8

Loyalist Triumphs, January–October 1746

With the Jacobite army now wholly in Scotland the intensity of concerns in England were at a lower ebb. There was now little need to do much physically against it. Yet the military campaign had some months to run and was far from plain sailing for the British army in a winter campaign against a Jacobite army now strengthened with forces from France as well as from other parts of Scotland. Even so, there were a number of occasions throughout 1746 in which loyalists could demonstrate their creed: first, the fall of Carlisle to Cumberland’s forces; then Cumberland’s birthday on 15 April; the battle of Culloden itself; and, on 9 October, the day appointed for the thanksgiving for the victory over the rebellion. As ever, these took the form of public demonstrations, bell ringing, sermons and the burning of effigies, though for them a new hero was to emerge and he would be feted to extreme lengths.

The recapture of Carlisle was the first significant victory that the British army had achieved over the Jacobites in the campaign that was noted (the repulse of the Jacobite attacks on Ruthven Barracks and the failure of the blockade against Edinburgh castle were either little known in the first case or not thought too much of in the second). Miss Savile approved of Cumberland’s decision not to let the garrison have any terms except that of not being killed outright; ‘’twas very right’, she commented.¹ Walpole was not much impressed by this military feat, writing ‘The Duke has taken Carlisle; but was long enough before it to prove how basely or cowardly it was yielded to the rebels.’² More positively, Clegg wrote in his diary ‘Blessed be God for this Success’.³

Kay was pleased and implored God’s help in overcoming the Jacobites. On 4 January he recorded in his diary, ‘Lord, Stand up for us, plead our Cause against a rebellion and ungodly Nation’. Five days later, he made a more explicit prayer:

Lord, the Sword is now drawn in our Land; it is sharpened to make a sore Slaughter, it is furnished to give it into the Hand of the Slayer’s Terrors, by reason of the Sword, are upon the People. Go with our Armies to the Fight, like a confederate God; lift up a Banner in the Field and put our Foes to Shame.⁴

There were celebrations following the fall of Carlisle. In Manchester, bells rang and bonfires were lit. An effigy of Charles Stuart was shot at, quartered and then burnt. Dissenters led these celebrations and they also encouraged others to join in by giving them free drinks. Townsmen only wished that Cumberland could visit them so they could show him their support.⁵ At Newcastle, church bells were ordered to be rung throughout the entire evening after the news had been heard: ‘our inhabitants shewing their entire approbation of the same, declaring that as His Royal Highness had so gloriously ended the old year, it was a happy omen of peace and tranquillity of the new one’.⁶

There were also celebrations in smaller places. The church bells of Ribchester, Lancashire, rang ‘when News came of the Rebels being subdued at Carlisle’. At Maghull in the same county the like occurred, with money spent ‘upon ye Ringers when Carlisle surrendered’.⁷ At St. John’s church in Macclesfield, bells were rung ‘When Carlisle was taken’.⁸ The bells of Chapel en le Frith in Derbyshire rang, ‘when news came yt the Duke had beaten ye rebels at Carlisle’ and the ringers received 10s.⁹

Leonard Barrett of Bellhouse, Essex, had mixed feelings about the course of the campaign: ‘As to the Rebells, they are at length, thank God, drove out of England; but when they will be expelled Scotland is another question; for my part I despair that ‘twill be this winter.’¹⁰

Two days after the recapture of Carlisle, Cumberland rode southwards and arrived in London on 5 January. Miss Savile wrote of him ‘I think he is a very gallant Youth and a great Hero.’¹¹ Similarly, Herring wrote: ‘One was thanking God for a gallant young Prince born, as it appeared, to deliver us.’¹²

There was also ambiguity evident in the correspondence between Edward Marco and Hurd, the latter writing:

The pathetic Account you give… is very touching, & I can assure you, was felt by me very sensibly. But you are unquestionably right in giving no Encouragement to any gloomy Reflections of your own & composing yourself as much as possible amidst the Alarms of others. Rebellions and Invasions are doubtless horrible sounds, but I trust in God our Ears will not be stunn’d by them much longer.¹³

A few days later, he wrote ‘It gives me a concern upon many Accounts to find this ugly Affair in the North depending so long.’¹⁴

There was further popular action taken against Catholic properties (but not persons) in the north of England, following what had happened at Stokesley in the previous month. At Sunderland on 22 January:

Yesterday a number of people composed chiefly of sailors went about ten o’clock in the morning to the popish mass house in town, where they found several people in prayers, and a couple about to be married, with Mr Hawkins, their priest, all fled upon which the sailors immediately pulled down their altar and crucifix, together with all the seats, the priest’s robes, all their furniture and every single thing in the room, and burnt them in a fire in the mane for that purpose and also a large number of books and papers belonging to them, amongst which was found, before they were committed to the flames, a list of the people in this place who are disaffected to the present government called papists and odd friends.¹⁵

Miss Savile noted that shortly afterwards ‘a large one in Newcastle was not only strip’d, but the House itself set on fire the morning before the Duke got there’.¹⁶ As a contemporary historian described it:

A mob gather’d together, and went to a House where a Popish Chapel was kept in the entrance to the Town from the South, and there destroy’d and broke every Thing in the Chapel and House, their Number in an Hour or two increasing greatly, there was no Setting Bounds to their Fury, and nothing but setting it on Fire would satisfy them (after gutting it of all the Pictures, Images, Furniture &c.) They accordingly set to work, and it was presently in Flames, and the house and Appurtenances being vastly large, it was a terrible sight… The whole fabric is almost reduc’d to ashes this Morning, and, if it had not been a very calm Night, it might have done much Damage, for it was near a great number of Hay Stacks. The Mob are so enraged at the Papists, that we apprehend several in the Neighbourhood will suffer the same Fate.

Again there was criticism of this, ‘one Scene which damp’d the Pleasure [of Cumberland’s arrival at Newcastle] a little of us who live near the place where the Affair happened’.¹⁷

Catholic property in both York and Liverpool was later attacked in that year and were possibly a by-product of the anti-Catholicism that accompanied the celebrations following the news of Culloden.

On the 30^th of April last there assembled a prodigious number of carpenters, sailors, &c. and with uncommon fury entered the Catholic chapel, set it on fire, and burnt four houses adjoining, with all their furniture, and every paper, bond or other thing of value; even birds, fowls and a monkey.¹⁸

On 20 May there was another outbreak of such activity, this time in Liverpool: ‘they again assembled wth their former fury, attacked the house of a widow lady, in which was a private chapel… set fire to the house, carrying off all valuable effects, which after burning some time was happily extinguish’d’.¹⁹

This came in for condemnation. The mayor and town clerk read the Riot Act, but they were driven away and it was not until later that the crowd could be dispersed; the latter being referred to as ‘villains’ and ‘banditti’. The Catholics were now the objects of sympathy, referred to as being ‘peaceable’. Now the rebellion was over they were no longer a danger; indeed, ‘in general behav’d [they] themselves very dutifully throughout the county, even when the pretender was there’. The motive of the crowd was seen as not ‘giving any cause but their religion’ but rather ‘these plunderers… enrich themselves by such riotous and unlawful methods’.²⁰

At York there had been an attack on the Nunnery; as Herring reported ‘The mob in winter had like to have pulled it down and they did shatter every window to pieces’.²¹ In this case the clerk of the peace of the west riding, Thomas Pulleyne, was accused of encouraging the mob on the one hand and on the other of preventing its destruction. No further action was taken against him.²²

This seems to have gone by uncommented by most contemporaries, but Jessop recorded on 9 June: ‘There is a great mob up in Lancashire who pretend to plunder the Papists and pull down their Houses and have done abundance of Mischief.’²³ There are no testimonies of those involved and so the only commentaries on these incidents are their social superiors, who, despite their anti-Catholicism, were concerned about the damage to property and where such destruction, together with the open defiance of authority, might end. On this score they had nothing to fear but that was not immediately obvious.

Official responses were very negative about these actions. Sir Dudley Ryder, now Attorney General, wrote on 28 January, ‘We have now gott another sort of enemies who under the name of Protestantism have plundered and destroyed’.²⁴ The county authorities conferred on how best to resolve the issue.²⁵ Chandler believed that there were criminal elements as well as Protestant ones in these groups, which were ‘all too ready to rob and steal as they have done’.²⁶ However, Herring put this activity down to strong emotion, namely, fear. He viewed it as being ‘another example of Protestant zeal’ and he also blamed the JPs themselves for tolerating such illegal practices in the first place.²⁷

Meanwhile, there was still the Jacobite menace in Scotland to contend with. Loyalist opinion demanded an early end to the rebellion. Horace Walpole wrote on 3 January, that with Cumberland no longer in charge on the ground, ‘There is a military magistrate of some fierceness sent into Scotland… it is General Hawley. He will not sow the seeds of further disloyalty, by too easily pardoning the present.’²⁸ Lieutenant General Henry Hawley (1685–1759) had taken the command of the army that had marched into Scotland and planned to relieve the siege of Stirling castle, which was now endangered by the Jacobite army.

Even so, Walpole believed, of Cumberland, ‘I still think it probable he will go to Scotland’. He then gave his reasoning:

That country is very clamorous for it. If the King does send him, it should not be with that sword of mercy, with which the present family have governed these people. All the world agrees in the fitness of severity to highwaymen, for the sake of the innocent who suffer – then can rigour be ill-placed against banditti, who have so terrified, pillaged and injured the poor people in Cumberland, Lancashire, Derbyshire, and the countries, through which this rebellion has stalked!²⁹

As has been seen, Walpole was not the only one to equate rebellion with criminality to be punished with severity. For many, this was not a war between sovereign nations but a conflict that some saw as being waged against criminals and traitors for which crimes the law laid down strong penalties. John Tucker had written in the previous year after commenting on alleged Jacobite atrocities: ‘when they come to be dispersed, as I hope they will do, they must expect to be massacred wherever they are found’.³⁰ The Duke of Richmond was equally uncompromising in his attitude, as he wrote on 6 February: ‘to have heard that these Villains were totally destroy’d would have been still better [news]. However, ‘tis all I expected, tho’ you used to scold me for despising them, butt I allways did & always shall despise them as the scum of Scotland which is certainly the sinke of the Earth & I always said that it was only looking these rascals in the face, & I was sure they would never stand their ground.’³¹

Richmond looked forward to the rebellion being defeated with the utmost violence, writing on 9 March;

I own I had always much rather the Duke should destroy the rebells, than they should lay down their arms, the dread & example of a great many of them being putt to the sword, & I hope a great many hanged, may strike a terror in them & keep them quiet, butt depend upon it nothing butt force can do it.³²

In the meantime, Walpole was contemptuous of the Jacobite army, writing on 17 January, ‘what a despicable affair is a rebellion upon the defensive! General Hawley is marched from Edinburgh, to put it quite out.’³³ Colonel Pelham in London wrote ‘We expect in a few days to hear of an action in Scotland General Hawley marched towards them last Sunday’. On 21 January Cranston wrote that ‘’Tis the general opinion here that the rebels won’t stand a brush with Hawley’. Meanwhile gossip attacked Oglethorpe ‘who it seems acted greatly amiss’, for failing to attack the retreating Jacobite army in Lancashire in the previous month.³⁴ There was also a disinterest in the campaign, which was now so far away, as Tucker wrote on 18 January, ‘the rebellion is now so removed from us it makes but little impression’.³⁵

At least the concern about a French invasion was fast receding. Walpole wrote on 3 January,

The French still go on with their preparations at Dunkirk and their sea-ports; but I think few people believe now that they will be exerted against us: we have a numerous fleet in the Channel and a large army on the shores opposite to France.

Fourteen days later, he wrote ‘The French invasion is laid aside’.³⁶

Ironically on the very day that Walpole wrote of his contempt for the Jacobite army and his expectation that Hawley would defeat them there was a battle fought in Scotland, at Falkirk. The result was tactically indecisive, but as the strategic result was that Hawley failed to relieve the siege of Stirling castle and was forced to retreat back to Edinburgh it must be seen as a Jacobite victory. Certainly civilians in London thought so; Miss Savile and Walpole had blamed the dragoons, who had fled after failing to break the Jacobite troops they had charged, Miss Savile additionally blaming the weather and Walpole Hawley himself.³⁷ Sir Thomas Webster of Battle Abbey wrote ‘Our unaccountable miscarriage in Scotland causes great consternation; these repeated pannicks, and ill behaviour of so many of our troops, becomes serious and big with just apprehensions of bad consequences.’³⁸ Tucker wrote how the defeat sent shockwaves among those who were becoming complacent: ‘This has struck a great Damp on the minds of everybody and all are full of Resentment against these runaways and damning them to the severest military punishment.’³⁹ Initial news in Manchester, though, was that the Jacobite army had been defeated and on 23 January the Presbyterians ‘have ordered the bells to be ready to ring and [they] say there shall be such rejoicing as never there was in Manchester’.⁴⁰

It meant that Cumberland would ride north to take command of the army. This was greatly approved of. Miss Savile again expressed her delight for her hero,

The Duke of Cumberland, who is so adored by the soldiers that nothing can be done without him, sett out at 1 in the Morn [25 January]… What prodigious fatigue does he undergo – sure he is every way a glorious young hero.⁴¹

Walpole made similar observations: ‘The great dependence is upon the Duke: the soldiers adore him: and with reason: he has a lion’s courage, vast vigilance, and, I am told, great military genius.’⁴²

On his way northwards, Cumberland was met by loyalist demonstrations. Before arriving at Durham on the evening of 27 January he was met by Thomas Hornsby, the city’s mayor, accompanied by the recorder, aldermen and the civic musicians and banners, who marched before him to Durham, which was lit up and thousands applauding. Bowes gave him a horse to ride to Newcastle as those pulling his coach were exhausted.⁴³ At Newcastle on the next morning ‘He was receiv’d here with the greatest Demonstrations of Joy and Loyalty imaginable’.⁴⁴ He was greeted at the bridge by civic dignitaries and other gentlemen, the former attired ‘in their Formalities’. They paid him appropriate compliments and walked with him into the city; as his visit had been expected, ‘the streets being all the Way pompously illuminated with Torches and Flambeaux’. Cumberland breakfasted in the city’s town hall ‘amidst a Crowd of glad spectators’.⁴⁵ He was also presented with a poem by ‘one Helen Jameson, an old woman [who], on hearing His Royal Highness was coming to town compos’d the following verses, which were directed to His Royal Highness’. These verses were full of praise for him comparing him to a legendary English hero and to three Old Testament heroes, Arthur, Samson and Daniel.⁴⁶

After Newcastle, Morpeth was next en route northwards and Cumberland was also welcomed there, though he could not stop. Just afterwards, passing through Alnwick he was met with ‘loud huzzas and other demonstrations of joy’. Edward Widdrington, a Catholic gentleman of Felton, provided the troops with beer, beef and bread as they marched along. After being thanked by the Duke, Widdrington replied, ‘that he wished well to his illustrious family, and detested internal commotions, as neither plenty nor pleasure could be enjoyed independent of peace’. Alnwick and Berwick gave hearty welcomes, too.⁴⁷ At Berwick, where the Duke arrived on 28 January, he was given the town’s ultimate honour in a document stating that the mayor and corporation ‘have thought it our Duty to… make him a free burgess of the corporation’.⁴⁸ The like had also occurred at Newcastle.⁴⁹

Kay noted his journeying to Scotland and wished him well: ‘Lord be graciously concerned for the Publick Good; and mercifully dispose of these great and weighty Affairs for the Good of the Nation in general.’⁵⁰

Miss Savile and Walpole commented on the subsequent campaign. They made derogatory remarks about the Jacobites, with Miss Savile referring to their ‘Precipitate Flight’ and that they were ‘Crewell, treacherus wretches’.⁵¹ Clegg recorded the marking of the relief of Stirling castle writing, on 8 February, ‘The Bells were rung at Chappel le Frith from 7 in the Morning til 4 afternoon on advice of the Dukes raising the siege of Stirling Castle’.⁵² At Reading, the reception of this news was even more marked:

The Bells rang at all our churches; in the Evening, the mayor, Aldermen and Burgesses, met at the Town Hall, from thence they proceeded to the market place, where a large Bonfire was made, & drank the Healths of His Majesty, the Prince [of Wales], the Duke of Cumberland, and several other Loyal Healths… The whole Town was illuminated.⁵³

Loyalists followed the news in Scotland. John Collier told his father on 25 February that ‘The rebels who were thought to be dispersed have again united and formed a body of 6000 men and intend to attack Lord Loudon at Inverness.’⁵⁴ Cuthbert Smith, mayor of Newcastle, forwarded clothing for the troops, insisting ‘I may pay the carriage’ and also wrote that he hoped that Cumberland would be ‘pleased to give me an account of the success of our forces’.⁵⁵ Francis Worcester was confident and hopeful about the campaign there, writing on 1 March, ‘I know we are now conducted in the best manner’ and so ‘I wish speedy and effectual success in the north’.⁵⁶

The Common Council of London put £5,000 aside for privates and NCOs who ‘by their bravery shall distinguish themselves in suppressing the present rebellion’ and £500 for those maimed and wounded. They spent of other funds, to pay for 9,000 shirts, breeches and caps to be sent to Scotland on 28 January, on top of 9,000 stockings and gloves already sent.⁵⁷

Malton took the opportunity to remind Cumberland of his kinsman who was lieutenant governor in charge of Fort Augustus,

if the rebels intended to attack Fort Augustus, if they do I don’t doubt Major Wentworth’s behaving so well as to merit the Duke’s favour for a lieutenant colonelship… He has been long in the service and was in the West Indies expedition.⁵⁸

Yet on learning of the fort’s fall, Malton wrote of his kinsman, ‘I hope he behaved well and has no blame upon his conduct’. He also struck a note of concern, writing additionally ‘I desire my humble Duty to His Royal Highness and hope he won’t expose himself on the mountains’.⁵⁹ Jessop kept up with the campaign news, too, writing on 16 April: ‘There is pretty good news the Rebels have raised the Siege of Fort William’.⁶⁰

Cumberland was praised immensely. Miss Savile on 4 February commented about his pursuit of the Jacobite army: ‘What a Wild Goose Chase! What terrible fatigue does thee and his army undergo? How Glorious a Young Hero!’⁶¹

Her praise was echoed in two verses published in early April. The first was titled An address to Guardian Angels and read, in part

In William, liberty’s at stake

Come and your shelt’ring pinions spread

Above his dear selected head.

Where-e’er he goes protect him still

In all that’s good, from all that’s ill.

An Epilogue was spoken by Garrick on Cumberland’s birthday made favourable comparison between him and William III, and the latter’s victory at the Boyne.

Hail to the youth, whose actions mark this year

And emulate our great deliverer’s days

By equal actions win the like applause

It ended

May Heaven’s peculiar Angel shield the Youth!

Who draws the sword of liberty, and truth.⁶²

The absence of the Jacobite army in England hastened the demise of the association regiments that were still in existence; as noted, those in Northumberland, Durham, Lancashire and Derbyshire had already been disbanded in the previous year for a variety of different reasons, and it was already suggested that the Yorkshire one also be brought to an end. The first to cease existence in 1746 was the Liverpool Blues. On 1 January, the men took part in a review past Cumberland, whom the regiment’s officers saluted with their half-pikes. Their commander, Colonel Graham, ‘stood by & gave him a Character of us which I believe was as fully good as we deserved’.⁶³

The men were ordered by Cumberland to march to Liverpool, which they reached on 8 January. Shairp was hopeful that the regiment could be maintained and paid for by the government. No orders for such came and ‘the subscription money was now almost spent & consequently we must either be disbanded or established immediately’. On 14 January, the men returned their muskets and ammunition. Shairp recalled that it had been an agreeable experience:

During the time that I was engaged in this affair I cant say that I ever before spent my time more agreeably and I am sure that most of the Gentlemen that were with us will say the same with me. For though we frequently had a great dale of Fatigue & trouble in our marches and other ways yet that was always made more than amends by the mirth & joy that we afterwards had when we got into our Quarters & the Constant Harmony that we lived in wth one another… We were the best New Regiment raised in the kingdom upon the same occasion. ⁶⁴

The next unit to be stood down were the City of London Train Bands, who ceased to patrol on 16 January.⁶⁵ Then there were the York Corporation volunteer companies. Their existence was discussed at a meeting on 23 January. This time it was strategic rather than financial needs that were seen as being of the utmost importance. The meeting decided that ‘the Rebells are far distant from this city the Town quiet, no appearance of Tumults or Disorders & therefore no occasion to keep Guards in Thursday market at the Barrs’. Money was also running short. Because the independent city volunteers were still in existence, it was felt that the city volunteers could be reduced to being employed for just one day a week. This suggestion was unanimously objected to by both officers and men. Thomas Place drew them together at the Guildhall and thanked them for their services before dismissing them.⁶⁶

Meanwhile in Yorkshire, Malton, whose hopes for dissolution had been previously rejected, left for London, leading two of his three colonels; Winn and Ramsden, ‘to act in concert with the other two’ and reminded him that the muskets they had been provided with had to be returned to the Board of Ordnance. Malton was convinced that his recruitment scheme was right.⁶⁷ Winn told Malton that the other two Lieutenants were not in agreement; D’Arcy arguing that the matter should be put to a meeting of the subscribers and Irwin thinking that they should await the military decision in Scotland.⁶⁸ In fact, the two men were unwell; Irwin was too ill to leave his home in Beverley and D’Arcy was tired of the whole affair.⁶⁹ There are references to the men still being active in early January, however; Jessop wrote on 16 January: ‘I was at Shaley to see the Blue Coats exercise’.⁷⁰ Their last-known action was for Winn not to arrange that some of the west riding forces escort Jacobite prisoners from Pontefract in the last week of January.⁷¹

Despite the setback at Falkirk, it was on 8 February that the decision to disband the Yorkshire forces was taken. It was agreed that £2,500 of the remaining subscription money could be used to pay a bounty of four guineas per man from the volunteers who wanted to enlist into the regular army. Those seeking their discharge would be given a day’s pay and up to 2s each to fund their journey home.⁷² This was a compromise between those who thought that all the remaining money should be returned to the subscribers and those who wanted it all put towards encouraging enlistment.⁷³ Herring was playing an increasing part in this because, as he wrote, ‘one Lord Lieutenant in London, another laid up with the Gout, and the third… sick of the service’.⁷⁴ Jessop commented on this news on 15 February: ‘We hope the Rebellion is almost at and end for the Gentlemen have discharged the Blues’.⁷⁵

Despite the money and ‘all ye pains we possibly could do to persuade ym’, as Irwin wrote, and he asked his captains to promote the scheme, only a few men chose to join the army.⁷⁶ Of the 350 men in the east riding companies, only 17 did. Of 750 men from the west riding companies that we know of, 90 enlisted.⁷⁷ D’Arcy believed that the reason was financial: ‘to quit an easie comfortable life with 12d per day, for severe discipline, fatigue and for 6d’ was asking too much for most men.⁷⁸ Captain Hall, who disbanded his company at Whitby on 16 February, found that none of the men in his company would join the army because ‘the wages given there for sailors are so extravagant that makes labour here so dear, that even a farmer in the country, cannot get a servant to live with him, for scarce double the wages’.⁷⁹ Yet one of Irwin’s officers did desire a life in the army and Irwin wrote to Cumberland on his behalf, ‘no man could possibly behave better than he did or more to ye satisfaction of all ye officers’, so Robert Hampton, former adjutant, became an ensign in Wolfe’s 8^th battalion of Foot.⁸⁰ However, even among those of the rank and file who enlisted, ten were rejected ‘because they were raw men’ and others were found either to be diseased or to have deserted.⁸¹

Money for the association was drying up and by January there was a reluctance among subscribers to pay further instalments, now that the danger was over. William Cookson, a receiver of such in the east riding, wrote ‘the last payments came but slowly in’.⁸² Milnes in the west riding commented ‘I am told many have declar’d they will not pay it, there being no further occasion’. He suggested subscribers be shamed into paying by printing and publishing their names.⁸³ Likewise, subscription lists were to be placed before the Northumberland quarter sessions.⁸⁴ The deadline for the second instalment was 1 May and almost all paid in full.⁸⁵ The association was wound up on 4 November and of the £8,000 remaining in the receivers’ hands it was decided to pay the subscribers a dividend of 6s 2d in the £. There was the suggestion it could all have been given to the York Infirmary, but this was controversial on party political grounds, as the Infirmary was controlled by Tories.⁸⁶

Thornton’s company of infantry which had joined Wade’s force in the previous year, saw more action than any other of the Yorkshire companies, by being present at the Battle of Falkirk. However, it is not known to have undertaken any meritorious act and may well have been held in reserve and have got caught up in the rout of the battalions on the left and centre of the army. Certainly Thornton and some of his men were taken prisoner, but soon after escaped.⁸⁷ He returned to Knaresborough and presumably his men also left the army after the battle and went back to England and there is certainly no further mention of them in the campaign in Scotland.

Although the Derbyshire Blues were also disbanded due to lack of money, in December 1745, the Chatsworth company remained in being until 18 February. This was because, as Hartington wrote:

If there be any probability of the rebels returning my opinion is that the well affected in the northern counties should join together wch might raise a considerable number of men. I think we should soon have the same number as before & I believe more. I think those counties that have been visited by the Rebels do not desire to see them again.⁸⁸

However, it was a difficult experience. Several men were discharged in this period and one was killed. One was drunk and two were offensive towards their officers. One refused to obey orders.⁸⁹

The independent Leeds companies commanded by Henry Ibbetson also seem to have remained in arms for longer than the main association forces in Yorkshire. There is a reference to them, now led by the second in command, Thomas Lee of Wakefield, on 12 March in attendance to their commander at Denton Hall, who was now county sheriff.⁹⁰ They may well have disbanded shortly afterwards.

Possibly the last of the volunteer forces to remain in existence were the York Independent Volunteers. They paraded with two cavalry regiments before York Minster on 11 February.⁹¹ They are recorded as in being as late as July 1746 in order that they be presented to Cumberland when he stopped at York on his way from Scotland to London.⁹² It is not known when the Yorkshire Royal Hunters ceased to exist. They had served with Wade’s forces from October to December 1745, but there is no reference to them being at the battle of Falkirk along with the remainder of that army, so perhaps they disbanded before the main army marched into Scotland. Certainly, the last reference to them is at Carlisle when Cumberland thanked them for their services.⁹³

The pleasure of the friends of those temporarily enlisted was palpable, as the letters of Hurd to Littleton show. Whilst Littleton was an officer in Gower’s regiment, Hurd wrote on 9 January, ‘You’ll allow me to reckon it one, that it robs me of the pleasure of your company… I shall heartily rejoice at your Return to this Place.’ Two months later, Hurd wrote to ‘Congratulate you on the release from our Military Engagements… The muses are yet so happy as to retain their native peacefulness and serenity.’⁹⁴

The Association and other volunteer forces had become redundant once the Jacobite army had retired into Scotland; their raison d’être had always been to help with county defence and security and as these were no longer threatened, their existence was superfluous. Economy triumphed as well as reason.

Security measures were being stepped down. In Yorkshire Jessop wrote on 11 January ‘They gave up keeping Watch & Ward in Holmfirth’.⁹⁵ This actually pre-empted the formal decision of the JPs in Quarter Sessions, who did not record such an order until 22 January as ‘the Rebellion is now in a hopefull way of being suppressed’.⁹⁶

Although the campaign had escaped the notice of many, it was still a concern for some, despite its distance. Derby wrote on 4 April, ‘I agree in your Opinion the Rebellion is far from being over, and heartily wish England may not again be visited with the same sort of unwelcome guests’.⁹⁷ However, the Rev. Richard Horne of Marske was looking forward to a successful conclusion, writing to a friend thus, ‘We are in great hopes that upon the Duke’s first appearance in Scotland the Rebels would immediately have dispersed’ and when they did not he consoled himself with the thought ‘as the Spring advances… the Duke will come up with them and give them the due reward of their merit’.⁹⁸ An unknown clergyman penned an address to Cumberland in early 1746 titled THE LARK, A FABLE, comparing his military prowess to that of Julius Caesar, ‘Fam’d for success in war; like you’.⁹⁹

Newspapers printed a great deal of loyalist propaganda in these months. The Manchester Magazine, the only newspaper published at this time in the north-western counties, certainly did so. It had a long piece belittling Charles’ claim to the throne, referring to him as ‘the Pretended son of the Pretender’, and even casting doubt on the legitimacy of his birth. His followers were castigated as ‘such filthy, farting, shitting’ Scots. They were also said to be cannibals. Cumberland was praised, ‘the indefatigable efforts of his Royal Highness’.¹⁰⁰ Similarly, Charles and his grandfather, James II, were accused of being proponents of arbitrary rule; the former was labelled ‘The Italian Boy’ and unfavourably contrasted with Cumberland, born in Britain.¹⁰¹ Another newspaper stated that just as Charles was cruel, cowardly and furious, whereas Cumberland was glorious, brave and merciful.¹⁰² The York Journal or Protestant Courant, as it was significantly called, printed a series of lengthy anti-Catholic articles throughout its five editions in April 1746, titled ‘The Reasonableness of reading and executing the laws against Papists’.¹⁰³. Similar articles continued to be printed there even in September when the military threat was long gone and at a time when most newspapers had moved on to other matters. This was because the writer believed that not everyone was acquainted with the ‘horrors of Popery’. He admitted that the newspaper had already included much anti-Catholic material, ‘Many things have of late been said and wrote so well on the subject of Popery’, but justified himself in including yet more.¹⁰⁴

Scots were also widely attacked in print. One newspaper, in early 1746, included a poem ‘To the Highlanders’, referring to them as a ‘Race of Vipers’.¹⁰⁵ A later edition of the same newspaper carried on in this vein, calling the Scots ‘A Savage Race, on slaughter bent’.¹⁰⁶ The Newcastle Courant had an article, ‘the Highlanders’ Pedigree’, stressing the murderous nature of the Scots.¹⁰⁷

It was not all negative attacks on the country’s perceived enemies. In 1746 there arose in the press a great hero, the Duke of Cumberland, and this began as early as January 1746. Nothing too much could be said of his virtues. He was compared to a number of mythological and biblical heroes: Arthur, Daniel and Samson and described as ‘A True Born Briton/Of a Noble Race/William the Great’.¹⁰⁸ The same newspaper printed two different odes about him, ‘The Bane of France, [and] the Scourge of Spain and Rome’.¹⁰⁹ Another newspaper was even more fulsome, if that was possible:

But what words can express the Love, Admiration and Gratitude, which must inspire every Englishman for this excellent prince, under the Consideration of the amazing Hardships, Fatigues mad Dangers that he cheerfully and intrepidly undergoes on our Account, how for the sake of the Publick weal, he voluntarily forsakes the Ease, the Pleasures, the Magnificence, the Splendour of an august court and engages in the most arduous Enterprises, neglecting sleep and Food… to appease the troubles that of late have so violently disturbed our Peace.¹¹⁰

There were also two appeals printed in numerous newspapers. One was ‘An ADDRESS to the COMMON PEOPLE’. The article was stated as being aimed, not at the idle poor, but the industrious poor, who were flattered as being both good and brave. They were told that their liberal government stayed out of their affairs and allowed them to worship as Protestants. It posed the rhetorical question: ‘Could any people wish for a greater share of Spiritual or temporal Felicity?’ This was contrasted with the results of a successful rebellion in economic terms; the decline of trade and industry resulting in poverty: ‘Instead of three Meals a Day, the Englishman’s Birthright, you won’t have one a week, unless you should be lucky as to find a dead horse.’¹¹¹ There was also a proto-feminist poem, ‘Designed to be spoken by Mrs Woffington in the Character of a Volunteer’. This castigated cowardly men for being unable to effectively defend their womenfolk from the rebels, urging women to take their place or risk being forced into nunneries. Popery and France were also highlighted as being dangers to liberty.¹¹²

The York Courant printed loyalist comment. During the campaign in Scotland it noted that the story that the Jacobite army had been defeated in March might not be true, yet ‘all true Englishmen wish it to be so’.¹¹³ Culloden was referred to as ‘the glorious victory… This Great Event’.¹¹⁴

Jacobite sympathisers were acted against but here the loyalists were divided. Hoghton not only acted against such but also against officials who he thought had acted in their interest during the Jacobite march southward in November 1745. He assisted in the prosecution of the Manchester constables and when the clerk of the Peace, Mr Kenyon, was less than enthusiastic to prosecute Catholics, Hoghton suggested his dismissal.¹¹⁵ The Carlisle magistrates were also accused of being less than loyal in their defence of the city. Lowther, however, wrote of ‘the unreasonable charge and trouble the mayor and town clerk of Carlisle have been putt to by the misrepresentation of some ill designing people’.¹¹⁶ Others sent a petition to attest their loyalty.¹¹⁷ Elsewhere, suspected Catholic priests were still being arrested. George Talbot, in Darlington, was taken up in August and briefly detained in Durham Prison, on suspicion of being ‘guilty of treason by an Act of Parliament of Elizabeth’, prior to release on the lack of evidence.¹¹⁸

Sterne continued to work against the imprisoned Burton. He was also concerned that there was a perceived leniency against Catholics. On 5 January, learning that priests who were not indicted were being released from York castle, he wrote to Winn: ‘This ill judged leniency to the papists just after a rebellion and when they are still as ripe as ever in Scotland and here also for another, can end in nothing other than the ruin of our Constitution.’¹¹⁹ A few days later, on seeing what was happening to the Jacobite prisoners in York castle, he told Irwin, ‘The rebels have been so pampered by the papists since they came into the castle, that some of them… might be able now to do great mischief if they got out.’¹²⁰ Even after the rebellion was over, he was no less suspicious, ‘Papists are necessarily to be suspected of Disaffection and consequently the oaths may be always tendered to them with propriety.’¹²¹ Not all in York were Jacobite, with Dr Francis Drake, suspected of being a Jacobite, being removed from his being chairman of the Globe Club there ‘where he lately behaved with great insolence’.¹²²

Cumberland’s twenty-fifth birthday was on 15 April, giving loyalists another opportunity to celebrate. Herring wrote on the following day, ‘There was a great spirit yesterday in York for the celebration of the Duke’s birthday… we met at Bishopsthorpe there was a great profusion of gunpowder.’ Herring hosted a great dinner party of gentlemen, the Lord Mayor, soldiers and ‘some young rakes’.¹²³ At Blackburn, there were great rejoicings, with bells rung, bonfires lit and houses lit up. An effigy of the Duke was carried through the town ‘with great splendour’. There was also an effigy of a Highlander with a noose around his neck.¹²⁴ At Penrith, there was ‘the most signal demonstrations of joy’.¹²⁵ At Stockport, the church bells rang, as did those of St. John’s church in Chester.¹²⁶ At Beetham, three shillings was given to the ringers for ringing on the Duke’s birthday. At Hawkshead, the payment for the same was five shillings, which included drink for the ringers.¹²⁷ The corporation of Northampton paid 2s 6d for a bonfire, as they were to do on 26 April for hearing the news of Culloden.¹²⁸

A rather more spectacular celebration occurred at Lymington in Hampshire. Church bells were rung, flags were flown from the church and ships in the harbour. John Burrard’s company of volunteers went through their drill and exercises and fired volleys into the air. In the evening there were loyal toasts to the King, the Prince and Princess of Wales, the royal family and the Duke of Bolton. An effigy of Charles Stuart was burnt outside an inn, accompanied by fireworks, and most houses were lit. Apparently, ‘the whole was conducted and concluded with great politeness and decency’.¹²⁹

Since March 1746 many in England saw a decisive battle in Scotland as being imminent. John Collier, writing on 8 March, claimed ‘everybody waits with great impatience for news of a battle, which in all human probability must end on the side of the King’s forces, if the rebels do not make a stand at Inverness they must certainly disperse’.¹³⁰ However, four weeks later Collier was gloomy, ‘Affairs in Italy go extremely well; I wish I could say so of the transactions in Scotland’, for he had had dinner with a man whose estates in Scotland had been ‘destroyed by the rebels’.¹³¹ And on 22 April Cranston gave gloomy, though erroneous, news: ‘We were a good deal alarmed today, with an account of the rebells having forced the duke over the Spey again; it had a considerable effect on the stocks.’¹³² Tucker also struck a note of concern, writing on 17 April, ‘I wish the [Jacobite] Retreat may be such as is given out and not a feint to draw us into an ambusccade’; two days earlier he had written ‘Pray God the Duke may meet and beat the rebels’.¹³³

It was on 16 April that the Jacobite army was decisively defeated at Culloden by the army under Cumberland’s command; the remnant of the Jacobite army then dispersed and Charles fled. When the news of this reached England, loyalists rejoiced. On 23–24 April Miss Savile wrote that ‘The joyfull news came of the Duke’s having intirley defeated the whole Rebell army.’¹³⁴

The public celebrations of this news were widespread. In London on 25 April:

The Guns at the Tower and Park were fired twice. At night much rejoicing, so many Bonfires, such illuminations were never seen. Scarce the meanest house that had not some candles – nay some Hackney Coaches and Chairs, Cellars and Bulks. Some Houses had Flamboys on the outside and well as Candles. ‘Twas a Glorious Sight… What cause have we to be thankfull to the Lord of Hosts, the only Giver of Victory… We were most unworthy of this great deliverance… O let us not be so against lest some worse ill befall us!… Great Honour and thanks are due to him who thou was pleas’d to make thy Instrument, the Young Duke, whose Courage and Conduct were extraordinary, but let us ascribe the chief praise to Thee by Blessing he conquer’d.¹³⁵

Cranston added ‘I don’t believe there will be a house in the town that won’t have lights. The joy seems universal.’¹³⁶

Miss Savile having attributed the victory to God went on to castigate the Jacobites for their behaviour,

God be thanked they were disappointed; their impudent confidence without due regard to Him, perhaps was one great cause that He was pleas’d to confound them and deliver us, not for our Righteousness, but for their wickedness, the Lord drive them from before us. Deuteronomy 9 vv 5 and 6. Loyalty, and praise of the Duke of Cumberland our glorious Generall universal.¹³⁷

Walpole wrote to Mann on the day of these celebrations: ‘It is a brave young Duke! The town is all blazing round me, as I write, with fireworks and illuminations: I have some inclination to wrap up half a dozen skyrockets, to make you drink the Duke’s health.’¹³⁸ Hardwicke added,

I never felt so much joy in my life… Never were so great and universal rejoicings seen in the metropolis, and the good affection, zeal and spirit of the people is raised beyond expression. And there is reason for it; for this victory has in it all the circumstances one could wish. The rout is total; the loss of our own officers and soldiers so small; their behaviour so gallant and firm; and the whole performed by our national troops alone, led by a son of the King. God be praised.¹³⁹

A contemporary historian noted that these celebrations were entered into by ‘all Ranks and Degrees of People, the Rich and Poor, the Bond and the Free, everyone on the highest as well as the lowest Capacity of Life’. According to him, the reason was that Cumberland had been ‘the glorious instrument in the Hand of Providence, in delivering them from despotic Tyranny, and the Miseries of Subjection to the Papal Power’.¹⁴⁰ Kay likewise noted, with his own concerns of his Church in mind ‘The Protestant Interest will we hope thereby not only be preserved; but the cause thereof very much strengthened’.¹⁴¹

Such celebrations occurred elsewhere. Tucker wrote to his brother thus, after describing the rejoicings in London, ‘I hope our friends always will make some shew of their loyalty in Weymouth by way of Beautiful Illuminations, &c.’ He need not have worried for Richard Tucker told him on 3 May that

Our friends here I am told shew’d a becoming zeal upon ye receipt of ye good news from Scotland by illuminations, drinking of healths, firing guns &c. and Mr Mayor gave…beer to ye populace. I hope ye rebels will not be able to give any further disturbance to ye government, but that publick credit will once again return.¹⁴²

Jessop wrote on 24 April,

I hear there is good news. The Duke hath killed and taken most of the Rebels and they were ringing the Bells and making great rejoicing in Leeds yesterday, having received expresses of the Victory that was gained with a very inconsiderable loss on our side, and they are ringing Holmfirth bell this day, and made a bonfire at Honley. Great rejoicings ringing of bells &c. at Cawthorne, Penistone &c. A great Bonfire on the Sudill.¹⁴³

Jessop refers to other local celebrations.

There was great rejoicing at York. They had the Pope, Pretender and a Child in a warming-pan and all windows which were not illuminated on Wednesday 23^rd … [were presumably broken] Mr Crofts [vicar of Honley] would not let James Cocken give them the key of the chapel door but they went in at the Bell holes [belfry] to ring the Bell.¹⁴⁴

Finally, Jessop records what happened at Manchester, writing on 4 May:

Great rejoicing in Manchester last Tuesday [29 April]. They had the Pretender in Effigee on horseback, dressed in a plaid and a… burnt wig and a Scotch bonnet on his head. The Souldiers went all up and down the Town with him attended by the Loyal party in the Town with Music and great vollies of shot, and at last set fire to him. They was a great rejoicing in Kirkburton yesternight. They had a Bonfire and a Picture of the Pretender which they shot at and rang a frying pan. I suppose this is upon the [false] report that the Pretender is taken.¹⁴⁵

At Preston the news was ‘received here with all those Transports of Joy, that could arise in the hearts of a People sensible of so signal a blessing’. There was a great procession through the town of both men and women, ‘of all ages and Ranks’. The mayor and corporation, the town’s trade companies and others paraded, with flags flying and drums bearing. Each street had its own bonfire and indoors was a grand ball.¹⁴⁶ At Newcastle, on hearing the news, ‘all business was immediately suspended, and every man hastened to congratulate his neighbour and his Friend… so that the streets were quickly crowded and echoed with repeated shouts and acclamations’.¹⁴⁷ In Berwick, the health of Cumberland and his army was ‘drunk in full bumpers’.¹⁴⁸ At Nottingham, a hogshead of ale costing £4 was distributed to the populace by the corporation who also paid 5s 3d for a bonfire on that day.¹⁴⁹

Local magnates sometimes orchestrated celebrations. One such was Chomley Turner (1685–1757) of Kirkleatham, an MP for Yorkshire. He had the union flag hung from the church tower of Kirkleatham as well as the church bells being rung. He had cannon fired. A number of loyal toasts were drunk: to the King, the Prince and Princess of Wales, Cumberland, other members of the royal family, the army, the archbishops of York and Canterbury and the late William III. According to one newspaper:

The Evening was concluded with Ringing of Bells, firing the Great Guns, platoons of small arms, fireworks and a very large Bonfire, and burning the Pope and Pretender in effigy, The whole was conducted with great order and decorum, to the general joy and satisfaction of all the spectators. We are assured from Cleveland that the whole wapentake… distinguished themselves in a very particular manner upon the News of the late total defeat of the Rebels; that not only the market towns, but every little village or grange or farm house expressed their joy by bonfires, illuminations etc., to such a degree that for 5 nights successively the whole country seemed in a blaze.¹⁵⁰

Celebrations were less dramatic in the little Kent village of Lee. Anne Papillion wrote on 8 May,

there is very little news here, except what relates to the Duke’s Victory. We had no Bonfire here but we lighted up our windows and the soldiers yt were quartered here and some other people came about for something to drink ye Duke’s Health.¹⁵¹

Herring wrote of his own pleasure of the news to Hardwicke,

Give me leave to interrupt you for a moment to congratulate you on the great event in Scotland. This brave young man has done his country and family incredible service, and one cannot help envying the Father the pleasure he must receive from such a son.¹⁵²

There were also celebrations in private, with the churchwardens of Wakefield spending 2s ‘with the clergy in drinking the Duke’s health’.¹⁵³ The Leeds corporation members did likewise, their minutes recording ‘a meeting of the corporation be had… at the house of John Newsham… at the expense of the corporation to drink His Majesty’s Health and to express their joy upon the late glorious Victory’.¹⁵⁴

There were services of thanksgiving in churches and chapels. At Bury chapel, Kay noted on 27 April ‘We have had a Thanksgiving Service on Account of the Duke of Cumberland having defeated the Rebells… Lord, may we all praise the Lord, give Thanks unto the Lord, for he is good, for his Mercy endureth for ever’. He later wrote, after some private party ‘Lord let our Rejoycings be after a godly Sort’. On 4 May, he recorded, similarly, where Mr Braddock preached from Psalm 2.11: ‘It has been with us a Day of Thanksgiving’. He added ‘Lord, we have great Occasion to rejoice, help us to rejoice with thanksgiving, and to rejoice with Trembling’.¹⁵⁵

There was some evident doubt about the truth of the news. On 27 April Kay wrote, ‘We are hearing of very good News and hope it will prove true’.¹⁵⁶ In Derbyshire, Clegg wrote of ‘Great rejoicings for the Dukes Victory’ and a few days later he wrote of ‘good news from Scotland… Blessed be God’.¹⁵⁷

Private satisfaction was to be found in equal measure. Christopher Melfield of York wrote to Winn, ‘I have the pleasure to tell you that, the Duke of Cumberland has gained a great victory over ye rebels’.¹⁵⁸ Tucker wrote from London to his brother

I congratulate you most heartily in the glorious and happy Exploit of our young Hero who entirely defeated the rebels near Inverness… I wish you health to enjoy the tranquillity of which I promise myself this event will prove the foundation of.¹⁵⁹

Derby reported on 2 May, ‘I most heartily rejoice with you for His Royal Highness’ Success in Scotland’.¹⁶⁰ Cranston wrote ‘I think an happy occasion is at last arrived when we may fairly congratulate one another. The victory seems to be compleat and the rebells totally demolished.’¹⁶¹ Lower down the social ladder, Joseph Fretwell, a yeoman of Barmby upon Dunn in Yorkshire, recorded:

The 16^th of April will long shine in British annals for the compleat victory gained this year, 1746, over that desperate crew of rebels… the glory of extinguishing this unnatural rebellion was reserved to His Royal Highness, William… we were under terrible apprehensions in this part of the country. I suppose our fathers never saw the like here, and may posterity never see it.¹⁶²

Corporations spent money on organised celebrations. The city of Carlisle had already done so on Cumberland’s birthday and were to do so on 24 April for Culloden. Ten gallons of ale were supplied and 9s 6d was spent on candles and fire.¹⁶³ Chester’s corporation sent £7 2s on similar celebrations.¹⁶⁴

There was much ringing of church bells. The parish of Heversham in Westmorland paid five shillings to the bell ringers for ringing on ‘Rejoicing days for defeating Rebels’. The same payment was made at Greystoke parish on two different occasions, one being ‘Upon the Victory over the Rebels in Scotland’.¹⁶⁵ At Kirkham in Lancashire, the bells rang for two days and one night ‘at News of the Duke’s Victory’, at a cost of 12s.¹⁶⁶ It was not just in the north of England that such occurred; at St. Nicholas’ church in Deptford, ringing occurred for Cumberland’s birthday, on news of Culloden (‘receiving the joyful news of the Duke of Cumberland’s over coming the Rebels’), on Cumberland’s arrival in London and on the national thanksgiving day, paying the ringers 5s on each occasion, except for the birthday ringing, which was only half this.¹⁶⁷

Members of institutions also celebrated. The boys at Newcastle Head School, on hearing the news of Cumberland’s victory, had the school buildings lit up and set fire to tar barrels.¹⁶⁸ The Cutlers’ Company in Sheffield spent over £5 celebrating Cumberland’s birthday, the same for news of Culloden and likewise for confirmation of that latter news. The beadle and masters’ servants were bought cockades to wear and the Cutlers’ hall was lit up.¹⁶⁹ The Newcastle Merchant Adventurers’ Guild and Newcastle’s Trinity House sent addresses to the King after Culloden and the latter also gave Cumberland the freedom of their guild in a gold box ‘as a token of high esteem for his many princely and true heroick virtues’.¹⁷⁰

When further news arrived about the battle, Tucker was even more struck at how important it had been. On 26 April he told his brother, ‘The defeat has been much more decisive than we had hitherto been told… ‘tis talked of more than 4000 [Jacobites] slain and taken.’ Three days later, his views were confirmed: ‘the victory obtained by ye Duke to be every day more decisive, the chiefs and men that escaped, are all dispirited, some one way, some another… ‘tis thought they will all be taken’.¹⁷¹

On Cumberland’s return from Scotland in July he was hailed in places he went through. These included Newcastle, again, where he was presented with a gold box, one of the many he was to receive, with the freedom of the City within, expressed as

a Token of their high Esteem for his many princely Virtues, and the grateful Sense they have of the many and great Dangers that he has been and is daily exposed to in Defence of the Laws and Liberties of Great Britain.

On the vellum on which the Freedom was inscribed were various symbolic illustrations. These included a triumphant Britannia, stamping on Rebellion and Slavery. A laurel wreath adorned her brow, and beneath her was a chained and naked Highlander. There was also an illustration of Liberty, denoting stability, peace and plenty.¹⁷² The popular reaction was apparently no less enthusiastic,

He was received with all the Joy and Acclamation that naturally flows from Hearts bound in Duty and enflamed with Affection and a lively sense if Gratitude towards the DELIVERER of our Country from Oppression and the direful effects of a ruinous and accursed rebellion.¹⁷³

Next on the itinerary was York, where both Herring and the city corporation eagerly expected him. There was a banquet in which Herring made a speech in his honour, referring to him as their deliverer from the evils of Catholicism and slavery and the preserver of the blessings they enjoyed under his father’s rule. He then received a gold box with the freedom of the City inside.¹⁷⁴ The festivities cost over £30 and included champagne, wine and sweetmeats. There was another £9 spent on musical entertainment.¹⁷⁵ The corporation also paid for out of doors festivities; ‘The city was illuminated from one end to the other, and the… acclamations of the people were such as cannot be remembered on any other occasions… there was not the least Instance of any Mischief.’¹⁷⁶ Even where Cumberland did not stop for a reception, his passing was noticed. At Reading, the bells of St. Mary’s church rang to celebrate his travelling through the town.¹⁷⁷ Cumberland arrived in London on 25 July without any show or fuss, but once known ‘there were Bonfires and Illuminations all over Town – more than on Account of his Victory’.¹⁷⁸

Just as the Jacobites wore white roses or white cockades to show their allegiance, loyalists were encouraged in a poem in August 1746 to wear the Sweet William flower in their apparel to show where their sympathies lay. The poem accompanying this suggestion included the following phrases; ‘’Tis English growth, of beauteous hue/Cloathed like our Troops, in red and blue’ and ‘Sweet William be the British toast/As William is Britannia’s boast’.¹⁷⁹ Another example of literary praise came from William Collins, with lines such as ‘Pale red Culloden’ and ‘Illustrious William! Britannia’s guardian named’.¹⁸⁰

Although Richmond was glad to hear ‘the exceeding good news’, he owned that the pleasure it gave him was ‘not the least surprise to me’ as he despised them and claimed that ‘from what I have seen of them, they will always be beat if our people will butt fight’.¹⁸¹ He looked forward to further retribution, writing on 27 April,

most joyfull it is to thinke that so many of these villains destroy’d, & indeed the Rope must finish those that have escaped with their Lives & are taken, else we shall all deserved to have all this over again.¹⁸²

As in 1716, following the news of the defeat of the rebellion, counties and corporations sent loyalist addresses to the court. The text of these was very similar. The corporation of Okehampton began by congratulating the King on ‘the happy success that has attended your Majesty’s Arms in Scotland’. Cumberland was congratulated and the corporation looked forward to peace at home and abroad in the near future. They praised the King’s preservation of their liberties in Church and State and wished him a long and prosperous reign. The corporation of Penrith had more than most to say about the army, under ‘the prudent Conduct and unquestion’d Courage’ of Cumberland, ‘the Spirit and Resolution’ of the troops. They castigated the Jacobites ‘the most abandon’d and profligate Wretches, headed by the son of a Popish Pretender’.¹⁸³

One of the most famous and enduring tributes to Cumberland was in George Frederick Handel’s oratorio, Judas Maccabeus. Handel had a long association with the Hanoverian dynasty, famously composing The Water Music suites for George I in 1717 and the Coronation anthems for George II in 1727. It came as no surprise that in the summer of 1746 he would begin work on another celebratory work. The librettist, the Rev. Thomas Morell, Rector of Buckland, Hertfordshire, wrote that it was ‘design’d as a compliment to the Duke of Cumberland upon his returning victorious from Scotland’. It was first performed in March 1747 to great popular acclaim.¹⁸⁴

The work explicitly concerns the first book of Maccabeus from the Apocrypha, about Jewish resistance to the Assyrian conquest of Judea, with the title character leading them from slavery to liberty. But, just as Thomas Arne’s Alfred of 1740 was nominally about Saxon resistance to the Danes in the ninth century, there are obvious parallels to be drawn between the past and the present and contemporaries would have been well aware of these.

Among the many references to the recent conflict there were, in Act 1, to the grim beginning of the campaign, ‘Mourn, ye afflicted children, the remains/Of captive Judah, mourn in solemn strains’. Later in that Act ‘The hearts of Judah, thy delight/In one defensive hand unite/And grant a leader, bold and brave/If not to conquer, born to save’. Simon then recites, ‘The cause of Heaven your zeal demands/In defence of your Nation, religion and laws/The mighty Jehovah will strengthen your hands’. By Act II, we have victory, ‘Victorious hero! Fame shall tell/With her last breath, how Apollonius fell’. There is the most famous song, See the Conquering hero comes, with many martial airs to be accompanied by military kettle drums. Finally, at the end of Act III are laid out the fruits of success: ‘Oh lovely peace, with plenty crown’d/Come spread thy blessings all around’.¹⁸⁵

There were also explicitly congratulatory pieces written about Cumberland. One was from The Craftsman, a well-known anti-government publication, stating ‘Our young English hero… has merited the thanks and esteem of his countrymen by quelling a rebellion which older officers had attempted in vain’. They then made favourable comparisons between Cumberland at Culloden and Henry V at Agincourt. Other writers praised his father, the king, ‘his Majesty may truly be called happy in the love of his people: A love, which, I believe, no prince hath ever enjoyed in a greater extent.’¹⁸⁶

In all this the common soldier who had been killed or wounded was not forgotten. The Guildhall Fund established in the previous year, paid out £5,000 to those wounded and maimed and to the widows of those men killed. The same sum was distributed to men who had behaved particularly meritoriously on the field of battle.¹⁸⁷ The corporation of Nottingham also honoured a number of officers from the locally raised regiment, Kingston’s Light Horse, who had behaved so usefully in Scotland. Major Chiverton Hartopp of that regiment ‘in regard to the major’s eminent services to this kingdom against the rebels in the northern parts of this kingdom’ was given the freedom of the town. Cornet Thomas Smith of the same regiment was made a burgess due to his ‘exemplary fidelity, and courage manifested in his station’. Three other officers from the regiment were honoured likewise, as was Captain Rowland Hacker of Howard’s battalion of infantry for his service at Dettingen, Fontenoy and Culloden.¹⁸⁸

One result of the Jacobite defeat was that there were now several hundred Jacobite prisoners held in England and of these, many were to be sent to York castle. They were thus the responsibility of the county sheriff. Malton wrote to Newcastle on 1 January, ‘as there are a high number of prisoners in York castle, it is highly necessary that office should be filled by one who can be thoroughly confided in’.¹⁸⁹ Henry Ibbetson was chosen and, as Herring wrote, he was ‘very solicitous about ye jail’.¹⁹⁰ On 19 January 190 prisoners arrived and there was a risk to public health in the city. As Herring observed, ‘The filth and stench and close confinement of these wretches may breed a contagion’.¹⁹¹ However, by the removal of 97 prisoners to Lincoln and ‘By the regular care and ye airiness of our Prison situation, the rebels prisoners have escaped without sickness’.¹⁹²

The sheriff of Durham in 1746, was Lancelot Allgood, and on 22 August he was told he had to supervise the return of horses confiscated from Catholics in the previous year.¹⁹³ These had been taken ‘in a hurry without the forms of law’. This was such that two Catholic gentlemen refused to receive them back. Eventually one did so, but the other would have likely remained obdurate but for the intercession of his Protestant daughter.¹⁹⁴

In the summer and autumn of 1746 there were the trials of some of the Jacobite prisoners; in London, York and Carlisle. Tucker wrote of some being acquitted or reprieved, ‘so full of lenity do we already begin to shew ourselves’.¹⁹⁵ As expected, Richmond was hopeful that justice would prevail over merciful considerations, writing on 4 June, ‘I hope that untimely Compassionate Argument of their having still some of our people prisoners does not prevail, for if it did all these villains would escape unpunish’d’.¹⁹⁶ Peploe thought likewise, writing to Newcastle on 14 July ‘I hope some Examples will be made at Manchester of this detestable Rebellion’. Where some particular persons are as insolent as ever’.¹⁹⁷ Tucker thought that after Cumberland’s return to London ‘there does not seem to be so much compassion for them as before… since the Duke’s return the opinions of the people are altered from mercy to resentment against the rebel lords’.¹⁹⁸

Yet, as in 1716, in some instances, some were sympathetic for individual cases, with Thomas Brereton, a Whig MP for Liverpool, petitioning for mercy for Thomas Furnivall, ‘a very weak man and consequently the more easily seduced and hurried into rebellion by bad company’ and he was eventually released, though not until 1749.¹⁹⁹ Similarly, the Bowes and Liddells were ‘very solicitous to save their Rebel cousin’, Edmund Clavering, but this was to no avail.²⁰⁰ Although Liddell was a staunch Whig, referring to Culloden as ‘that great and well timed event’, he also was concerned about a rumour in the autumn that Charles Stuart had been captured: ‘I don’t believe it and between you and I that is the last thing I wish him.’²⁰¹

Miss Savile had no sympathy with the ‘Rebell lords’. She wrote ‘what mercy do they deserve?’ She referred to their ‘traiterus principles’ as they threw Jacobite tracts to the crowd, which was ‘a sure Proof how Ill Mercy wou’d have been bestowed on them, or any of their Party’ and that the Jacobite Lord Balmerino was drunk. However, though she referred to the ‘resolution and composure’ displayed by Lord Lovat on the scaffold in the next year she put this down to ‘the deceitfull, dredfull and fatall power that the Popish Religion has over its Votarys’.²⁰² Walpole commented ‘the City and the generality are very angry that so many Rebels have been pardoned’, yet he stated that Balmerino ‘died with the intrepidity of a hero’ and that Lovat ‘died extremely well’.²⁰³ Earlier executions were met with the shout from the crowd: following the executioner’s ‘God save King George’, ‘the multitude of spectators gave a shout’.²⁰⁴ Following the execution of Radcliffe, Richmond wrote ‘The execution of Radcliffe I am sure must be approved of by every friend to this government’ and only wished that it had happened earlier.²⁰⁵ The Rev. Richard Horne, on hearing that some of the Jacobite prisoners at York were in good spirits and well supplied by friends, added, ‘tho’ I hope in a little time we shall hear different accounts of them’.²⁰⁶

The officials from Carlisle and Manchester, as well as Dr Burton, who were sent to London for trial for having facilitated the Jacobite advance through England, were all acquitted, mostly without recourse for trial. Most were released during 1746 but Burton had to await an additional year until he was set free.

The press did not always cry out for Jacobite blood. As one journalist wrote ‘I was as much against the rebellion as any body, but I am neither for killing wretches in cold blood, nor transporting them into the plantations… I consider every rebel we destroy, we deprive the King of a subject.’ He recalled the example of the Romans who considered that it was better to save a citizen than kill an enemy. He argued that the highlanders needed to be taught the benefits of commerce and other peaceful ways of making a living.²⁰⁷ By May 1746 the volume of anti-Catholic material had almost disappeared; ‘The history and sufferings of the English Protestant martyrs’ was a recently published pamphlet concerning the vindication of the Catholics. By now only one sermon relating to the rebellion was on sale.²⁰⁸

Mercy for Jacobite prisoners was not a view universally advocated. Another writer argued that the plea for mercy to the captive Jacobites was ‘the cry of those and only those, who wish well to the rebels’. He reminded his readers that the Jacobites had posed a serious danger to Church and State in the previous year. He wrote that some talked of the ‘Cruelty committed by the King’s Forces’ at Culloden and that this was propagated by Jacobites. ‘Pity conformable to justice’ was the writer’s theme and the Jacobites having committed murder and robbery were undeserving objects of it. Jacobites fleeing from Culloden with their arms were seen as fair game in warfare.²⁰⁹

Reference was made in the previous chapter to the reception of Jacobite prisoners in London. Similar behaviour occurred in 1746, for on 10 February some of those taken at Carlisle arrived in the capital, and Miss Savile wrote ‘The mob much inraged at them, pelting them with dirt and stones as they pass’d’.²¹⁰

Responses towards the Scots in general following Culloden could be harsh. In the autumn of 1746, Johnstone encountered an excise officer in an inn near Stamford, Lincolnshire, an uncouth fellow, who said to him, perceiving him to be from Scotland by the appearance of his horse

It must be owned that your nation is very eager for its own destruction. Have we ever been governed with such mildness and moderation as at present under His Majesty King George? Your nation will never be quiet until it is total destroyed. Can nothing extirpate in your country that hereditary spirit of rebellion?²¹¹

As in the previous year, as well in 1715 and 1716, corporations sent loyal addresses to the court. The Oxford City minutes noted the procedure. On 21 April the mayor proposed to the council that an address to the King be sent, which was unanimously agreed. The High Steward approved the address and then it was read to those assembled. It was then engraved and sealed and presented as the High Steward thought most proper.²¹² These addresses were published in The London Gazette and include the full text. The addresses were all very similar. That of Liverpool testified to ‘the unfeigned joy we feel on the success of your Majesty’s Arms in Scotland’. It went on to refer to Culloden as ‘This glorious Event’ and that the Jacobites had met with their ‘just punishment’. It was also hoped that this would ‘establish the throne of this kingdom more firmly in your Majesty’s illustrious House’.²¹³

The loyal address of the borough of Sudbury in Suffolk read as follows:

We, your Majesty’s most dutiful and loyall Subjects, beg Leave to congratulate your Majesty on the Success of your Arms, on the Defeat of the Rebels, under the prudent and valiant Conduct of His Royal Highness the Duke.

‘When we consider the many Benefits and Advantages your Majesty’s Subjects reap under the Mild and gentle Administration, and the Rights and Privileges which we continue to enjoy, we cannot but hold in the utmost Abhorrence and Detestation, the wicked Abettors and Authors of this Unnaturall Rebellion, intended to deprive us of the best of Kings, and utterly to destroy our Religious and Civil Liberties.

‘May the same Providence, which has hitherto so visibly preserved your majesty, continue to bless your Arms and Councils.

‘May nothing ever shake your Majesty’s Throne, or give hopes to the Enemies of our Country, that we will ever depart from the Loyalty to your Majesty and your Family, to the latest Generations’.²¹⁴

As well as these essentially secular addresses, there were, as in the previous year, a good many sermons from both Anglican and Dissenting clergymen, again, many of these being printed and sold as pamphlets. The Rev. Isaac Maddox of St. George’s church, Liverpool, referring to Cumberland, wrote ‘We can never sufficiently admire and praise the unparalleled Bravery and conduct of His Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland’.²¹⁵ The Rev. Nathaniel Ball of Hadleigh, Essex, saw the Duke as the tool of God: ‘no sooner did His Royal Highness appear at the head of his Majesty’s forces then his very presence struck the enemy with fear’.²¹⁶ William Wood likened Cumberland to Joshua, Israel’s deliverer.²¹⁷

Josiah Owen of Rochdale, a Dissenting clergyman, also lauded the King: ‘long may he adorn the throne’.²¹⁸ The Rev. Thomas Wingfield claimed that George II was ‘the Father and protector of his people, the Friend of Liberty and a lover of our constitution’.²¹⁹ Dupont likened George II to King David of the Old Testament and reminded the congregation that the King had been a soldier, at the battles of Oudenarde and Dettingen.²²⁰

These sermons were not only triumphant and self-congratulatory. Many included calls for repentance, on the lines already noted. The Rev. John Milner of Peckham recalled that divine assistance had been implored over the great crisis they had just lived through, and despite the nation’s sins, this had been granted. He told his congregation ‘The hand of God was too visible in this affair to be overlooked’. Further indulgence in luxury, said here to be an indulgence, must herewith cease, he urged.²²¹ Robert Finch, preaching at Greenwich, spoke of the need to offer thanks and praise to God. But, as with Milner, he also stressed the need of repentance: ‘The integrity of our future conduct is the only test of sincere gratitude and unfeigned praise’.²²² Meredith Townsend, a Dissenting minister at Hull, preached a similar sermon, noting that the rebellion was God’s punishment for the sins of the nation and equally it was His mercy which delivered them.²²³

National rejoicings were decreed to occur on 9 October. Throughout the counties, the sheriffs paid for proclamations to be issued throughout the county; at Worcestershire, for ‘proclaiming and fixing up papers throughout the county for a publick Thanksgiving, £5 5s’, with smaller counties paying less; Monmouthshire £3 3s and larger ones more, with Lincolnshire’s £6 6s.²²⁴

In London:

it was observ’d by a great resort to publick places of worship, extraordinary illuminations at night and all other marks of joy, justly due on so happy an event.²²⁵

As a nonconformist minister Clegg preached on this day in chapel and certainly did a lot of work to prepare for it. On 6 October he recorded ‘at home all day preparing a sermon for the thanksgiving day’ and two days later ‘I was at home all day close at work preparing a sermon for Thursday’. On the day itself, he wrote ‘I preachd to a pretty full congregation from Ezra 9:13, 14^th and was about 3 hours in the pulpit and not much spent’.²²⁶ At Reading, there were scenes of celebration: ‘Thursday last being appointed a day of Thanksgiving for the suppressing the late Rebellion, the same was observed by Ringing of Bells, Bonfires, Illuminations & all other Demonstrations of Joy.’²²⁷ Oxford maintained its loyalist attitudes, as noted that:

A Day of thanksgiving for the Success of His Majesty in extinguishing the late unnatural Rebellion. The day was observed with great solemnity. A Sermon was preached before the Reverend and Worshipful Vice Chancellor and the learned Body of the University and before the Mayor and Honourable Corporation of the City, and in the evening there were extraordinary illuminations, fireworks and many loyal healths went cheerfully around.²²⁸

Corporations sponsored such rejoicing. At Oxford, the chamberlain’s accounts read that £2 3s 6d was spent on five gallons of wine and a quart of Sack. The minister was paid £1 1s and the bell ringers six shillings. Cakes to the value of 10s were bought and a bonfire was erected for 2s 6d.²²⁹ At Chester, the corporation hired waits at the rate of 10s to provide musical entertainment along with pipes and tobacco, biscuits, candles and wine. The bell ringers were also paid to perform.²³⁰ At Hull, the corporation provided barrels of ale to be drunk by the townsfolk, being placed at the Market Cross.²³¹ At Leicester, the corporation met at the town hall in their robes, at 10 a.m., then went to the parish church for a sermon, then to the town hall again and finally to The Three Crowns ‘to an ordinary prepared on this occasion’.²³²

Wealthy individuals also sponsored celebrations. Henry Liddell held a ball at his house.²³³ Kay wrote in his diary:

This Day hath been observed as a Publick national Thanksgiving Day on Account of the Defeat of the Rebells last Spring at Culloden… I heard Mr Braddock preach at Bury Chapel from Psalms 118:24. We hope the rebellious Crew are now suppressed, and the Crown is established in the Protestant line of Sovereign Lord King George the Second.

Kay saw the heads of executed Jacobites on spikes in Manchester but made no comment except to note ‘Lord, thou art giving us Songs of Praise and Deliverance, may we study how to be a thankful and fruitful people’.²³⁴ He saw the heads again three weeks later and saw them as being ‘a Publick Example’. He strongly approved of this:

we rejoiced, yea, and will rejoice and be thankfull for what they suffered, for the Liberty which they, the Rebels from Scotland and the Jacobites in general that wicked, hellish and unaccountable Crew threatened to deprive us of. Lord, may we not only rejoice and be thankful, but may we be careful to praise and improve our Protestant Privileges better for the future.²³⁵

There were more poems written on this note at this time. One ended ‘The huzza for King George and Huzza for the Prince/And huzza for the royal commander/Whose justice, Whose valour, whose glory evince/That blest is the British Islander’. Another poem spoke of joy replacing fear, Cumberland being a second Marlborough, glorying over his defeats of the French and the ‘abjured popish pretender’ and his ‘fierce Highland cousins’.²³⁶

On 20 October, there was a ball in Manchester for the benefit of a loyalist dancing master who had been victimised for his loyalty. Kay wrote:

there was a numerous Assembly of Loyalists, the Evening was spent with Musick and Dancing and Singing the Song of, God save great George our King.²³⁷

Yet Kay and his like felt themselves under attack still, for on 1 December he recorded, ‘our High Church Men (or Jacobites, alias Papists) oppose the Low Church or Presbyterians very much’.²³⁸

Of the bell ringing it seems, in the north-eastern counties, at least, that enthusiasm increased as 1746 progressed; 29% ringing of Cumberland’s birthday, 34% for news of Culloden and 51% on the day appointed for thanksgiving.²³⁹ In Cheshire, at Bunbury, 3s 6d was spent on the bell ringers on the thanksgiving day.²⁴⁰ At Neston, 8s was paid for the same. ²⁴¹

We should also bear in mind material and commercial culture which forwarded the loyalist cause. Robert Hildyard, a York publisher, sold mezzotint prints of George II and his late Queen, Caroline, as well as their two surviving sons. These could be bought at five shillings each. He, and one Mr Reyson of Newcastle, also sold medals depicting Cumberland from March 1746 onwards. They cost 5s if silver and 1s 6d if brown copper and 1s 3d for those in copper. The medal depicted the Duke on horseback with Carlisle in the background on one side. On the reverse was Cumberland holding an olive branch trampling on rebellion, which was depicted with a broken popish crown. The motto reads ‘Spem Reducis Mentibus Anxiis’ (‘Thou restoreth hope to our anxious minds’).²⁴²

Perhaps a more lasting memorial were the inns who were named or renamed after ‘the conquering hero’. It was customary to name inns after military and naval heroes such as Admiral Vernon after 1740 and the Marquis of Granby after 1760. Cumberland was also feted thus; among others, there was an inn named after him in Hoddesdon, Hertfordshire, one in Lincoln, Barham, Kent, and one in Farleton, Westmorland.

The first book to be published on the campaign was by John Marchant, written in about June 1746. It is titled ‘Genuine and Impartial’ but also shows a print of the Duke of Cumberland at the beginning and is stated as ‘published by His Majesty’s Authority’. The preface clearly shows where the book is leading. The reader is told that the ‘Rebellion’ sought to deprive Englishmen of their religion, liberty and property, just as the sermons and propaganda pieces had been saying in the current and previous years. On the next page we learn that the book will detail the ‘many Oppressions, Cruelties, Robberies and Excesses’ of the Jacobites. However, he also noted that he would not ‘flatter any man’ nor acquit senior politicians and soldiers of errors of judgement, though he is mild in his statements on this subject. Much of it was based on newspaper accounts.²⁴³

1746 had been, for the majority of the English people, a year of triumph following the months of anxiety in the latter months of the previous year. They had found a new hero, the deliverer, in the shape of the King’s second surviving son. Yet there were ugly moments, such as the destruction of Catholic chapels in the north of England, and a continued animus towards the Highland Scots and the Catholics. Attitudes towards the defeated varied, with calls for both mercy and calls for harsh vengeance. The Hanoverian dynasty was even more strongly entrenched on the throne this year than it ever had been and this seems to have been with great approval.

Notes

1. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p.264.

2. Lewis, Correspondence, 19, p.193.

3. Doe, Diaries’, II, p.562.

4. Brocksbank and Kensworthy, ‘Diary’, p.103.

5. Talon, Selections, p.239; Daily Post, 8222, 1 January 1746.

6. Newcastle Gazette, 81, 1 January 1746.

7. LRO, PR2905/2/1; PR2814/27.

8. CRO, P85/10/1.

9. Henry Clarke, ed., ‘Churchwardens’ accounts of Chapel en el Firth’, Derbyshire Archaeological Journal, 33 (1911), p.127.

10. Dickins and Stanton, An Eighteenth Century Correspondence, p.120.

11. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p.265.

12. Yorke, Hardwicke, I, p.501.

13. Brewer, Early Letters, p.156.

14. Ibid., p.159.

15. Gentleman’s Magazine, 16 (1746), p.42.

16. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p.267.

17. Marchant, History, p.327.

18. Gentleman’s Magazine, 16, p.322.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid., p.324.

21. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.222r.

22. York Journal, 29, 23 April 1746.

23. Whiting, ‘Two Yorkshire Diaries’, p.134.

24. TNA, SP36/80, f. 4585r.

25. Ibid., ff479r-480v.

26. Ibid., f.430r.

27. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, ff.22r, 176r.

28. Lewis, Correspondence, 19, p.193.

29. Ibid.

30. Bod. Lib., Ms. Donc. c.107 f.174v.

31. T.J. McCann, ed., ‘Correspondence of the Dukes of Newcastle and Richmond, 1724–1750’, Sussex Record Society, 73 (1984), p.204.

32. Ibid., p.209.

33. Lewis, Correspondence, 19, p.201.

34. Saville, ‘Letters’, pp.325, 326.

35. Bod. Lib. Donc. 107/2, f.209r.

36. Lewis, Correspondence, 19, pp.193–194, 202.

37. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p.266; Lewis, Correspondence, 19, p.203.

38. Saville, ‘Letters’, p.326.

39. Bod. Lib. Don. c.107/2, f.213r.

40. Talon, Selections, p.242.

41. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p.266.

42. Lewis, Correspondence, 19, p.204.

43. Sykes, Account, p.22.

44. Marchant, History, p.327.

45. The Newcastle Journal, 356, 1 February 1746.

46. Newcastle Courant, 2719, 25 January–1 February 1746.

47. Ibid.; Sykes, Account, p.24.

48. RA, CP MAIN/10/20 (M).

49. Ibid., 54.

50. Brocksbank and Kensworthy, ‘Diary’, p.106.

51. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p.267.

52. Doe, ‘Diary’, II, p.565.

53. Oxford Gazette and Reading Mercury, 13, 10 February 1746.

54. Saville, ‘Letters’, p.335.

55. RA, CP MAIN/11/50 (M).

56. Ibid., 179.

57. Ibid., 10/19.

58. Ibid., 12/128.

59. Ibid., 204.

60. Whiting, ‘Two Yorkshire Diaries’, p.130.

61. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p.268.

62. Gentleman’s Magazine, 16, pp.215, 217.

63. LNMM, DX 594, f.34r.

64. Ibid., ff.39r-40r.

65. Gentleman’s Magazine, 16, p.41.

66. YCA, E41B, pp.26–27.

67. WYAS, Leeds, NP1614/6.

68. Ibid., NP1586/8.

69. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.166v, WYAS, Leeds, NP1586/8.

70. Whiting, ‘Two Yorkshire Diaries’, p.121.

71. RA, CP MAIN/9/136 (M).

72. SA, WWM1/376; BIHR, Bp. C & P XXI/3.

73. SA, WWM2/376.

74. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.172r.

75. Whiting, ‘Two Yorkshire Diaries’, p.123.

76. BL. Add. Mss. 32706, f. 231r.

77. TNA, SP36/78, f.178r; West Riding Account.

78. SA, WWM2/334.

79. BIHR, Bp C & P, XX1/1.

80. RA, CP MAIN/12/80 (M).

81. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.161v; TNA, SP36/80, f.365r; SA, WWM2/382.

82. WYAS, Leeds, TN/PO3/3C/165.

83. Ibid., 167.

84. Derby Mercury, 18 January 1746.

85. York Courant, 1070, 15 April 1746.

86. York Courant, 1091, 23 September 1746; SA, WWM2/386.

87. The Gentleman’s Magazine, 16, p.40.

88. DCA, CS1/163.9.

89. Ibid., C/5/A/2.

90. General Advertiser, 3552, 15 March 1746.

91. Anon, History, p.355.

92. General Advertiser 3657, 19 July 1746.

93. York Journal, 7, 7 January 1746.

94. Brewer, Early letters, pp.159–161.

95. Whiting, ‘Two Yorkshire Diaries’, p.120.

96. WYAS, Wakefield, QS10/19, p.241a.

97. LRO, DDHO475/99.

98. NYCRO, ZAZ80.

99. The Gentleman’s Magazine, 16, p.39.

100. The Manchester Magazine, 467, 21 January, 468, 28 January 1746.

101. Newcastle Gazette, 109, 16 July 1746.

102. York Journal, 25, 13 May 1746.

103. Ibid., 9–13, 1–29 April 1746.

104. Ibid., 44, 23 September 1746.

105. Newcastle Gazette, 85, 29 January 1746.

106. Ibid., 109, 16 July 1746.

107. Newcastle Courant, 272, 8–15 February 1746.

108. Ibid., 2719, 25 January–1 February 1746.

109. Ibid., 2723, 22 February–1 March 1746.

110. Newcastle Journal, 356, 1 February 1746.

111. Newcastle Courant, 2721, 8–15 February 1746.

112. Ibid., 2725, 8–15 March 1746.

113. York Courant, 1066, 18 March 1746.

114. Ibid., 1072, 29 April 1746.

115. Lumby, ‘De Hoghton Papers’, pp.284–286.

116. CAS, D/Sen.14/3/16.

117. TNA, SP36/81, ff.47r, 49r.

118. DRO, D/Lo/F752.

119. WYAS, Leeds, NP1623/3.

120. The Manuscripts of the Hon. Frederick Lindley Wood, p.160.

121. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.234r.

122. York Journal, 7, 7 January 1746.

123. Yorke, Hardwicke, I, p.521.

124. Westminster Journal, 230, 26 April 1746.

125. The General Advertiser, 3586, 24 April 1746

126. CA, P14/3435; P51/12/2.

127. CAS, Kendal, WPR43/W1.

128. Cox, Records, p.486.

129. London Evening Post, 2881, 22–25 April 1746.

130. Saville, ‘Letters’, p.337.

131. Ibid., p.339.

132. Ibid., p.341.

133. Bod. Lib. Don. c.108, f.33r.

134. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p.270.

135. Ibid., p.272.

136. Saville, ‘Letters’, p.341.

137. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p.271.

138. Lewis, Correspondence, 19, p.249.

139. Yorke, Hardwicke, I, pp.525–526.

140. Marchant, History, p.401.

141. Brocksbank and Kensworthy, ‘Diary’, p.109.

142. Bod. Lib. Don. c.8. ff.41v, 53v.

143. Whiting, ‘Two Yorkshire Diaries’, p.131.

144. Ibid.

145. Ibid., p.132.

146. The London Evening Post, 2885, 1–5 May 1746.

147. Newcastle Journal, 368, 25 April 1746.

148. Frederick Sheldon, The History of Berwick upon Tweed (Edinburgh, 1849), p.249.

149. Anon, Records, VI, p.207.

150. General Advertiser, 3603, 17 May 1746.

151. KA, V1015, C60/5.

152. Yorke, Hardwicke, I, p.529.

153. WYAS, Wakefield, D3/22/8.

154. Ibid., Leeds, LCM/2M p.353.

155. Brocksbank and Kenworthy, ‘Diary’, p.109.

156. Ibid.

157. Doe, ‘Diary’, III, p.570.

158. WYAS, Leeds, NP1514/21.

159. Bod. Lib, MS Donc.108, f.41v.

160. LRO, DDHO475/105.

161. Saville, ‘Letters’, p.341.

162. J. Morehouse, ed., ‘Yorkshire Diaries and autobiographies’, Surtees Society, 65 (1879), p.227.

163. CAS, Carlisle, Ca4/42.

164. CA, ZTAB, 5, f.102.

165. CAS, Carlisle, PR5/31; Kendal, WPR18/W1.

166. LRO, PR2067.

167. Greenwich Local History Library, A78/18/B1/1.

168. Newcastle Courant, 2731, 19–26 April 1746.

169. Robert E. Leader, Sheffield in the eighteenth century (Sheffield, 1901), p.370.

170. TWAS, MA2/2, ff.39r-40v; GU TH 6/2.

171. Ibid., f.46r.

172. The Newcastle Journal, 381, 24 July 1746.

173. Ibid., 367, 26 June 1746.

174. YCA, House Book, 43, p.214,

175. Ibid., C37M p.14b.

176. The London Evening Post, 2924, 31 July – 2 August 1746.

177. BRO, D98/5/1.

178. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, pp.273–274.

179. Gentleman’s Magazine, 16, p.435.

180. Rex Whitworth, William Augustus: Duke of Cumberland (Barnsley: Pen and Sword, 1993), p.88.

181. McCann, ‘Correspondence’, p.212.

182. Ibid., p.214.

183. London Gazette 20 May 1746.

184. Anthony Hicks, Handel’s Judas Maccabaeus (1977).

185. G.F. Handel, Judas Maccabaeus (1747).

186. Gentleman’s Magazine, 16, pp.243–244, 247.

187. Ibid., p.105.

188. Anon, Records, VI, pp.199–200, 200n, 211.

189. SA, WWM2/354.

190. BL. Add. Mss. 35889, f.191r.

191. Ibid., 35889, f.79r.

192. Ibid., f123r.

193. TNA, SP36/86, f303r.

194. Ibid., 88, f75r; 89, f22r, 329r.

195. Bod. Lib., Don.c.108, f.175r.

196. McCann, ‘Correspondence’, p.224.

197. BL. Add. Mss. 32707, f.412r.

198. Bod. Lib. Don.c.108, ff.178v–179v.

199. TNA, SP36/85, f103v.

200. Hughes, ‘Dean Spencer Cowper’, pp.73–74.

201. NRO, ZMD135/49.

202. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, pp.224, 280–281.

203. Lewis, Correspondence, 19, p. 296, 302, 386.

204. Douglas, History, p.301.

205. McCann, ‘Correspondence’, p.237.

206. NYCRO, ZAZ80.

207. Gentleman’s Magazine, 16, p.261.

208. Ibid., p.276.

209. Ibid., pp.366–367.

210. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p.268.

211. Rawson, Memoir, p.215.

212. Hobson, ‘Oxford Council Acts’, p.254.

213. London Gazette, 8537, 17–20 May 1746.

214. Ibid., 8543, 7–10 June 1746.

215. I. Maddox, A Sermon preach’d at St. George’s church in Liverpool (Liverpool, 1746), pp.5–7.

216. N. Ball, A Sermon preach’d in the parish church of Chelmsford (London: J. Buckland, 1746), pp.23–24.

217. W. Wood, Britain’s Joshua: A Sermon preach’d at Darlington 9 October the day of public thanksgiving for the suppression of the rebellion (Newcastle: John Gooding, 1746), p.6.

218. Josiah Owen, A Sermon preach’d at Rochdale on October 9^th (London: R. Whitworth, 1746), pp.4–5.

219. T. Wingfield, The lawfulness of wishing destruction to the King’s Enemies (London, 1746), p.12.

220. Dupont, Rebellion and Treachery defeated: A Sermon on His Royal Highness’ the Duke of Cumberland’s Compleat Victory (York, 1746), pp.10, 13.

221. John Milner, National Gratitude due to National Mercies (London, 1746), pp.25, 36.

222. Robert Finch, A Sermon preach’d in the parish church of Greenwich in Kent, (London: John Hart, 1746), p.27.

223. Meredith Townsend, God’s patience towards a sinful people consider’d and improved (Hull, 1746), pp.8–9.

224. TNA, T64/262.

225. Gentleman’s Magazine, 16, p.552.

226. Doe, ‘Diary’, II, p.582.

227. Oxford Gazette and Reading Mercury, 48, 13 October 1746.

228. Bod. Lib. MS. Top. Oxon.d247.

229. Hobson, ‘Oxford Council Acts’, p.312.

230. CA, ZTAB 5, f103v.

231. KUHCA, BRB/7, p.92.

232. Chinnery, Records, V, p.161.

233. Newcastle Journal, 343, 2 November 1746.

234. Brocksbank and Kensworthy, ‘Diary’, p.114.

235. Ibid., pp.114–115.

236. Gentleman’s Magazine, 16, p.552.

237. Brocksbank and Kensworthy, ‘Diary’, p.114.

238. Ibid., p.116.

239. Oates, Responses, p.337.

240. CA, P40/13/2.

241. Ibid., P149/9/1.

242. The York Journal, 10, 28 January 1746.

243. Marchant, History, pp. v–vii.