrants were allowed to overrun the country, in two hundred years New York and the North would be transformed into Mississippi. Here he used southern backwardness as his model for the menace of foreign immigration. See Charles Davenport to William Davenport, February 11, 1924, Box 33, Charles Benedict Davenport Papers, 1876–1946, American Philosophical Society, as cited in Kelves, In the Name of Eugenics, 94. He saw the failure to segregate the sexes in the poorhouse as primarily a southern problem; see Davenport, Heredity in Relation to Eugenics (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1911), 67, 70–71, 74, 182, 200. On Mississippi, see Edward J. Larson, Sex, Race, and Science: Eugenics in the Deep South (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 81, 92. Davenport wanted to use the U.S. Census to collect data on human bloodlines and use that information to identify in each county the “centers of feeblemindedness and crime and know who each hovel brings forth”; see Davenport, Heredity in Relation to Eugenics, 1, 80–82, 87–90, 211–12, 233–34, 248–49, 255, 268. Eugenicist and sociologist Edward Ross (who coined the term “race suicide”) also believed that migration to the city produced a different and better breed. He argued that long-skulled people moved to the city, while the broad-skulled and mentally inferior stayed in the countryside; see Edward Ross, Foundations of Sociology (New York, 1905), 364.

55. On Davenport’s reference to women with big hips, and for a reference to horse breeding, see Heredity in Relation to Eugenics, 1, 7–8. For Alexander Graham Bell’s argument at the Fourth Annual Convention of the American Breeders’ Association, see “Close Divorce Doors If Any Children. Prof. Alexander Graham Bell Considers Plan to Produce Better Men and Women,” New York Times, January 30, 1908; W. E. D. Stokes, The Right to Be Well Born, or Horse Breeding in Its Relations to Eugenics (New York, 1917), 8, 74, 76, 199, 256; also see “W. E. D. Stokes on Eugenics,” Eugenical News 2, no. 2 (February 1917): 13. On the focus on “human thoroughbreds” and the “unborn,” also see “A Perfect Race of Men: According to Prof. Kellar the Success of Eugenics Depends on Rules Made by Custom,” New York Times, September 27, 1908. It was Mary Harriman’s daughter, also named Mary, both a student of eugenics and a horse lover, who encouraged her mother to donate money to Davenport’s Eugenics Record Office. Her brother William Averell Harriman was a horse breeder, and the daughter Mary also bred cattle. See Persia Campbell, “Mary Harriman Rumsey,” Notable American Women, 1607–1950: A Biographical Dictionary, vol. 1, eds. Edward T. James, Janet Wilson James, and Paul Boyer (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1971): 208–9.

56. A Michigan legislator proposed a measure for killing by electricity children considered hopeless cases; see S. T. Samock, “Shall We Kill the Feeble-Minded?,” Health (August 1903): 258–59. W. Duncan McKim, M.D., Ph.D., called for a method of elimination of the very weak and very vicious by carbonic acid gas asphyxiation in his Heredity and Human Progress (New York, 1900), 188–93. On executing the grandfather, see Kelves, In the Name of Eugenics, 92. For a similar argument that degeneracy should be stopped at the grandfather, see John N. Hurty, M.D., “Practical Eugenics,” Journal of Nursing 12, no. 5 (February 1912): 450–53. On sterilization laws and categories, see Paul, “Population ‘Quantity’ and ‘Fitness for Parenthood,’” 296; and Paul Popenoe, “The Progress of Eugenic Sterilization,” Journal of Heredity 25, no. 1 (January 1934): 19–27, esp. 20. On Taussig, see Thomas C. Leonard, “Retrospectives: Eugenics and Economics in the Progressive Era,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 19, no. 4 (Autumn 1905): 207–24, esp. 214.

57. For examples of the argument that whites, especially white women, had an instinctual aversion to blacks, see an article by the chancellor of the University of Georgia, Walter B. Hill, “Uncle Tom Without a Cabin,” Century Magazine 27, no. 6 (1884): 862; Reverend William H. Campbell’s book, Anthropology for the People: A Refutation of the Theory of the Adamic Origins of All Races (Richmond, 1891), 269; “The Color Line,” New York Globe, June 1883; “Race Amalgamation,” American Economic Association. Publications (August 1896): 180; and “The Psychology of the Race Question,” Independent (August 13, 1903): 1939–40; Ellen Barret Ligon, M.D., “The White Woman and the Negro,” Good Housekeeping (November 1903): 426–29, esp. 428; and Mencke, Mulattoes and Race Mixture, 105, 107–8; also see Stokes, The Right to Be Well Born, 86, 222–24, 230. On checking husbands before marriage, see Mrs. John A. Logan, “Inheritance, Mental and Physical,” Philadelphia Inquirer, April 24, 1904. On eugenic marriages, see “Wants to Be a Eugenic Bride,” New York Times, November 3, 1913. On a novel about eugenic marriage (Courtship Under Contract: The Science of Selection), see “Book Reviews,” Health (February 1911): 43. On a eugenic school for female orphans in Louisiana, see “Quits Society for Eugenics,” New York Times, August 29, 1913. On a eugenic registry, see “Superman a Being of Nervous Force . . . Eugenic Registry Plan Would Develop a Race of Human Thoroughbreds, It Is Argued—Elimination of the Unfit,” New York Times, January 11, 1914; and Selden, “Transforming Better Babies into Fitter Families,” 206–7, 210–12. On the important role of women in the eugenics movement, see Edward J. Larson, “‘In the Finest, Most Womanly Way’: Women in the Southern Eugenics Movement,” American Journal of Legal History 39, no. 2 (April 1995): 119–47.

58. By 1928, nearly four hundred colleges and universities were offering eugenics courses; see Steven Selden, Inheriting Shame: The Story of Eugenics and Racism in America (New York: Teachers College Press, 1999), 49. Goddard classified morons as having the mental age from eight to twelve; see Henry H. Goddard, “Four-Hundred Feeble-Minded Children Classified by the Binet Method,” Journal of Psycho-Asthenics 15, no. 1–2 (September and December, 1910): 17–30, esp. 26–27. On the moron and sexual deviance, see Edwin T. Brewster, “A Scientific Study of Fools,” McClure’s Magazine 39, no. 3 (July 1912): 328–34. On the fecundity of feebleminded women, see “The Unfit,” Medical Record (March 4, 1911): 399–400; and Martin W. Barr, M.D., “The Feebleminded a Sociological Problem,” Alienist and Neurologist (August 1, 1913): 302–5. On feebleminded girls as a menace to society, see “The Menace of the Feebleminded,” Colman’s Rural World (June 25, 1914): 8. On female morons becoming prostitutes or slovenly housekeepers with hordes of children, see George S. Bliss, M.D., “Diagnosis of Feebleminded Individuals,” Alienist and Neurologist (January 1, 1918): 17–23; also see Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics, 77, 107; Davenport, Heredity in Relation to Eugenics, 233–43; and Wendy Kline, Building a Better Race: Gender, Sexuality, and Eugenics from the Turn of the Century to the Baby Boom (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 20–29.

59. On the continuing fears of miscegenation, see William Benjamin Smith, The Color Line: A Brief in Behalf of the Unborn (New York, 1905), 5, 8, 11–14, 17–18, 74; Robert W. Shufeldt, M.D., The Negro: A Menace to American Civilization (Boston, 1907), 73–74, 77–78, 103–4, 131. Between 1907 and 1921, Congress proposed twenty-one bills against miscegenation; see Robinson, Dangerous Liaisons, 82.

60. For Goddard using the same metaphors as Reconstruction writers for white trash, see Henry Herbert Goddard, The Kallikak Family: A Study in the Heredity of Feeble-Mindedness (New York, 1912), 66, 71–72. On reducing taxpayers’ burden, an argument used in Indiana, which passed one of the first sterilization laws in 1907, see “Feeble-Minded Women,” Duluth News Tribune, March 12, 1904; Davenport, Heredity in Relation to Eugenics, 259; Kline, Building a Better Race, 49, 53; Kelves, In the Name of Eugenics, 72. On morons as needed for manual laborers, see Lewis M. Terman, The Measurement of Intelligence (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1916), 91. This was the argument of Albert Priddy, superintendent of the asylum involved in the Buck v. Bell case; see Gregory Michael Dorr, Segregation’s Science: Eugenics and Society in Virginia (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008), 132.

61. On the Chamberlain-Kahn Bill passed by Congress in 1918, for detaining suspected prostitutes, see Kristin Luker, “Sex, Social Hygiene, and the State: The Double-Edged Sword of Social Reform,” Theory and Society 27, no. 5 (October 1998): 601–34, esp. 618–23; Christopher Capozzola, “The Only Badge Needed Is Your Patriotic Fervor: Vigilance, Coercion, and the Law in World War I America,” Journal of American History 88, no. 4 (March 2002): 1354–82, esp. 1370–73; Kline, Building a Better Race, 46–47; Aine Collier, The Humble Little Condom: A History (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 2007), 185, 187. On the draft, see Jeanette Keith, Rich Man’s War, Poor Man’s Fight: Race, Class and Power in the Rural South During the First World War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 43, 70–71, 73–75.

62. On the army filled with morons, and calls for intelligence tests for voting, see “Are We Ruled by Morons?,” Current Opinion 72, no. 4 (April 1922): 438–40. For southern poor whites and blacks receiving lower scores, especially those from the Deep South, see M. F. Ashley Montagu, “Intelligence of Northern Negroes and Southern Whites in the First World War,” American Journal of Psychology 58, no. 2 (April 1945): 161–88, esp. 165–67, 185–86; also see Daniel J. Kevles, “Testing the Army’s Intelligence: Psychologists and the Military in World War I,” Journal of American History 55, no. 3 (December 1968): 565–81, esp. 576; Dorr, Segregation’s Science, 110; and James D. Watson, “Genes and Politics,” in Witkowski and Inglis, Davenport’s Dream, 11.

63. Hookworm was identified as the reason for stunted bodies among World War I draftees; see M. W. Ireland, Albert Love, and Charles Davenport, Defects Found in Drafted Men: Statistical Information Compiled from the Draft Records (Washington, DC, 1919), 34, 265. For clay-eating as a white trash addiction, see (the ironically titled) “They Eat Clay and Grow Fat,” Philadelphia Inquirer, November 26, 1895; and “The Clay Eaters,” Fort Worth Register, January 12, 1897. On hookworm and stunted bodies, see Marion Hamilton Carter, “The Vampires of the South,” McClure’s Magazine 33, no. 6 (October 1909): 617–31; J. L. Nicholson, M.D., and Watson S. Rankin, M.D., “Uncinariasis as Seen in North Carolina,” Medical News (November 19, 1904): 978–87; H. F. Harris, “Uncinariasis; Its Frequency and Importance in the Southern States,” Atlanta Journal-Record of Medicine, June 1, 1903; “Uncinariasis, the Cause of Laziness,” Zion’s Herald, December 10, 1902; “The Passing of the Po’ ‘White Trash’: The Rockefeller Commission’s Successful Fight Against Hookworm Disease,” Hampton-Columbia Magazine, November 1, 1911. On white trash diseases, see James O. Breeden, “Disease as a Factor in Southern Distinctiveness,” and Elizabeth W. Etheridge, “Pellagra: An Unappreciated Reminder of Southern Distinctiveness,” in Disease and Distinctiveness in the American South, eds. Todd L. Savitt and James Harvey Young (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988), 1–28, 100–19, esp. 14–15, 104. On the army’s discovery that southern recruits had a “poorer degree of physical development,” see Natalie J. Ring, The Problem of the South: Region, Empire, and the New Liberal State, 1880–1930 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2012), 79.

64. See S. A. Hamilton, “The New Race Question in the South,” Arena 27, no. 4 (April 1902): 352–58; also see “Science and Discovery: The Coming War on Hookworm,” Current Literature 17, no. 6 (December 1909): 676–80; E. J. Edwards, “The Fight to Save 2,000,000 Lives from Hookworm,” New York Times, August 28, 1910; John Ettling, The Germ of Laziness: Rockefeller Philanthropy and Public Health in the New South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981); Andrew Sledd, “Illiteracy in the South,” Independent, October 17, 1901, 2471–74; Richard Edmonds, “The South’s Industrial Task: A Plea for Technical Training of Poor White Boys,” an address before the Annual Convention of Southern Cotton Spinners’ Association at Atlanta, November 14, 1901 (Atlanta, 1901). On education and reforming poor whites, see Bruce Clayton, The Savage Ideal: Intolerance and Intellectual Leadership in the South, 1890–1914 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972), 114–15, 119, 140. On millwork endangering white women and children, see Elbert Hubbard, “White Slavery in the South,” Philistine (May 1902): 161–78; “Child Labor in the South,” Ohio Farmer (February 3, 1906): 121; Louise Markscheffel, “The Right of the Child Not to Be Born,” Arena 36, no. 201 (August 1906): 125–27; Owen R. Lovejoy, assistant secretary of the National Child Labor Committee, “Child Labor and Family Disintegration,” Independent (September 27, 1906): 748–50. On tenant farmers as the new vagrants, see Frank Tannenbaum, Darker Phases of the South (New York, 1924), 131–35; also see Ring, The Problem of the South, 25–26, 62–63, 121, 125–26, 135–36. The poor whites were also a greater target because blacks had been disenfranchised in many southern states. The uneducated cracker still had political power, which many elite southerners found troubling. See Charles H. Holden, In the Great Maelstrom: Conservatives in Post–Civil War South Carolina (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 65, 80.

65. Dorr, Segregation’s Science, 122–23, 129, 132; Paul Lombardo, “Three Generations, No Imbeciles: New Light on Buck v. Bell,” New York University Law Review 60, no. 1 (April 1965): 30–60, esp. 37, 45–50.

66. See David Starr Jordan and Harvey Ernest Jordan, War’s Aftermath: A Preliminary Study of the Eugenics of War as Illustrated by the Civil War of the United States and the Late Wars in the Balkans (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), 63; Dorr, Segregation’s Science, 54–55, 57, 59, 62, 65; Gregory Michael Dorr, “Assuring America’s Place in the Sun: Ivey Foreman Lewis and the Teaching of Eugenics at the University of Virginia, 1915–1953,” Journal of Southern History 66, no. 2 (May 2000): 257–96, esp. 264–65.

67. In addition to focusing on their immoral sexual relations and high fecundity, he emphasized how most of their teachers ranked the children as “feebleminded,” “stupid,” and “hopeless.” He also delineated the degree of inbreeding, mostly second cousins mating and marrying. He identified four “fountain heads,” or male progenitors; one was Joseph Brown, a white man, who married a full-blooded Indian. He described their “stock” as better than if not equal to the common whites of Virginia. The Wins themselves recognized those of pure white blood as having “clar blood.” See Arthur H. Estabrook and Ivan E. M. McDougle, Mongrel Virginians: The Win Tribe (Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins Company, 1926), 13–14, 23, 119, 125, 145–46, 154–57, 160–66, 181, 203–5.

68. Estabrook included in his book a copy of the 1924 proposed law and an explanation of it; see Estabrook, Mongrel Virginians, 203–5. Virginia’s 1924 Racial Integrity Act also had the “Pocahontas exception” that protected elite families (descendants of John Rolfe) from being considered racially tainted; see Richard B. Sherman, “‘The Last Stand’: The Fight for Racial Integrity in Virginia in the 1920s,” Journal of Southern History 54, no. 1 (February 1988): 69–92, esp. 78; Dorr, Segregation’s Science, 145–46.

69. On the law prohibiting the mixing of blacks and whites in public venues, see Sherman, “‘The Last Stand,’” esp. 83–84. For the opinion of Chief Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, see Buck v. Bell, 274 U.S. 200 (1927), 208.

70. Harry Laughlin used Albert Priddy’s words in his disposition for the 1924 trial when he described the Buck family as “belong[ing] to the shiftless, ignorant, and worthless class of anti-social whites of the South.” In 1914, in a report to the governor, Priddy had defended sterilization for the feeble-minded by equating heredity defects with antisocial behavior (crime, prostitution, drunkenness) among the “non-producing and shiftless persons, living on public and private charity.” See Lombardo, “Three Generations, No Imbeciles,” 37, 49–50, 54; Dorr, Segregation’s Science, 129–30, 132, 134. Eugenic promoters published the court’s decision to justify the expansion of sterilization; see Popenoe, “The Progress of Eugenic Sterilization,” 23–26. For Carrie Buck’s pedigree chart, used in the trial, see “Most Immediate Blood-Kin of Carrie Buck. Showing Illegitimacy and Hereditary Feeblemindedness” (circa 1925), the Harry H. Laughlin Papers, Truman State University, Lantern Slides, Brown Box, 1307, accessed from Image Archive on the American Eugenics Movement, Dolan DNA Center, Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory (#1013), http://www.eugenicsarchive.org.

71. Lewis M. Terman dismissed the influence of environment and saw class as an accurate outcome of hereditary ability. He wrote, “Common observation would itself suggest that social class to which the family belongs depends less on chance than on the parents’ native qualities of intellect and character.” For his class arguments, see Terman, The Measurement of Intelligence, 72, 96, 115. Terman worried more about the low birthrates among the talented class, and doing everything possible to increase this class; see Lewis Madison Terman, “Were We Born That Way?,” The World’s Work 44 (May–October 1922): 655–60. Terman’s intelligence scale was more elitist; he grouped the most severely mentally deficient into one category of the “intellectually feeble,” and then used borderline, inferior, average, superior, very superior, select, very select, and genius. It was the top of the scale that mattered most to him; see Terman, “The Binet Scale and the Diagnosis of Feeble-Mindedness,” Journal of the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology 7, no. 4 (November 1916): 530–43, esp. 541–42; also see Mary K. Coffey, “The American Adonis: A Natural History of the ‘Average American’ Man, 1921–32,” in Popular Eugenics: National Efficiency and American Mass Culture in the 1930s, eds. Susan Currell and Christina Cogdell (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2006), 185–216, esp. 186–87, 196, 198. Other eugenicists like popular lecturer Albert E. Wiggam feared that if intelligent and beautiful women (as if those traits were united in one class) did not breed, “the next generation will be both homely and dumb”; see R. le Clerc Phillips, “Cracks in the Upper Crust,” Independent (May 29, 1926): 633–36.

72. On C. W. Saleeby and his new book Woman on Womanhood, see “Urging Women to Lift the Race,” New York Times, November 19, 1911; for a satire of eugenic feminism, of women running down men, replacing marriage for love with the “cold-blooded selection” of the best based on “scientific propagation,” see Robert W. Chambers, “Pro Bono Publico: Further Developments in the Eugenist Suffragette Campaign,” Hampton’s Magazine (July 1, 1911): 19–30; and William McDougall, National Welfare and Decay (London, 1921), 9–25. McDougall did a similar study comparing the intellectual capacity of English private schools (children of educated elite) and primary schools (children of shopkeepers and artisans) and arrived at the same conclusion as Terman: there was a marked superiority of the children of the educated elite. See Reverend W. R. Inge, “Is Our Race Degenerating?,” The Living Age (January 15, 1927): 143–54.

73. Steven Noll, Feeble-Minded in Our Midst: Institutions for the Mentally Retarded in the South, 1900–1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 71. For the importance of targeting delinquent white girls of the poorer class for sterilization in North Carolina in the 1920s, see Karen L. Zipf, Bad Girls at Samarcand: Sexuality and Sterilization in a Southern Juvenile Reformatory (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2016), 3, 66–67, 73, 83–84, 150–52, 154.

74. See Sherwood Anderson, Poor White (New York: B. W. Huebsch, Inc., 1920), 3–8, 11–14, 18; Stephen C. Enniss, “Alienation and Affirmation: The Divided Self in Sherwood Anderson’s ‘Poor White,’” South Atlantic Review 55, no. 2 (May 1990): 85–99; Welford Dunaway Taylor and Charles E. Modlin, eds., Southern Odyssey: Selected Writings of Sherwood Anderson (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997); and on Anderson’s focus on people building walls, often class barriers, see Percy H. Boynton, “Sherwood Anderson,” North American Review 224, no. 834 (March–May 1927): 140–50, esp. 148.

75. Anderson, Poor White, 29, 43, 55, 56, 62, 72, 80, 118–21, 127–28, 156, 169, 171–72, 190–91, 227–28, 230–31, 253–54, 299.

76. Ibid., 136, 260, 271, 277, 332, 342, 345, 357, 367–71.

77. For the idea of “childish impotence,” “arrested development of the social class,” “spiritual stagnation,” and that the South had “buried its Anglo-Saxons,” see Tannenbaum, Darker Phases of the South, 39–42, 56, 70, 117–19, 183; William Garrott Brown, Lower South in American History (New York, 1902), 266; Edgar Gardner Murphy, The Problems of the Present South (New York, 1909), 123; also see Ring, The Problem of the South, 139, 148, 152. Ira Caldwell published a five-part series in 1929 for Eugenics: A Journal of Race Betterment on a poor white family that he called “The Bunglers.” It was his own family study in the tradition of The Jukes. See Ashley Craig Lancaster, “Weeding out the Recessive Gene: Representations of the Evolving Eugenics Movement in Erskine Caldwell’s ‘God’s Little Acre,’” Southern Literary Journal 39, no. 2 (Spring 2007): 78–99, esp. 81.

78. Erskine Caldwell, The Bastard (New York, 1929), 13–14, 16, 21, 28.

79. Ibid., 21–23, 141–42, 145–46, 165–66, 170, 175, 177, 198–99.

80. For articles debating aristocracy, see Robert N. Reeves, “Our Aristocracy,” American Magazine of Civics (January 1896): 23–29; Harry Thurston Peck, “The New American Aristocracy,” The Cosmopolitan (October 1898): 701–9; Harry Thurston Peck, “The Basis for an American Aristocracy,” Independent (December 22, 1898): 1842–45; “Is America Heading for Aristocracy?,” The Living Age (September 21, 1907): 757–60; Charles Ferguson, “A Democratic Aristocracy,” The Bookman: A Review of Books and Life (October 1917): 147–48. In favor of an aristocracy of talent, see James Southall Wilson, “The Future of Aristocracy in America,” North American Review (January 1932), 34–40. And for an inbred civil servant class, see James Edward Dunning, “An Aristocracy of Government in America,” Forum (June 1910): 567–80. There were also critics of creating this master class; see “Modern Biology as the Enemy of Democracy,” Current Opinion 49, no. 3 (September 1920): 346–47; on the new power of science and expertise, see JoAnne Brown, The Definition of a Profession: The Authority of Metaphor in the History of Intelligence Testing, 1900–1930 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 41.

81. On the flapper, see Corra Harris, Flapper Anne (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1926). It was serialized in Ladies’ Home Journal in 1925; see Betsy Lee Nies, Eugenic Fantasies: Racial Ideology and the Literature and Popular Culture of the 1920s (New York: Routledge, 2010), 41.

Chapter Nine: Forgotten Men and Poor Folk: Downward Mobility and the Great Depression

1. David M. Kennedy, The American People in the Great Depression: Freedom from Fear: Part I (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 86–87, 89.

2. See U.S. National Emergency Council, Report on Economic Conditions in the South. Prepared for the President by the National Emergency Council (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1938), 1; Will W. Alexander, “Rural Resettlement,” Southern Review 1, no. 3 (Winter 1936): 528–39, esp. 529, 532, 535, 538. As another expert explained, rural rehabilitation did not mean a return to the status quo, but giving farmers the means to sustain and improve their standard of living; see Joseph W. Eaton, Exploring Tomorrow’s Agriculture: Co-Operative Group Farming—A Practical Program of Rural Rehabilitation (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1943), 4–7.

3. Matthew J. Mancini, One Dies, Get Another: Convict Leasing in the American South, 1866–1928 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1996), 2–3, 23, 37–38; Edward L. Ayers, Vengeance and Justice: Crime and Punishment in the Nineteenth-Century American South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 185–222.

4. Robert E. Burns, I Am a Fugitive from a Georgia Chain Gang, foreword by Matthew J. Mancini (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997), vi–ix. By 1932, nearly a third of the population of convicts were white, a tripling since 1908; see Alex Lichtenstein, “Chain Gangs, Communism, and the ‘Negro Question’: John L. Spivak’s Georgia Nigger,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 79, no. 3 (Fall 1995): 633–58, esp. 641–42.

5. On Warner Brothers, see Andrew Bergman, We’re in the Money: Depression America and Its Films (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1971), 92.

6. Lewis W. Hine, Men at Work: Photographic Studies of Modern Men and Machines (New York, 1932), frontispiece; also see Kate Sampsell Willmann, “Lewis Hine, Ellis Island, and Pragmatism: Photographs as Lived Experience,” Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 2 (April 2008): 221–52, esp. 221–22.

7. Amity Shlaes, The Forgotten Man: A New History of the Great Depression (New York: Harper Perennial, 2008), 129; Roger Daniels, The Bonus March: An Episode of the Great Depression (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1971); John Dos Passos, “The Veterans Come Home to Roost,” New Republic (June 29, 1932): 177–78. One account noted that there were a large number of farmers; see Mauritz A. Haligren, “The Bonus Army Scares Mr. Hoover,” Nation 135 (July 27, 1932): 73. On burning the shantytown, see “The Bonus Army Incident,” New York Times, September 16, 1932. On the reaction to Hoover calling Bonus Army men criminals, see Harold N. Denny, “Hoover B.E.F. Attack Stirs Legion Anew,” New York Times, September 13, 1932; John Henry Bartlett, The Bonus March and the New Deal (Chicago: M. A. Donohue & Co., 1937), 13; and Donald J. Lisio, “A Blunder Becomes a Catastrophe: Hoover, the Legion, and the Bonus Army,” Wisconsin Magazine of History 51, no. 1 (Autumn 1967): 37–50.

8. Charles R. Walker, “Relief and Revolution,” Forum and Century 88 (August 1932): 73–79.

9. Edward Newhouse, You Can’t Sleep Here (New York: Macaulay, 1934), 103–4, 112.

10. On thirties writers, see David P. Peeler, Hope Among Us Yet: Social Criticism and Social Solace in Depression America (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1987), 167–68, 171; Tom Kromer, Waiting for Nothing (New York, 1935), 186; and Arthur M. Lamport, “The New Era Is Dead—Long Live the New Deal,” Banker’s Magazine (June 1933): 545–48.

11. See the photographs “The Flood Leaves Its Victims on the Bread Line” and “Tennessee Puts a Chain Gang on Its Levees,” Life 2, no. 7 (February 15, 1937): 9, 12–13.

12. “Muncie, Ind. Is the Great U.S. ‘Middletown’: And This Is the First Picture Essay of What It Looks Like,” Life 2 (May 10, 1937): 15–25; also see Sarah E. Igo, “From Main Street to Mainstream: Middletown, Muncie, and ‘Typical America,’” Indiana Magazine of History 101, no. 3 (September 2005): 239–66, esp. 244–45, 255, 259–60. As one writer noted, the popular understanding of the American standard of living was “mouthed about by everyone, but defined by none,” and at the “present time the American Standard of Living is probably nothing more than a set of values which the majority of people place on things they wish they had”; Elmer Leslie McDowell, “The American Standard of Living,” North American Review 237, no. 1 (January 1934): 71–75, esp. 72.

13. “The American Collapse,” The Living Age (December 1, 1929): 398–401; on the Egyptian tomb theme, see Virgil Jordan, “The Era of Mad Illusions,” North American Review (January 1930): 54–59.

14. See William Stott, Documentary Expression and Thirties America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973), 62–63, 67–68, 212. And on the importance of erosion to Roy Stryker’s photographic agenda, see Stuart Kidd, “Art, Politics and Erosion: Farm Security Administration Photographs of the Southern Land,” Revue française d’études américaines, rev. ed. (1986): 67–68; Arthur Rothstein, “Melting Snow, Utopia, Ohio,” February 1940, Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division, Washington, DC; and Peeler, Hope Among Us Yet, 148.

15. On waste, see Herbert J. Spinden, “Waters Flow, Winds Blow, Civilizations Die,” North American Review (Autumn 1937): 53–70; Russell Lord, “Behold Our Land,” North American Review (Autumn 1938): 118–32; on the chaotic groundswell, also see Russell Lord, “Back to the Land?,” Forum (February 1933): 97–103, esp. 99, 102. Spinden was an archeologist who specialized in Mayan art and was curator of American Indian art and culture at the Brooklyn Museum from 1929 to 1951. See Regna Darnell and Frederic W. Gleach, eds., Celebrating a Century of the American Anthropological Association: Presidential Portraits (New York, 2002), 73–76. Dorothea Lange and Paul Taylor, An American Exodus: A Record of Human Erosion (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1939), 102. Engineer and WPA consultant David Cushman Coyle published a powerful little book titled Waste, which offered this statement in his opening chapter, “Mud”: “Wherever man touches this land, it breaks down and washes away. If he builds a cabin, the track to his door becomes a devouring gully. . . . This land shrinks and withers under the touch of man”; see Waste: The Fight to Save America (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1936), 5–6. He also had a chapter titled “Human Erosion,” and described working people “moving into the slums or into shacks built of rubbish—sliding down and down, at last to the relief line”; see ibid., 57. This little book became a key campaign tool in Roosevelt’s 1936 reelection campaign in Indiana; see James Philip Fadely, “Editors, Whistle Stops, and Elephants: The Presidential Campaign in Indiana,” Indiana Magazine of History 85, no. 2 (June 1989): 101–37, esp. 106.

16. See Carleton Beals, “Migs: America’s Shantytown on Wheels,” Forum and Century 99 (January 1938): 10–16, esp. 11–12; “‘I Wonder Where We Can Go Now,’” Fortune 19, no. 4 (April 1939): 91–100, esp. 91, 94; Paul Taylor, “The Migrants and California’s Future: The Trek to California and the Trek in California” [ca. 1935], in Taylor, On the Ground in the Thirties (Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith Books, 1983), 175–84, esp. 175–77, 179; Charles Poole, “John Steinbeck’s ‘The Grapes of Wrath,’” in “Books of the Month,” New York Times, April 14, 1939; “‘The Grapes of Wrath’: John Steinbeck Writes a Major Novel About Western Migrants,” Life 6, no. 23 (June 5, 1939): 66–67; Woody Guthrie, “Talking Dust Bowl Blues” (1940); Frank Eugene Cruz, “‘In Between a Past and Future Town’: Home, the Unhomely, and ‘The Grapes of Wrath,’” Steinbeck Review4, no. 2 (Fall 2007): 52–75, esp. 63, 73; Michael Denning, The Cultural Front: The Laboring of American Culture in the Twentieth Century (London: Verso, 1997), 259; Vivian C. Sobchack, “The Grapes of Wrath (1940): Thematic Emphasis Through Visual Style,” American Quarterly 31, no. 5 (Winter 1979): 596–615.

17. Paul K. Conkin, Tomorrow a New World: The New Deal Community Program (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1959), 26, 30; William H. Issel, “Ralph Borsodi and the Agrarian Response to Modern America,” Agricultural History 41, no. 2 (April 1967): 155–66; Ralph Borsodi, “Subsistence Homesteads: President Roosevelt’s New Land and Population Policy,” Survey Graphic 23 (January 1934): 11–14, 48, esp. 13; and Borsodi, “Dayton, Ohio, Makes Social History,” Nation 136 (April 19, 1933): 447–48, esp. 448. On Dayton, Ohio, also see John A. Piquet, “Return of the Wilderness,” North American Review (May 1934): 417–26, esp. 425–26; Charles Morrow Wilson, “American Peasants,” The Commonweal 19 (December 8, 1933): 147–49; and Pamela Webb, “By the Sweat of the Brow: The Back-to-the-Land Movement in Depression Arkansas,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 42, no. 4 (Winter 1983): 332–45, esp. 337.

18. Webb, “By the Sweat of the Brow,” 334. One observer concluded that “many of these would-be farmers are not farmers and most of them may be expected to return to city jobs when prosperity returns”; see W. Russell Taylor, “Recent Trends in City and County Population,” Journal of Land and Public Utility Economics 9, no. 1 (February 1933): 63–74, esp. 72.

19. Richard S. Krikendall, Social Scientists and Farm Politics in the Age of Roosevelt (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1982), 12–14; and M. L. Wilson, “The Fairway Farms Project,” Journal of Land and Public Utility Economics 2, no. 2 (April 1926): 156–71, esp. 156; Roy E. Huffman, “Montana’s Contributions to New Deal Farm Policy,” Agricultural History 33, no. 4 (October 1959): 164–67; also see “A Hope and a Homestead” (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1935), 6, 8–10; and M. L. Wilson, “The Subsistence Homestead Program,” Proceedings of the Institute of Public Affairs 8 (1934): 158–75.

20. M. L. Wilson, “A New Land-Use Program: The Place of Subsistence Homesteads,” Journal of Land and Public Utility Economics 10, no. 1 (February 1934): 1–12, esp. 6–8; Wilson, “Problem of Poverty in Agriculture,” Journal of Farm Economics 22, no. 1, Proceedings Number (February 1940): 10–29, esp. 20; Farm Tenancy: Report of the President’s Committee (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1937), 4.

21. Wilson, “A New Land-Use Program,” 2–3, 11–12; “A Hope and a Homestead,” 4; Farm Tenancy: Report of the President’s Committee, 5.

22. Arthur F. Raper, Preface to Peasantry: A Tale of Two Black Belt Counties (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1936), 61, 172, 218, 405; also see Rupert B. Vance, Human Factors in Cotton Culture: A Study in Social Geography of the American South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1929), 153, 248, 279; Farm Tenancy: Report of the President’s Committee, 3, 5–7, 9.

23. Harold Hoffsommer, “The AAA and the Cropper,” Social Forces 13, no. 4 (May 1935): 494–502, esp. 494–96, 501; Raper, Preface to Peasantry, 61, 75, 157–59, 173, 405; Vance, Human Factors in Cotton Culture, 161–62, 168, 201, 204, 215, 259, 307–8; Wilson, “A New Land-Use Program,” 9, 12; Wilson, “Problem of Poverty in Agriculture,” 14–17, 21; Wilson, “The Problem of Surplus Agricultural Population,” International Journal of Agrarian Affairs 1 (1939): 37–48, esp. 41–43; Wilson, “How New Deal Agencies Are Affecting Family Life,” Journal of Home Economics 27 (May 1935): 274–80, esp. 276–78.

24. Henry A. Wallace, “The Genetic Basis of Democracy” (February 12, 1939), in Henry A. Wallace, Democracy Reborn, ed. Russell Lord (New York: Reynal and Hitchcock, 1944), 155–56.

25. Wilson, “Problem of Poverty in Agriculture,” 20, 23, 28; Wallace, “Chapter VII: The Blessing of General Liberty,” in Whose Constitution? An Inquiry into the General Welfare (New York: Reynal and Hitchcock, 1936), 102–3.

26. John Corbin, “The New Deal and the Constitution,” Forum and Century 90, no. 2 (August 1933): 92–97, esp. 94–95; Wilson, “Problem of Poverty in Agriculture,” 17. Though he was the drama critic for the New York Times, Corbin spent four years studying history, which led to his biography of George Washington, Washington: Biographic Origins of the Republic (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1930); also see David M. Clark, “John Corbin: Dramatic Critic (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1976). For the importance of the word “readjustment,” see “President’s Address to the Farmers,” New York Times, May 15, 1935.

27. Wallace, “Chapter VIII: Soil and the General Welfare,” in Whose Constitution, 109, 115–17.

28. Wallace, “Chapter IX: Population and the General Welfare,” in Whose Constitution, 122–24, 126. The full quote from the film is, “Rich fellas come up an’ they die, an’ their kids ain’t no good and they die out, but we keep a-comin’. We’re the people that live. They can’t wipe us out, they can’t lick us. We’ll go on forever, Pa, cos we’re the people.” Steinbeck wrote, “We ain’t gonna die out. People is goin’ on—changin’ a little, maybe, but goin’ right on.” See The Grapes of Wrath (New York: Penguin, 2014), 423.

29. Conkin, Tomorrow a New World, 128–30, 142–45; Richard S. Kirkendall, Social Scientists and Farm Politics in the Age of Roosevelt (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1966); Kennedy, The American People in the Great Depression, 208–10; Fred C. Frey and T. Lynn Smith, “The Influence of the AAA Cotton Program upon the Tenant, Cropper, and Laborer,” Rural Sociology1, no. 4 (December 1936): 483–505, esp. 489, 500–501, 505; Warren C. Whatley, “Labor for the Picking: The New Deal in the South,” Journal of Economic History 43, no. 4 (December 1983): 905–29, esp. 909, 913–14, 924, 926–29; Jack T. Kirby, Rural Worlds Lost: The American South, 1920–1960 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987), 65–74; George Brown Tindall, The Emergence of the New South, 1913–1945 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1967), 409.

30. Kirkendall, Social Scientists and Farm Politics, 109–11; Sidney Baldwin, Poverty and Politics: The Rise and Decline of the Farm Security Administration (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968), 92–96, 117–19. On migratory workers, see Paul Taylor, “What Shall We Do with Them? Address Before the Commonwealth Club of California” (April 15, 1938); and “Migratory Agricultural Workers on the Pacific Coast” (April 1938), reprinted in Taylor, On the Ground in the Thirties, 203–20.

31. R. G. Tugwell, “Resettling America: A Fourfold Plan,” New York Times, July 28, 1935. For Tugwell’s criticism of Jefferson, see “‘Through Our Fault’ Is the Waste of Land,” Science New Letter 30, no. 800 (August 8, 1936), 85–86; Tugwell, “Behind the Farm Problem: Rural Poverty, Not the Tenancy System, but the Low Scale of Life, Says Tugwell, Is the Fundamental Question,” New York Times Magazine, January 10, 1937, 4–5, 22; and Rexford G. Tugwell, “The Resettlement Idea,” Agricultural History 33, no. 4 (October 1959): 159–64, esp. 160–61. On the unromantic portrait of farming, see Rexford G. Tugwell, Thomas Munro, and Roy E. Stryker, American Economic Life and the Means of Its Improvement (New York, 1930), 90; also see Baldwin, Poverty and Politics, 87–88, 105–6, 163–64.

32. Tugwell, “Behind the Farm Problem,” 22, and “The Resettlement Idea,” 162; Baldwin, Poverty and Politics, 111.

33. Baldwin, Poverty and Politics, 113–14; Roger Biles, The South and the New Deal (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1994), 64; Howard N. Mead, “Russell vs. Talmadge: Southern Politics and the New Deal,” Georgia Historical Review 65, no. 1 (Spring 1981): 28–45, esp. 36, 38, 42.

34. On “parlor pink,” see Paul Mallon, “Tugwell,” and in the same paper, see “Tugwellism,” [Steubenville, OH] Herald Star, June 13, 1934. On his “carefully-studied informality,” see “Tugwell Defends ‘New Deal’ Earnestly; Ignore Red Scare,” [Burlington, NC] Daily Times-News, April 24, 1934. On “a dream walking,” see “Tugwell Meets His Critics,” Oelwein [IA] Daily Register, June 11, 1934; also see “Sick of Propertied Czars at 24, Tugwell Homes Dreamy Economics,” Kansas City Star, August 31, 1936; and “Tugwell Named to Fill New Post,” New York Times, April 25, 1934.

35. On Huey Long’s hillbilly image, see James Rorty, “Callie Long’s Boy Huey,” Forum and Century, August 1935, 74–82, 126–27, esp. 75, 79–80, 127. On Long as a defender of “poor white trash,” see eulogies in “Friends Applaud Memory of Long in Senate Talks,” [New Orleans] Times-Picayune, January 23, 1936. For Long’s failure to help the poor in Louisiana, see Anthony J. Badger, “Huey Long and the New Deal,” New Deal/New South: An Anthony J. Badger Reader (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2007), 1–30, esp. 1, 5–7, 21–25. On Long’s rustic clown role, see J. Michael Hogan and Glen Williams, “The Rusticity and Religiosity of Huey P. Long,” Rhetoric and Public Affairs 7, no. 2 (Summer 2004): 149–171, esp. 151, 158–59. On politicians claiming to be one with the plowmen or “plain old country boy[s],” see Roger Butterfield, “The Folklore of Politics,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 74, no. 2 (April 1950): 164–77, esp. 165–66. On Ed “Cotton” Smith using Vardaman’s tricks, see Dan T. Carter, “Southern Political Style,” in The Age of Segregation: Race Relations in the South, 1890–1954, ed. Robert Haws (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1978), 45–67, esp. 51. On friends telling Tugwell to affect a homely democratic manner, see Arthur Krock, “In Washington: Senator Smith Certainly ‘Put On a Good Show,’” New York Times, June 12, 1934.

36. For the most vicious attack, see Blair Bolles, “The Sweetheart of the Regimenters: Dr. Tugwell Makes America Over,” American Mercury 39, no. 153 (September 1936): 77–86, esp. 84–85. On criticism of the New Deal, see “What Relief Did to Us,” American Mercury 38, no. 151 (July 1936): 274–83, esp. 283; H. L. Mencken, “The New Deal Mentality,” American Mercury 38, no. 149 (May 1936): 1–11. For endorsing eugenics over relief, see Mencken, “The Dole for Bogus Farmers,” American Mercury 39, no. 156 (December 1936): 400–407; also see Cedric B. Cowing, “H. L. Mencken: The Case of the ‘Curdled’ Progressive,” Ethics 69, no. 4 (July 1959): 255–67, esp. 262–63.

37. On Tugwell’s slogan “nothing is too good for these people,” see Rodney Dutcher, “Behind the Scenes in Washington,” [Biloxi, MS] Daily Herald, September 12, 1937. Bolles wrote another critical article on FDR as an extravagant spender; see “Our Uneconomic Royalist: The High Cost of Dr. Roosevelt,” American Mercury 43, no. 171 (March 1938): 265–69.

38. See “Mission of the New Deal by Rexford G. Tugwell,” New York Times, May 27, 1934; “Address Delivered at the National Conference of Social Work, Kansas City, May 21, 1934,” in Rexford Tugwell, The Battle for Democracy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1935), 319. Tugwell defended the theory of a flexible Constitution and the role of government mediating imbalances in class power; see “Design for Government” and “The Return to Democracy,” ibid., 12–13, 204–5; also see Simeon Strunsky, “Professor Tugwell Defines the Battle for Democracy,” New York Times, January 6, 1935.

39. For Tugwell’s defense of the loans, see Tugwell, “The Resettlement Idea,” 161. For the popularity of the program, see Tindall, The Emergence of the New South, 423–24; also see Eleanor Roosevelt, “Subsistence Farmsteads,” Forum and Century 91, no. 4 (April 1934): 199–202; Wesley Stout, “The New Homesteaders,” Saturday Evening Post 207, no. 5 (August 4, 1934): 5–7, 61–65, esp. 7, 64; and Conkin, Tomorrow a New World, 116–17.

40. For the impact of Arthurdale, see testimony of C. B. Baldwin in Congressional Committee on Non-Essential Services, May 18, 1943, 4307; also see Linda T. Austin, “Unrealized Expectations: Cumberland, the New Deal’s Only Homestead Project,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 68, no. 4 (Winter 2009): 433–50, esp. 443–44. On the Alabama communities, see Charles Kenneth Roberts, “New Deal Community-Building in the South: The Subsistence Homesteads Around Birmingham, Alabama,” Alabama Review 66, no. 2 (April 2013): 83–121, esp. 91, 95–96, 99, 102, 110, 114–16; and Jack House, “547 Homesteaders in District Now Enjoy More Abundant Life,” Birmingham News-Age Herald, May 9, 1943. I want to thank Charles Roberts for sending me this article.

41. For images of homesteader and plow, see Frank L. Kluckhorn, “Subsistence Homestead Idea Spreading,” New York Times, December 9, 1934; also see Carl Mydans, “Homestead, Penderlea, North Carolina” (August 1936), and Arthur Rothstein, “Plowing a Field at Palmerdale, Alabama. New Homestead in Background” (February 1937), Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division, FSA/OWI Collection, LC-USF33-T01-00717-M2, LC-USF34-005891-E; and Roberts, “New Deal Community-Building in the South,” 91.

42. On Penderlea, see Gordon Van Schaack, “Penderlea Homesteads: The Development of a Subsistence Homesteads Project,” Landscape Architecture (January 1935): 75–80, esp. 80. On the discontents of the residents, see Thomas Luke Manget, “Hugh MacRae and the Idea of the Farm City: Race, Class, and Conservation in the New South, 1905–1935” (M.A. thesis, Western Carolina University, 2012), 154–57; and Harold D. Lasswell, “Resettlement Communities: A Study of the Problems of Personalizing Administration” (1938), in Series II: Writings, Box 130, Folders 135–39, Harold Dwight Lasswell Papers, Yale University, New Haven, CT; Conkin, Tomorrow a New World, 290–91.

43. On the lack of a cooperative agricultural culture in the South, see Charles M. Smith, “Observations on Regional Differentials in Cooperative Organization,” Social Forces 22, no. 4 (May 1944): 437–42, esp. 437, 439, 442. On visitors to the Greenbelt town, see Gilbert A. Cam, “United States Government Activity in Low-Cost Housing, 1932–1938,” Journal of Political Economy 47, no. 3 (June 1939): 357–78, esp. 373. On prefabrication, see Greg Hise, “From Roadside Camps to Garden Homes: Housing and Community Planning for California’s Migrant Work Force, 1935–1941,” Perspectives in Vernacular 5 (1995): 243–58, esp. 243, 249; also see Conkin, Tomorrow a New World, 171–72; Philip K. Wagner, “Suburban Landscapes for Nuclear Families: The Case of the Greenbelt Towns in the United States,” Built Environment 10, no. 1 (1984): 35–41, esp. 41; and Will W. Alexander, “A Review of the Farm Security Administration’s Housing Activities,” Housing Yearbook, 1939 (Chicago: National Association of Housing Officials, 1939), 141–43, 149–50. Only Huey Long protested the exclusion, and led a one-man filibuster in the Senate. On the exclusion of agricultural workers from Social Security, see Mary Poole, The Segregated Origins of Social Security: African Americans and the Welfare State (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 33, 39, 41, 43, 45, 94; and Earl E. Muntz, “The Farmer and Social Security,” Social Forces 24, no. 3 (March 1946): 283–90.

44. On the special committee that put together the Farm Tenancy report, Henry Wallace was the chairman, and Will W. Alexander, R. G. Tugwell, M. L. Wilson, and Howard Odum were members, while Arthur Raper’s work was cited; see Farm Tenancy: Report of the President’s Committee,28, 87.

45. See Harvey A. Kantor, “Howard W. Odum: The Implications of Folk, Planning, and Regionalism,” American Journal of Sociology 79, no. 2 (September 1973): 278–95, esp. 279–80; and Dewey W. Grantham Jr., “The Regional Imagination: Social Scientists and the American South,” Journal of Southern History 34, no. 1 (February 1968): 3–32, esp. 14–17.

46. Kantor, “Howard W. Odum,” 283. For Johnson’s reliance on Odum’s work, see Gerald W. Johnson, The Wasted Land (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1937), esp. 6–7. On Johnson’s education and role as editor of the Baltimore Evening Sun, see review of “The Wasted Land,” Social Forces 17, no. 2 (December 1938): 276–79; also see Louis Mazzari, “Arthur Raper and Documentary Realism in Greene County, Georgia,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 87, no. 3/4 (Fall/Winter 2003): 389–407, esp. 396–97; Stuart Kidd, Farm Security Administration Photography, the Rural South, and the Dynamics of Image-Making, 1935–1943 (Lewiston, NY: Edward Mellon Press, 2004), 50, 152–53; and Mary Summer, “The New Deal Farm Programs: Looking for Reconstruction in American Agriculture,” Agricultural History 74, no. 2 (Spring 2000): 241–57, esp. 248–50.

47. Johnson, The Wasted Land, 6–11, 21, 24–30; Howard Odum, Southern Pioneers in Social Interpretation (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1925), 25; Howard Odum, “Regionalism vs. Sectionalism in the South’s Place in the National Economy,” Social Forces 12, no. 3 (March 1934): 338–54, esp. 340–41; Broadus Mitchell, “Southern Quackery,” Southern Economic Journal 3, no. 2 (October 1936): 143–47, esp. 146.

48. See Odum, “Regionalism vs. Sectionalism in the South’s Place in the National Economy,” esp. 339, 345; Mitchell, “Southern Quackery,” 145; and William B. Thomas, “Howard W. Odum’s Social Theories in Transition, 1910–1930,” American Sociologist 16, no. 1 (February 1981): 25–34, esp. 29–30; also see Odum’s assessment of southern regionalism in “The Regional Quality and Balance of America,” Social Forces 23, no. 3, In Search of the Regional Balance in America (March 1945): 269–85, esp. 276–77, 279–80.

49. See Howard K. Menhinick and Lawrence L. Durisch, “Tennessee Valley Authority: Planning in Operation,” Town Planning Review 24, no. 2 (July 1953): 116–45, esp. 128–30, 142; and F. W. Reeves, “The Social Development Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority,” Social Science Review 8, no. 3 (September 1934): 445–57, esp. 447, 449–53. For the importance of sociology in the planning process, see Arthur E. Morgan, “Sociology and the TVA,” American Sociological Review 2, no. 2 (April 1937): 157–65; William E. Cole, “The Impact of the TVA upon the Southeast,” Social Forces 28, no. 4 (May 1950): 435–40; Daniel Schaffer, “Environment and TVA: Toward a Regional Plan for the Tennessee Valley, 1930s,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 43, no. 4 (Winter 1984): 333–54, esp. 342–43, 349–50, 353; and Sarah T. Phillips, This Land, This Nation: Conservation, Rural America, and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 80, 89, 96–98, 100, 105–7.

50. On the class and caste system (here he meant family and kinship in which inclusion was measured by intermarriage; this notion of caste was separate from the race–sex caste system), see Howard W. Odum, “The Way of the South,” Social Forces 23, no. 3, 258–68, esp. 266–67. Odum also believed that regions had a “folk personality” or “biography,” quoting Carl Sandburg to express the powerful hold of folk culture: “the feel and the atmosphere, the layout and the lingo of a region, of breeds of men, of customs and slogans, in a manner and air not given in regular history”; see Odum, ibid., 264, 268; also see Arthur T. Raper and Ira de A. Reid, “The South Adjusts—Downward,” Phylon 1, no. 1 (1st quarter, 1940): 6–27, esp. 24–26.

51. In this collection of letters, nine of the forty-six used the word “shiftless”; others used related terms. Benjamin Burke Kendrick and Thomas Abernathy thought “shiftless” would be a better term than “poor white.” See B. B. Kendrick to Howard Odum, March 10, 1938, and Thomas Abernathy to Odum, April 6, 1938. For “fuzzy,” see Charles Sydnor to Odum, March 12, 1939; for others on “shiftless,” also see Frank Owsley to Odum, March 27, 1938, Haywood Tearce to Odum, March 19, 1938, A. B. Moore to Odum, April 29, 1938, Earle Eubank to Odum, March 23, 1938, Read Bain to Odum, January 21, 1938, D. B. Taylor to Odum, January 25, 1938; and on “indolent, shiftless class,” see Dudley Tanner to Odum, January 25, 1938. See Howard Washington Odum Papers, 1908–82, Folder 3635, Special Collections, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.

52. The word “shiftless” goes back to the 1500s meaning helpless, without resources, lazy, without a shift or shirt; see Oxford English Dictionary. On the shiftless behavior of Virginia planters and Louisiana slaves, see Frederick Law Olmsted, The Cotton Kingdom: A Traveller’s Observations on Cotton and Slavery in the American Slave States (New York, 1861), 106, 373. For “shiftless” as a New England term, see “Shiftless,” Ohio Farmer, December 17, 1896; also see “‘Farmer Thrifty’ and ‘Farmer Shiftless,’” Maine Farmer, June 4, 1870. On the typical shiftless tavernkeeper, see Gail Dickersin Spilsbury, “A Washington Sketchbook: Historic Drawings of Washington,” Washington History 22 (2010): 69–87, esp. 73. On shiftless deserting husbands, and a bill passed in New York in 1897 called the “Shiftless Fathers Bill,” see Michael Willrich, “Home Slackers: Men, the State, and Welfare in Modern America,” Journal of American History 87, no. 2 (September 2000): 460–89, esp. 469. On eugenics and “shiftless,” see Irene Case and Kate Lewis, “Environment as a Factor in Feeble-Mindedness: The Noll Family,” American Journal of Sociology 23, no. 5 (March 1918): 661–69, esp. 662; Leonard, “Retrospectives: Eugenics and Economics in the Progressive Era,” 220; Kelves, In the Name of Eugenics, 48–49; and Davenport, Heredity in Relation to Eugenics, 81–82. On the shiftlessness of poor whites in fiction, and the association of shiftlessness with tenancy and transiency, see William J. Flynt, Poor but Proud: Alabama’s Poor Whites (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1989), ix, 63, 90, 160, 293. On shiftless vagabonds, see “Causes of Poverty,” Genesee Farmer and Gardner’s Journal, March 10, 1832; Todd Depastino, Citizen Hobo: How a Century of Homelessness Shaped America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 15, 102; and W. J. Cash, The Mind of the South (New York: Knopf, 1941), 22–24.

53. See movie review, which describes Stepin Fetchit as the “sluggard of the tale, the ebony creature whose distaste for work” is emphasized; “Hearts in Dixie” (1929), New York Times, February 28, 1929; and D. Bogle, Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, and Bucks: An Interpretative History of Blacks in American Films (New York: Continuum, 1994), 8; also see Ira de A. Reid to Howard Odum, February 2, 1938, Howard Washington Odum Papers.

54. See M. Swearingen to Howard Odum, June 13, 1938. On “social scum living like Negroes,” see Frederic L Paxon to Odum, March 18, 1938. On no clear line of demarcation between black and poor white homes, see Ulin W. Leavell to Odum, January 27, 1938. On poor whites being above Negroes “in only one respect, the matter of color,” see L. Guy Brown to Odum, February 6, 1938. On “looked down upon by all Negroes,” see A. C. Lervis to Odum, February 2, 1938. On working like blacks and living side by side with blacks, see W. A. Schiffley to Odum, February 7, 1938. On “briar hoppers,” see Earle Eubank to Odum, March 23, 1938, Howard Washington Odum Papers.

55. Raymond F. Bellamy to Howard Odum, January 21, 1938, Howard Washington Odum Papers.

56. B. O. Williams to Howard Odum, February 9, 1938, Howard Washington Odum Papers.

57. James Agee and Walker Evans, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men (1941; reprint ed., Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2001), 5–6, 8–9.

58. Ibid., 70–73, 127, 137, 164–65, 183–84, 205–6, 231–39. On the ninety-three pages of detailed description of the material culture, see Michael Trinkley, “‘Let Us Now Praise Famous Men’—If Only We Can Find Them,” Southeastern Archeology 2, no. 1 (Summer 1983): 30–36. On Agee’s distrust of the writer’s investment in the documentary process, see James S. Miller, “Inventing ‘Found’ Objects: Artifactuality, Folk History, and the Rise of Capitalist Ethnography in 1930s America,” Journal of American Folklore 117, no. 466 (Autumn 2004): 373–93, esp. 387–88.

59. Agee and Walker, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, 184–85. As one reviewer at the time observed, Agee reveals as much about himself (and the things about ourselves that he represents) as about his subject, which was its “chief social documentary value”; see Ruth Lechlitner, “Alabama Tenant Families,” review of Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, New York Herald Tribune Books, Sunday, August 24, 1941, 10; and for a discussion of this point, see Paula Rabinowitz, “Voyeurism and Class Consciousness: James Agee and Walker Evans, ‘Let Us Now Praise Famous Men,’” Cultural Critique 21 (Spring 1992): 143–70, esp. 162.

60. Only around three hundred copies of Let Us Now Praise Famous Men were sold in 1941; see Stott, Documentary Expression and Thirties America, 264; also see Donald Davidson, The Attack on Leviathan: Regionalism and Nationalism in the United States (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1938), 308; Tindall, The Emergence of the New South, 594; and Edward S. Shapiro, “Donald Davidson and the Tennessee Valley Authority: The Response of a Southern Conservative,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 33, no. 4 (Winter 1974): 436–51, esp. 443.

61. Jennifer Ritterhouse, “Dixie Destinations: Rereading Jonathan Daniels’ A Southerner Discovers the South,” Southern Spaces (May 20, 2010).

62. Jonathan Daniels, A Southerner Discovers the South (New York: Macmillan, 1938), 31, 140, 148, 299–305. For the gully becoming a tourist site, see Paul S. Sutter, “What Gullies Mean: Georgia’s ‘Little Grand Canyon’ and Southern Environmental History,” Journal of Southern History 76, no. 3 (August 2010): 579–616, esp. 579, 582–83, 585–86, 589–90.

63. Daniels, A Southerner Discovers the South, 25, 58.

64. Ibid., 345.

65. Ibid., 346.

Chapter Ten: The Cult of the Country Boy: Elvis Presley, Andy Griffith, and LBJ’s Great Society

1. Randall Woods, LBJ: Architect of American Ambition (New York: Free Press, 2006), 458; Bobbie Ann Mason, Elvis Presley: A Life (New York: Viking, 2002), 105; Karal Ann Marling, “Elvis Presley’s Graceland, or the Aesthetic of Rock ’n’ Roll Heaven,” American Art 7, no. 4 (Autumn 1933), 99; Michael T. Bertrand, Race, Rock, and Elvis (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2005), 224.

2. Jack Gould, “TV: New Phenomenon: Elvis Presley Rises to Fame as Vocalist Who Is Virtuoso of Hootchy-Kootchy,” New York Times, June 6, 1956. For the zoot suit reference, see Jules Archer, “Stop Hounding Teenagers!: Elvis Presley Defends His Fans and His Music,” True Story (December 1956): 18–20, 22–24, 26, 28. “Elvis Presley: What? Why?,” Look Magazine (August 7, 1956): 82–85; Candida Taylor, “Zoot Suit: Breaking the Cold War’s Dress Code,” in Containing America: Cultural Production and Consumption in 50s America, eds. Nathan Abrams and Julie Hughes (Edgbaston, Birmingham, UK: University of Birmingham Press, 2000), 64–65; Karal Ann Marling, As Seen on TV: The Visual Culture of Everyday Life in the 1950s (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), 169–70; and Michael Bertrand, “I Don’t Think Hank Done It That Way: Elvis, Country Music, and the Reconstruction of Southern Masculinity,” in A Boy Named Sue: Gender and Country Music, eds. Kristine M. McCusker and Diane Pecknold (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2004), 59–85, esp. 59, 62, 66, 73, 75, 84.

3. On the difficulties of overcoming his southern identity, see Joe B. Frantz, “Opening a Curtain: The Metamorphosis of Lyndon B. Johnson,” Journal of Southern History 45, no. 1 (February 1979): 3–26, esp. 5–7, 25.

4. On his inaugural address, see “The President’s Inaugural Address, January 20, 1965,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Lyndon B. Johnson: Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the President, 1965 (in Two Books), Book I—January 1 to May 31, 1965 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1966), 71–74, esp. 73; Carroll Kilpatrick, “Great Society, World Without Hate,” Washington Post, January 21, 1965.

5. Dale Baum and James L. Hailey, “Lyndon Johnson’s Victory in the 1948 Texas Senate Race: A Reappraisal,” Political Science Quarterly 109, no. 4 (Autumn 1994): 595–13, esp. 596, 613; Robert A. Caro, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: Means of Ascent (New York: Knopf, 1990), xxxii, 211, 218, 223, 228, 232, 238, 259–64, 268, 300; on Johnson’s crucial role in promoting NASA and shaping Kennedy’s space policy, see Andreas Reichstein, “Space—The Last Cold War Frontier?” Amerikastudien/American Studies 44, no. 1 (1999): 113–36.

6. For the theme of brotherhood over divisiveness, see “Address to the Nation upon Proclaiming a Day of Mourning Following the Death of Dr. King, April 5, 1968,” and his proclamation, in Public Papers of the Presidents, Book I—January 1 to June 30, 1968–1969, 493–95.

7. John O’Leary and Rick Worland, “Against the Organization Man: The Andy Griffith Show and the Small-Town Family Ideal,” in The Sitcom Reader, eds. Mary M. Dalton and Laura R. Linder (Albany: SUNY Press, 2005), 73–84, esp. 80–82; also see syndicated columnist for the National Enterprise Association Erskine Johnson, “Andy Griffith Drops Yokel Role for Semi-intellectual,” Ocala Star-Banner, October 2, 1960.

8. On Gomer Pyle, see “Comedies: Success Is a Warm Puppy,” Time (November 10, 1967): 88; Anthony Harkins, “The Hillbilly in the Living Room: Television Representations of Southern Mountaineers in Situation Comedies, 1952–1971,” Appalachian Journal 29, no. 1/2 (Fall–Winter 2002): 98–126, esp. 106. The New York Times writer described Jim Nabors’s character as a “hillbilly,” with an “attractive awkwardness and naiveté,” who “merely assumes that everyone in the Marines is as friendly as the folks back home.” See Jack Gould, “TV: Freshness in Old Military Tale,” New York Times, September 26, 1964.

9. See the cover of Saturday Evening Post (February 2, 1963); “Hope Quips Convulse Convention,” Billboard: The International Music-Record Newsweekly (April 13, 1963), 41; Hal Humphrey, “Last Laugh on Ratings,” Milwaukee Journal, November 16, 1963; also see Harkins, “The Hillbilly in the Living Room,” 112, 114; Jan Whitt, “Grits and Yokels Aplenty: Depictions of Southerners on Prime-Time Television,” Studies in Popular Culture 19, no. 2 (October 1996): 141–52, esp. 148.

10. Richard Warren Lewis, “The Golden Hillbillies,” Saturday Evening Post (February 2, 1963): 30–35, esp. 34. Paul Henning produced, directed, and cowrote every episode of The Beverly Hillbillies; see Henning’s interview in Noel Hoston, “Folk Appeal Was Hooterville Lure,” [New London, CT] Day, August 10, 1986. The most influential Hollywood gossip columnist came to the defense of The Beverly Hillbillies, along with conservative women’s groups; see Hedda Hopper, “Hollywood: Hillbillies Take Off,” [New Orleans] Times-Picayune, March 23, 1964. Irene Ryan, who played Granny, offered this defense of the show: “When I was a kid I worked through the Ozarks, where our characters are supposed to be from. They are terribly funny, warm people, but up to now nobody ever really got ’em down on paper. Our show did”; see Muriel Davidson, “Fame Arrived in a Gray Wig, Glasses and Army Boots,” TV Guide (September 7, 1963): 5–7, esp. 5.

11. On the connection between The Beverly Hillbillies and the Joads, see John Keasler, “TV Synopsis: Unappreciated Art Form,” Palm Beach Post, May 30, 1970.

12. On the Davy Crockett craze, see Steven Watts, The Magic Kingdom: Walt Disney and the American Way of Life (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1997), 313–22, esp. 318, 320–21. While the six-foot-five Parker was called handsome and compared to Jimmy Stewart, Buddy Ebsen was dismissed as “greasy and gamey”; see Bosley Crowther, “Screen Disney and the Coonskin Set,” New York Times, May 26, 1955. For Parker’s “aw-shucks school of acting” like Gary Cooper and Jimmy Stewart, see “Meet Fess Parker,” St. Petersburg Times, December 24, 1954. For photograph of LBJ and Fess Parker, see “Davy Crockett and Old Betsey,” [Santa Ana, CA] Register, April 1, 1955.

13. Harkins, “The Hillbilly in the Living Room,” 100–101, 114; and Paul Harvey, “The Beverly Hillbillies,” Lewiston [ME] Evening Journal, October 26, 1968; the same article by the syndicated columnist circulated in the South. For a synopsis of Barney’s failure in the big city, see “Reunion to Bring Barney Fife Back,” New York Times, November 20, 1965.

14. Hal Humphrey, “Viewing Television: Theory of the ‘Hillbillies,’” [New Orleans] Times-Picayune, January 13, 1963. Another critic saw the stories of the top ten television shows as relying on the “rube” versus the “city slicker,” or the older cracker motif of the beau versus the backwoodsman. He called The Beverly Hillbillies “vigorous vulgarians,” the characters in The Andy Griffith Show “oafs,” and Gomer Pyle a “slob.” See Arnold Hano, “TV’s Topmost—This Is America?,” New York Times, December 26, 1965.

15. Marling, “Elvis Presley’s Graceland,” 74, 79–81, 85, 89.

16. For Elvis becoming a “country squire,” see “Presley Buys $100,000 Home for Self, Parents,” [New Orleans] Times-Picayune, March 24, 1957. On Nixon’s trip, see “‘Made in U.S.A.’—In Red Capital,” U.S. News & World Report (August 3, 1959): 38–39; Stephen J. Whitfield, The Culture of the Cold War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 72–73; Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War (New York: Basic Books, 1988), 10–12.

17. “By Richard Nixon,” New York Times, July 25, 1959.

18. Charles Hillenger, “Disneyland Dedication: Vice-President and Other Celebrities Help Open Six New Attractions at Park,” Los Angeles Times, June 15, 1959; Mary Ann Callan, “Says Pat Nixon: ‘It’s American Dream,’” Los Angeles Times, July 27, 1960; James McCartney, “Campaign Push Starts for Pat: Republicans Feel Pat Nixon May Hold the Key to the Election,” Pittsburgh Press, September 1, 1960; Patricia Conner, “Women Are Spotlighted in 1960 Presidential Campaign,” Lodi [CA] News-Sentinel, November 1, 1960; Marylin Bender, “Home and Public Roles Kept in Cheerful Order,” New York Times, July 28, 1960; also Martha Weinman, “First Ladies—In Fashion, Too? This Fall the Question of Style for a President’s Wife May Be a Great Issue,” New York Times, September 11, 1960.

19. Becky M. Nicolaides, “Suburbia and the Sunbelt,” OAH Magazine of History 18, no. 1 (October 2003): 21–26; Eric Larrabee, “The Six Thousand Houses That Levitt Built,” Harper’s Magazine 197, no. 1180 (September 1948): 79–88, esp. 79–80, 82–83; Boyden Sparkes, “They’ll Build Neighborhoods, Not Houses,” Saturday Evening Post (October 28, 1944): 11, 43–46. For Levittown as a “vast housing colony,” see “New Model Homes to Be Opened Today,” New York Times, April 3, 1949; Kenneth T. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 234–37; and Thomas J. Anton, “Three Models of Community Development in the United States,” Publius 1, no. 1 (1971): 11–37, esp. 33–34.

20. Sparkes, “They’ll Build Neighborhoods,” 44. Though the Levitts removed the restrictive covenant, they continued to discriminate against black families; see “Housing Bias Ended,” New York Times, May 29, 1949; and James Wolfinger, “‘The American Dream—For All Americans’: Race, Politics, and the Campaign to Desegregate Levittown,” Journal of Urban History 38, no. 3 (2012): 230–52, esp. 234. For the Norfolk housing facility, see Larrabee, “The Six Thousand Houses That Levitt Built,” 80; Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 234.

21. For the symbolic weight given the barbecue, see Kristin L. Matthews, “One Nation over Coals: Cold War Nationalism and the Barbecue,” American Studies 50, no. 3/4 (Fall/Winter 2009): 5–34, esp. 11, 17, 26; and A. R. Swinnerton, “Ranch-Type Homes for Dudes,” Saturday Evening Post (August 18, 1956): 40. Also see Lois Craig, “Suburbs,” Design Quarterly 132 (1986): 1–32, esp. 18; Ken Duvall, “Sin Is the Same in the City or the Suburb,” Toledo Blade, December 6, 1960. On “Fertile Acres,” see Harry Henderson, “The Mass-produced Suburbs: I. How People Live in America’s Newest Towns,” Harper’s Magazine 207, no. 1242 (November 1953): 25–32, esp. 29. On lawn mowing as husbandry, see Dan W. Dodson, “Suburbanism and Education,” Journal of Educational Sociology 32, no. 1 (September 1958): 2–7, esp. 4; Scott Donaldson, “City and Country: Marriage Proposals,” American Quarterly 20, no. 3 (Autumn, 1968): 547–66, esp. 562–64; and Harry Henderson, “Rugged American Collectivism: The Mass-produced Suburbs, II.,” Harper’s Magazine (December 1953): 80–86.

22. Frederick Lewis Allen, “The Big Change in Suburbia,” Harper’s Magazine 208, no. 1249 (June 1954): 21–28. On the way class reinforced racial segregation, see “Economic Factors May Keep Suburbia Segregated,” [Lexington, KY] Dispatch, June 19, 1968. On Mahwah and Westchester, see Dodson, “Suburbanism and Education,” 5–6. On the class strategies of zoning, see Carol O’Connor, A Sort of Utopia: Scarsdale, 1891–1981 (Albany: SUNY Press, 1983), 30–42, 159–65; also Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumer’s Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America (New York: Knopf, 2003), 202–8, 231; and Becky M. Nicolaides, “‘Where the Working Man Is Welcomed’: Working-class Suburbs in Los Angeles, 1900–1940,” Pacific Historical Review 68, no. 4 (November 1999): 517–59, esp. 557. On neat lawns and gardens as class markers, see William Dobriner, Class in Suburbia (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1963), 23.

23. See Wolfgang Langewiesche, “Everybody Can Own a House,” House Beautiful (November 1956): 227–29, 332–35; Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 205, 235, 238.

24. Because home construction relied heavily on banks and other such institutions, lenders had tremendous power in reinforcing racial and class stratification; see “Application of the Sherman Act to Housing Segregation,” Yale Law Journal 63, no. 6 (June 1954): 1124–47, esp. 1125–26. For the residents’ obsession with property values, see Henderson, “Rugged American Collectivism,” 85–86; Cohen, A Consumer’s Republic, 202, 212–13. For lack of variety in suburbs, see Sidonie Matsner Gruenberg, “The Challenge of the New Suburbs,” Marriage and Family Living 17, no. 2 (May 1955): 133–37, esp. 134; David Reisman, “The Suburban Dislocation,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 314 (November 1957): 123–46, esp. 134. For Lewis Mumford’s critique, see Penn Kimball, “‘Dream Town’—Large Economy Size: Pennsylvania’s New Levittown is Pre-Planned Down to the Last Thousand Living Rooms,” New York Times, December 14, 1952; and Vance Packard, The Status Seekers: An Exploration of Class Behavior in America and the Hidden Barriers That Affect You, Your Community, Your Future (New York: David McKay Co., 1959), 28.

25. On the Bucks County Levittown, see “Levitt’s Design for Steel Workers’ Community,” New York Times, November 4, 1951; David Schuyler, “Reflections on Levittown at Fifty,” Pennsylvania History 70, no. 1 (Winter 2003): 101–9, esp. 105. On the trailer park, see Don Hager, “Trailer Towns and Community Conflict in Lower Bucks County,” Social Problems 2, no. 1 (July 1954): 33–38; and Andrew Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, and Trailer Parks: Chasing the American Dream (New York: Basic Books, 2001), 195–96.

26. For one of the first references to trailer trash in reference to war workers, see Mary Heaton Vorse, “And the Workers Say . . . ,” Public Opinion Quarterly 7, no. 3 (Autumn 1943): 443–56. For the homemade trailers as “monstrosities,” see Harold Martin, “Don’t Call Them Trailer Trash,” Saturday Evening Post 225, no. 5 (August 2, 1952): 24–25, 85–87; Allan D. Wallis, “House Trailers: Innovation and Accommodation in Vernacular Housing,” Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture 3 (1989): 28–43, esp. 30–31, 34; “Trailers for Army Areas,” New York Times, March 19, 1941; Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in the Sunbelt Cities (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981), 107–10; Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, and Trailer Parks, 203; “Trailers for Army Areas,” New York Times, March 19, 1941; and see Lucy Greenbaum, “‘Trailer Village’ Dwellers Happy in Connecticut Tobacco Field,” New York Times, April 13, 1942.

27. See “Agnes Ernest Meyer” (1887–1970), in Notable American Women: The Modern Period, eds. Barbara Sicherman and Carol Hurd Green (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980), 471–73; and Agnes E. Meyer, Journey Through Chaos (New York, 1944), x.

28. Meyer, Journey Through Chaos, ix, 373–74.

29. Ibid., 196–99, 210, 216.

30. See Alexander C. Wellington, “Trailer Camp Slums,” Survey (1951): 418–21. For trailer camps and idle wastelands as part of the fringe zone around Flint, Michigan, see Walter Firey, Social Aspects to Land Use Planning in the Country-City Fringe: The Case of Flint, Michigan (East Lansing: Michigan State College, 1946), 8, 32, 42, 52, 54. “Photograph of Mobile Homes, Described as ‘Squatters,’ in Winkelman, Arizona” (1950), Arizona Archives and Public Records, Arizona State Library. For earlier references to trailerites as squatters and the trailer as the “family kennel,” see “200,000 Trailers,” Fortune 15, no. 3 (March 1937): 105–11, 214, 200, 220, 222, 224, 226, 229, esp. 105–6, 220. The squatter allusion continued to hold sway; see Keith Corcoran, “Mobile Homes Merit More Respect,” [Schenectady, NY] Daily Gazette, April 14, 1990.

31. See John E. Booth, “At Home on Wheels: Trailer Exhibition Stresses Comfortable Living,” New York Times, November 16, 1947; Virginia J. Fortiner, “Trailers a la Mode,” New York Times, April 27, 1947; “Trailers: More and More Americans Call Them Home,” Newsweek (July 7, 1952): 70–73, esp. 70; Martin, “Don’t Call Them Trailer Trash,” 85. Some six thousand trailers were being used on college campuses in 1946; see Milton Mac Kaye, “Crisis at the Colleges,” Saturday Evening Post 219 (August 3, 1946): 9–10, 34–36, 39, esp. 35.

32. Allan D. Wallis, Wheel Estate: The Rise and Decline of Mobile Homes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 116. On zoning restrictions, see Emily A. MacFall and E. Quinton Gordon, “Mobile Homes and Low-Income Rural Families.” (Washington, DC, 1973), 38–40; Robert Mills French and Jeffrey K. Hadden, “An Analysis of the Distribution and Characteristics of Mobile Homes in America,” Land Economics 41, no. 2 (May 1965): 131–39; Lee Irby, “Taking Out the Trailer Trash: The Battle over Mobile Homes in St. Petersburg, Florida,” Florida Historical Quarterly79, no. 2 (Fall 2000): 181–200, esp. 188, 194–96; Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, and Trailer Parks, 235–41, 254, 256, 258.

33. Dina Smith, “Lost Trailer Utopias: The Long, Long Trailer (1954) and Fifties America,” Utopian Studies 14, no. 1 (2003): 112–31.

34. “Trailers Gaining in Popularity in U.S. but Urban Planner Asserts Community Opposition Is Growing,” New York Times, July 17, 1960; “Mobile Homes—Today’s Name for Residence on Wheels,” Sarasota Herald-Tribune, January 19, 1961. Vickers v. Township Comm. of Gloucester Township, 37 N.J. 232, 265, 181 A.2d 129 (1962), dissenting opinion at 148–49; for a discussion of the case, see Richard F. Babcock and Fred P. Bosselman, “Suburban Zoning and the Apartment Boom,” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 11, no. 8 (June 1963): 1040–91, esp. 1086–88; also see “Would Forbid Trailer Parks: Council Group Acts,” Milwaukee Journal, December 14, 1954.

35. Anthony Ripley, “Mobile Home ‘Resorts’ Make ‘Trailer Park’ a Dirty Word,” New York Times Magazine, May 31, 1969, 25, 48; “Fess Parker’s Dollars Ride on Wheels,” [Bowling Green, KY] Park City Daily, November 11, 1962—a news story written by Erskine Johnson, Hollywood correspondent, for the NEA; also see “Giant Man, with a Giant Plan,” Tuscaloosa News, March 28, 1969; and “Fess Parker Rides Again,” [Fredricksburg, VA] Free Lance-Star, October 3, 1970.

36. Morris Horton, “There’s No Crack in Our Picture Window,” Trailer Topics (May 1957): 7, 74, 76; Agnes Ash, “Trailer Owners Staying Put,” Miami News, July 24, 1960; also see “The Mobile Home Isn’t So Mobile Any More,” Business Week (March 16, 1957): 44–46.

37. Douglas E. Kneeland, “From ‘Tin Can on Wheels’ to the Mobile Home,” New York Times Magazine, May 9, 1971. In 1941, a white community in Detroit had erected a wall between themselves and a black community in order to receive FHA approval for mortgages; see Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 209.

38. See “A Sociologist Looks at an American Community,” Life (September 12, 1949): 108–19; Robert Mills French and Jeffrey K. Hadden, “Mobile Homes: Instant Suburbia or Transportable Slums?,” Social Problems 16, no. 2 (Autumn 1968): 219–26, esp. 222–25; Bailey H. Kuklin, “House and Technology: The Mobile Home Experience,” Tennessee Law Review 44 (Spring 1977): 765–844, esp. 809, 814; MacFall and Gordon, “Mobile Homes and Low-Income Rural Families,” 46. On the high depreciation rate of trailers, see Jack E. Gaumnitz, “Mobile Home and Conventional Home Ownership: An Economic Perspective,” Nebraska Journal of Economics and Business 13, no. 4, Midwest Economics Association Papers (Autumn 1974): 130–43, esp. 130, 142. One of the worst trailer parks in Denver was described as follows: “Called ‘Peyton Place,’ many of the trailer pads are empty. One is littered with an old porcelain toilet bowl from some forgotten departure. The place is for sale and the sign, in misspelled English, read ‘vacancy’”; see Ripley, “Mobile Home ‘Resorts,’” 48.

39. For prostitutes in trailers at military and defense installations, see “Syphilis and Defense,” New York Times, November 29, 1941. Even before the war, there were rumors of a “rolling bordello” traveling between trailer camps in Florida, and racy stories in newspapers, such as that of a man traveling with both his wife and his mistress; see “200,000 Trailers,” 220, 229. For the association of trailers with immoral behavior, see Kuklin, “House and Technology,” 812–13; also Alan Bérubé and Florence Bérubé, “Sunset Trailer Park,” in White Trash: Race and Class in America, eds. Annalee Newitz and Matt Wray (New York: Routledge, 1997), 19; Orrie Hitt, Trailer Tramp (Boston: Beacon, 1957). Similar titles included: Loren Beauchamp, Sin on Wheels: The Uncensored Confessions of a Trailer Camp Tramp (1961) and Glenn Canary, The Trailer Park Girls (1962). On the cover of Cracker Girl, it read, “She was his property; to keep, to beat, to use”; see Harry Whittington, Cracker Girl (Stallion Books, 1953). The psychologist Harold Lasswell listed “trailer nomadism” along with other sources of degeneracy, such as alcoholism, drugs, gambling, and delinquency; see Harold Lasswell, “The Socio-Political Situation,” Educational Research Bulletin 36, no. 3 (March 13, 1957): 69–77, esp. 75.

40. “The Mobile Home Market,” Appraiser’s Journal 40, no. 3 (July 1972): 391–411, esp. 397; and “Planners Approve City Trailer Parks for the Homeless,” New York Times, March 23, 1971.

41. Cohen, A Consumers’ Republic, 202–8, 228, 231, 240–41, 404. On the migration from rural to metropolitan areas, see Pete Daniel, “Going Among Strangers: Southern Reactions to World War II,” Journal of American History 77, no. 3 (December 1990): 886–911, esp. 886, 898. On television and tribalism, see H. J. Skornia, “What TV Is Doing to America: Some Unexpected Consequences,” Journal of Aesthetic Education 3, no. 3 (July 1969): 29–44.

42. Counts was working for the afternoon Arkansas Democrat when he took the picture, which made his photograph the first to appear. Johnny Jenkins published a similar photograph the next day in the Arkansas Gazette. See Karen Anderson, Little Rock: Race and Resistance at Central High School (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), 2; Peter Daniel, Lost Revolutions: The South in the 1950s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 262; David Margolick, Elizabeth and Hazel: Two Women of Little Rock (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2011), 1–2, 36–37, 59–61, 63, 152–54.

43. Margolick, Elizabeth and Hazel, 38–39, 41. On the rural white migration into Little Rock, see Ben F. Johnson III, “After 1957: Resisting Integration in Little Rock,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 66, no. 2 (Summer 1007): 258–83, esp. 262.

44. Margolick, Elizabeth and Hazel, 70–71, 88.

45. Benjamin Fine, “Students Unhurt,” New York Times, September 24, 1957; Fletcher Knebel, “The Real Little Rock Story,” Look, November 12, 1957, 31–33, esp. 33; Margolick, Elizabeth and Hazel, 37, 105; Daniel, Lost Revolutions, 263; and Phoebe Godfrey, “Bayonets, Brainwashing, and Bathrooms: The Discourse of Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Desegregation of Little Rock’s Central High,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 62, no. 1 (Spring 2003): 42–67, esp. 45–47; and Belman Morin, “Arkansas Riot Like Explosion,” [Spokane, WA] Spokesman Review, September 23, 1957.

46. For Guthridge’s remarks, see “Some Bitterness,” Arkansas Gazette, September 1, 1957; C. Fred Williams, “Class: The Central Issue in the 1957 Little Rock School Crisis,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 56, no. 3 (Autumn 1997): 341–44; Graeme Cope, “‘Everybody Says All Those People. . .Were from out of Town, but They Weren’t’: A Note on Crowds During the Little Rock Crisis,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 67, no. 3 (Autumn 2008): 245–67, esp. 261.

47. Roy Reed, Faubus: The Life and Times of an American Prodigal (Little Rock: University of Arkansas Press, 1997), 358; “The South: What Orval Hath Wrought,” Time (September 23): 1957, 11–14, esp. 12–13. Also see Williams, “Class: The Central Issue,” 344; “Orval’s Iliad and Odyssey,” Life (September 23, 1957): 28–35; Anderson, Little Rock, 68; and Don Iddon, “Faubus of Little Rock: ‘The President Underestimated the Ruthless Ambition of This Hillbilly Who So Far Has Always Won in the End,’” [London] Daily Mail, September 26, 1957.

48. Benjamin Fine, “Militia Sent to Little Rock; School Integration Put Off,” New York Times, September 3, 1957; “Speech of Governor Orval E. Faubus, September 2, 1957,” http://southerncolloqrhetoric.net/resources/Faubus570902.pdf. The original speech is located in the Orval Eugene Faubus Papers, 1910–1994, Series 14, Box 496, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, AK; and David Wallace, “Orval Faubus: The Central Figure at Little Rock Central High School,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 39, no. 4 (Winter 1980): 314–29, esp. 324.

49. Anthony Lewis, “President Sends Troops to Little Rock, Federalizes Arkansas National Guard; Tells Nation He Acted to Avoid Anarchy,” New York Times, September 25, 1957. On Faubus manufacturing the myth of violence, see “Arkansas,” Time (September 30, 1957): 17–19; “Little Rock Sputnik Is Burning Itself Out,” Washington Afro-American, October 22, 1957.

50. John Chancellor, “Radio and Television Had Their Own Problems in Little Rock Coverage,” Quill (December 1957): 9–10, 20–21; Jack Gould, “TV: Reality in the South,” New York Times, September 26, 1957; Harold R. Isaacs, “World Affairs and U.S. Race Relations: A Note on Little Rock,” Public Opinion Quarterly 22, no. 3 (Autumn 1958): 364–70, esp. 366–67; and “A Historic Week of Civil Strife,” Life (October 7, 1957): 37–48, esp. 38–39.

51. For local journalists calling them rednecks, see Cope, “‘Everybody Says All Those People,’” 246–47, 267. For “many in overalls,” see Chancellor, “Radio and Television,” 9. For the “rednecked man,” see Homer Bigart, “School Is Ringed: Negroes Go to School in Little Rock as Soldiers Guard the Area,” New York Times, September 26, 1957. For the women in the Nashville mob, see “The South: What Orval Hath Wrought,” 12, 15. For the crowd as white trash, see Stewart Alsop, “Tragedy in the Sunshine at Little Rock,” Victoria Advocate, September 26, 1957 (reprinted from the New York Herald Tribune). Another portrayal of the mob as a “motley crowd of poor whites” is in the syndicated columnist Bob Considine’s “Anatomy of the Mob—II,” St. Petersburg Times, September 16, 1957; Considine, “The Anatomy of Violence—1: Mob Actions Help Cause of Integration,” Milwaukee Sentinel, September 14, 1957. On calling women “slattern housewives” and “harpies,” see Considine, “Riffraff of Little Rock Is Giving City Bad Name,” Milwaukee Sentinel, September 12, 1957. An Afro-American newspaper claimed that Governor Faubus had inflamed a mob of “Arkansas hillbillies”; see “Ring Out the False, Ring in the True,” Baltimore Afro-American, December 29, 1959.

52. “Eisenhower Address on Little Rock Crisis,” New York Times, September 25, 1957; Jack Gould, “Little Rock: Television’s Treatment of Major News Developments Found Superficial” and “The Face of Democracy,” New York Times, September 15 and 26, 1957; Richard C. Bedford, “A Bigger Bomb,” Journal of Higher Education 29, no. 3 (March 1958): 127–31; Daniel, Lost Revolutions, 267; and “Tragedy at Little Rock,” Times Literary Supplement, August 28, 1959, 491.

53. On his political success in Arkansas, see Reed, Faubus, 251, 352, 357; Daniel, Lost Revolutions, 283; Paul Greenberg, “Orval Faubus Finally Blurts Out Truth of His Defiance That Led to the Racial Crisis in Little Rock in 1957,” [Washington, DC] Observer-Reporter, June 1, 1979; “The Faubus Victory,” Lakeland [FL] Ledger, July 30, 1958; “Faubus Unperturbed by Crisis,” [Hopkinsville] Kentucky New Era, September 20, 1957; Anderson, Little Rock, 77; Thomas F. Pettigrew and Ernest Q. Campbell, “Faubus and Segregation: An Analysis of Arkansas Voting,” Public Opinion Quarterly 24, no. 3 (Autumn 1960): 436–47. Faubus had Jeff Davis in mind, because he wanted to be the “first Arkansas governor since Jeff Davis to be elected to a third term.” In the end, Faubus served six terms from 1955 to 1967. He also defended his actions based on polls. See Wallace, “Orval Faubus,” 319, 326; and “Segregation Wins on Arkansas Poll,” New York Times, January 29, 1956; “The Mike Wallace Interview: Guest Orval Faubus,” September 15, 1957, transcript, Harry Ransom Center, University of Texas at Austin.

54. Gilbert Millstein, “Strange Chronicle of Andy Griffith,” New York Times, June 2, 1957; “A Face in the Crowd,” Berkshire [MA] Eagle, June 6, 1957.

55. Millstein, “Strange Chronicle of Andy Griffith.”

56. On the film Wild River, see Henry Goodman, “Wild River by Elia Kazan,” Film Quarterly 13, no. 4 (Summer 1960): 50–51; Robert Murray and Joe Heumann, “Environmental Catastrophe in Pare Lorentz’s ‘The River’ and Elia Kazan’s ‘Wild River’: The TVA, Politics, and Environment,” Studies in Popular Culture 27, no. 2 (October 2004): 47–65, esp. 55. And on the controversy in Cleveland over Gum Hollow, see “Southern Pride Ends Movie Roles for ‘White Trash,’” Ocala Star-Banner, November 15, 1959.

57. On the aggressive marketing campaign, see syndicated article by Hollywood correspondent Erskine Johnson, “‘Bayou’ Film, Bust in 1957, Released Under New Title,” [Florence, AL] Times Daily, December 11, 1962; and Jim Knipfel, “The Brooklyn Cajun: Timothy Carey in ‘Poor White Trash,’” The Chiseler, chiseler.org/post/6558011597/the-brooklyn-cajun-timothy-carey-in-poor-white (2011). On the advertising campaign, see [Hopkinsville] Kentucky New Era, October 9, 1961; and “Compromise with Sin,” Lewiston [ME] Daily Sun, June 23, 1962.

58. Lisa Lindquist Dorr has shown that the politics surrounding rape were more complicated. In her study of Virginia, the reputations of the white woman and the accused black man were taken into account. So the film and Lee’s novel, for dramatic effect, paint a much more skewed picture. This serves to make the white trash characters even more insidious, because the Ewells demand the protection of the code of honor without deserving it. See Lisa Lindquist Dorr, White Women, Rape, and the Power of Race in Virginia, 1900–1960 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 79, 115–19.

59. In the novel, Lee offers this scathing portrait of the Ewells: “No economic fluctuations changed their status—people like the Ewells lived as guests of the country in prosperity as well as in the depths of the depression. No truant officers could keep their numerous offspring in school; no public health officer could free them from congenital defects, various worms, and diseases indigenous to their filthy surroundings. . . . The Ewells gave the dump a thorough gleaning every day, and the fruits of their industry (those that were not eaten) made the plot of land around their cabin look like the playhouse of an insane child.” Lee also has Atticus Finch offer a different definition of white trash, one decoupled from poverty, as anyone, rich or poor, who tried to cheat a black man or treat him unfairly; see Harper Lee, To Kill a Mockingbird (New York: HarperCollins, 1999; originally published 1960), 194–95, 253.

60. Though the film muted its eugenic theme, one reviewer saw Bob Ewell as a “degenerate father” and the daughter as a “poor white trash type”; see syndicated columnist Alice Hughes, “A Woman’s New York,” Reading Eagle, February 23, 1963. The New York Times called the portrayals of Bob and Mayella Ewell “almost caricatures”; see Bosley Crowther, “Screen: ‘To Kill a Mockingbird,’” New York Times, February 15, 1963. For the tangled career of John Frederick Kasper, the paid agitator from New Jersey, see John Egerton, “Walking into History: The Beginning of School Desegregation in Nashville,” Southern Spaces (May 4, 2009).

61. An Afro-American newspaper gave this description of the film Poor White Trash: “There are no Emily Post rules to raw life, and ‘Poor White Trash’ creates none in this story of a people whose way of life has stood still while time has marched on and left them in a world apart”; see “‘Poor White Trash’ in Neighborhood Runs,” Baltimore Afro-American, September 22, 1962. On Sloan Wilson’s The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit (1955) and the dangers of losing one’s individuality, see Anna Creadick, Perfectly Normal: The Pursuit of Normality in Postwar America (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2010), 77, 86–87. Jeans and a white T-shirt was not only the outfit of James Dean in Rebel Without a Cause (1955), but also the dress of angry poor white men protesting desegregation in Nashville in 1957. See “The South: What Orval Hath Wrought,” 15.

62. Daniels, A Southerner Discovers the South, 183, 175, 179.

63. See “redneck” and “hillbilly,” in Dialect Notes, Vol. II, Part IV, Publications of the American Dialect Society (New Haven, CT, 1904), 418, 420. The Hatfields ruthlessly killed women as well as men, breaking a key taboo of civilized behavior; see “So Ends a Mountain Feud,” Kansas City Times, January 30, 1921. On myth about the feud, see Altina L. Waller, “Feuding and Modernization in Appalachia: The Hatfields and McCoys,” Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 87, no. 4 (Autumn 1989): 385–404, esp. 399, 401–2; Hal Boyle, “Arkansas Ends Hillbilly Myth,” Tuscaloosa News, May 29, 1947. On a critique of “hillbillydom” from the Arkansas Gazette, see “Hillbillies in Action,” Tuscaloosa News, August 12, 1940. On the woman having “her number,” see Mandel Sherman and Thomas R. Henry, Hollow Folk (New York, 1933), 26. A review of Hollow Folk described them as “degenerate,” and though “the inhabitants of our own race, theirs is a primitive culture”; see Robert E. L. Paris, “Hollow Folk,” American Journal of Sociology 39, no. 2 (September 1933): 256.

64. Frank S. Nugent, “The Screen: ‘Mountain Justice,’ A Hill-Billy Anthology Is Shown at the Rialto—A New Film at the Cine Roma,” New York Times, May 13, 1937; Sharon Hatfield, “Mountain Justice: The Making of a Feminist Icon and a Cultural Scapegoat,” Appalachian Journal 23, no. 1 (Fall 1995), 26–47, esp. 28, 33, 35, 37, 42.

65. On hillbilly bands, comic strips, and Kentucky Moonshine, see Anthony Harkins, Hillbilly: A Cultural History of an American Icon (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 86–87, 103–13, 124–36, 154–55, 161–62. On Minnie Pearl, see Pamela Fox, “Recycled Trash: Gender and Authenticity in Country Music Autobiography,” American Quarterly 50, no. 2 (1998): 234–66, esp. 253–54. For the connection between “radio rubes” like Minnie Pearl and the vaudeville circuit, see Bill C. Malone, “Radio and Personal Appearances: Sources and Resources,” Western Folklore30, no. 3, Commercialized Folk Music (July 1971): 215–25, esp. 216–17.

66. “The Hillbilly in Huey Long’s Chair,” Milwaukee Journal, January 4, 1946. Davis had a bachelor’s degree in history and taught history at Dodd College for women, but had an M.A. thesis in psychology; his thesis, which he earned in 1927, was on the rather racist topic of intellectual differences among whites, blacks, and mulattoes. He sang songs with his band on the campaign trail. His greatest hit was “You Are My Sunshine.” He refused to run a negative campaign. He ran for governor and won one term in 1944–48, and another in 1960–64. He rode his horse up the capitol steps in 1963. On Davis, see Angie Reese, “Jimmie Davis: From Sharecropper’s Cabin to the Governor’s Mansion” (M.A. thesis, Southeastern Louisiana University, 1995), 1, 4–9, 14–16, 30, 99.

67. See William C. Pratt, “Glen H. Taylor: Public Image and Reality,” Pacific Northwest Quarterly 60, no. 1 (January 1969): 10–16; “O’Daniel Writes Own Songs for Vote Campaign” and “Biscuit Passing Pappy,” [New Orleans] Times-Picayune, July 25 and August 14, 1938; “Hill-Billy Sense,” Cleveland Gazette, September 10, 1938; P. McEvoy, “Pass the Biscuits, Pappy,” Reader’s Digest, October 1938, 9–12. On Dewey Short, see “Hillbilly ‘Demosthenes,’” Milwaukee Journal, August 3, 1942.

68. See W. R. Crocker, “Why Do Americans Dislike the English?,” Australian Quarterly 21, no. 1 (March 1949): 27–36, esp. 31–33. Crocker made references to both Jimmy Davis and Pappy O’Daniel.

69. On the time-warp theme, see Brooks Blevins, “In the Land of a Million Smiles: Twentieth-Century Americans Discover the Arkansas Ozarks,” The Arkansas Historical Quarterly 61, no. 1 (Spring 2000): 1–35, esp. 2, 20, 24. On the classless myth, see speech by Supreme Court justice Hughes on the hill folk of Appalachia in “Merit Not Birth America’s Basis,” [Columbia, SC] State, February 25, 1915. On the theme that mountain people practiced true equality, a place where “pride of birth and social standing meant nothing,” see the advertisement for a movie based on the 1903 classic mountain novel The Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come, in Lexington Herald, March 21, 1920. By the fifties, the egalitarian theme had become more pronounced; see Julia McAdoo, “Where the Poor Are Rich,” American Mercury (September 1955): 86–89; also see Brooks Blevins, “Wretched and Innocent: Two Mountain Regions in the National Consciousness,” Journal of Appalachian Studies 7, no. 2 (Fall 2001): 257–71, esp. 264–65. On the “Park Avenue Hillbilly,” see Mark Barron, “Broadway Notes,” [New Orleans] Times-Picayune, July 23, 1950.

70. See promotion for Hillbilly Jamboree staring Red Smith and Elvis Presley, [New Orleans] Times-Picayune, September 1, 1955. For touring with Griffith in 1955, see Hedda Hopper, “Elvis Was Nice to Andy,” Times-Picayune, February 6, 1957; and Goddard Lieberson, “‘Country’ Sweeps Country: Hillbilly Music Makers Have Parlayed a Blend of Blues, Spirituals and Folk Tunes into a $50-Million-Year Business,” New York Times, July 28, 1957; Dick Kleiner, “Elvis Presley,” Sarasota Journal, July 11, 1956; Vivian Boultinghouse, “The Guy with the Blue Suede Shoes,” Times-Picayune, July 1, 1956; and Hedda Hopper, “Hollywood: Star Switch on Goodwin,” Times-Picayune, August 2, 1956.

71. On Elvis’s background in Tupelo, Mississippi, see Lloyd Shearer, “Elvis Presley,” Parade, September 30, 1956, 8–13, esp. 11; and Michael T. Bertrand, “A Tradition-Conscious Cotton City: (East) Tupelo, Mississippi, Birthplace of Elvis Presley,” in Destination Dixie: Tourism and Southern History, ed. Karen L. Cox (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2012), 87–109, esp. 87–88, 91–92, 95–97. On his female fans as mountain mules, see Jock Carroll, “Side-Burned Dream Boat of Red-Blooded Youth? This Reviewer (Male) Says I Like Elvis Presley,” Ottawa Citizen, September 8, 1956.

72. Noel E. Parmenter Jr., “Tennessee Spellbinder: Governor Clement Runs on Time,” Nation (August 11, 1956): 114–17, esp. 113, 116; “Democrats: Answer to Dick Nixon,” Newsweek (July 23, 1956): 19–20; Harold H. Martin, “The Things They Say About the Governor!,” Saturday Evening Post (January 29, 1955): 22–23, 48–51, 54–55, 58, esp. 22.

73. Martin, “The Things They Say About the Governor!,” 22, 48; “Democrats: Answer to Dick Nixon,” 20; Parmenter, “Tennessee Spellbinder,” 117; “Democrats’ Keynote,” Time (July 23, 1956): 14. On Folsom, see Paul E. Deutschman, “Outsized Governor: ‘Big Jim’ Folsom Loathes Shoes and Grammar—But Loves Nature, Girls and Being Top Man in Alabama,” Life (September 1, 1947): 59–65, esp. 59, 64–65; “‘Clowning’ Blamed in Folsom’s Defeat” and “Politician in Squeeze: Gov. James E. Folsom,” New York Times, June 6, 1948, and February 25, 1956; and Robert J. Norrell, “Labor at the Ballot Box: Alabama Politics from the New Deal to the Dixiecrat Movement,” Journal of Southern History 57, no. 2 (May 1991): 201–34, esp. 230.

74. For the text of his address, see “Democratic National Convention: Keynote Address, by Frank Clement, Governor of Tennessee,” Vital Speeches of the Day, vol. 22 (September 1, 1956): 674–79; and John Steinbeck, “‘Demos Get Selves Voice in Clement’—Steinbeck,” [New Orleans] Times-Picayune, August 15, 1956.

75. On Clement’s later comment, see Robert E. Corlew III, “Frank Goad Clement and the Keynote Address of 1956,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 36, no. 1 (Spring 1977): 95–107, esp. 107. There were other critical reviews of his performance, some calling his address mere “bombast,” or a forensic exercise rather than real eloquence; see “The New Democrats: A Democratic Party of Youth and Energy,” Life (August 27, 1957): 20–36, esp. 22; and George E. Sokolsky, “‘A Torrent of Oratory,’ Gadsden Times, August 17, 1956; also see memorandum from Horace Busby to Bill Moyers, July 29, 1964, in the appendix of Robert Mann, Daisy Petals and Mushroom Clouds: LBJ, Barry Goldwater, and the Ad That Changed American Politics (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2014), 122.

76. Hodding Carter, “Hushpuppies, Stew—and Oratory: Southern Politicians Must Be Showmen, Too, but Behind Their Act Is a Deadly Seriousness,” New York Times Magazine, June 18, 1950; “The Politician as Bore,” Chicago Tribune, March 23, 1956.

77. “Hillbilly Chivalry,” Chicago Tribune, March 15, 1958.

78. On Estes Kefauver and “Big Jim” Folsom, see William G. Carleton, “The Southern Politician—1900 and 1950,” Journal of Politics 13, no. 2 (May 1951): 215–31, esp. 220–21; Corlew, “Frank Goad Clement,” 106–7; and for linking Clement’s fall from prominence to his “corn-filled keynote speech,” see “Politics: Ole Frank,” Time (August 10, 1962): 13. On Johnson as the second most powerful man in the nation, see Stewart Alsop, “Lyndon Johnson: How Does He Do It?,” Saturday Evening Post (January 24, 1959): 13–14, 38, 43, esp. 13–14. And on Johnson hanging Clay’s portrait in the oval office, see “Portraits of Washington, Clay and Jackson on Walls,” New York Times, March 2, 1964. On Johnson as a teacher, see John R. Silber, “Lyndon Johnson as Teacher,” Listener and BBC Television Review 73 (May 20, 1965): 728–30.

79. On Johnson earning sympathy, see James Reston, “The Office and the Man: Johnson Emerges Grave and Strong as the Presidency Works Its Change,” New York Times, November 28, 1963; Anthony Lewis, “Johnson Style: Earthy and Flamboyant,” New York Times, November 24, 1963; “Lyndon Baines Johnson,” New York Times, August 27, 1964. On his close associates rejecting the rural hick portrait, see the AP article that appeared in numerous newspapers: Arthur Edson, “Johnson Called Complex Person Mistaken as a ‘Cornball’” Milwaukee Journal, December 28, 1963. On “digging down deeply,” see “Johnson’s Way,” New York Times, April 26, 1964; and Russell Baker, “President’s Manner, Like Jackson’s, a Folksy One,” New York Times, November 2, 1964. On his showmanship and deep emotions, see Marianne Means, “Despite His Informal Air, LBJ Seldom Shows Sensitive Side,” San Antonio Light, October 10, 1965. The ambivalence over Johnson continued during his presidency. As one reporter wrote in 1968 on his accession to the presidency, “Just plain folksy or just plain corny, spontaneous or devious, inspiring persuader or ruthless arm-twister, Lyndon Baines Johnson was now firmly in the saddle”; see AP correspondent Saul Pett, “The Johnson Years: The Arc of Paradox,” Hutchinson [KS] News, April 14, 1968.

80. See Lyndon Johnson, “Remarks in Johnson City, Tex., Upon Signing the Elementary and Secondary Education Bill, April 11, 1965,” in Public Papers of the Presidents: Johnson, 412–14, esp. 414. On his echoes of Odum, see Lyndon B. Johnson, “My Political Philosophy,” Texas Quarterly1, no. 4 (Winter 1958): 17–22. On the strategic plan for winning over southern legislators, see William B. Cannon, “Enlightened Localism: A Narrative Account of Poverty and Education in the Great Society,” Yale Law and Policy Review 4, no. 1 (Fall–Winter 1985): 6–60, esp. 39, 43; John A. Andrew III, Lyndon Johnson and the Great Society (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1998), 120–21. On Lady Bird Johnson’s visit without her husband, see Nan Robertson, “Mrs. Johnson Visits Poverty Area,” New York Times, March 22, 1964.

81. On photographs, see “Johnson and the People,” New York Times, May 3, 1964. On poor white images, also see “Johnson’s Great Society—Lines Are Drawn,” New York Times, March 14, 1965; and John Ed Pearce, “The Superfluous People of Hazard, Kentucky,” Reporter 28, no. 1 (January 3, 1963): 33–35; Homer Bigart, “Kentucky Miners: A Grim Winter,” New York Times, October 20, 1963; Robyn Muncy, “Coal-Fired Reforms: Social Citizenship, Dissident Miners, and the Great Society,” Journal of American History (June 2009): 72–98, esp. 74, 90–95; and Ronald Eller, Uneven Ground: Appalachia Since 1945 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2008), 20, 23–25, 30–32, 36–39; David Torstensson, “Beyond the City: Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty in Rural America,” Journal of Policy History 25, no. 4 (2013): 587–613, esp. 591–92, 596, 606.

82. On Johnson’s hat, see “Random Notes from All Over: Johnson Says Aye to LBJ Hats,” New York Times, February 17, 1964. On the poor, see Marjorie Hunter, “President’s Tour Dramatized Issue” and “Johnson Pledges to Aid the Needy,” New York Times, April 26, 1964, and September 21, 1964; Franklin D. Roosevelt, “State of the Union Address,” January 11, 1944.

83. Bill Moyers, “What a Real President Was Like: To Lyndon Johnson the Great Society Meant Hope and Dignity,” Washington Post, November 13, 1988. On manipulation of white trash pride in Faulkner’s writing, see John Rodden, “‘The Faithful Gravedigger’: The Role of ‘Innocent’ Wash Jones and the Invisible ‘White Trash’ in Faulkner’s Absalom, Absalom!,” Southern Literary Journal 43, no. 1 (Fall 2010): 23–38, esp. 23, 26, 30–31; and Jacques Pothier, “Black Laughter: Poor White Short Stories Behind Absalom, Absalom! and The Hamlet,” in William Faulkner’s Short Fiction, ed. Hans H. Skei (Oslo: Solum Forlag, 1977), 173–184, esp. 173. Nearly thirty years after he wrote A Southerner Discovers the South, Jonathan Daniels wrote of the unfulfilled promise of the American dream in the South. The “New South” was still the Old South, poor whites and blacks remained poor together, and “none but the blind can believe that in the South the unfortunate and dispossessed are only of one color.” See Daniels, “The Ever-Ever Land,” Harper’s Magazine (April 1965): 183–88.

84. For the Republican campaign attack film, see Nan Robertson, “G.O.P. Film Depicts ‘Moral Decay,’” New York Times, October 21, 1964; and Mann, Daisy Petals and Mushroom Clouds, 94–95. On Billy Carter’s famous comment, see “You’ll Have to Pardon Billy,” Milwaukee Sentinel,February 17, 1977; also see John Shelton Reed, Southern Folk, Plain and Fancy: Native White Social Types (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 38. On Malcolm X, see William E. Leuchtenburg, The White House Looks South: Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry Truman, and Lyndon B. Johnson (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005) 327.

85. On Elvis’s Cadillac, see Joe Hyams, “Meet Hollywood’s Biggest Spenders,” This Week Magazine, February 25, 1962. The film’s attack was based on stories about Johnson driving his car fast and drinking beer, but they added the references to him throwing cans out the window. On LBJ’s wild driving and posing with a piglet, see “Presidency: ‘Mr. President, You’re Fun,’” Time (April 3, 1964): 23–24. On the symbolic meaning of freedom (escaping your ancestors) associated with cars in American culture, see Deborah Clark, Driving Women: Fiction and Automobile Culture in Twentieth-Century America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007), 165.

86. On Fulbright and McGovern, see Albert Lauterbach, “How Much Cutback for Consumers,” Challenge 6, no. 7 (April 1958): 72–76, esp. 72; and Joseph Green, “Events & Opinions,” The Clearing House 32, no. 8 (April 1958): 485–86; also “Presley Termed a Passing Fancy,” New York Times, December 17, 1956. On Elvis’s “orgiastic” dancing, see Bosley Crowther, “The Screen: Culture Takes a Holiday: Elvis Presley Appears in ‘Love Me Tender,’” New York Times, November 16, 1956.

87. Robertson, “G.O.P. Film Depicts ‘Moral Decay.’” Elvis’s delinquent ways led a church congregation in Jackson, Florida, to pray for his soul; see “Elvis a Different Kind of Idol,” Life (August 27, 1956): 101–9, esp. 108–9. Elvis was considered the idol of delinquent boys; see Martin Gold, Status Forces in Delinquent Boys (Ann Arbor, MI: Institute for Social Research, 1963), 104; and Eugene Gilbert, “Typical Presley Fan Is a ‘C’ Student; Aloof, Indifferent,” [New Orleans] Times-Picayune, March 14, 1958. On Appalachians having no respect for working hard and striving to move up the ladder, see Roscoe Griffin, “When Families Move . . . from Cinder Hollow to Cincinnati,” Mountain Life and Work (Winter 1956): 11–20, esp. 16, 18. On the lure of being lazy, see Damon Runyon, “My Old Home Town—The Passing of Crazy Bill,” Milwaukee Sentinel, September 8, 1957; Eller, Uneven Ground, 26.

88. Harrington wrote, “But the real explanation of why the poor are where they are is that they made the mistake of being born to the wrong parents, in the wrong section of the country, in the wrong industry, or in the wrong racial or ethnic group. Once that mistake has been made, they could have been paragons of will and morality, but most of them would never have had a chance to get out of the other America.” See Michael Harrington, The Other America: Poverty in the United States (Baltimore: Penguin, 1962), 21. Another researcher used a different set of analogies that emphasized inherited incapacities: he said the poor were “underendowed,” “economic invalids,” and possessed an “inadequate personal patrimony.” See Oscar Ornati, “Affluence and the Risk of Poverty,” Social Research 31, no. 3 (Autumn 1964): 333–46, esp. 341–45; and see Eller, Uneven Ground, 101.

89. John Kenneth Galbraith, The Affluent Society, 40th anniversary ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1999), 235–37; Harrington, The Other America, 9–14, 18, 34.

90. Lewis H. Lapham, “Who Is Lyndon Johnson?,” Saturday Evening Post (September 9, 1965): 21–25, 65–67, 70–72, esp. 66, 71. On the idiom of “big ones” as rich white folks and poor whites as craving land and respect, see Jack Temple Kirby, “Black and White in Rural South, 1915–1954,” Agricultural History 58, no. 3 (July 1984): 411–22, esp. 418; also see “Johnson’s Rare Word: ‘Caliche,’ a Soil Crust,” New York Times, January 5, 1965; “Politics Was Johnson’s Work, Rest, and Relaxation,” [Clearfield, PA] Progress, January 24, 1973; Ryan Greene, “Sideglances in the Mirror,” Gilmer [TX] Mirror, May 26, 1966.

91. James Reston, “Paradox and Reason,” New York Times, January 21, 1965.

92. Lyndon Johnson, “Remarks to Students Participating in the U.S. Senate Youth Program,” February 5, 1965, Public Papers of the Presidents: Johnson, 148–51, esp. 150.

Chapter Eleven: Redneck Roots: Deliverance, Billy Beer, and Tammy Faye

1. Mary Bernstein, “Identity Politics,” Annual Review of Sociology 31 (2005): 47–74, esp. 49, 53, 64. As Mary Louis Adams argued, “It is important to note that identity politics encompass a celebration of the group’s uniqueness as well as an analysis of its particular oppression”; see “There’s No Place Like Home: On the Place of Identity in Feminist Politics,” Feminist Review, no. 31 (Spring 1989): 22–33, esp. 25; and Douglas C. Rossinow, The Politics of Authenticity: Liberalism, Christianity, and the New Left in America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998); Mathew D. Lassiter, The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006), 1, 3.

2. Joseph Bensman and Arthur J. Vidich, “The New Middle Classes: Their Culture and Life Styles,” Journal of Aesthetic Education 4, no. 1 (January 1970): 23–39, esp. 24–25, 29.

3. Anne Roiphe, “‘An American Family’: Things Are Keen but Could Be Keener,” New York Times Magazine, February 18, 1973, 8–9, 41–43, 45–47, 50–53, esp. 8, 47, 50–53.

4. Thomas Lask, “Success of Search for ‘Roots’ Leaves Alex Haley Surprised,” New York Times, November 23, 1976; Paul D. Zimmerman, “In Search of a Heritage,” Newsweek (September 27, 1976): 94–96. Even the Library of Congress classified the book as genealogy instead of fiction; see David Henige, “Class as GR Instead?,” American Libraries 31, no. 4 (April 2000): 34–35.

5. The first compelling critique that exposed problems with his African research was Mark Ottaway, “Tangled Roots,” Sunday Times (London), April 10, 1977, 17, 21. His conclusions were reconfirmed by an African scholar who explained that the griot, or family storyteller, was unreliable, and told the inquirer what he wanted to hear. (Haley failed to tape the interview, relied on only one informant, and when other information contradicted the story he wanted, he ignored it.) See Donald R. Wright, “Unrooting Kunta Kinte: On the Perils of Relying on Encyclopedic Informants,” History in Africa 8 (1981): 205–17, esp. 206, 209–13. For Haley’s response to Ottaway’s criticism and his rationale for the unrealistic portrayal of Kinte’s village, see Robert D. McFadden, “Some Points of ‘Roots’ Questioned: Haley Stands by the Book as a Symbol,” New York Times, April 10, 1977. Professional historians had different reactions to Haley’s claims: Oscar Handlin of Harvard called the book a “fraud,” and Professor Willie Lee Rose of Johns Hopkins University, an expert in slavery, concluded that the “anachronisms . . . are too numerous and chip away at the verisimilitude of central matters in which it is important to have full faith.” See Israel Shenker, “Some Historians Dismiss Report of Factual Mistakes in ‘Roots,’” New York Times, April 10, 1977.

6. For the most thorough exposition of research errors in Roots, coauthored by a historian and genealogist, see Gary B. Mills and Elizabeth Shown Mills, “‘Roots’ and the New ‘Faction’: A Legitimate Tool for Clio?,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 89, no. 1 (January 1981): 3–26, esp. 6–19. On Haley’s class bias (making his ancestors superior to other slaves), see Mills and Mills, “‘Roots’ and the New ‘Faction,’” 25; and James A. Hijiya, “Roots: Family and Ethnicity in the 1970s,” American Quarterly 30, no. 4 (Autumn 1978): 548–56.

7. For Haley as a hoaxer, see Stanley Crouch, “The Beloved Fraud of ‘Roots,’” Garden City Telegram, May 9, 2011; for timing of pitch to ABC, see obituary of Brandon Stoddard, who developed the Roots miniseries, Washington Post, December 29, 2014.

8. James A. Michener, Chesapeake (New York: Random House, 1978), 158–59, 161.

9. Ibid., 325, 803, 822, 826, 842–45, 854–55; Tom Horton, “Michener’s ‘Chesapeake’ Revisited Novel,” Baltimore Sun, October 24, 1997.

10. See Nancy Isenberg and Andrew Burstein, “Adamses on Screen,” in A Companion to John Adams and John Quincy Adams, ed. David Waldstreicher (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2013), 487–509; Boorstin’s introduction, in Jack Shepherd, The Adams Chronicles: Four Generations of Greatness (Boston: Little, Brown, 1975), xxxi; and Hijiya, “Roots,” 551.

11. Pete Hamill, “The Revolt of the White Lower Middle Class,” New York (April 14, 1969): 24–29; Philip Shabecoff, “A Blue-Collar Voter Discusses His Switch to Nixon,” New York Times, November 6, 1972; Richard Nixon, “Address Accepting the Presidential Nomination at the Republican National Convention in Miami Beach, Florida, August 8, 1968,” in John T. Woolley and Gerhard Peters, The American Presidency Project at UC Santa Barbara, http://presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25968; Scott J. Spitzer, “Nixon’s New Deal: Welfare Reform for the Silent Majority,” Presidential Quarterly 42, no. 3 (September 2012): 455–81, esp. 458–62, 471, 473, 477; Rick Perlstein, Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America (New York: Scribner, 2008); Lassiter, The Silent Majority, 234, 236; Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics(New York: Macmillan, 1972), 4, 30, 53, 60, 70–71, 81, 258–60; Matthew Frye Jacobson, Roots Too: White Ethnics Revival in Post–Civil Rights America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006), 44–45, 190.

12. See Washington syndicated NEA (Newspaper Enterprise Association) columnist Bruce Biossat, “White Poor in US Forgotten Masses,” Gadsden [AL] Times, September 14, 1969; Biossat, “Poor White Dilemma,” Sumter Daily Item, May 24, 1967; “White Tar Heels Poor, Too,” Spring Hope[NC] Enterprise, November 2, 1967; Marjorie Hunter, “To the Poor in South Carolina, Free Food Stamps Are a Source of Satisfaction and Embarrassment,” New York Times, May 18, 1969. On the role of the welfare rights movement, see Premilla Nadasen, Welfare Warriors: The Welfare Rights Movement in the United States (New York: Routledge, 2005); and Felicia Kornbluh, The Battle for Welfare Rights: Politics and Poverty in Modern America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007); “The Work Ethic,” New York Times, November 6, 1972; Gaylord Shaw, “Welfare Ethic Advocates Hits; Leads to Vicious Cycle of Dependency—Nixon,” [New Orleans] Times-Picayune, September 4, 1972; also see “Transcript of the President’s Labor Day Address,” New York Times, September 7, 1971.

13. Marcus Klein, “Heritage of the Ghetto,” Nation (March 27, 1976): 373–75, esp. 373.

14. On changes in NASCAR from the forties to the seventies, see Daniel, Lost Revolutions, 94–97, 108–10, 118–20. On Dolly Parton, see “People Are Talking About: Dolly Parton,” Vogue (October 1, 1977): 300–301. On “redneck chic,” see Patrick Huber, “A Short History of Redneck: The Fashioning of a Southern White Masculine Identity,” Southern Cultures 1, no. 2 (Winter 1995): 145–66, esp. 159. On redneck country music, see Joe Edwards, “He’s a Redneck,” Reading [PA] Eagle, August 12, 1976; and Joe Edwards, “‘Redneck’ Doesn’t Have to Be Offensive,” Gadsden [AL] Times, March 25, 1983. On White Trash Cooking, see Sylvia Carter, “He’s Proud to Be ‘White Trash,’” Milwaukee Journal, December 29, 1986.

15. See Robert Basler, “Dolly Parton: Fittin’ into Floozydom Comfortably,” [Lafayette, LA] Advertiser, April 24, 1986; Emily Satterwhite, Dear Appalachia (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 2011), 131, 172, 174–75.

16. See Lillian Smith, “White Trash” (ca. 1964 or 1965) and “The Poor White’s Future” (ca. 1964), Lillian Eugenia Smith Papers, Box 41, ms. 1283 A, and Box 43, ms. 1238 A, Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library, University of Georgia Libraries, Athens; Huber, “A Short History of Redneck,” 161.

17. Robert Sherrill, “The Embodiment of Poor White Power,” New York Times Magazine, February 28, 1971. In 1968, a group of demonstrators from an Appalachian contingent of the Poor People’s Campaign protested at his home in Arlington. See John Yago, “Poor Encountered a Slick Senator,” Charleston Gazette, June 24, 1968; also see Sanford J. Ungar, “The Man Who Runs the Senate: Bobby Byrd: An Upstart Comes to Power,” Atlantic Monthly (September 1975): 29–35, esp. 35; and Robert C. Byrd, Robert C. Byrd: Child of the Appalachian Coalfields (Morgantown: West Virginia University Press, 2005), 42, 53, 219–221, 223, 228, 235–37, 244–45.

18. See cover and “New Day A’Coming in the South,” Time (May 31, 1971): 14–20, esp. 14–16. On Wallace, see Dan T. Carter, “Legacy of Rage: George Wallace and the Transformation of American Politics,” Journal of Southern History 62, no. 1 (February 1996): 3–26, esp. 10–12, 26; Randy Sanders, “‘The Sad Duty of Politics’: Jimmy Carter and the Issue of Race in His 1970 Gubernatorial Campaign,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 76, no. 3 (Fall 1992): 612–38, esp. 620–21, 623–25; and see James Clotfelter and William R. Hamilton, “Electing a Governor in the Seventies,” in American Governor in Behavioral Perspective, eds. Thad Beyle and J. Oliver Williams (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), 32–39, esp. 34, 36.

19. Sanders, “‘The Sad Duty of Politics,’” 632–33.

20. On Dickey inventing his mountain roots, see Satterwhite, Dear Appalachia, 149–50, 508–11; and Henry Hart, “James Dickey: The World as a Lie,” The Sewanee Review 108, no. 1 (Winter 2000): 93–106; also Harkins, Hillbilly, 209. In his memoir, Dickey’s son Christopher recounted his father’s endless need to lie about his life; for a review of the memoir (Summer of Deliverance: A Memoir of Father and Son), see David Kirby, “Liar and Son,” New York Times, August 30, 1998; on Dickey’s egomania, see Benjamin Griffith, “The Egomaniac as Myth Maker” (review of The One Voice of James Dickey: His Letters and Life, 1970–1997), Sewanee Review 117, no. 1 (Winter 2009): vi–viii.

21. In the novel, Dickey describes Bobby as “plump and pink,” and screaming and squalling. He also has Lewis voice the survivalist ethos that the four men must tap the instincts within themselves to endure their ordeal. As used goods, Bobby is unable to overcome the “taint” of his rape. See James Dickey, Deliverance (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1970), 54, 121–22, 126, 135, 167; also see Christopher Ricks, “Man Hunt,” New York Review of Books 14, no. 8 (April 23, 1970), 37–40, esp. 40; Walter Clemmons, “James Dickey, Novelist,” New York Times, March 22, 1970. On the sexualized nature of the trauma and the pact among the three survivors, see Linda Ruth Williams, “Blood Brothers,” Sight and Sound, September 1994, 16–19. For a review that focused on “sodomy-inclined hillbillies,” see Vincent Canby, “The Screen: James Dickey’s ‘Deliverance’ Arrives,” New York Times, July 31, 1972.

22. Not only does Drew show compassion, but he is the only one to defend the law over Lewis’s primal code of survival. See Dickey, Deliverance, 68, 70, 137; Anil Narine, “Global Trauma at Home: Technology, Modernity, ‘Deliverance,’” Journal of American Studies 42, no. 3 (December 2008): 449–70, esp. 466. On the idiot savant, see Hal Aigner, “‘Deliverance’ by John Boorman,” Film Quarterly 26, no. 2 (Winter 1972–73): 39–41, esp. 41.

23. On discovery of this “rare breed,” Wolfe writes, “There is Detroit, hardly able to believe itself, what it has discovered, a breed of good old boys from the fastness of the Appalachian hills and flats—a handful from this rare breed—who have given Detroit . . . speed . . . and the industry can present it to a whole generation as . . . yours.” Tom Wolfe, “The Last American Hero Is Junior Johnson. Yes!” Esquire (March 1965): 68–74, 138, 142–48, 150–52, 154–55, esp. 71, 74, 147, 155.

24. Andrew Horton, “Hot Car Films & Cool Individualism or, ‘What We Have Here Is a Lack of Respect for the Law,’” Cinéaste 8, no. 4 (Summer 1978): 12–15, esp. 14; and James Poniewozik, “What Did The Dukes of Hazzard Really Say About the South?,” Time (July 2, 2015).

25. Wolfe, “The Last American Hero,” 71, 74, 144.

26. James Wooten, Dasher: The Roots and Rising of Jimmy Carter (New York: Summit Books, 1978), 280, 346–47, 354–56; and James Wooten, “The Man Who Refused to Lose: James Earl Carter Jr.,” New York Times, July 15, 1976.

27. For Carter on the kinship he felt for Justice Hugo Black and Estes Kafauver, see Anthony Lewis, “Jimmy Carter: Southern Populist,” Morning Record, June 4, 1976. On Carter’s “log cabin” campaign style, see Frank Jackman (of the New York Daily News), “Profile: Who Is Jimmy Carter?” [St. Petersburg, FL] Evening Independent, July 15, 1976. On the Allman Brothers benefits for Carter, see Wayne King, “Rock Goes Back to Where It All Began: Rock Goes South,” New York Times, June 20, 1976. On the radio ad, see Eli Evans, “The Natural Superiority of Southern Politicians,” New York Times, January 16, 1977. For Carter describing himself as “white trash made good,” see Charles Mohr, “Reporter’s Notebook: Enigmatic Side of Carter,” New York Times, July 1, 1976. Young’s comment was aimed at the black community, where many of Carter’s critics called him a “cracker” and “redneck.” And Carter called himself a redneck; see Paul Delaney, “Many Black Democratic Leaders Voice Doubt: Fear and Distrust About Carter,” New York Times, July 6, 1976. Other political observers saw Carter as the “new roots” of a new South, because he was not a redneck; see James Wolcott, “Presidential Aesthetics: You’ve Seen the Movie (‘Nashville’), Now Meet the Candidate—Jimmy Carter,” Village Voice, January 19, 1976.

28. Roy Blount Jr., Crackers: This Whole Many Angled Thing of Jimmy, More Carters, Ominous Little Animals, Sad Singing Women, My Daddy and Me (New York: Knopf, 1980), 210, 221. Norman Mailer wrote about the campaign film shown at the Democratic convention that covered the parodies of Carter’s famous smile (such as Alfred E. Neuman on the cover of Mad Magazine); see Norman Mailer, “The Search for Carter,” New York Times Magazine, September 26, 1976, 20–21, 69–73, 88–90, esp. 69. And there was even an Associated Press news story on Carter’s dentist, see Fred Cormier, “That Famous Carter Grin Doesn’t Need Toothpaste,” Ocala Star-Banner, February 7, 1980.

29. On Carter’s tenacity for his roots, see John Dillin, “Jimmy Carter: Forces in His Life,” Boca Raton News, August 1, 1976 (reprinted from the Christian Science Monitor); Robert D. Hershey Jr., “Carter’s Family Linked to Royalty by British Publication on Peerage,” New York Times, August 12, 1977. For Carter’s fascination with his own roots, also see Wooten, Dasher, 62. On the fact that the “details” of Carter’s colonial Virginia heritage were as sketchy and improbable as Alex Haley’s, see Douglas Brinkley, “A Time for Reckoning: Jimmy Carter and the Cult of Kinfolk,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 29, no. 4 (December 1999): 778–97, esp. 781. And on the centrality of Carter’s Georgia roots as crucial to his self-fashioning, see F. N. Boney, “Georgia’s First President: The Emergence of Jimmy Carter,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 72, no. 1 (Spring 1988): 119–32, esp. 119, 123.

30. See Phil Gailey, “Meet Billy Carter,” [St. Petersburg, FL] Evening Independent, July 15, 1976; Huber, “A Short History of Redneck,” 158. On selling mobile homes, see “Billy Carter,” [Henderson, NC] Times-News, September 23, 1981; also see Stanley W. Cloud, “A Wry Clown: Billy Carter, 1937–1988,” Time (October 10, 1988): 44.

31. Blount, Crackers, 93, 131–32.

32. On Shrum, see Mary McGrory, “Ex-Carter Speech Writer Says Jimmy Lies,” Boca Raton News, May 9, 1976. On poor women, see David S. Broder, “Life Isn’t Fair,” Telegraph, July 25, 1977. Carter displayed the same dichotomy on welfare, calling for greater health care for poor rural women, yet emphasizing that government cannot “solve all our problems.” As one New York Timesreporter noted, Carter’s Dixie conservatism was part of a tradition that “embraces a certain fatalism about social inequalities and the natural pecking order more readily than do Northern liberals”; see Hendrick Smith, “Carter’s Political Dichotomy: Beliefs Rooted in Southern Democratic Traditions Seem to Counteract His Compassion for the Poor,” New York Times, July 16, 1977; and Andrew R. Flint and Joy Porter, “Jimmy Carter: The Re-Emergence of Faith-Based Politics and the Abortion Rights Issue,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 35, no. 1 (March 2005): 28–51, esp. 39.

33. For a sample of the stories of the rabbit affair, see Chicago Tribune–New York News Syndicate writer Jack W. Germond and Jules Witcover, “Laughing with the President—Or at Him,” St. Petersburg Times, September 1, 1979; “Banzai Bunny ‘Just a Quiet Georgia Rabbit,’” Montreal Gazette, August 31, 1979; “Carter and Peter Rabbit,” Lewiston Evening Journal, August 31, 1979; Louis Cook, “About the Rabbit . . . ,” Bangor Daily News, August 31, 1979; Valerie Schulthies, “Monster Rabbits Strike Terror in Many a Heart,” Deseret News, September 1, 1979; Ralph de Toledano, “The Great Rabbit Caper,” Lodi [CA] News-Sentinel, September 20, 1979. For Carter telling the story, see “Questions Get Tough When Carter Meets the Press,” Palm Beach Post,August 31, 1979; “A Tale of Carter and the ‘Killer Rabbit’; President Orders Photograph,” “Carter Describes Foe: ‘Quiet Georgia Rabbit,’” and “Rabbit Photo Kept Secret,” New York Times, August 29, August 31, and September 5, 1979. For a release of the “clearest picture” of the rabbit duel, see “The Famed Rabbit Attack,” Gainesville [FL] Sun, June 23, 1981. Tom Paxton wrote a satirical song, titled “I Don’t Want a Bunny Wunny,” playing on the theme of a mock duel or battle: “President Carter saved the day; / Splashed with the paddle, rabbit swam away. / Jimmy was a hero, felt it in his bones, / Said in the words of John Paul Jones.”

34. On Reagan’s visit to Ireland, see Jacobson, Roots Too, 16–17. When Reagan gave a speech at the dedication of the Carter library, he called Carter’s personal story the “story of the South,” clearly the opposite of what Reagan stood for. On Reagan not understanding the South, see Frederick Allen, “Jimmy Carter, a Son of the South Who Bore the Region’s Burdens,” [Wilmington, NC] Star-News, October 5, 1986. On Reagan’s acting skills and the Nancy Reagan “pigsty” rumor, see Bob Schieffer and Gary Paul Gates, The Acting President (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1989), 170, 181, 375. Kitty Kelley wrote that Nancy Reagan wanted “‘a return of dignity,’” as if “the Carters had been jugheads in blue jeans who prodded cattle through the halls”; see Kitty Kelley, Nancy Reagan: The Unauthorized Biography (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1991), 296–97. On Reagan’s “media reflexes,” see Lance Morrow, “The Decline of Oratory,” Time (August 18, 1980): 76, 78, esp. 76.

35. Patrick Buchanan, “Reagan Offers Hope to Blacks,” Chicago Tribune, September 2, 1980.

36. Blount, Crackers, 5. On Bakker at the White House, see Dudley Clendinen, “Spurred by White House Parley, TV Evangelists Spread Word,” New York Times, September 10, 1984. For the “Pass-the-Loot Club,” see Sandy Grady, “Camera Double-Crossed Bakker,” Spokane Chronicle,September 22, 1989. On the forty-five-year sentence, see June Preston, “Bakker Given 45 Years, $500,000 Fine for Fraud,” Schenectady Gazette, October 25, 1989. By 1987, the PTL broadcast on 165 local stations covering 85 percent of the national TV market; see Charles E. Shepard, Forgiven: The Rise and Fall of Jim Bakker and the PTL Ministry (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1989), 239.

37. For the “Bible school dropout,” see Preston, “Bakker Given 45 Years”; for the Bakkers’ extravagant lifestyle, see Elizabeth LeLand, “Jim and Tammy Bakker Lived Life of Luxuriant Excess,” Ocala Star-Banner, May 24, 1987; Richard N. Ostling, “Of God and Greed: Bakker and Falwell Trade Charges in Televangelism’s Unholy Row,” Time (June 8, 1987): 70–72, 74, esp. 72. On living in a trailer and later excesses, see Shepard, Forgiven, 35, 110, 133, 180, 201, 249, 264, 551.

38. On Jim Bakker’s use of his poor class background in his religious message, see Richard N. Ostling, “TV’s Unholy Row: A Sex-and-Money Scandal Tarnishes Electronic Evangelicalism,” Time (April 6, 1987): 60–64, 67, esp. 62. On prosperity theology, see “Jim Bakker,” in Randall Herbert Balmer, Encyclopedia of Evangelicalism (Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2004), 50–52; and Axel R. Schafer, Countercultural Conservatives: American Evangelicalism from the Postwar Revival to the New Christian Right (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2011), 125. On the “cheesy” nature of the Jim and Tammy show, see Brian Siang, “Jim & Tammy Faye’s Fall from Grace Is Perfectly Clear,” Philadelphia Inquirer, April 8, 1987.

39. On Tammy’s drug addiction, see “Tammy Bakker Treated,” [New Orleans] Times-Picayune, 1986; and Ostling, “Of God and Greed,” 72. On sex scandals and Hahn revelations, see Associated Press story, “Playboy Interview with Jessica Hahn,” [Spartanburg, SC] Herald Journal, September 22, 1987; Horace Davis, “Hahn’s Story—In Hahn’s Words,” Lakeland [FL] Ledger, October 9, 1987; “Fletcher Says Bakker Bisexual,” Gadsden [AL] Times, December 5, 1988; “As He Faces Likely Indictment, New Sex Accusation: Bakker Says Christianity in Disarray,” Ellensburg [WA] Daily Record, December 5, 1988; “Bakker Defrocked by Assemblies of God,” Lodi [CA] News-Sentinel, May 7, 1987; Montgomery Brower, “Unholy Roller Coaster,” People, September 18, 1989, 98–99, 102–4, 106, esp. 104; Mary Zeiss Stange, “Jessica Hahn’s Strange Odyssey from PTL to Playboy,” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 6, no. 1 (Spring 1990): 105–16, esp. 106; “The Jessica Hahn Story: Part 1,” Playboy, November 1987, 178–80; “The Jessica Hahn Story: Part 2,” Playboy, December 1987, 198; “Jessica: A New Life,” Playboy, September 1988, 158–62.

40. On sending out the appeals for money on the first of the month, see Montgomery, “Unholy Roller Coaster,” 106; Nicholas Von Hoffman, “White Trash Moves Front and Center,” Bangor Daily News, April 8, 1987. Hoffman’s editorial appeared alongside a cartoon of Satan meeting with his minions, holding a paper marked “T.V. Evangelicals.” Satan is saying, “Then it’s agreed. The hostile takeover will not be attempted. The enterprise in question being too sleazy for our consideration.” For the typical viewers of televangelist shows, see Barry R. Litman and Elizabeth Bain, “The Viewership of Religious Television Programming: A Multidisciplinary Analysis of Televangelism,” Review of Religion 30, no. 4 (June 1989): 329–43, esp. 338. For President Reagan cultivating televangelists, see Jeffrey K. Hadden, “The Rise and Fall of American Televangelism,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 527 (May 1993): 113–30, esp. 126.

41. “Tammy Faye Bakker,” in R. Marie Griffith, “The Charismatic Movement,” in Encyclopedia of Women and Religion in North America, eds. Rosemary Skinner Keller and Rosemary Radford Reuther (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 2006), 463; Shepard, Forgiven, 6–7, 30–31, 152–53; and William E. Schmidt, “For Jim and Tammy Bakker, Excess Wiped Out a Rapid Climb to Success,” New York Times, May 16, 1987.

42. Parton told Roy Blount that the reason for her outrageous appearance was that she had nothing as a child and, having acquired money, “I’m gonna pile it all over me.” Roy Blount Jr., “Country’s Angels,” Esquire (March 1977): 62–66, 124–26, 131–32, esp. 126; Pamela Wilson, “Mountains of Contradictions: Gender, Class, and Region in the Star Image of Dolly Parton,” South Atlantic Quarterly 94, no. 1 (Winter 1995): 109–34, esp. 110, 112, 125; Pamela Fox, “Recycled ‘Trash’: Gender and Authenticity in Country Music Autobiography,” American Quarterly 50, no. 2 (June 1998): 234–66, esp. 258–59; Dolly Parton, My Life and Other Unfinished Business (New York: HarperCollins, 1994), 59.

43. Griffith, “Tammy Faye Bakker,” 463. On the Tammy Faye Bakker dolls being sold for $675 at the Heritage USA gift shop, and for $500 from the doll maker herself, see “Tammy Faye Dolls Selling for $500,” [Wilmington, NC] Star-News, May 19, 1987.

44. Roger Ebert, “Tammy Faye’s Story Captured in Documentary,” January 24, 2000, RogerEbert.com; Renee V. Lucas, “The Tammy Look: It’s Makeup by the Numbers,” Philly.com, April 8, 1987.

Chapter Twelve: Outing Rednecks: Slumming, Slick Willie, and Sarah Palin

1. Margo Jefferson, “Slumming: Ain’t We Got Fun?,” Vogue (August 1, 1988): 344–47; Mike Boone, “Magnum’s Oh, So English Chum Higgins Is Really a Texas Redneck,” Montreal Gazette, June 19, 1982.

2. Lewis Grizzard, “In Defense of Hillbillies and Rednecks,” [Burlington, NC] Times-News, December 3, 1993. On Grizzard’s reputation, see “Columnist Grizzard Dies After Surgery,” [Schenectady, NY] Daily Gazette, March 22, 1984. For “redneck” becoming a term of endearment, see Clarence Page, “Getting to the Root of Redneck,” Chicago Tribune, July 16, 1987; and Larry Rohter, “To Call a Floridian a ‘Cracker’ in Anger May Be a Crime,” New York Times, August 19, 1991.

3. Celia Riverbark, “‘Hey, Do You Know Me?’: The Definition of Redneck Depends on Your Point of View,” [Wilmington, NC] Star-News, August 23, 1993.

4. Stacy McCain, “One Thing Gingrich Is Not, Is a Redneck,” Rome [GA] News-Tribune, November 27, 1994; and in syndicated column “Hart to Heart,” Jeffrey Hart, “What’s Behind David Duke?,” Gadsden [AL] Times, October 31, 1991.

5. One reviewer of Chute’s second book remarked, “If Ms. Chute’s characters were Southern, we’d call them poor white trash”; see Mary Davenport, “Chute Novel Finds White Trash Up North,” [Wilmington, NC] Star-News, May 29, 1988. Scholars have identified the genre as “Rough South,” of which Allison has figured prominently, but the regional name is inaccurate given that Chute’s subjects are rural families in Maine. For a discussion of the genre and how these novelists write from “within” their class, see Erik Bledsoe, “The Rise of Southern Redneck and White Trash Writers,” Southern Cultures 6, no. 1 (Spring 2000): 68–90, esp. 68.

6. Carolyn Chute, The Beans of Egypt, Maine (New York: Ticknor & Fields, 1985), 10–11, 21, 23–25, 92, 100, 114–16, 122–24, 134–35, 156, 174, 189.

7. Ibid., 135–36, 165, 175, 177–79, 181, 192.

8. Ibid., 3, 46–47, 122, 116.

9. Ibid., 3.

10. See Peter S. Prescott, “A Gathering of Social Misfits: Six New Novels Take a Walk on Life’s Weirder Shores,” Newsweek (February 25, 1985): 86; and David Gates, “Where the Self Is a Luxury Item,” Newsweek (June 13, 1988): 77. Chute emphasized that she was “so close to these people—they were my people”; see Ellen Lesser and Carolyn Chute, “An Interview with Carolyn Chute,” New England Review and Bread Loaf Quarterly 8, no. 2 (Winter 1985): 158–77, esp. 161, 174. For other interviews highlighting her experiences with poverty, see Donald M. Kreis, “Life Better for ‘Beans of Egypt’ Author Carolyn Chute,” Lewiston [ME] Daily Sun, March 6, 1985; and Katherine Adams, “Chute Dialogics: A Sidelong Glance from Egypt, Maine,” National Women’s Studies Association Journal 17, no. 1 (Spring 2005): 1–22.

11. Lesser and Chute, “An Interview with Carolyn Chute,” 158, 160, 164–67, 177. For her husband as “coauthor,” see Dudley Clendinin, “Carolyn Chute Found Her Love and Her Calling in Maine,” Gainesville [FL] Sun, February 3, 1985. On the influence of her husband, see “Illiterate Mate Inspires Maine’s Carolyn Chute,” [Lewiston, ME] Sun Journal, September 16, 1991. For a realistic portrait of Maine poverty, see Leigh McCarthy, “Carolyn Chute Took a Bum Rap on Poverty,” Bangor [ME] Daily News, September 24, 1985.

12. In 1985, Chute distinguished herself from rednecks. Doing public readings, she wrote, “gives me a chance to see some people that aren’t [slaps her neck with her hand to indicate ‘redneck.’] I wouldn’t mind if rednecks showed up, that would be all right. I just don’t like to see them brushing their teeth out my window.” See Lesser and Chute, “An Interview with Carolyn Chute,” 163. But in 2000, she wrote, “But being a redneck, working class—or, more accurately, the ‘tribal class,’—I am proud of that.” See “An Interview with Carolyn Chute,” New Democracy Newsletter (March–April 2000), in Newdemocracyworld.org; Charles McGrath, “A Writer in a Living Novel,” New York Times, November 3, 2008; Carolyn Chute, The Beans of Egypt, Maine: The Finished Version (San Diego: Harcourt Brace & Co., 1995), 273, 275; Gregory Leon Miller, “The American Protest Novel in a Time of Terror: Carolyn Chute’s Merry Men,” Texas Studies in Literature and Language 52, no. 1 (Spring 2010): 102–28, esp. 103; Dwight Gardner, “Carolyn Chute’s Wicked Good Militia,” Salon.com, February 24, 1996.

13. Chute explains that Reuben Bean’s immaturity comes from social disadvantages; he “was at a childish level, not in his intelligence but in his emotional development.” See Lesser and Chute, “An Interview with Carolyn Chute,” 169. Chute also said in another interview that the minimum wage produces genuine male rage and that women were better able to endure than men. See “Chute’s Book Is a Real American Classic,” [Norwalk, CT] Hour, February 21, 1985.

14. Dorothy Allison, Bastard Out of Carolina (New York: Plume, 1992), 12, 22–24, 69, 80–81, 91, 98–99, 123.

15. Ibid., 102. Chute also talked about the shame of using food stamps. “But in the little stores they were kind of mean to us. Food stamps, you know, ugh. They come right out with it. I got to the point where I didn’t want to go to the store anymore, I was so embarrassed. I really dreaded going. There was a lot of times when Michael and I were eligible for food stamps that we didn’t go, because I felt so humiliated by it.” See Lesser and Chute, “An Interview with Carolyn Chute,” 169.

16. Allison, Bastard Out of Carolina, 309.

17. For his July Fourth speech, see William Jefferson Clinton, “What Today Means to Me,” Pittsburgh Post Gazette, July 4, 1993.

18. Ibid. On Clinton standing up to his stepfather, see Ron Fournier, “Early Lessons Serve Him Well,” Beaver County [PA] Times, January 20, 1993. On The Man from Hope film, see David M. Timmerman, “1992 Presidential Candidate Films: The Contrasting Narratives of George Bush and Bill Clinton,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 26, no. 2 (Spring 1996): 364–73, esp. 367.

19. Mike Feinsilber, “But Others Say, ‘You’re No Thomas Jefferson,’” Prescott [AZ] Courier, January 17, 1993.

20. On describing Clinton as a poor sharecropper, see Todd S. Purdum, “If Kennedy’s Musical Was ‘Camelot,’ What’s Clinton’s?,” New York Times, January 17, 1993. See AP photograph of Clinton with the mule George in Centralia, Illinois, July 21, 1992, in Brian Resnick, “Campaign Flashback: Bill Clinton in Summer ’92,” National Journal; and Josh O’Bryant, “Well-Known Democratic Mule of Walker Dies,” Walker County [GA] Messenger, May 14, 2008.

21. Roy Reed, “Clinton Country: Despite Its Image as a Redneck Dogpatch, Arkansas Has Long Been a Breeding Ground of Progressive Politics,” New York Times Magazine, September 6, 1992; Peter Applebome, “Suddenly Arkansas’s Being Noticed, but a First Glance Can Be Misleading,” New York Times, September 26, 1992; Hank Harvey, “Arkansas Needs Clinton’s Candidacy,” Toledo Blade, October 4, 1992; Molly Ivins, “Clinton Still a Kid from Arkansas,” [Wilmington, NC] Star-News, July 15, 2004; Randall Bennett Woods, J. William Fulbright, Vietnam, and the Search for a Cold War Foreign Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 280.

22. David Grimes, “Put Bubba in White House,” Sarasota Herald-Tribune, July 21, 1992; Nancy Kruh (Dallas Morning News) syndicated in [Spokane, WA] Spokesman Review, February 14, 1993; Michael Kelly, “A Magazine Will Tell All About Bubba,” New York Times, February 4, 1993.

23. On Greenberg’s use of “Slick Willie,” see Paul Greenberg, “Truth Catches Slick Willie,” Tuscaloosa News, February 19, 1992; Paul Greenberg, “Why Yes, I Did Dub Bill Clinton ‘Slick Willie,’ but Then, He Earned It,” [Fredericksburg, VA] Free Lance-Star, June 28, 2004; “Just Why Is Slick Willy So Smooth?,” [Burlington, NC] Times-News, April 6, 1992; Sandy Grady, “Clinton’s Biggest Enemy Is Image of ‘Slick Willie,’” The Day [New London, CT], April 16, 1992; Martin Schram, “Wherever Bill Clinton Goes, Slick Willie Is Sure to Follow,” Rome [GA] News-Tribune,April 6, 1992; Walter D. Myers, “‘Slick Willie’ Clinton Inherits the Woes of Tricky Dick,” [Bend, OR] Bulletin, April 2, 1992.

24. See Schieffer and Gates, The Acting President, 180. Colorado congresswoman Patricia Schroeder gave Reagan the name “Teflon-coated president”; see Steven V. Roberts, “Many Who See Failure in His Policies Don’t Blame Their Affable President,” New York Times, March 2, 1984; Donald Kaul, “Slick Willie Starts to Look Like Barney Fife,” [Wilmington, NC] Star-News, February 11, 1993.

25. On Clinton singing the Elvis song, see “Elvis Presley Sighting in Clinton Campaign,” Allegheny Times [PA], April 3, 1992. Clinton’s staff also used Paul Simon’s song “Graceland” to introduce the candidate before his speeches; see “Elvis Running,” Ellensburg [WA] Daily Record, April 3, 1992. For Elvis as the reporters’ nickname for Clinton, see John King, “Slick Willie’s Calling on Elvis,” Lodi [CA] News-Sentinel, May 4, 1992; “Clinton Inaugural: He’d Invite Elvis,” Gainesville [FL] Sun, May 1, 1992. For Clinton communing with the spirit of Elvis, see “Clinton Enjoying His Lead: He’s Finding Time to Joke About Elvis,” Reading Eagle, October 22, 1992. For an Elvis impersonator participating in the inaugural parade, see “‘Elvis’ to Perform in Grand Parade for Clinton,” New Straits Times [Singapore], December 16, 1992. On Bush hiring an impersonator and The Arsenio Hall Show, see Daniel Marcus, Happy Days and Wonder Years (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004), 156, 166–67.

26. For “Elvis is America,” and the Elvis image as a way to attract more centrist voters, see “Elvis and Bill: Southern Boys with Thangs in Common” [Wilmington, NC] Star-News (reprinted from the Economist), August 18, 1996; and Marcus, Happy Days, 155, 158.

27. Bill Maxwell, “‘Seen as ‘White Trash’: Maybe Some Hate Clinton Because He’s Too Southern,” [Wilmington, NC] Star-News, June 19, 1994. On Noonan gushing over Reagan and Pope John Paul II, two men she wrote books about, see Kenneth L. Woodward, “‘John Paul the Great,’ by Peggy Noonan,” New York Times, December 18, 2005; Helen Eisenbach, “Looking for Mr. Right,” New York (September 1, 2004); and on Gergen and Noonan seeing Reagan as a beloved father figure who transcended his party, see Marcus, Happy Days, 83; and Peggy Noonan, What I Saw at the Revolution: A Political Life in the Reagan Era (New York: Random House, 1990), 127.

28. Maxwell, “Seen as ‘White Trash.’”

29. For the revival of the “Slick Willie” slur, see Jack Germond and Jules Witcover, “Clinton’s Deposition Reveals Reputation as ‘Slick Willie,’” Reading [PA] Eagle, March 12, 1998. William Rusher argued that Clinton was white trash, that with his “record of moral squalor and criminal misconduct, we must now add an essential tackiness straight out of the trailer parks of Arkansas”; see William Rusher, “White Trash in the White House,” Cherokee County [GA] Herald, February 7, 2001; Jack Hitt, “Isn’t It Romantic?,” Harper’s Magazine (November 1998): 17–20, esp. 17; “Second White House Response to Starr,” Washington Post, September 12, 1998.

30. See Marianne Means, “But Bill Clinton’s No Thomas Jefferson,” [Wilmington, NC] Star-News, November 7, 1998; Thomas J. Lucente Jr. “No Comparison for Clinton and Jefferson,” Lawrence Journal-World, November 20, 1998; Georgie Anne Geyer, “Clinton and Jefferson: An Odd Comparison,” Victoria Advocate, November 12, 1998. There was a cartoon accompanying Geyer’s article of Clinton calling Jefferson and telling him not to worry about the DNA evidence. “The People don’t give a damn!” Also see Andrew Burstein, Annette Gordon-Reed, and Nancy Isenberg, “Three Perspectives on America’s Jefferson Fixation,” Nation (November 30, 1998): 23–28.

31. Jeffery Jackson, “Understanding Clinton: The King Is Dead; Long Live the King,” Nevada Daily Mail, August 19, 1999.

32. See Toni Morrison, “The Talk of the Town,” New Yorker (October 5, 1998): 31–32, esp. 32.

33. Kathleen Parker, “Democratic Race Seems to Be Bill vs. Oprah,” The Item, December 1, 2007. Andrew Young also made the crude comment that Clinton had slept with more black women than Barack Obama. On Klein’s Primary Colors, see Eric Lott, “The First Boomer: Bill Clinton, George W., and Fictions of State,” Representations 84, no. 1 (November 2003): 100–122, esp. 101, 108, 111.

34. Frank Rich, “Palin and McCain’s Shotgun Marriage,” New York Times, September 7, 2008; Erica Jong, “The Mary Poppins Syndrome,” Huffington Post, October 4, 2008; Eliza Jane Darling, “O Sister! Sarah Palin and the Parlous Politics of Poor White Trash,” Dialectical Anthropology 33, no. 1 (March 2009): 15–27, esp. 19, 21. On Wasilla as a redneck town, see Jill Clarke of the Associated Press, “Alaskan Views of Clinton Reflect Those in the Lower 48,” [Schenectady, NY] Daily Gazette, January 16, 1999.

35. Monica Davey, “Palin Daughter’s Pregnancy Interrupts G.O.P. Convention Script,” New York Times, September 2, 2008; Stephanie Clifford, “Readers See Bias in Us Weekly’s Take on Sarah Palin,” New York Times, September 8, 2008; Maureen Dowd, “My Fair Veep,” New York Times,September 10, 2008; David Firestone, “Sarah Palin’s Alaskan Rhapsody,” New York Times, December 9, 2010.

36. It was discovered that Palin had spent “tens of thousands” more than the disclosed $150,000 and that $20,000 to $40,000 had been used for her husband’s clothes; see “Hackers and Spending Sprees,” Newsweek (November 5, 2008); also see Darling, “O Sister! Sarah Palin,” 24.

37. Sam Tanenhaus, “North Star: Populism, Politics, and the Power of Sarah Palin,” New Yorker (December 7, 2009); 84–89, esp. 89.

38. Maureen Dowd, “White Man’s Last Stand,” New York Times, July 15, 2009; on Gretchen Wilson, see Nadine Rubbs, “‘Redneck Woman’ and the Gendered Poetics of Class Rebellion,” Southern Cultures 17, no. 4 (Winter 2011): 44–77, esp. 56, and endnote 24 on page 69. For Palin as a hillbilly and prima donna, see Gail Collins, “A Political Manners Manual,” New York Times,November 8, 2008.

39. Justin Elliot, “Trig Trutherism: The Definitive Debunker: Salon Investigates the Conspiracy Theory: Is Sarah Palin Really the Mother of Trig Palin?,” Salon.com, April 22, 2011.

40. On her accent, see Jesse Sheildlower, “What Kind of Accent Does Sarah Palin Have? Wasillan, Actually,” Slate.com, October 1, 2008; Dick Cavett, “The Wild Wordsmith of Wasilla,” New York Times, opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com, November 14, 2008.

41. William Egginton, “The Best or Worst of Our Nature: Reality TV and the Desire for Limitless Change,” Configurations 15, no. 2 (Spring 2007): 177–91, esp. 191; David Carr, “Casting Reality TV, No Longer a Hunch, Becomes a Science,” New York Times, March 28, 2004; Jim Ruttenberg, “Reality TV’s Ultimate Jungle: Simulated Presidential Politics,” New York Times, January 9, 2004; also see Brenda R. Weber, Makeover TV: Selfhood, Citizenship, and Celebrity (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2009), 143–44.

42. Duck Dynasty was simply a modified version of The Real Beverly Hillbillies, a reality TV show that was canceled because of protests; see Appalachian Journal 31, no. 3/4 (Spring/Summer 2004): 438; Jonah Goldberg, “‘Duck Dynasty,’ Unreal Outrage,” New York Post, December 20, 2013.

43. Mary Elizabeth Williams, “What Will It Take for TLC to Dump ‘Honey Boo Boo’?,” Salon.com, October 23, 2014; Jenny Kutner, “‘Honey Boo Boo’ Star Mama June Reveals Father of Two Daughters Is a Sex Offender,” Salon.com, November 13, 2014.

44. Thomas Sowell, Black Rednecks and White Liberals (San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2005), 1, 5–9, 14–15, 29, 51; also see James B. Stewart, “Thomas Sowell’s Quixotic Quest to Denigrate African American Culture: A Critique,” Journal of African American History 91, no. 4 (Autumn 2006): 459–66. Grady McWhiney, Cracker Culture: Celtic Ways of the Old South (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1988). McWhiney’s work was yet another example of the rush to turn poor whites into an ethnicity, and to deny that they were/are a class. McWhiney argued, “Cracker does not signify an economic condition; rather, it defines a culture.” See Cracker Culture, xiv.

45. Charlotte Hays, When Did White Trash Become the New Normal? A Southern Lady Asks the Impertinent Question (Washington, DC: Regnery, 2013), 7, 9, 11, 45, 172; and Hays, “When Did White Trash Become Normal?,” New York Post, November 2, 2013.

Epilogue: America’s Strange Breed: The Long Legacy of White Trash

1. Carl Davis et al., Who Pays? A Distributional Analysis of the Tax Systems of All 50 States, 3rd. ed. (Washington, DC: Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, 2009), 2.

2. Jill Lepore, “Fixed: The Rise of Marriage Therapy, and Other Dreams of Human Betterment,” New Yorker (March 29, 2010).

3. See Sean McElwee, “The Myth Destroying America: Why Social Mobility Is Beyond Ordinary People’s Control,” Salon.com, March 7, 2015; and Lisa A. Keister and Stephanie Moller, “Wealth Inequality in the United States,” Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000), 63–81, esp. 72. As one scholar wrote, “If you want the American Dream, you’ll have to go to Denmark.” Also, Americans grossly underestimate wealth inequality, and if shown charts comparing the United States’ and Sweden’s wealth distribution (though without identifying the countries), respondents overwhelming choose Sweden. See Tim Koechlin, “The Rich Get Richer: Neoliberalism and Soaring Inequality,” Challenge 56, no. 2 (March/April 2013): 5–30, esp. 16–17, 20.

4. Bryce Covert, “The First-Ever Bill to Help Low-Income Moms Afford Diapers,” Think Progress, August 13, 2014, thinkprogress.org. The large families celebrated by Republicans invited a comparison to our eugenic president Theodore Roosevelt and his six children; see Amy Bingham, “Presidential Campaign: Big GOP Families Lining Up to Fill White House,” ABC News, June 21, 2011, abcnews.go.com. It was not only the number of children but the master-race looks of the Romney and Huntsman children that got attention. Scott Stossel, an editor of Atlantic magazine, joked on his Twitter feed, “Huntsman daughters and Romney sons should get together and breed.” See Paul Harris, “Republican Candidates Seek Strength in Numbers to Show Off Family Values,” Guardian, January 7, 2012.

5. Paul Krugman, “Those Lazy Jobless,” New York Times, September 22, 2014; “Gingrich Says Poor Children Have No Work Habits,” ABC News, December 1, 2011, abcnews.go.com.

6. “Billy Redden—Deliverance,” YouTube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PBgxdROTTrE; Cory Welles, “40 Years Later, ‘Deliverance’ Causes Mixed Feelings in Georgia,” Marketplace.org, August 22, 2012; “Mountain Men: A Look at the Adaptation of James Dickey’s Novel,” Atlanta Magazine, September 2, 2011.