Introduction
1. For a history of Austrian Social Democracy between 1889 and 1914 see Vincent J. Knapp, Austrian Social Democracy, 1889–1914 (Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1980). The best histories of the first generation of Austrian Social Democracy are Ludwig Bruegel, Geschichte der oesterreicheschen Sozialdemokratie, 5 vols. (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1922-25); Max Ermers, Victor Adler: Aufstieg und Groesse einer Sozialistischen Partei (Vienna: Verlag Dr. Hans Epstein, 1932); Clifton Gene Follis, “The Austrian Social Democratic Party, June 1914–November 1918” (Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1961); Victor Adlers Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1954); and, Victor Adlers Aufsaetze, Reden, und Briefe, 11 vols. (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1922-29).
2. The Second International clarified its Marxist program in the Erfurt Program of 1891 in which it tied its goals and philosophy to Marx’s Communist Manifesto. Before that there was a strong Lassallean movement in Social Democratic thought, which did not see class conflict as inevitable and approved of reform in cooperation with bourgeois parties. See Julius Braunthal, History of the International, vol. 1, 1864-1914, trans. Henry Collins and Kenneth Mitchell (London: Nelson and Sons, 1966). Between 1891 and 1914 controversies raged about the orthdox implications of Marx’s social philosophy; see V.I. Lenin, Materialism and Empirio-Criticism: Critical Comments on a Reactionary Philosophy, vol. 13 of Collected Works (New York: International Publishers, 1927).
3. See Knapp, Austrian Social Democracy, esp. chapts. 2 and 3.
4. These student norms are described by two German-Austrian writers who grew up with them in Vienna: Stefan Zweig, Die Welt von Gestern (Frankfurt am Main: S. Fischer, 1955), translated as The World of Yesterday (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1964); and Arthur Schnitzler, Jugend in Wien: Eine Autobiographie (Vienna: S. Fischer, 1981), esp. Books 1-3.
5. See Carl E. Schorske, Fin-de-Siecle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York, 1980), pp. 246-73.
6. Colin Murray Turbayne, The Myth of Metaphor, rev. ed. (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1970), develops an understanding of metaphor taken from Gilbert Ryle, which holds that metaphor is the “presentation of the facts of one category in the idioms appropriate to another” (Ryle, The Concept of the Mind [London: Hutchinson’s University Library, 1949], p. 8).
7. Turbayne, Myth of Metaphor, pp. 21-26.
8. Freud calls such short- and long-term advantages paranosic and epinosic gains; see Freud, “Fragment of an Analysis of a Case of Hysteria,” Collected Papers, 5 vols. (New York: Basic Books, 1959), 3:53-54 and n. 1. The creation of the metaphor and its abuse are seemingly unknown because they occur within an area of ideation which Freud terms the “preconscious,” where the ego is also at work. This process is the same for normal as for neurotic individuals, and symptoms of a mental illness are equivalent in form and function to this syndrome of metaphorical abuse; see Freud, Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis, trans. and ed. James Strachey (New York: W.W. Norton, 1966), pp. 15-82, 257-72, 358-77, and 378-91.
9. My use of the term instinct combines the approaches of Sigmund Freud and Carl Gustav Jung. Freud defines an instinct as “denoting the mental representative of organic forces” and accepting “the popular distinction between egoistic instincts and sexual instinct; for such a distinction seems to agree with the biological conception that the individual had a double orientation, aiming on the one hand at self-preservation and on the other at the preservation of the species” (“A Case of Paranoia,” Collected Papers, 3:461). Freud added a death instinct, or instinct for disintegration of organic life, in his later thought. Jung adds the instinct of personal self-development or individuation, which embraces religious, intellectual, and other aspects of the human spirit; see Jung, The Basic Writings of C. G. Jung, ed. Violet Staub De Laszlo (New York: Modern Library, 1959), pp. 50-54., 75-76, 405, and 534.
10. Anna Freud, daughter of Sigmund Freud, wrote a definitive study of ego defense in 1937, recognized by her father before his death. In regard to denial, see her The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense, rev. ed. (New York: International Universities Press, 1966), pp. 83-92, 93-108.
11. See Sigmund Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, trans. and ed. James Strachey (New York: W.W. Norton, 1961), pp. 88-91. Contemporary historian Hayden V. White explores the use of language by a particular society as it chooses to emphasize certain realities and exclude others in Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth Century Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973), and Tropics of Discourse (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978). Although White does not infer psychological values to norms such as denial, his method of identifying the metaphorical patterns and their conceptual implications provides one basis for an evaluation of the mental health of a culture.
12. William M. Johnston, The Austrian Mind: An Intellectual and Social History, 1848-1938 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), pp. 2-3.
13. Among the modes of ego defense that will be explored in relation to Austro-Marxist thought and action are projection and introjection, as well as denial. As these concepts arise they will be defined in relation to the particular Austro-Marxist and his actions. Other psychodynamic operations that are pertinent in understanding the politics of metaphor will be explored at an appropriate point in the text. See Anna Freud, Ego, for a thorough review of Sigmund Freud’s concepts of defense.
14. Peter Gay, Style in History (New York: Basic Books, 1974).
15. Carl Gustav Jung, Psychological Types or The Psychology of Individuation, trans. H. Godwin Baynes (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1923). Sigmund Freud’s theory of psychological types embraces the same distinctions in intellectual and behavior style but with differing conclusions as to their meaning; see Freud, “Libidinal Types,” Collected Papers, 5:247-51.
16. Freud questions what standard should be used to determine whether a culture is healthy or neurotic in Civilization and Its Discontents, p. 81.
17. Austria in this study includes during the period considered the seventeen “crown lands” of Lower Austria, Upper Austria, Salzburg, Styria, Carinthia, Krain, Triest, Goerz and Gradiska, Istria, Tirol, Vorarlberg, Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Galicia, Bukowina, and Dalmatia. See Oscar Jaszi, The Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929), pp. 243-47, for a history of the system and the term “crown land.”
18. Derived from a study of the Austrian censuses of 1890, 1900, and 1910; see Category D in “Ergebnisse der Volkszahlung,” Oesterreichiscbes statistischen Handbuches, vols. 12, 22, and 32 (Vienna: K.K. statistischen Zentralkommission, 1893, 1903, 1913).
19. Zweig, The World of Yesterday, pp. 240, 55.
20. Hermann Bahr, Bildung (Berlin and Leipzig: Insel Verlag, 1900), p. 210.
21. Statistisches Jahrbuch der Stadt Wien, vol. 8, 1890 (Vienna, 1892), pp. 290-91; ibid., vol. 32, 1914 (Vienna, 1918), pp. 482-83. For an exhaustive bibliography of Vienna’s press, see Kurt Paupie, Handbuch der oesterreichischen Pressageschichte, 1848-1959 (Vienna: Wilhelm Brauemeuller Verlag, 1960), vol. 1.
22. The Arbeiter-Zeitung, organ of the Social Democratic party, for example, had a circulation of 9,000 in 1890 (as a biweekly), 15,000 in 1895 (as a daily), and 54,000 by 1914. These figures approximate the size of the party membership. See Sozialdemokratische Partei Oesterreich, Protokoll der Verhandlungen des Parteitages der deutschen sozialdemokratischen Arbeiterpartei in Oesterreich, abgehalten in Wien vom 31. Oktober bis zum 4. November 1913 (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1913), p. 25 (hereafter cited as Parteitag, 1913).
23. See Schorske, Fin-de-Siecle Vienna, pp. 281-89, 292-95, 305, for a discussion of Bildung in Austrian-German culture.
24. See Johnson, Austrian Mind, pp. 66-73, for a succinct discussion of the Austrian educational system in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. For a critical history of the Austrian school system, see Ernst Papanek, The Austrian School Reform (New York: Friedrich Fell, 1962).
25. Karl Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten (Vienna: Danubia, 1946), p. 281.
26. Ermers, Victor Adler, p. 193.
27. The Volkpresse, under the editorship of Rudolf Hanser and Adolf Heimann, called itself Social Democratic but opposed Victor Adler’s tactical program. It had been a thorn in the side of Adler’s orthodox Austrian Social Democracy since 1889. A showdown was inevitable, and finally in 1892 on the basis of party laws drafted in 1891, Hanser and the Volkspresse were expelled from the party. For a history of this affair, see Victor Adlers Aufsaetze, 6: 121ff., 126ff., 127ff., and 142ff.
28. Ermers, Victor Adler, p. 193.
29. At the Parteitag of 1894, the most contested issue was whether the staff of the Arbeiter-Zeitung was to be picked by the Austrian Social Democratic delegates as a whole or by the Viennese on the paper’s editorial board. Victor Adler naturally supported the motion that the present editorial board alone should determine who should be hired. Adler won his motion by the narrow margin of 39 to 36, although most motions were carried unanimously. Apparently one reason for opposition was to leave open the possibility of non-Viennese intellectuals acquiring a post on the all-important paper. See the minutes of Sozialistiche Partei Oesterreich, Verhandlungen des zweiten oesterreichischen socialdemokratischen Parteitages, abgehalten zu Wien vom 25. bis einschliesslich 31. Maerz 1894 in Schwender’s Kollosseum (Amorsaal), (Vienna: Wien Volksbuchhandlung, 1894) pp. 167-68, 176 (hereafter cited as Parteitag, 1894).
30. See Follis, “Austrian Social Democratic Party,” pp. 11-12.
31. Approximately 33 percent of the membership of the party lived in Vienna. Most but not all the intellectuals in the party were in Vienna; see the statistics in Parteitag, 1913, p. 25.
32. The details of the Austrian Social Democratic party’s organization can be found in the preface of each Parteitag report. For a general account of these changes see Julius Deutsch, Geschichte der deutschoesterreichischen Arbeiterewegung: Eine Skizze von Julius Deutsch (Vienna: R. Danneberg, 1919); and Follis, “Austrian Social Democratic Party,” pp. 9-28.
33. Victor Adlers Aufsaetze, 6:121.
34. Blei, Erzaehlung eines Lebens, (Leipzig: Paul List, 1930), p. 143.
35. Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei Oesterreich, Verhandlungen der Parteitages der oesterreichischen Sozialdemokratie in Hainfield, Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1889, pp. 3–4 (hereafter cited as Parteitag, 1889).
36. Max Adler (A. Max), “Zu Frage der Organisation des Proletariats der Intelligenz,” Die Neue Zeit 13, pt. 1, no. 21 (February 1895): 647.
37. Sigmund Freud, rooted in the individualism of his age, saw leadership within groups as a product of the members’ desire for a leader who stood above them, who was more than their equal, and who was chosen because of his outstanding characteristics; see Freud, Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego (New York: 1960), pp. 67-68. Contemporary research, which focuses upon the interactional dynamics of the group, emphasizes that the effective group leader participates in and promotes the norms of his group; he is not an omnipotent individual beyond these norms; see W. R. Bion, Experiences in Groups and Other Papers (New York: Basic Books, 1961), pp. 121-22, and Morton A. Lieberman, Irvin D. Yalom, and Matthew B. Miles, Encounter Groups: First Facts (New York: Basic Books, 1973), pp. 433-35.
38. Immanuel Kant, Religion within the Limits of Reason Alone, trans. Theodore M. Greene and Hoyt H. Hudson (Chicago: Open Court Publishing Co., 1934), p. 176.
1. The Austro-Marxist Idea
1. See Tom Bottomore, and Patrick Goode, trans. and ed., Austromarxism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), pp. 2-3.
2. Some historians have included the German-Austrians Rufolf Hilferding, Gustav Eckstein, and Karl Kautsky among the Austro-Marxists. Between 1904 and 1918 Eckstein and Hilferding published within the series Marx-Studien, a joint effort of the Austro-Marxists. They spent most of their years after 1900 in Berlin working with Karl Kautsky, the founder of the Neue Zeit, the leading theoretical organ of German Social Democracy. Despite their shared political concepts, a distinction between Austrian and German Social Democracy must be maintained. Because my aim is to examine how the behavioral and ideational norms of Austria and the Austrian Social Democratic party served as a matrix for the Austro-Marxist political personality, I have excluded these men. Sharing my limitation of the Austro-Marxists to the four men I will deal with, for the same reasons, are Follis, “Austrian Social Democratic Party,” and, though giving no criteria, Charles Adams Gulick, Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, 2 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1948), esp. 2: 1364-65. The term “Austro-Marxism” apparently was first employed before 1914 by an American socialist, Louis Boudin (Otto Bauer, “Max Adler, Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des ‘Austro-Marxismus,’” Der Kampf (Bruenn), 4, no. 8 [August 1937]: 300). I have been unable to locate this term in any of Boudin’s writings.
3. Detlev Albers, Josef Hindels, and Lucio Lombardo Radice, Otto Bauer und der “Dritte” Weg (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1979).
4. Peretz Merchav, “Otto Bauer und Max Adler,” Die Zukunft 1 (January 1978): 35.
5. See Peter Heintel, System und Ideologie: Der Austro-marxismus imn Spiegel der Philosophie Max Adlers (Vienna: R. Oldenbourg, 1967).
6. Raimund Loew, “The Politics of Austro-Marxism,” New Left Review, no. 118 (November–December 1979), pp. 17-20, 25-51; Knapp, Austrian Social Democracy, pp. 57-58.
7. Karl Marx, “Theses on Feuerbach,” in Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy: Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, ed. Lewis S. Feuer, (New York: Doubleday Anchor, 1959), p. 245.
8. For a presentation of this argument, see Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2d ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979).
9. Leon Trotsky, My Life (New York: Scribner, 1930), pp. 208-9.
10. Jung, Psychological Types, pp. 480-89.
11. Ibid., pp. 428-45.
12. An excellent review of this controversy, bringing the arguments to the present need for an interpenetration of the two positions, is found in Derek Freeman, Margaret Mead and Samoa: The Making and Unmaking of an Anthropological Myth (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), pp. 3-64.
13. Max Weber’s theoretical writings on the survey technique in 1908 create a model for research that combines behavioral observation, interview, and organizational analysis which is still fundamental to the study of the group process; see “A Research Strategy for the Study of Occupational Careers and Mobility Patterns,” J.E.T. Eldridge, ed., Max Weber: The Interpretation of Social Reality (New York: Scribner, 1971), pp. 102-58.
14. The opening argument of Max Weber in his essay on the survey evidences the painful effort he had in demonstrating the validity of a “value-free” position in social science. Weber was not without a political position, and in it one may recognize the technocratic bias of his ethical neutrality; see his speech on socialism in 1918, which provides a rationale for a technical, bureaucratic social state, “Speech for the General Information of Austrian Officers in Vienna, 1918,” ibid., pp. 191-222.
15. Alfred Adler’s views on the psychological advantages one gains from mental illness and the roles of masculinity, aggression, and the inferiority complex in human action will be important in our consideration of Freidrich Adler. Sigmund Freud’s review of Alfred Adler in 1914 is particularly lucid, even if biased; see Freud, The History of the Psychoanalytic Movement, ed. Philip Rieff (New York: Collier Books, 1963), pp. 83-91. Edmund Husserl sought the basis of human understanding in the logical operations of consciousness and a rigorous method of experiential description and analysis. For a discussion of Husserl’s phenomenology, see Quentin Lauer, Phenomenology: Its Genesis and Prospect (New York: Harper & Row, 1965).
16. Max Adler, Kausalitaet und Teleologie im Streite um die Wissenschaft, vol. 1 of Marx-Studien: Blätter zur Theorie und Politik des wissenschaftlichen Sozialismus, 5 vols. (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1904-1923), pp. 202-3.
17. Max Adler, Georg Simmels Bedeutung fuer die Geistesgeschichte (Vienna: Anzergruber Verlag, 1919). For a review of the neo-Kantian movement in social criticism contemporary with Max Adler, see Karl Vorlaender, Kant und der Sozialismus (Berlin: Verlag von Reuther & Reichard, 1900), and Vorlaender, Kant und Marx (Tübingen: Verlag von J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1911). A modern review of the several schools of neo-Kantian social criticism is found in Thomas E. Willey, Back to Kant: The Revival of Kantianism in German Social and Historical Thought, 1860-1914 (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1978).
2. Karl Renner’s Search for a Home
1. Karl Renner, “Karl Marx und die Arbeiter (Zu Marx’s fuefundzwandzigsten Todestage),” Der Kampf 1 (March 1908): 241-42; emphasis added.
2. Quoted in Jacques Hannak, Karl Renner und seine Zeit (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1965), pp. 311-12.
3. See Freud, “Transference,” Introductory Lectures, pp. 431-47; “The Dynamics of the Transference” (1912), Collected Papers, 2:312-22; and “Further Recommendations in the Technique of Psycho-Analysis, Observations on Transference-Love,” (1915), ibid., pp. 377-91. Especially interesting in regard to transference and its appearance in nontherapeutic environments is Peter Loewenberg, “Emotional Problems in Graduate Education,” Journal of Higher Education 40 (November 1969): 610-23; Loewenberg, who has studied the Austro-Marxists, describes the debilitating effect of unrecognized transference between graduate students and their advisers.
4. The healing potential of transference in life situations is described fully in Carl Gustav Jung, “The Psychology of the Transference,” The Practice of Psychotherapy, trans. R.F.C. Hull, vol. 16, Bollingen Series 20 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), pp. 163-323.
5. Jacques Hannak, Karl Renner und seine Zeit, p. 56.
6. For sublimation, see Freud, Ego, especially the case study of altruism, pp. 122-34.
7. See Schorske, Fin-de-Siecle Vienna, pp. 181-207.
8. See Freud, Civilization, esp. pp. 81-92.
9. Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, p. 7.
10. Karl Renner, Lyrisch-Soziale Dichtungen, eine Auswahl, ed. Ernst K. Herlitzka, (Vienna: Ernst K. Herlitzka, 1950), pp. 11-12.
11. See Freud, pp. 52-53; Carl Frankenstein, The Roots of the Ego: A Phenomenology of Dynamics and of Structure (Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins, 1966), pp. 11-28, 60-65.
12. Frankenstein, Roots of the Ego, esp. p. 61; the implication of one’s attitude type as a condition that can make actual experience more or less threatening is significant, for example, in Renner’s case when we see how the external events that an introverted child might have disregarded as critical moments became crises for the extroverted Renner. Freud’s libidinal types are similarly constitutive of certain significances in experience given their inclination. Renner would be called an “erotic-obsessional” type by Freud “dependent on persons who are contemporary objects and, at the same time, on the residues of former objects—parents, educators and ideal figures” (“Libidinal Types” [1931] Collected Papers, 5:249.
13. See Freud, Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality, trans. and rev. James Strachey (New York, 1962), pp. 94-95, where Freud discusses the continuity of infantile object choice as one matures. Frankenstein’s discussion of the persistence of infantile object influence in the person’s later years is extensive and convincing; see Roots of the Ego, pp. 188-266.
14. Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, p. 11.
15. Renner points out that his sister Emilie who had “adopted” the infant Alnton was cool to him in the future because her child died (ibid., pp. 14-15). His continuing disquietude over his deceased brother is also evidenced by his interest in the play Nathan der Weise by G.E. Lessing, which has a dramatic recognition scene between two brothers separated over a lifetime (Nathan der Weise [Stuttgart: Reclam Verlag, n.d.], act 5, scene 8, pp. 128-34.
16. Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, p. 15.
17. Ibid., pp. 15-16, 22, 24.
18. Renner, “Karl Marx und die Arbeiter,” p. 242.
19. Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, p. 8.
20. See Freud, Ego, pp. 109-21.
21. See Frankenstein, Roots of the Ego, pp. 158-62. If the father is absent, the child is forced to find meaning in external situations, and his ego will reflect such early demand for external relations (ibid., p. 234). Renner suffered this increased externalization in his ego attitude. See Freud on the Oedipus complex, “The Development of the Libido and the Sexual Organizations” Introductory Lectures, pp. 329-38.
22. Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, p. 23.
23. Ibid., p. 7.
24. Oskar Helmer, Aufbruch gegen das Unrecht (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung 1964), p. 74.
25. Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten,, pp. 44, 47-48; final quote on p. 22.
26. Ibid., p. 151; emphasis added.
27. Ibid., pp. 107-8.
28. Ibid., pp. 109-10.
29. Ibid., p. 121.
30. See Freud, “The Ego and the Id” (1923b), The Standard Edition of the Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey (London: Hogarth Press, 1953-1974), 19:28ff., and Anna Freud’s extensive discussions of the superego’s role in ego defense in Ego.
31. Freud, Ego, pp. 144-47.
32. Jean Piaget, Six Psychological Studies, trans. Anita Tenzer (New York: Vintage 1968), pp. 64-73.
33. Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, p. 175.
34. Ibid., pp. 158-60.
35. Ibid., p. 185.
36. Ibid., pp. 179, 186.
37. See Renner’s loving description of the Viennese-German social order and his horror at the Czech nouveau riche who attempted to invade it, ibid., pp. 201-2.
38. Ibid., p. 199.
39. Ibid., pp. 199-200; emphasis added.
40. Ibid., p. 209.
41. Eugen Phillopovich was one of the founders of the Austrian Fabian society, a conscious imitation of the English model that sought to bring socialism through parliamentary participation. Phillopovich never involved himself in the Austrian Social Democratic party, presumably because it was too radical in its concept. See Hannak, Renner, pp. 57-59.
42. Jaszi, Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, p. 180. Although Jaszi states that Renner’s plans were “an enlargement of the principles of the Kremsier constitution,” he gives the impression that Renner’s enlargement was original in spirit and feasible in its projection.
43. Renner prepared an edition of Lassalle’s writings after World War I; see Hannak, p. 313. As we shall see, such a move after Renner’s behavior during the war was in the spirit of a sacrifice to one’s patron god.
44. Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, pp. 217-18.
45. Ibid., pp. 245-46, 278; see also Hannak, Renner, pp. 48-49.
46. The “common-sense” characteristics of English pragmatism may seem to jar with the portrait I draw of Renner; but his English interest always retained a Germanic abstraction. Renner’s topographical manipulation of administrative organizations found a source of inspiration in the model of English local self-government. England became for Renner, at least before its treachery in World War I, a utopia, a prime specimen for many of his abstractions on territorial nationals and the ground of language. See his article “Ein Zerrbild der Autonomie,” Der Kampf 5 (February 1912): 200-205, wherein Renner not only holds up English self-government as the only alternative for Austria but gives lessons in English pronunciation at the bottom of each page.
47. Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, p. 251. The German text reads: “Ich fand es mit Reucksicht auf den Sozialismus beklagenswert, dass Karl Marx, dessen ganze Lehre eine einzige gewaltige Induktion aus den Wirtschaftstatsachen ist . . . dass bis heute keiner seiner Interpreten das Werk aus dem Hegelschen in den John-Stuart-Millschen Stil, aus der abstrakt-destruktiven in die konkret-induktive Methode uebertragen hat.”
48. Ibid., p. 226.
49. Ibid., p. 272.
50. Adolf Schaerf, “Karl Renner,” Neue Osterreichische Biographie Ab 1815, 9 (Vienna: Amalthea, 1956): 10.
51. See Norbert Leser, Zwischen Reformismus und Bolschewismus (Vienna: Europa, 1968), p. 351.
52. See Immanuel Kant, “What Is Enlightenment?” in On History, Immanuel Kant, ed. Lewis White Beck (New York: Library of the Liberal Arts, 1963), pp. 3-10. Kant’s view of mental health presages Freud’s recognition that marriage can be a regression to dependent, infantile forms of relations that one had with one’s parents; see Freud, “Female Sexuality” (1931), Collected Papers, 5:258-59.
53. Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, pp. 212-13, 219.
54. Ibid., pp. 203-4.
55. In the introduction to An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, p. 5, Renner outlines four epochs of his life. Only the first was published; the second was to extend from his entry to the parliamentary library in 1897 until his entry into Parliament itself in 1907; the third was to extend from 1907 until 1919, when Renner became chancellor of the new Austrian state; and the fourth was to cover from 1920 until the outbreak of World War II. Losing sight for a moment that he is projecting his autobiography, Renner states in the Introduction that the second epoch will be called Reichskrise (Crisis of the state), the third, Untergang der Donaumonarchie (Decline of the Danube monarchy), and the fourth, Zusammenbruch der ersten Republik (Breakdown of the first republic); nothing can be more apropos of my thesis that Renner stifled a full development of his life by submerging his identity with that of the State than this confusion of the major stages of his own life with the political metaphors of Austria.
56. Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, p. 291.
57. Ibid., p. 298.
58. Ibid., p. 228; emphasis added.
59. Hannak, Renner, p. 66; Renner quoted in ibid., p. 597.
60. See Renner’s tribute to Victor Adler, “Viktor Adler sechzigster Geburtstag,” Der Kampf 5 (July 1912): 442-47, and to Pernerstorfer, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, p. 281.
61. See Hannak, for activities and significant dates of Renner’s life; also, Schaerf, “Karl Renner,” pp. 9ff.
62. Hannak, Renner, p. 622.
63. Concurring with this opinion of Renner’s relationship to Marxism, Hans Mommsen, a historian of nationality conflict and theory in the Austrian state, writes: “Renner was a lawyer; he was interested primarily in the constitutional-legal side of issues. In his earlier studies he took a positivistic legal standpoint, the normal one for Austrian constitutional law, and only later approached the question of nationality from a Marxian analysis. He conceived only dimly the political social structure of the nationality conflicts, continuously directing all problems of nationality back to the considerations of legal life, the rights that were denied to the ‘children of nature’ [Naturburschen] by Austrian law” (Die Sozialdemokratie und die Nationalitaetenfrage im Habsburgischen Vielvoelkerstaat, vol. 1, Das Ringen un die supranationale Integration der Zisleithanischen Arbeiterbewegung (1887-1907) [Vienna: Europa, 1963], p. 328).
3. Renner and the Interpretation of the State
1. Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, p. 12.
2. Karl Renner, Staat und Nation (Vienna: Josef Dietel, 1899), pp. 10-11.
3. See Jaszi, Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, pp. 243ff., for a history of the system and the term Cisleithanian; also Karl Renner, “Was sind unsere Kroenlaender?” Der Kampf 1 (June 1908): 400-409, for a legal analysis of the crown land.
4. Otto Bauer, “Der Boehmische Ausleich,” Der Kampf 5 (August 1912): 481-88.
5. See Schorske, Fin-de-Siecle Vienna, pp. 116-80, for a discussion of Georg von Schoenerer, leader of the Austrian Pan-German sentiment in the last decades of the nineteenth century.
6. Karl Renner (pseudo. Rudolf Springer), “Die Frage der Kreis und Kroenlaender Verfassung,” Part III, Deutsche Worte 19 (1900): 71.
7. Renner’s reference to his creation of districts (Kreisen as “middle places” (Mittelstelle) (“Was sind unsere Kroenlaender?” p. 403), is evidence of his unconscious adherence to the Habsburg brand of state hierarchy and his wish to preserve its essential form. The centralized, imperative authority over diverse nations and multifarious peoples inherent in the Habsburg hierarchy, if not actually effective during its death throes, remained a necessity for Renner. As we shall see, this clinging to the necessity of centralized authority in matters of civil law often led him into legal antinomies when Renner attempted to define more exactly what might be decided by the “national corporations” he spoke of, or to what specific areas the civil powers of the districts might extend as agencies independent of Habsburg initiation.
8. Karl Renner (pseudo. Rudolf Springer), “Die Theorien zur Loesung der Nationaliaetenfrage,” Akademie: Revue Socialisticka 9 (1899): 496. See also idem, “Territorialoder Personalhoheit?” ibid., 8 (1899): 344ff.; Renner, Staat und Nation, pp. 10-12.
9. Renner, Staat und Nation, p. 13-17.
10. As quoted in Hannak, Renner, p. 240.
11. See discussion of Social Democratic reaction to Renner’s theory in Mommsen, Die Sozialdemokratie, 1: 330. Renner mentions the accusations quoted in the text in his article in Deutsche Worte of 1899; see Karl Renner (pseudo. Rudolf Springer), “Die innere Gebietspolitik mit besonderen Ruecksicht auf Oesterreich,” Deutsche Worte 18 (1899): 437, n. 5.
12. Renner, “Die innere Gebietspolitik,” pp. 433, 437ff.
13. Karl Renner, “Das Klasseninteresse des Proletariats an der Amtsprache,” Der Kampf 1 (January 1908): 164.
14. Ibid., pp. 169-71.
15. See esp. Otto Bauer, “Nationale Minderheitschulen,” Der Kampf (October 1909): 13ff.; Franz Tomascheck, “Nationale Minderheitschulen als sociale Erscheinung,” Der Kampf 3 (December 1909): 63ff.; and Jakob Pistiner, “Minderheitschule und Assimilation,” ibid., pp. 115ff.
16. Karl Renner, “Die nationalen Minderheitschulen, ein Schlusswort,” Der Kampf 3 (March 1910): 253-55.
17. Karl Renner, Das Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Nationen in besonderer Anwendung auf Oesterreich (Vienna: Dauticke, 1918), pp. 14-15.
18. Renner, Staat und Nation, p. 1.
19. Ludwig Gumplowicz, Rasse und Staat (Vienna: Manz, 1875).
20. Renner, Staat und Nation, pp. 4-5, 7.
21. Quoted in ibid., p. 9.
22. Ibid., pp. 13-15.
23. See Mommsen, Die Sozialdemokratie, 2: 318-30.
24. Oscar Jaszi writes of Kremsier and Renner: “This plan of Dr. Renner . . . may be regarded as an enlargement of the principles of the Kremsier constitution (with the difference, however, that he would abolish the antiquated crownlands and substitute for them a fourfold division: Inner Austria, the country of the Sudets, the Littoral, and the Carpathian provinces)” (Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, p. 179). Also see Mommsen, Die Sozialdemokratie, p. 318.
25. Eoetvoes conceived of nations as “historical-political individualities” and opposed the “crown land” system as an artificial barrier to the natural life of nations. Although not going as far as Renner did with the idea of national corporations with their own land, he did support ideas that lent themselves to recognition of increased autonomy for nations within the Austrian state. His chief writings on the subject were Ueber die Gleichberechtigung der Nationalitaeten in Oesterreich (Pest: C.A. Hartleben, 1850) and Die Garantien der Macht und Einheit Oesterreichs (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus, 1859). See Jaszi, Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, pp. 244-45, 315-17, for a discussion of the ideas of Eoetvoes.
26. Fischhof (who was also important to Otto Bauer) participated in the revolution of 1848 as a liberal. Like Renner later, Fischhof conceived of a supranational state that granted its nations great autonomy in the handling of their cultural affairs. His system was dualistic yet part of one state. It was general enough in conception not to become a problem in any specific detail. Fischhof’s major work on these ideas is Oesterreich und die Buergschaften seines Bestandes (Vienna: Wallis Hauser, 1869. For a discussion of Fischhof, see Jaszi, Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, pp. 110-11, and Mommsen, Die Sozialdemokratie, 1: 318.
27. Otto Lang in 1897 proposed national parliaments based upon historical-geographic lines that recall Eoetvoes’s concept of “historical-political individualities” with parallel national and state administration. His major writings on this theme was Die Verfassung als Quelle des Nationalitaetenhaders in Oesterreich. Studie eines Patrioten (Vienna and Leipzig: M. Breitenstein, 1897), and Grundzuege feur eine endgueltige Loesung der Nationalitaetenfrage in Oesterreich, Ideen und Betrachtungen eines Patrioten (Vienna and Leipzig: M. Breitenstein, 1897). F.R. von Herrnritt, a professor of law at the University of Vienna, wished to improve the legal status of nationalities within the Austrian state. His book, Nationalitaet Rechtsbegriff (Vienna: Manz, 1899), discussed a constitutional change that would protect the cultural needs of Austrian nations. Alfred von Offermann was a follower of Adolf Fischhof and author of Die verfassungsrechtliche Vervollkommnung Oesterreichs (Vienna: W. Braumúller, 1899). Offermann conceived a supranational state that divided national and state functions, in what Mommsen has termed a two-level system in contradistinction to Renner’s attempt at an integration of national and state authority by creation of Mittelstelle (Kreisen). Etbin Kristan was a Social Democratic contemporary of Renner who during the Bruenn meeting of Austrian Social Democracy in 1899 that discussed the nationality question attacked Renner’s ideas as unrealizable within the real context of politics. See Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei Oesterreichs, Verhandlungen des Gesamtparteitages der Sozialdemokratie in Gesterreich, abgehalten zu Bruenn vom 24 bis 29. September 1899 im “Arbeiterheim” (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1899), p. 85 (hereafter cited as Parteitag, 1899). On all four men, see Mommsen, Die Sozialdemokratie, 2:318-19, 328.
28. August Bebel’s Die Frau und der Sozialismus was first published in 1879, but because of the laws in Berlin against socialists and socialist publications, the first edition was hidden from the public. The book became so popular that by 1895 the twenty-fifth edition was published (Stuttgart: J.H.W. Dietz). Renner reviewed the book in 1909 in Der Kampf in honor of the fiftieth edition. See Karl Renner, “Bebel’s ‘Frau,’ Zur fuenfzigsten Auflage des Buches,” Der Kampf 3 (December 1909): 98ff. Renner speaks of this book as his first contact with socialist thought in An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, p. 196.
29. Renner, “Bebel’s ‘Frau,’” pp. 98-99.
30. Karl Renner, “Die Freiheit ueber alles,” Der Kampf 1 (April 1908): 296, 292-93.
31. Karl Renner (pseud. Rudolf Springer), Staat und Parlament, Kritische Studie ueber die oesterreichische Frage und das System der Interessenvertretung (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1901), p. 5.
32. See Jean-Jacques Rousseau, “Whether the General Will Can Err,” The Social Contract (Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1968), pp. 72-73.
33. Hannak, Renner, pp. 58-59.
34. Renner mentions this incident in a 1903 article on electoral reform (pseud. Rudolf Springer), “Die intellektuellen und industriellen Klassen und die Wahlreform: Mehrheits—oder Verhaeltniswahl?” Deutsche Worte 22 (1903): 308.
35. Karl Renner, “Unser Parteitage,” Der Kampf 3 (October 1909): 3.
36. Karl Renner, “Das nationale Problem in der Verwaltung,” Der Kampf 1 (October 1907): 26-27.
37. Renner experienced a social-psychological estrangement from bourgeois society as a consequence of his father’s loss of property that was never overcome and gave impetus to his socialistic thought and practice. Karl Marx writes of such a condition prompted by one’s investment of selfhood in property (“Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts,” in Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels: Collected Works, 12 vols. (New York: International Publishers, 1976), 3:270-82).
Renner uses the term “alienation” (Entfremdung strictly in the sense of one’s physical property being estranged. The psychological implications of the term, well known to Marx when writing in 1844, were foreign to Renner’s vocabulary. See The Institutions of Private Law and Their Social Functions, trans. Agnes Schwarzwald, ed. Otto Kahn-Freund (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1949), p. 88.
38. Renner, Institutions of Private Law, p. 251. Renner establishes the law as integral to human development even more strongly earlier in the text when he states that law functions to preserve the species: “The most ancient form of family constitution is an application of the natural law for every social order, then every economic and consequently every legal institution must fulfill a function therein. Marx and Engels have called this preservation of the species the production and reproduction of the material conditions of life on an expanding scale. It is the production and reproduction of human individuals as well as as of their conditions of existence. Thus, all legal institutions taken as a whole fulfill one function which comprises all others, that of the preservation of the species” (ibid., pp. 69-70). Obviously, to Marx “every economic and . . . every legal institution” did not serve the law of natural selection and heredity or he would never have become the father of communist economic revolt. Breaking into Renner’s logic is the force of his own German bias that would preserve the authority of the state and the German hearth.
39. Preface to Marx’s Critique of Political Economy, as quoted in ibid., p. 55, n. 2.
40. Friedrich Engels, preface to Marx’s Der Achtzehnte Brumaire, 3d ed. (Hamburg, 1885), as quoted in ibid., p. 55, n. 2.
41. Ibid., pp. 252-53.
42. Revisionism was a movement in Social-Democratic thought in the 1890s and first decade of the twentieth century that believed economic change could be realized by compromise and cooperation with the existing bourgeois state rather than by political revolution. Revisionists did not see an inevitable dialectic in history which moved economics towards socialism; people made changes, and the power to change was in their reasoned problem-solving. See Gulick, Austria from Habsburg To Hitler 2: 1366-67. The major voice of Revisionism was the German Social Democrat Eduard Bernstein; see his Die Voraussetzungen des Sozialismus und die Aufgaben der Sozialdemokratie (Stuttgart: J.H.W. Dietz, 1899). For an exhaustive history of Revisionism and its effects on German and Austrian Social Democracy, see Erika Rikkli, Revisionismus, Ein Revisionversuch der deutschen marxistischen Theorie (1890-1914), Zuercher Volkswirtschaftliche Forschungen, vol. 25 (Zurich: R. Girsberger, 1936).
43. Renner, Institutions of Private Law, p. 46.
44. Karl Marx, “Economic-Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844,” in Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels: Collected works, 3:313.
45. Ibid., p. 326.
46. Renner, Institutions of Private Law, pp. 46-47.
47. Ibid., p. 91.
48. Ibid., p. 53.
49. Ibid., pp. 268-69.
50. Ibid., p. 259.
51. Ibid., p. 88.
52. Ibid., p. 49.
53. Ibid., pp. 63, n. 13, 71, 78, n. 40.
54. Ibid., pp. 2-3. This recognition by Kahn-Freund puts into focus Renner’s tendency to refer to the “cultural fathers” of his superego when deciding the justness of an issue. Renner was reinforced in such a tendency by the cultural norms of European law. The Anglo-Saxon tradition, it seems, resists superego dominance in cultural institutions such as the law.
55. Ibid., p. 8.
56. See especially Kahn-Freund’s discussion in the “Introduction” ibid., pp. 9, 12-16.
57. Ibid., pp. 3-4.
58. See Knapp, Austrian Social Democracy, pp. 177-200.
59. Karl Renner, “Die ‘Unfruchtbarkeit’ des Volkshauses,” Der Kampf (November 1909): 54-59.
60. Karl Renner, “Die Entwaffnung der Obstruktion,” Der Kampf 3 (January 1910): 146.
61. Karl Renner, “Politische Windstille,” Der Kampf 4 (February 1911): 193-200.
62. See Otto Bauer, “Gefahren des Reformismus,” Der Kampf 3 (March 1910): 243-44.
63. Karl Renner, “Soziale Demonstrationen,” Der Kampf 5 (October 1911): 1-4.
64. Karl Renner, “Steuerkaempfe und Steuerreform,” Der Kampf 7 (February 1914): 193.
4. The Party as Family for Otto Bauer
1. Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, ed. Julius Braunthal (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung 1961), pp. 14, 16. Except when otherwise noted, the biographical facts of Bauer are derived from this source.
2. See Sigmund Freud, “Fragment of an Analysis of a Case of Hysteria,” Collected Papers, 3:13-146. The identification of “Dora” was kept a secret by Freud and his closest associates for reasons of medical ethics and the political sensitivity of Otto Bauer’s position. A letter by Kurt Eissler to Hannah Fenichel, dated July 8, 1952, in the possession of the Sigmund Freud Archives, Library of Congress, establishes the identity of “Dora” as Ida Bauer; an unpublished manuscript by Peter Loewenberg, “Austro-marxism and Revolution: Otto Bauer, Freud’s “Dora” Case, and the Crises of the First Austrian Republic,” Department of History, University of California at Los Angeles, contains this information. Loewenberg cites the inference of this relationship in my dissertation (Blum, “The ‘Austro-Marxists’ Karl Renner, Otto Bauer, Max Adler, and Friedrich Adler and “Austro-Marxism” in Austria, 1890 to 1918: A Study in the Politics of Metaphor” [University of Pennsylvania, 1970], p. 208, n. 23) as the first scholarly identification of the relationship between Otto Bauer and “Dora.” For an analysis of the relationship of brother and sister, see Arnold Rogow, “A Further Footnote to Freud’s ‘Fragment of a Case of Hysteria,’” Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 26 (1978): 331-56.
3. Philip Rieff argues that Freud should have paid more attention to the social dynamics of the family, which made mental defense to the point of illness inevitable in a child; Freud treated Ida Bauer as if with his help she could simply return to normal in such a setting. (“Introduction,” in Sigmund Freud, Dora: An Analysis of a Case of Hysteria [New York: Collier, 1971], p. 10). Ida and Otto probably inherited the disposition to the disease; their father contracted syphilis before his marriage and exhibited symptoms of paralysis and mental disturbances associated with that venereal infection in the lifetime of his children. For a discussion of the etiology of hysteria see Freud, “A Reply to Criticisms on Anxiety-Neurosis” (1895), Collected Papers 1:107-27. Reference to the syphilis of Philip Bauer, the father, is in Freud, “Fragment of an Analysis of a Case of Hysteria,” Collected Papers, 3:26-27, 28 (n. 1). Otto and Ida’s mother was an obsessive compulsive; a description of her behavior, which matches Freud’s symptomatology of the obsessional, defensive neuropsychosis, may be seen in Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, pp. 5-10. Freud called the mother’s condition a “housewife psychosis,” stating that she lacked the insight needed to justify the form of defense being an obsessional neurosis; see Freud, “Fragment of an Analysis of a Case of Hysteria,” p. 28.
4. Arnold Rogow makes a similar diagnosis; see “Dora’s Brother,” International Review of Psychoanalysis 6 (1979): 239-59. Bauer’s writings in both neurotic and normal times show the pervasiveness of a certain style of equivocation and level of abstraction. His peers reinforced his habits of thought for they found justification in the bold language that never was specific enough to promote action. If as Freud posits, there can be a neurotic culture, then the norms of that culture will support neurotic character types; Bauer was typical of the neurotic edge of Austrian-German culture.
5. The physical symptoms replace the symptomatic idea that could lead to the cause of the condition for the hysterical individual. The hysteric has a psychic gap in consciousness, a gap in the time the illness was first established neurologically. The hysterical personality cannot think through to the root of the original crises; rather, a disabling physical symptom emerges that takes one’s concentration away from the disturbing event that caused the psychic trauma. The hysterical person creates the headaches, nervous coughing, even paralysis, to divert any thought that might lead to the psychic gap of the telling event(s). The displacement of attention may be through mental evasion, too; there are hysterics, and Otto and Ida are included, who use rational strategies to evade coming to grips with the times that cannot be faced; see Sigmund Freud, The Origins of Psychoanalysis: Letters to Wilhelm Fliess, Drafts and Notes: 1887-1902, ed. Marie Bonaparte, Anna Freud, and Ernst Kris (New York: Basic Books, 1954), esp. Letter 39 on Hysteria, pp. 154-55, and on the mental evasions of hysteria, Freud, “The Defense Neuro-Psychoses” (1894), Collected Papers, 1:65-66
6. See Freud, “A Case of Successful Treatment by Hypnotism, with Some Remarks on the Origin of Hysterical Symptoms through ‘Counter-Will,’” (1893), Collected Papers, 5:33-46, esp. pp. 38-40. In his analysis of the expectational state of mind, Freud describes the “counter-will” and “antithetic idea” in the hysteric that cripple his action. One can be resolved on an action and have it suspended by the “counter-will”; this syndrome of behavior is most significant in understanding Bauer’s equivocation.
7. The hysteric creates a pseudo-history of events that surrounds the psychic gap which he cannot and will not penetrate. Some historical accounts may be accurate if they do not touch the area of the psychic gap; see Freud, “Fragment of an Analysis of a Case of Hysteria,” p. 41, for this appreciation. Otto Bauer’s pseudo-histories are evident throughout his historical writings. Freud states that obsessive-compulsive neurotics are most prone to such rational strategies, and hysteria can move toward obsessive-compulsion as the neurotic individual grows more ill. For the variety of rational strategies of evasion in obsessive thinking, see Freud, “Notes upon a Case of Obsessional Neurosis,” (1909), Three Case Histories (New York: Collier, 1963), pp. 77-78.
8. See Philip Rieff, Freud: The Mind of the Moralist (New York: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1959), pp. 90-91, for a review of Freud’s analysis of Ida Bauer’s hyperintellectualism, which resisted dealing with the causes of her neurosis. Ida’s style is echoed by Otto in his Social Democratic polemics. Treating reality as a dramatic event is related to making pseudo-histories in that one seeks to manage life by manipulating its outcomes and meanings. The neo-Freudian, Eric Berne, has studied how individuals develop “life scripts” which they use to shape the interactions they have with others over a lifetime. The ego-defense of theatrical reality is an attempt, in part, to give oneself information about one’s problem. See Eric Berne, Beyond Games and Scripts: Selections from His Major Writings, ed. Claude M. Steiner and Carmen Kerr (New York: Ballantine, 1976), esp. pp. 135-312.
9. See Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, pp. 10-11, Rogow, “A Further Footnote to Freud’s ‘Fragment of a Case of Hysteria,”’ pp. 346-47.
10. It is reported in Freud’s study of Ida Bauer that Otto would seek to avoid taking sides in disputes between his parents but gradually was moved to support his mother. Nevertheless, in late adolescence he could say to Ida that their father should not be criticized for his affairs with other women because it gave him some happiness. His fairness, even when Freud says an Oedipal fixation would have been the natural tie that sided him with his mother, shows his strong superego impulsion to find equity in conflicts. See Freud, “Fragment of an Analysis of a Case of Hysteria,” pp. 29, 33-77.
11. Renner’s identification with the aggressor combined attributes of his personal father and an impersonal public world whose representatives entered and disrupted his home. Bauer’s identification involved his father and the public world, too; only in Bauer’s case his father manipulated the public world rather than being a victim of it, thus Bauer took on a style of world controller. See Freud, Ego, pp. 109-21.
12. Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, p. 10.
13. Ibid.
14. See Leser, Zwischen Reformismus und Bolschewismsus, p. 415; Joseph Buttinger, In the Twilight of Socialism: A History of the Revolutionary Socialists of Austria (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1953), pp. 42-43.
15. Napoleon’s tendency to reveal plans that it was in his own interest to keep secret is seen as a hysterical trait by Jung. See Stendahl, A Life of Napoleon (London: Rodale Press, 1956), p. 20; for Jung’s thoughts on hysterical extraversion, Psychological Types, p. 421.
16. Bauer’s equilibrium theory was not formally so named until after World War I; see Otto Bauer, “Das Gleichgewicht der Klassenkraefte,” Der Kampf 17 (January 1924): 57-65. The theory was developing earlier in his attempt to justify the decision not to use the general strike or other assertive means to further social legislation in the face of an obstructive Parliament. He formulated the notion of a pause in history when the classes were in balance; see Bauer, “Ruhepausen der Geschichte,” Der Kampf 3 (September 1910): 529-36, and “Volksvermehrung und social Entwicklung,” Der Kampf 7 (April 1914): 322-29.
17. Robert Musil, The Man without Qualities (New York: Secker and Warburg, 1965), p. 59.
18. Julius Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, Zwei Generationen Arbeiterbewegung (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1965), p. 28-29.
19. See Victor Adler to Karl Kautsky, Victor Adlers Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky, A 129, July 9, 1918, p. 660: “One can rely on Otto not to commit excesses to the right or to the left for he is clever enough to be more of a politician behind the scenes in private conferences than in his public statements.”
20. Otto Bauer, editorial message, Der Kampf 1 (October 1907): 1.
21. Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, p. 19.
22. Otto Leichter, “Otto Bauer, ‘der Mensch,’” Die Zukunft 8/9 (August, September 1951): 217.
23. Ibid., p. 218.
24. Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, p. 12.
25. Sigmund Freud, “The Aetiology of Hysteria” (1896), Collected Papers, 1:207.
26. Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, pp. 11-12.
27. See Freud, Origins of Psychoanalysis, pp. 109 (n.1), 111-12, 114-15, 152-53; also, Freud “Inhibitions, Symptoms, and Anxiety” (1926), The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey, (London, 1959), 20:126, 128. Finally, Anna Freud places the operation of projection in a readable case study in Ego, pp. 122-23, 126-27. Bauer’s projection of his own disturbing needs and traits is especially evident in his occasional studies of individual personality. See his studies of Victor Adler, August Bebel, Sigmund Kunfi, Max Adler, Ignaz Seipel, and Julius Martow in Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, pp. 205-44. For example, in discussing how Victor Adler was a “physician” to the Marxist attitudes of party members, keeping them in touch with concrete realities, he unwittingly exposed his own chief problem never conquered (p. 209); in his surprising paean to Ignaz Seipel, on the occasion of his death, he evidenced how Seipel was his mirror image, perhaps even the image of his father, as he manifested “unusual self-control . . . and an impenetrable mask which gave him the appearance that he was a cold, passionless man” (239).
28. Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, p. 12.
29. Otto Bauer, “Das Finanzkapital,” Der Kampf 3 (June 1910): 391-97.
30. Otto Bauer to Karl Kautsky, 1904, Karl Kautsky Archive, item K.D. II, 463, Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis, Amsterdam.
31. Otto Bauer, “Buecherschau,” Der Kampf 1 (November 1907): 94.
32. Otto Bauer, “Die Arbeiterbibliothek,” Der Kampf 1 (October 1907): 48.
33. Otto Bauer, “Eine Parteischule fuer Deutschoesterreich,” Der Kampf 10 (January 1910): 173-75.
34. Ibid., p. 174.
35. Oskar Helmer, “Die Parteischule in Klagenfurt,” Der Kampf 5 (October 1911): 39.
36. Heinrich Wissiak, “Die Parteischule in Bodenbach,” Der Kampf 4 (October 1910): 16.
37. Helmer, “Die Parteischule in Klagenfurt,” p. 39.
38. Inflation is a Jungian concept that is associated with the process of projection. When one sees others in the environment as having the attributes that are really his own, he tends unconsciously to equate the public world with his own person. Thus the impulsion of his needs as they are projected onto others seems to carry a historical-social significance for everyone who is in the shared public world. The projecting individual gains a heightened self-importance because he sees what is happening and important (in others). “In other words, if the individual identifies himself with the contents awaiting integration, a positive or negative inflation results. Positive inflation comes very near to a more or less conscious megalomania; negative inflation is felt as annihilation of the ego. The two conditions may alternate” (Jung, “The Psychology of the Transference,” Practice of Psychotherapy, 16:263-64.
39. Leo Por, Kautsky und Otto Bauer in der Beleuchtung der Psycho-analyses (Budapest: Verlag Emmerich Faust, n.d.).
40. See his description of his condition in a letter to Karl Kautsky, March 30, 1910, Kark Kautsky Archive, item K.D. II, 480.
41. Otto Bauer to Karl Kautsky, September 25, 1913, ibid., item K.D. II, 498.
42. Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, p. 10; see also the letter to Kautsky, (September 25, 1913).
43. Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, pp. 21-22.
44. Otto Bauer, “Victor Adler,” ibid., p. 208.
5. Bauer’s Cultural Dialectics
1. Por, Kautsky und Bauer, p. 1.
2. Bauer to Kautsky, January 26, 1906, Karl Kautsky Archive, item K.D. II, 472.
3. Bauer to Kautsky, March 13, 1906, ibid., item K.D. II, 474.
4. Bauer to Kautsky, February 4, 1906, ibid., item K.D. II, 473.
5. Kautsky to Adler, September 26, 1909, Victor Adlers Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky p. 502.
6. Otto Bauer, Die Nationalitaetenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1907), pp. 122-23.
7. Ibid., p. 21.
8. Ibid., p. 114.
9. Ibid., p. 1.
10. Ibid., p. 26.
11. Ibid., pp. 30, 112-13.
12. Ibid., p. 111.
13. Ibid., p. 139.
14. Ibid., p. 373.
15. Ibid., pp. 371-72.
16. Ibid., p. 164.
17. Otto Bauer, Deutschtum und Sozialdemokratie (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1907), pp. 13-14.
18. Ibid., p. 210.
19. Ludo Hartmann, “Zur Nationaler Debatte,” Der Kampf 5, (January 1912): 152ff.
20. Otto Bauer, “Die Bedingungen der Nationalen Assimilation,” Der Kampf 5 (March 1912): 247-59.
21. Ibid., pp. 262-63.
22. Ibid., pp. 263, 249.
23. Otto Bauer, “Gesamtparteitage und Gewerkschaftfrage,” Der Kampf 4 (September 1911): 557.
24. See Pavel Eisner, Franz Kafka and Prague (New York: Golden Griffin Books, 1950), for the argument that the Czechs served the same function for Franz Kafka—as a metaphorical vehicle for his neglected self.
25. Bauer, “Gesamtparteitage und Gewerkschaftfrage,” p. 564.
26. Otto Bauer, “Zu neuen Formen,” Der Kampf 4 (July 1911): 445-51.
27. Bauer to Kautsky, March 11, 1911, Karl Kautsky Archive, item K.D. II, 485.
28. See Mommsen, Die Sozialdemokratie, 1:438, 447; Bauer to Kautsky, July 8, 1911, Karl Kautsky Archive, item K.D. II, 491.
29. Bauer, “Zu neuen Formen,” p. 451.
30. Otto Bauer, “Die Gesamtpartei,” Der Kampf 6 (October 1912): 8, 13.
31. Otto Bauer, (pseud. Karl Mann), “Bourgeoisie und Militarismus,” Der Kampf 5 (July 1912): 451.
32. Otto Bauer, “Oesterreich auswaertige Politik und die Sozialdemokratie,” Der Kampf 1 (January 1908): 148.
33. Otto Bauer (pseud. Heinrich Weber), “Elemente unserer auswaertigen Politik,” Der Kampf 2 (November 1908): 87.
34. Jaszi, Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, p. 418. Carl Schorske, German Social Democracy, 1905-1917 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1955), p. 87.
35. Otto Bauer, “Die starke Regierung oder die starke Democratic,” Der Kampf 3 (December 1909): 105.
36. Otto Bauer (pseud. Heinrich Weber), “Nationale und Internationale Gesichtspunkte in der awswaertigen Politik,” Der Kampf 2 (September 1909): 540, 537.
37. Otto Bauer, “Der Kampf um Albanien,” Der Kampf 6 (December 1912): 107-10.
38. See Otto Bauer, “Nach dem Balkankrieg,” Der Kampf 6 (August 1913): 344-45.
39. Ibid.
40. Otto Bauer, “Der zweite Balkankrieg,” Der Kampf 6 (August 1913): 488.
41. Otto Bauer, “Parlamentarismus und Arbeiterschaft,” Der Kampf 1 (August 1908): 486.
42. Ibid., pp. 487-88.
43. Otto Bauer, “Die Lehren des Zusammenbruchs,” Der Kampf 2 (August 1909): 484.
44. Otto Bauer, “Buecherschau,” Der Kampf 4 (January 1911): 191.
45. Ibid., p. 191. See also Mommsen, Die Sozialdemokratie und die Nationalitaetenfrage in habsburgischen Vielvoelkerstaat, vol. 1, p. 316.
46. Otto Bauer, “Buecherschau,” p. 192.
47. Ibid., pp. 191, 192.
6. Max Adler, the Eternal Youth
1. See Neue deutsche Biographie (Berlin: Duncker and Humblot, 1952), s.v. “Max Adler.”
2. Max Adler (pseud. A. Max), “Zur Frage der Organisation des Proletariats der Intelligenz,” Die Neue Zeit 13, no. 21 (February 1895): 647.
3. Ibid., p. 690.
4. Adler’s concept of the “new person” (Neue Menschen) was articulated as early as 1904 in his address commemorating the hundredth anniversary of Kant’s death; see Immanuel Kant zum Gedaecbtnis! (Vienna: Franz Deuticke, 1904). A reprint of the address with new notes was published in Wegseiser. Studien zur Geistesgeschichte des Sozialismus (Stuttgart: J.H.W. Dietz, 1914), pp. 47-77. In 1924 he published a work called Neue Menschen (Berlin: E. Laube). The concept is grounded in a new education into social reality wherein the individual is taught to see the possibility of change in the present so that one is not “corrupted” (verderbt) by accommodating to present reality; see “Immanuel Kant,” Wegweiser, pp. 76-77.
5. Adler, Wegweiser, p. 195.
6. The polarities encompassed by Brand and Peer Gynt are seen by many critics to encompass the dilemma of man, modern man in particular. The twentieth-century search for solid values with which to base a self-identification usually finds its focus through the ethical imperative of Brand or the existential gropings of Peer Gynt. See Henrik Ibsen, Peer Gynt (New York: New American Library, 1964), pp. xxxiii-xxix.
7. Max Adler, “Fichte’s Idee der Nationalerziehung,” Der Kampf 7 (February 1914): 207. Fichte, according to Adler, had postulated a “transition age of man” when instinct and reason would battle for ascendancy, i.e., the Peer Gynt–Brand struggle. Adler clearly saw that the twentieth century was such an age. Freud, who sought to awaken man to the truth of instinct and Peer Gynt, would have answered Adler that only by dwelling in the facts of the self, in its everyday manifestations, could ideas be really valid and not merely “paralogisms” of self-evasion.
8. Max Adler, “Allerlei Kriegsmetaphysik,” Der Kampf 9 (December 1916): 442-43.
9. Adler, “Fichte’s Idee der Nationalerziehung,” pp. 206-7.
10. The first work of Adler, Kausalitaet und Teleologie im Streite um die Wissenschaft, is the best source of his thought linking Kant and Marx. A good short survey is in his essay “Das Formalpsychische im historischen Materialismus,” Marxistische Probleme. Beitraege zur Theorie der materialistischen Geschichtsauffassung und Dialektik (Stuttgart: J.H.W. Dietz, 1914), pp. 1-17.
11. This idea will be more fully explored in chapter 7. Kant introduced the category of community in his discussion of the pure concepts of understanding (Critique of Pure Reason, trans. Norman Kemp Smith (London: MacMillan, [1968]), B 108-B 111, pp. 114-16).
12. The study of groups as interdependent communities in which individuals achieve opportunity and identity did not begin until the 1930s in Europe or the United States. Before that, groups were seen primarily as a negative force acting upon individuals; see “Groups: The Study of Groups” and “Group Behavior” in the International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York: Macmillan, 1968), 6:259-64, 265-75.
13. Adler, Immanuel Kant, p. 52.
14. Friedrich Abendroth-Weigend, “Max Adlers transzendentale Grundlegung des Sozialismus: als Beitrag zur Methodenfrage des Marxismus verstanden” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Vienna, 1959), p. 114.
15. Max Adler’s curriculum vitae, item Ad 16216, Staatsamt feur Unterricht, Vienna. This document and others completed by Adler for the University of Vienna in 1919 may be examined only with the permission of the minister of education for Austria. There is a fifty-year moratorium on all documents at the Staatsamt feur Unterricht, where copies of the university files are kept (the original copies of Adler’s curriculum vitae and other papers housed at the University of Vienna were destroyed in an air raid during World War II). Adler’s papers are under the item number 16216; included among the documents is a description by Adler of the courses he will teach for the fall semester of 1919 (item 16216 19).
16. See s.v. “Max Adler” in the following: Neue deutsche Biographie; Oesterreichisches Biographisches Lexikon, 1815-1950 (Graz-Cologue: Hermann Boehlhaus, 1957); Philosophen-Lexikon (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1949). Articles on Adler generally deal with aspects of his ideas rather than describing or reporting any aspect of his personal life.
17. Renner, An der Wende Zweier Zeiten, pp. 278-79.
18. Abendroth-Weigand, “Max Adlers transzendentale Grundlegung,” p. 114.
19. See Neue deutsche Biographie. s.v. “Max Adler.”
20. See Carl Gustav Jung, Symbols of Transformation: An Analysis of the Prelude to a Case of Schizophrenia, 2d ed. trans. R.F.C. Hull, Bollingen Series 20 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), 5:258-59; the condition is more fully analyzed by M.L. von Franz in Puer Aeternus, (Santa Monica: Sigo Press, 1981).
21. According to Jung, one is healthy if, when confronted with the force of an idea that has collective validity, one integrates the idea into the existing forms of culture that correspond to it and does not identify oneself too closely with the origin of the idea or its magnitude. A neurosis develops when the individual uses the energy of the idea as a defense against developing the other aspects of his psychobiological life. The defense strategy uses the same psychodynamic processes of thought and behavior as in Freud’s understanding of the psychoneuroses, i.e., metaphorical abuse of the idea, hyperintellectualism, and a tendency to project the idea onto the environment as a symbol for the unrealized aspects and conflicts of one’s life. The thought suffers, and the idea is never properly developed. See Jung’s discussion of compulsion by a collective idea (i.e., an archetypal idea), in Jung, Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious, 2d ed. trans by R.F.C. Hull, Bollingen Series 20 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 9, pt. 1: 8, 47-48.
22. I mention this controversial analogy to highlight the force of the idea Adler struggled with. One can read Kafka’s The Castle as a tale of the inescapable rootedness of the individual in the social world (vergesellschaftung) whose invisible but omnipresent structures must be discovered. Adler’s Das Raetsel der Gesellschaft (Riddle of Society), written at the end of his life, reflects such a theoretical position. Adler was attracted to Nietzsche and may have seen a similar position to his in sections of the Gay Science, for instance, in which Nietzsche refers to Kant’s insight that truth is with the common man, but at a level that cannot be popularly seen (Aphorism 193).
23. Abendroth-Weigand concurs: “The basic premises of Max Adler’s work and theory were unchanging over his lifetime. Everything there is to know about him as a thinker and a socialist can be found in his first two publications “Max Adlers transzendentale Grundlegung,” p. 1). Adler’s second work, on Kant, was also published in 1904.
24. Jung, pp. 3-41.
25. Max Adler, Das Raetsel der Gesellschaft zur Erkenntnis-Kristiscben Grundlegung der Sozialwissenschaft (Vienna: Saturn Verlag, 1936), pp. 118-19.
26. Jung, Archetypes, pp. 20-21. See also M.L. von Franz, “The Process of Individuation,” in Man and His Symbols, ed. C.G. Jung, (New York: 1979), pp. 171-85.
27. Max Adler, “Der Schatten. Drama von M.E. Della Grazie. Erstauffuehrung im Wiener Burgtheater,” Deutsche Worte 20 (1901): 342-44, 348.
28. Such study could be made of human interaction with persons, objects in the environment, cultural artifacts, or any experience; see Lauer, Phenomenology, p. 94: “The ideal of philosophy would be to grasp acts so perfectly that their objects would be grasped perfectly. Even where the ideal is not attained, however, Husserl claims that objects can be adequately distinguished in this way. . . . He intends the principle to be applicable to all objects, whether they be events, logical categories, social structures, or abstract qualities, even though the ultimate nuances of the objects may not be successfully determined.”
29. Adler, Das Raetsel der Gesellschaft, pp. 288-89 and note.
30. Adler, “Immanuel Kant,” Wegweiser, p. 67.
31. Georg Simmel, “Dantes Psychologie,” Zeitschrift fuer Voelkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft (1884), 15:18-69, 239-76; Simmel, On Individuality and Social Forms, ed. Donald N. Levine, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971), pp. 141-214.
32. Adler, Georg Simmels Bedeutung fuer die Geistesgeschichte, p. 42.
33. The schemata in Kantian terms are the transcendental structures of imagination that guide comprehension of perceived experience. They are a combination of a category of the understanding, such as community, with a form of intuition, that is, sensible elements of space and time, so as to provide a regulative vision that produces each particular moment of perceived experience; see Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, B 177-B187, pp. 180-87.
34. Max Adler, Die Staatsauffassung des Marxismus, Ein Beitrag zur Unterscheidung von Soziologischer und Juristischer Methode (Darmstadt: Wissenschafliche Buchgesellschaft, 1964); the work was first published in 1922 in the Marx-Studien, vol. 4, pt. 2.
35. The schemata that guide individual judgment in moments of perception and decision are laws of consciousness, thus rules of our organism. Kant’s sense of the human species gradually achieving a healthy civilization by recognition of the rules of its own makeup is similar to Marx’s idea that the human species in culture moves inevitably to the communist state simply by recognition of its own needs in more rational forms of political and social organization. Max Adler draws this parallel in “Immanuel Kant,” Wegweiser, p. 64. The implication is that if one could identify and define the schemata of the social a priori, a standard of health would be created for human interaction against which the variances of given cultures could be measured.
36. In an extended debate with the neo-Kantian Rudolf Stammler over a period of years, Adler’s chief objection was to Stammler’s failure to ground his studies of legal norms in a thorough relation to Kant’s categories of consciousness; see, for example, Marxistische Probleme, p. 181. Stammler’s understanding of Kant’s ethics and practical reason allowed him to omit such an explicit grounding; see chapter 7 on Stammler and his study of the regulating norms of culture. Adler criticized Simmel for lacking a theoretical basis for his thought.
37. Adler, Marxistische Probleme, pp. 166-67.
38. See ibid., p. 227, n. 8.
39. Adler, Kausalitaet und Teleologie, p. 156.
40. Bauer wrote of Adler’s concern with death: “Max Adler struggled his whole life with the problem of death. The thought was unbearable to him that a rich and creative spirit could suddenly be destroyed by some chance of fate that destroyed the body. That was certainly the personal root of his devotion to the philosophy of Kant: if space and time are nothing but forms of our intuition, to which nothing must of necessity correspond in the unknown realm of the Ding an Sich, may we not then, in order to satisfy the needs of our mind, postulate a realm beyond our experience that is timeless and spaceless, where the spirit lives eternally? I was in my youth a pupil of his philosophy; I became mistrustful of his Kantianism and Kant for the first time when in a friendly conversation I realized that for him epistemology satisfied a metaphysical need” (Bauer, “Max Adler, Ein Beitrag,” p. 301).
41. Adler, Kausalitaet und Teleologie, p. 156 n.
42. See Plato, Phaedo (63b-65a). One could read this passage as an affirmation of Max Adler’s resistance to a historical ego, but when one considers how Socrates freed himself through experience and reflection on that experience, we realize that his words are not a life-denial; see also Plato, Symposium (209c-210c) as Diotima describes how to embrace life in a knowing manner.
43. Otto Bauer, “Deutsche Parteiliteratur,” Der Kampf 3 (July 1910): 479.
7. Max Adler, the Incomplete Theoretician
1. The words “lazy,” “lax,” and “thought lacking the power to create unity” appear throughout Adler’s criticism of other thinkers. For example, the “laziness” of thinkers [Denkfaulheit] who do not interpret Kant correctly, in “Immanuel Kant,” Wegweiser, p. 52; the “lax” thought of Stammler in defining social science in Marxistische Probleme, p. 158; and the lack of strength to create unity in Simmel, who allowed so much of life to lie beside him as accidental and unexplained matter, in Georg Simmels Bedeutung, p. 42.
2. Adler, Immanuel Kant, p. 20. The poetry is from Goethe’s Faust (lines 661-63). I have used the translation of Randall Jarrell, Goethe’s Faust, pt. 1 (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1976), p. 34.
3. Faust is a character in the tradition of Promethean heroes in European, especially German, culture. The individual who through intellect brings a new vision of life and improvement to civilization is an honored archetype; see Oskar Walzel, Das Prometheussymbol von Shaftesbury zu Goethe (Leipzig: Teubner, 1910). Faust is also a positive symbol of the puer aeternus. At a certain stage of development, the culture-bringer becomes a child so that he can see the world more openly. See Jung, “Answer to Job,” Psychology and Religion: West and East, 2d ed. trans. R.F.C. Hull, Bollingen Series 20 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 11:457. For Adler this would have meant relaxation of the reified Marxist concepts and a return to open, phenomenological introspection of social experience, even if evidence eventually reinstated these concepts.
4. Adler, Kausalitaet und Teleologie, p. 222.
5. Adler, Das Raetsel der Gesellschaft, pp. 32-33.
6. Ibid., p. 289.
7. Ibid., pp. 91-92, n.
8. See Edmund Husserl, Logische Untersuchungen, Prolegomena zur reinen Logik, 2 vols. (Halle: Max Niemeyer, 1900-1901); Ideen zu einer reinen Phaenomenologie und phaenomenologische Philosophie (Halle: Max Niemeyer, 1913).
9. Ernst Cassirer developed an understanding of Kant that paralleled Max Adler’s search for the “psychic forms” that condition individual judgment. His major work in this area was the Philosophy of Symbolic Forms, 3 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1955, 1957). Cassirer’s Kant’s Life and Thought (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981), pp. 271-360, offered a thorough discussion of the problematic of teleology and causal understanding central to Adler’s search for the social a priori. Cassirer’s Freiheit und Form (Berlin: Cassirer, 1916) offered a history of the problem of individuality within the laws of understanding and spirit in German culture from Luther through the early nineteenth century.
10. Adler’s criticism of Rudolf Stammler began with Stammler’s publication of Wirtschaft und Recht nach der materialistischen Geschichtsauffassung in 1896. Adler’s articles were not published, however, until their inclusion in Marxistische Probleme in 1914. He did not publish them at first because he had not made a “sufficient analysis of the social concept” and the “epistemological foundation of social life,” which he accomplished in Kausalitaet und Teleologies. See Adler’s reflection on Stammler in Marxistische Probleme, p. 150, n. 1; and the articles on Stammler in ibid., pp. 150-83, 214-54. Stammler consumed an inordinate proportion of Max Adler’s thought; his significance will be developed below. It is interesting that Adler’s earliest Marxist thinking was an attempt to show the failure of will in Stammler to insist on a definite epistemological basis for social norms, yet he rejected cultural evidence that could have helped his own research.
11. Immanuel Kant, Idea for a Universal History from a Cosmopolitan Point of View, in On History, trans. Beck, Anchor, and Fackenheim, p. 15. Sich mehr als Mensch is translated as “more than a man.” The sense of Kant’s thesis that one finds his capacities as a person in social dialogue, which is strengthened by Adler’s interpretation, makes such a translation nonsensical. A literal translation is “more as [als] a person”; see Adler, “Immanuel Kant,” Wegweiser, p. 55.
12. Kant, “Idea for a Universal History,” p. 16.
13. Adler, “Immanuel Kant,” Wegweiser, pp. 60-61.
14. Kant, “Idea for a Universal History,” p. 15; Adler, “Immanuel Kant,” Wegweiser, p. 56.
15. Adler, “Immanuel Kant,” Wegweiser, p. 64.
16. Ibid., pp. 60-61; also Adler, Marxistische Probleme, pp. 1-17, 35-59. Adler attacked historical materialists, who saw the dialectic as a mystic force in history apart from the decisions of individuals. The forward movement of the historical dialectic was a result of a positive view of human thought; Adler, as Kant and Marx, expected the majority of people to realize the best solution for themselves given the existing dilemmas.
17. Max Adler, “Dialektik des Werdens,” Der Kampf 4 (December 1911): 125-26.
18. See Sigmund Freud, Introductory Lectures, pp. 448-63.
19. Most of Marx’s writings that reflected his careful analysis of the role of consciousness in social experience were not published until 1932. The German Ideology and the “Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844,” which contain the most discursive analyses of consciousness, appeared in the Marx-Engels Gesamtausgabe in 1932, published in Berlin; see “Chronology: Marx’s Chief Works” in The Portable Karl Marx, ed. Eugene Kamenka (New York: Penguin Books, 1983), pp. ci-cxii. Max Adler had access only to a bowdlerized version of The German Ideology published by Franz Mehring in 1902; see Gesammelte Schriften von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels, 1841-1850, 3 vols. (Stuttgart: J.H.W. Dietz, 1902). Mehring deliberately excluded epistemological writings such as the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 from the edition so as to stress the social revolutionary materialism of Marx. Max Adler squeezed blood from a stone; see his comments on Marx’s few published statements on consciousness in Kausalitaet und Teleologie, pp. 5-6, and “Das Formalpsychische im historischen Materialismus,” in Marxistische Probleme, pp. 4-5 and n. 2.
20. Adler developed the processes and implications of a social therapy gradually. His last work, Das Raetsel der Gesellschaft, contains the added checks on true judgments that include the opinions of others and a phenomenological psychology that offers a systematic etiology of experience; see pp. 90-91, 288-89. The notions are in his first two works, epecially the discussion of the antagonistic nature of social intercourse as a necessary dimension of involvement. Freudian psychology relies on a dialogue between the individual and the analyst; without the necessary presence of the analyst, the individual would not be able to listen to his own words as a social fact or have the intervention that could cause a heightened sense of reflection; see Freud, New Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis (1932), in Standard Edition, 22: 12-14. The systematic etiology is likewise critical in helping the individual arrive at an understanding of the true judgment; see ibid., p. 13.
21. Adler, Kausalitaet und Teleologie, p. 202.
22. Ibid., pp. 202-5.
23. Ibid., p. 241.
24. Adler stressed the necessity of goodwill among individuals who serve as tests for a true judgment (Das Raetsel der Gesellschaft, p. 91). For Kant goodwill is the highest state of human action, for any skill or disposition without it can lead to harmful ends (Fundamental Principles of the Metaphysics of Morals [Indianpolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1949], pp. 14-15). The existentialist philosopher and Marxist Jean-Paul Sartre made good faith the fundamental attitude for any approach to an authentic, that is, true, transaction between individuals (Being and Nothingness, trans. Hazel Barnes [New York: Washington Square Press, 1966], pp. 86-118). The analytic experience requires the same goodwill between patient and doctor to clarify distorted aspects of situations.
25. Concentration on word selection and the sequence of verbal associations was Freud’s earliest approach to interpretation of unconscious forces that shaped experience. See his Psychopathology of Everyday Life in Standard Edition, vol. 6. Carl Gustav Jung began his relationship to Freud with studies in word association; see Jung, Experimental Researches, trans. Leopold Stein in collaboration with Diane Riviere, Bollingen Series 20. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973).
26. Adler, Kausalitaet und Teleologie, p. 204.
27. Faust’s search into the nether world of experience in Part II might be said to symbolize the search for the inner structures of the mind that shape experience. Jung points out the relationship between Faust’s experience with the Cabiri in Part II and the thinking function which Faust has repressed in his desire for action; see “A Psychological Approach to the Trinity,” Psychology and Religion, pp. 164-67.
28. Immanuel Kant, “Dialectic of Teleological Judgement,” The Critique of Judgement (London: Oxford University Press, 1952), pp. 72-74.
29. Adler, Marxistische Probleme, p. 204 and n. An earlier, more extensive discussion of Kant’s understanding of the casual root of the teleological judgment is found in Kausalitaet und Teleologie, pp. 157-69.
30. Freud discusses “perfect logic” under the concept of rationalization. A logical reason is always found to connect disparate realities in order to allow the conscious mind a sense of concord; see Freud, “A Case of Obessional Neurosis,” Collected Papers 3:330 and n. 3.
31. Adler, Kausalitaet und Teleologie, p. 199 and n. 1.
32. Kant, “Introduction,” Critique of Judgement, pp. 16-17, n. 1.
33. There is a surprising shallowness in Freud’s treatment of Kant. His ironic aspersions on Kant’s “unrealistic” view of moral judgment neglect passages in Kant that must have been brought to his attention. See New Introductory Lectures on Psycho-Analysis (1932), pp. 61, 74, and 163, n. 1. Carl Jung, when Freud’s disciple, wrote to Freud in 1910 of the claims by some that Kant had discovered the basic principles of psychoanalysis; see The Freud/Jung Letters, The Correspondence between Sigmund Freud and C.G. Jung, ed. William McGuire, trans. Ralph Manheim and R.F.C. Hull, Bollingen Series 94, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974), Letter 206J, p. 346.
34. Karl Marx, “Comments on James Mill, Elemens d’economie politique (1844),” in Marx, Engels, Collected Works, 3:218.
35. Marx wrote extensively on the concept of alienation in 1843-44; see Marx, Engels, Collected Works, 3:217-18, 275-80, 306-26.
36. See Cassirer, Kant’s Life and Thought, pp. 331-60.
37. Adler, “Der Schatten,” p. 338.
38. Ibid., pp. 337, 348.
39. Adler, Marxistische Probleme, p. 267.
40. Max Adler, “Zur Revision des Parteiprogramms,” Part I, Arbeiter-Zeitung 22 (October 1901): 8.
41. See Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei Oesterreichs, Protokoll ueber die Verhandlungen des Gesamtparteitages der sozialdemokratischen Arbeiterpartei in Oesterreich, abgehalten zu Wien vom 2. bis 6, November 1901 (Vienna: 1901), hereafter cited as Parteitag, 1901.
42. Adler, “Zur Revision des Parteiprogramms,” p. 7.
43. Parteitag, 1889, p. 1.
44. Parteitag, 1901, p. 1.
45. Adler, “Zur Revision des Parteiprogramms,” p. 7.
46. Victor Adler to Karl Kautsky, October 22, 1901, in Viktor Adlers Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky, A 67, p. 374. Kautsky to Adler, October 25, 1918, ibid., K 100, p. 375.
47. Victor Adler to Karl Kautsky, April 12, 1918, ibid., A 128, p. 654.
48. Karl Vorlaender was an intellectual historian of neo-Kantian thought sympathetic to Max Adler’s writings and socialism; see Vorlaender, Kant und Marx, Ein Beitrag zur Philosophie des Sozialismus, (Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1911). Paul Natorp was interested in social pedagogy and the problem of individuality within an interdependent society; see ibid., pp. 132-41. Franz Staudinger sought to link Marx’s method of social analysis with the Kantian critical philosophy; see ibid., pp. 141-52. Rudolf Stammler could have been most helpful to Max Adler as a stimulus for cultural research; see his Theory of Justice, trans. Isaac Husik, (South Hackensack, N.J.: Augustus M. Kelley [Rothman Reprints], 1969).
49. In this essay in which Kant discusses the socializing nature of man, he sets forth various theses, which in part are based upon the study of civic constitutions. He infers a progressive development of the idea of human autonomy and thereby a gradual enlightenment of man concerning his own nature; see “Idea for a Universal History,” p. 11. Stammler carries out his investigation in Theory of Justice.
50. Immanuel Kant, Fundamental Principles of the Metaphysics of Morals, trans. Thomas K. Abbott (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1949), pars. 56-57, pp. 45-46.
51. Immanuel Kant, Critique of Practical Reason, trans. Lewis White Beck (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1956), par. 20, p. 18; par. 26, p. 25.
8. The Party as Father for Friedrich Adler
1. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 28, 29, 32, 90-91.
2. Bahr dedicated some of his own work to Emma Adler (La Marquise d’Amaequil) in which he describes her as a beautiful autumn night (pale comme un beau soir d’automne) (Ermers, Victor Adler, p. 221). On Sunday afternoons at their house on Berggasse the leading artists of Vienna would gather (ibid., p. 221; Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 35-36.) Emma wrote fiction and historical novels and did translations (ibid., p. 30) and corresponded at length with with Karl Kautsky. The correspondence in the Kautsky Archive includes forty-eight letters written between 1895 and 1934, numbered as items D. I. 53-100; they had a great deal to do with her literary endeavors.
3. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 30-31.
4. Victor gave no quarter to the subjective, “irrational” realm of human understanding which Emma represented. His biographer, Max Ermers, stated that “neither for himself, nor for others, did he allow the dark symbolism, the double meanings or dreamings of the mind” (Victor Adler, p. 224). Women’s judgment was identified generally by Adler with subjective excess. He opposed their right to vote, early in his career, and later when he allowed it, he still withheld their right to appear as witnesses before juries (ibid., p. 239).
5. Friedrich’s sister Marie, born in 1881, had her first attack of mental illness in 1897 and by 1900 it had become a permanent condition (Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 91, 99, 276).
6. All Victor’s children and his wife exhibited extremes of character, which in all cases but the younger son Karl I may venture to call hysterical. Karl Adler (born in 1885) was said to be a caricature of Victor Adler’s faults (Laster), while Friedrich was a caricature of his virtues (Tugenden) (Ermers, Victor Adler, p. 243).
7. Victor Adler to Karl Kautsky, Victor Adlers Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky, A 92a.
8. As quoted in Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 187.
9. Ibid., pp. 179-82.
10. Ibid., pp. 181-82.
11. Ibid., pp. 178-79.
12. Ibid., pp. 182-84.
13. Ibid., pp. 184, 190.
14. Bebel wrote to the elder Alder on September 10, 1901: “I advise you again to keep your Fritz under control. The young man has lost again the little [reason] he managed to realize during the vacation” (Victor Adlers Briefweschl mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky, B 70, p. 371).
15. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 184-85.
16. Ibid., p. 186.
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid., pp. 192, 194.
19. Ibid., pp. 189-94.
20. Friedrich Adler to Karl Kautsky, December 18, 1905, Karl Kautsky Archive, item K.D. I, 102a.
21. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 195-97. The position was given instead to Albert Einstein.
22. Ibid., pp. 196-97.
23. Ibid., pp. 199-200.
24. Ibid., p. 200.
25. Ibid., pp. 200-201.
26. Victor Adler to August Bebel, July 11, 1911, Victor Adlers Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky, A 101, p. 536.
27. Julius Braunthal says of Friedrich Adler’s change of heart about his post on the Volksrecht: “Either his position had been challenged, or great tasks awaited him” (Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 200).
28. Ibid.
29. See Adler to Bebel, July 11, 1911.
30. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 178 n.
31. Friedrich Adler’s doctor from 1911 until December 1915, Ludwig Braun, told him in 1915 that his condition was psychologically initiated. Adler mentioned this at his trial in 1917, when he was labeled a “hereditary psychopathic personality” by the Austrian state psychiatrists (Friedrich Adler, Vor Dem Ausnahmegericht [Jena: Thueringer Verlagaustalt, 1923], pp. 151-54). Julius Braunthal maintains that his condition was myocarditis, “a heart disease which affects the nervous system, manifesting itself with periodically returning states of exhaustion which make one incapable of work” (Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 178 n.).
32. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 178 n.; see also Friedrich Adler’s description of this time in his Vor Dem Ausnahmegericht, p. 151.
33. Friedrich Adler, “Der Wert des Parlamentarismus,” Der Kampf 4 (June 1911): 415.
34. Alfred Adler, “Ueber Verebung von Krankheiten,” Der Kampf 1 (June 1908): 425-30. Adler calls this the “inherited ecology of illness.” Certainly, the heart was a likely organ to be affected, for it symbolized the courage Friedrich would need in the life-and-death struggle with his father as well as the warmth and life of emotions so little recognized by his father.
35. An article published by Friedrich Adler in Der Kampf a month before his heart attack indicates that he knew of Alfred Adler: “Minderwertig in Internationalismus,” Der Kampf 4 (August 1911): 495-99.
36. The reality of this relation is open to question. Internationalism became popular among many Austro-German Social Democrats when the Second International voted against the Czech separatists (for example, Karl Renner’s enthusiasm about the Second International as the Roman Empire during the period between 1911 and 1914). When the war came, however, only Friedrich Adler continued to believe in the reality of the Second International as a body with supreme authority. Adler’s support of the Second International and internationalism follows the syndrome set forth by Alfred Adler: a man who is minderwertig in one organ will overcompensate by clinging to an idea (an abstraction) that can make his weakness seem a strength. This behavior does not bring about a cure of the condition; it is a subterfuge that permits the sufferer to gain self-esteem and power and prevents a head-on meeting with what ails him.
37. Friedrich Adler, “Wissenschaft und Partei,” Der Kampf 6 (November 1912): 85-87.
38. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 207.
39. See the documents presented in Rudolf Neck, Arbeiterschaft und Staat in ersten Weltkrieg 1914-1918 (A. Quellen, Volume 1 Vom Kriegsbeginn bis zum Prozess Friedrich Adlers, August 1914-Mai 1917 (Vienna: Europa Verlag, 1964). The party hierarchy’s change of tone in response to the popularity of Friedrich Adler’s act can be seen, for instance, in the demand a month after Friedrich Adler’s trial that Karl Renner resign his post in the Austrian war government, on the grounds that Austrian Social-Democrats do not participate in a government that has war as its aim. Renner had been serving in the Ministry of Food since October 1916. See the statements of Parteivorstand concerning Renner’s recall in Hannak, Renner, pp. 279-80.
40. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 249-50.
41. See Julius Braunthal’s discussion of Friedrich Adler’s relation to the question of the Third Communist International in ibid., pp. 288-91.
42. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 298-99. For a more detailed account of the 2 ½ International see Julius Braunthal, History of the International, vol. 2, 1914-1943, trans. John Clark (London: Nelson and Sons, 1967), pp. 264-70, 468-92. For a merciless account of the personal activity of Friedrich Adler in the 2 ½ International, see Jacques Hannak, “Fritz Adler zum 70sten Geburtstag,” Die Zukunft (July 1949): 195-97.
43. Hannak, “Fritz Adler zum 70sten Geburtstag,” p. 196.
44. Adler uses the expression a priori, the Kantian term for the organizing schemata in consciousness that regulate our vision of the world. The Jungian idea of the archetype is roughly equivalent, except it includes a spiritual dimension that it represents. Any contact with the eternal images of archetypes brings with it a religious feeling. The danger in relating to an archetype, as described in Max Adler’s influence by the archetype of the puer aeternus, is to succumb to a behavior pattern that allows the archetypal energy to usurp one’s personality. Archetypes are collective, or species, forces, carrying an idea that is greater than any individual. The Oedipus complex, in Friedrich’s case, seems a better etiology for his struggle with socialism; his highly personal relationship to the party, because of his father’s influence, had the all-embracing feelings of a religious mission.
45. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 324-25.
46. Ibid.
9. Friedrich Adler: From Physics to Marxism
1. Friedrich Adler, “Wozu brauchen wir Theorien?” Der Kampf 2 (March 1909): 256.
2. Ibid., p. 260.
3. See Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 197-98.
4. Ibid., p. 178.
5. On the role of mathematics in the neurotic personality, Henri Michaux writes: “Mathematics, most often, goes hand in hand with a psychological, even a neurotic attitude. . . . A character disposition impels some to use this faculty to the maximum (a faculty almost everyone possesses) in which they gratify an escape tendency, without attracting attention to themselves” (Light through Darkness [New York: Orion Press, 1963], p. 41).
6. Friedrich Adler writes of the significance of historical materialim in his education: “At sixteen years of age I read the work of Friedrich Engels Herrn Eugen Duehrings Umwaelzung der Wissenschaft. . . . it forced me for the first time to look at the problem: HOW DOES THE MECHANICAL MATERIALISM OF SCIENCE RELATE TO THE HISTORICAL MATERIALISM OF MARX AND ENGELS? I was at that time an enthusiastic follower of both teachings. For the next decade I could not turn away from this question, yet I did not find a solution either” (Friedrich Adler, Ernst Machs Ueberwindung des mechanischen Materialismus [Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1918], pp. 5-6).
7. See Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 191.
8. See Friedrich Adler, “Die Entdeckung der Weltelemente (zu Ernst Machs 70. Geburtstag),” Der Kampf 1 (February 1908): 231-32.
9. Adler, Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, pp. 15-16, 21.
10. Friedrich Adler, “Die Entdeckung der Weltelemente,” pp. 233-34.
11. Friedrich Adler, Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, p. 7.
12. There were Marxist and non-Marxist Machians. The Marxist Machians are explored in V.I. Lenin, Materialism and Empiro-Criticism. Mach’s thought has encouraged the study of the history of science as paradigms representative of particular ages, with the objectives, methods, and standards of proof developing and changing in relation to the basic assumptions of that scientific generation. Thomas Kuhn’s The Structure of Scientific Revolutions is indebted to Mach.
13. Adler, Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, pp. 30, 32-33, 19.
14. Ibid., p. 23.
15. Ibid., pp. 56-62.
16. See Robert Musil’s discussion of Mach’s theory of observation and description of phenomena in Beitrag zur Beurteilung der Lehren Machs (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowoklt, 1980), pp. 15-42.
17. For a critique of mathematical language that demonstrates its “subjective” base, see Ernst Cassirer, Substance and Function, trans. William Curtis Swabey and Marie Collins Swabey (New York: Dover, 1953), pp. 3-67.
18. Adler, Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, pp. 77-82. The same idea appears in Adler’s article “Die Entdeckung der Weltelemente,” pp. 233-34.
19. Adler, Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, pp. 32-33.
20. Toward the end of his life Mach referred to this type of experience as “nirvana” (ibid., p. 29). The Indian concept was the closest he could come to expressing that the state might be glimpsed but was impossible to maintain in this life.
21. Adler, Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, p. 78.
22. See Ernst Mach, “Sinnliche Elemente und naturwissenschaftliche Begriffe,” Archiv für die gesamte Psychologie 136 (Bonn, 1910), pp. 263-74. Friedrich Adler discusses this idea in Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, pp. 73-77, 102.
23. Ibid., pp. 76-77.
24. See Robert Musil’s critique of Mach’s language, in Beitrag zur Beurteilung der Lehren Machs, pp. 79-124. Musil, who was to become one of the great Austrian writers of the century, saw the license that the relativist Mach took with science when employing succinct aphorisms. An aphoristic language has the advantage of allowing a reader to use the images of everyday life; meanings tend to have multiple possibilities, however, with everyday images. Law is more often asserted than demonstrated. The Austrian philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein sought through aphorism to demonstrate lawful structure in human experience. By writing thoroughly of particular experiences, he sought to engage the reader in a common language that would expose the structure of one’s thought and feelings within the rules of the situation. See Philosophical Investigations, trans. G.E.M. Anscombe (New York: MacMillan, 1953). Such a command of image was reputed to Socrates in the Symposium when Alcibiades said that he was a Silenos, whose rude images, if followed and gotten into, led one into a direct confrontation with the gods.
25. Mach was sympathetic with socialism and the German and Austrian Social Democratic parties. He even left the Austrian Social Democratic press (Arbeiter Zeitung) and educational association (Volksbildungsverein in Wien) a donation in the will he drew up in 1899. But his physical activity was always limited to his research. See Adler, Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, p. 27-29.
26. Ibid., pp. 35-36. See also Adler, “Die Entdeckung der Weltelement,” p. 231. In the Kampf article, which appeared ten years before the book on Mach, this quotation appears under the heading “Die absolut unveraenderlichen Koerper” (the absolute unchangeable body). In the book, it appears under the heading “Mechanische Materialismus” (mechanical materialism). The more metaphorical title of the earlier printing corresponds, it seems, to the crises of Friedrich Adler’s existence in the years before 1918.
27. Adler, Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, pp. 73-74.
28. Ibid., pp. 74-75.
29. Friedrich Adler, Vor dem Ausnahmegericht, (Jena, 1923), p. 61.
30. Adler, Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, pp. 84-85.
31. Adler to Kautsky, April 29, 1903, Karl Kautsky Archive, item K.D. I, 107.
32. See Adler, “Wissenschaft und Partei,” p. 85.
33. Friedrich Adler’s articles in Der Kampf were “Die Entdeckung der Weltelemente” and “Wozu brauchen wir Theorien?” His articles in Die Neue Zeit were “Materialistische Geschichtsauffassung und Mathematik,” vol. 24, pt. 2 (1906): 223ff pseud. Fritz Tischler); “Friedrich Engels und die Naturwissenschaft,” vol. 25, pt. 1 (1907): 620-38; and “Der Machismus und die Materialistische Geschichtsauffassung,” vol. 27, pt. 1 (1909): 671-87.
34. These concepts are discussed in Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, pp. 168-77. They were first discussed in the articles in Der Kampf and Die Neue Zeit (see n. 33), to which Adler referred in this synthesis in the book.
35. Adler, Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, p. 171.
36. See Lenin, Materialism and Emperio-Criticism, in Collected Works, vol. 13. See esp. the foreword to the English edition by A. Deborin, pp. ix-xxiv.
37. Adler, Ernst Machs Ueberwindung, pp. 171-76.
38. Adler, “Wozu brauchen wir Theorien?” p. 260.
10. Karl Renner as German Chauvinist
1. Karl Renner, “Sympathien und Antipathien,” Der Kampf 2 (January 1909): 165-69.
2. Karl Renner, “Ueber Innsbruck hinaus!” Der Kampf 5 (January 1912): 149.
3. The “Day of the German Nation” was the headline of the editorial written by Friedrich Austerlitz in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, the Austrian Social Democratic daily newspaper, on August 5, 1914. The editorial approved of German Social Democracy’s voting of war credits for the German government and supported the coming war by stating that the Western allies were mounting an attack “on the German essence.” The article became the archetypal instance of the betrayal of international socialism in the heat of the first days of the war. For a discussion of the effects of the article, see Julius Braunthal, “Introduction,” Austerlitz Spricht (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1931), and Victor Adlers, Aufsaetze, 9: 112.
4. Karl Renner (pseud. Josef Hammer), “Was ist Imperialismus?” Der Kampf 8 (January 1915): 24-33.
5. Karl Bruel, Heath’s New German and English Dictionary, rev. and enlarged by J. Heron Lepper and Rudolf Kottenhahn (New York: Funk & Wagnall 1939), p. 270.
6. Renner had become a co-leader, with Franz Domes, of the Austrian cooperative societies in 1911. The Hammerbrotwerke was in deep financial trouble, and Renner found a way to transfer funds from the cooperatives into the industry to keep it alive. During World War I, with Renner’s financial entrepreneurship, the Hammerbrotwerke thrived. See Gulick, Austria from Habsburg to Hitler 1:317-19, 325-28.
7. Rudolf Hilferding, Das Finanzkapital, Eine Studie ueber die juengste Entwicklung des Kapitalismus (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1910). This work was included as part of the Austro-Marxist body of theory, appearing as the third volume of Marx-Studien.
8. Renner, “Was ist Imperialismus?” pp. 28-33.
9. Renner subordinated the individual to the imperative beyond him, emanating from the inexorable demands of “history.” Man obeyed the law; he did not make laws himself. For Hilferding’s critique of Renner’s position, see Rudolf Hilferding, “Historische Notwendigkeit und notwendige Politik,” Der Kampf 8 (May 1915): 206-15. Although Renner is not mentioned, his interpretation is opposed. Also see Rudolf Hilferding, “Europaer, nicht Mitteleuroparer!” Der Kampf 8 (November-December 1915): 257-65, opposing the idea of a “middle-European” community as elaborated by Friedrich Naumann, a political theorist used by Renner to develop further his arguments of supporting the war. Finally, Hilferding took on Renner personally in “Phantasie oder Gelehrsamkeit?” Der Kampf 9 (February 1916): 54-58, calling him a man lost in a fantasy (p. 55) that poses a danger to Social Democracy and the future of socialism (p. 56).
10. Karl Renner, “Der Krieg und die Internationale,” Der Kampf 8 (February 1915): 50.
11. Ibid., pp. 60-62.
12. Karl Renner, “Was Siegt im Kriege?” in Renner, Oesterreichs Erneuerung, Politischprogrammatische Aufsaetze, 3 vols. (Vienna: Viener Volksbuchhandlung, 1961), 1:12-14. (The article first appeared in the Arbeiter-Zeitung on June 18, 1915. Hereafter I will cite both the collection of the Arbeiter-Zeitung articles in Oesterreichs Erneuerung and the date the article first appeared in the Arbeiter-Zeitung.)
13. “Mitteleuropa” was a descriptive term introduced by the social theoretician Friedrich Naumann for the European capitalist community of German-speaking lands; for men such as Renner it included the Balkans and Hungary. Renner knew Naumann as early as 1901-03 when Renner contributed articles to Naumann’s publication Die Hilfe (See Hannak Renner, p. 291).
14. Renner, “Was Siegt im Kriege?” p. 14.
15. Ibid.
16. See Karl Renner, “Der Uebernationale Staat,” Oesterreichs Erneuerung, 1:38-43 (Arbeiter-Zeitung, October 21, 1915). See also Karl Renner, “Zollvereine und Weltwirtschaft,” Oesterreichs Erneuerung, 1:124 (Arbeiter-Zeitung, May 16, 1915). He speaks of the future superstate of Germany-Austria-Hungary, which will extend from Holland-Belgium to Turkey and Persia.
17. Karl Renner, Friedrich Naumman’s “Mittel-Europa,” Oesterreichs Erneuerung, 1:38 ((Arbeiter-Zeitung, October 20, 1915).
18. Ibid.
19. Renner, “Der Uebernationale Staat,” p. 39.
20. Renner, “Der Uebernationale Staat,” p. 43. Renner derived his information from a letter sent by Hermann Hesse (the Nobel Prize-winning German writer of Steppenwolf, Das Glasperlenspiel, and others) to the Frankfurter Zeitung, October 13, 1915. The letter, a masterpiece of chauvinism, is reproduced; it is quite an interesting document for American readers who knew Hermann Hesse solely as a man removed from the concerns and passions of the political world. The fever of the war can be measured by such facts as this letter by Hesse. It appears on pp. 42-43 of the aforementioned article.
21. Karl Renner, “Der Anteil der Nationen am Staate,” Oesterreichs Erneuerung, 1:58. (Arbeiter-Zeitung, November 3, 1915).
22. Renner was considered a “red” by the ruling circle of the Habsburgs. Thus, although his ideas might be borrowed, he never was directly praised or called in for conference in affairs of state. See Hannak, Renner, p. 183.
23. Karl Renner, “Männer-Massregeln-Einrichtungen,” Oesterreichs Erneuerung, 1: 76-77 (Arbeiter-Zeitung, September 8, 1915).
24. See Max Adler, “Proletarische oder buergerliche Staatsideologie,” Der Kampf 9 (April 1916): 129-39; Friedrich Adler, “Mutwilliger Streit oder politischer Gegensatz,” Der Kampf 9 (April 1916): 148-52. Almost the entire April 1916 issue of Der Kampf was directed against Renner. In 1915 these men had written against Renner’s political position, but the articles cited are the first that publicly denounced him.
25. Renner, Oesterreichs Erneuerung, 1:v.
26. Hannak, Renner, p. 597.
27. Gulick, Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, 1:318-19.
28. Hannak, Renner, pp. 279-80.
29. Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei Oesterreichs, Protokoll der Verhandlungen des Parteitages der deutschen sozialdemokratische arbeiterpartei in Oesterreichs, abgehalten in Wien vom 19. bis 24. Oktober 1917, (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1917), pp. 121-22 (hereafter cited as Parteitag, 1917).
30. See Hannak, pp. 288-96; Follis, “Austrian Social Democratic Party,” pp. 323-24; and Parteitag 1917, pp. 84-85.
31. Follis, “Austrian Social Democratic Party,” pp. 339-41; Otto Bauer mentions this animus against the Bolsheviks in a letter to Karl Kautsky dated January 4, 1917, Kautsky Archive, item K.D. II, 503. Bauer was in sympathy with the Bolsheviks and their methods, though he soon changed his mind.
32. The so-called “Left” which crystallized around the image of Friedrich Adler and the ideas of Zimmerwald spoke out for the self-determination of Austrian nations during the final months of the war. These men included Otto Bauer, Max Adler, and, of course, Friedrich Adler. All, however, spoke against the Bolshevik violence during 1918. And when the violence of revolution began in the streets of Vienna, all sought to quell it, supporting the parliamentary way.
33. See Ludo M. Hartmann, “Deutschland und wir,” Der Kampf (April 1918): 215-19; Friedrich Austerlitz, “Nationale Politik in Oesterreich,” Der Kampf 11 (August 1918): 521-30; Friedrich Austerlitz, “Der deutschoesterreichische Staat,” Der Kampf 11 (November 1918): 713-18.
34. Karl Renner, “Was hat ein Internationales Programm zu leisten?” Der Kampf 11 (June 1918): 384-89.
35. See Hannak, pp. 331-35. For details of this constitutional draft see Gulick, Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, 1:56-57, and Die Verfassungsgesetze der Republik Deutschoesterreich, (Vienna and Leipzig: Hans Kelsen, 1919), pt. 1, pp. 11-16.
36. Follis, “Austrian Social Democratic Party,” p. 423.
37. Gulick, Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, 1:57.
38. See Renner’s description of the Provisional Assembly’s powers in his speech before the Provisional Assembly on October 30, 1918 (Hannak, Renner, p. 341).
39. The State Council had the authority to demand the resignation of Emperor Charles but did not do so even after the Austrian Social Democratic party on November 1, 1918, stated its position that Austria should in the future be a democratic republic (Hannak, Renner, pp. 343-44).
40. See Hannak, Renner, p. 348. A full account of this speech is found in Bruegel, Geschichte der oesterreichistcben Sozialdemokratie, 5:393-96.
41. Bruegel, Geschichte der oesterreichischen Sozialdemokratie, 5:393.
42. Renner promised the Provisional Assembly in his speech on November 11, 1918, that even if a republic were declared, “the normal life of the state will continue, and political changes will not be distributed by social eruptions, which we all feel to be intolerable at this time. We will maintain order even at the risk of violently affecting the social life” (ibid., p. 393). At the exact moment the Republic of Austria was declared to the populace by the president of the State Council, the Social Democrat Seitz, on November 12, 1918, shots rang out, and the Communist Red Guard attempted a coup d’etat which was rapidly put down by the government. See Gulick, Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, 1:61. Constant diligence was required by Austrian Social Democrats and the new government to maintain order and prevent real revolution (ibid., pp. 69-83).
43. See Adolf Schaerf, Zwischen Demokratie und Voksdemokratie, Oesterreichs Wiederaufrichtung im Jahre 1945 (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung 1950), pp. 12-13.
11. Otto Bauer: Success through Equivocation
1. Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, ed. Julius Braunthal (Vienna: Vierner Volksbuchhandlung, 1961), p. 24.
2. As quoted in “Ein Instrument der Geschichte,” Arbeiter-Zeitung, October 18, 1914, p. 4. The article is anonymous, but proof of Bauer’s authorship is in a letter from Friedrich Adler to Karl Kautsky. October 19, 1914, Kautsky Archive, item K.D. I, 113.
3. See Bauer to Kautsky, October 19, 1914, Kautsky Archive, item D.D. II, 490.
4. See Otto Bauer’s review of Kautsky’s Der Weg zur Macht, Der Kampf 2 (May 1909): 337-44.
5. Otto Bauer, Eine Auswahl aus seinem Lebenswerk, p. 24.
6. Ibid., pp. 25-26.
7. Ibid., p. 26.
8. Ibid., pp. 26; the history is “Das Weltbild des Kapitalismus” ibid., pp. 102-39.
9. Ibid., p. 27.
10. Bauer spent July and August 1917 in Petersburg as a guest of Theodor and Lydia Dan, who were Mensheviks. He caught up on political events and in an effort to read Russian newspapers had to learn Russian. While in Petersburg he made acquaintance with the various factions of Russian Social Democracy (ibid., pp. 27-28).
11. See Jacques Hannak, Maenner und Taten (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung 1963), p. 28, for a discussion of Bauer’s assignment and the reaction of the Western press to its significance.
12. Bauer to Kautsky, September 28, 1917, Kautsky Archive, item K.D. II, 500, in which he says he supports the position of Martow and his followers (i.e., Menshevik-Internationalists).
13. Renner’s statement of Bauer’s vacillating mind appears in “Der Taktische Streit,” Der Kampf 11 (January 1918): 30 n. “When our Heinrich Weber came back from Russia, he confessed that he was a Menshevik of the Internationalist direction, that means in practical terms—he was mistaken. When he left Russia [the Menshevik International] direction still had meaning. Today he feels himself a Bolshevik, probably, but not only a Bolshevik for Russia, rather a Bolshevik for Austria, too. And that is again a mistake.” The moon analogy appears on pages 25-26 of the same article.
14. See Bauer, Die Nationalitaetenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie, p. 485, for his conclusion that colonialism is unavoidable as culture progresses toward socialism and that as long as the worker benefits, colonialism is beneficial. See ibid., pp. 440-61, for his outline of a multinational state of the future, which would be assured by the capitalistic expansion into the Danube basin.
15. For Bauer’s movements in September 1917 while on leave from the army, see Victor Adler to Karl Kautsky, Victor Adlers Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky September 4, 1917, A 124, p. 639, and Kautsky to Adler, ibid., October 4, 1917, K 157, p. 640. Also see Follis, “Austrian Social Democratic Party,” p. 308; and Julius Deutsch, Geschichte der oesterreichischen Gewerkschaftsbewegung (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1929-1932), 2: 36.
16. The Karl Marx Verein was established formally in March 1916. It opposed the war and socialist participation in the war. A complete list of its members (including Max Adler) and their addresses in Vienna can be found in Neck, Arbeiterschaft und Staat im ersten Welktrieg 1914-1918, pp. 140-41.
17. See Follis, “Austrian Social Democratic Party,” p. 308; Victor Adler Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky, p. 638 n.; Deutsch, Geschichte der oesterreichischen Gewerkschaftsbewegung, 2:36.
18. See Follis, “Austrian Social Democratic Party,” pp. 308-13; Hannak, Renner, pp. 288-89.
19. Victor Adlers Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky, p. 638 n.; Hannak, pp. 288-89.
20. Victor Adler to Karl Kautsky, Victor Adlers Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky, July 9, 1918, A 129, p. 660.
21. Otto Bauer, “Wuerzburg und Wien,” Der Kampf 10 (November-December 1917): 328.
22. Bauer to Kautsky, December 17, 1917, Kautsky Archive, item K.D. II, 502.
23. Bauer to Kautsky, January 4, 1918, Kautsky Archive, item K.D. II, 503.
24. Otto Bauer (pseud. Heinrich Weber), “Die Bolschewiki und wir,” Der Kampf 11 (March 1918): 143-44, 147.
25. Bauer made no public statements about the January strikes. His letter to Karl Kautsky, dated January 4, 1918, was written immediately before the strikes began. The letter was pro-Bolshevik. We do not hear from Bauer again until his article, “Die Bolschewiki, und wir,” in Der Kampf in March presumably written in February 1918). He may have been silent because a process had been started against him by the Army General Staff during the January strikes on the suspicion that he was connected with the Bolsheviks. The process against him continued until May 24, 1918, when the Army General Staff cleared him because of the tone of such articles as “Die Bolschewiki und wir” (Hannak, Maenner und Taten, pp. 29-32).
26. Otto Bauer, “Geschichte,” review of Dr. Alfred Fischel’s Die Protokelle de Verfassungsausuhusses ueber die Grundrechts (Vienna, 1912), Der Kampf 2 (January 1912): 191.
27. Bauer, “Die Bolschewiki und wir,” pp. 148-49. Bauer wrote, of course, as though he had not gone to battle patriotically as an officer and had not written “Ein Instrument der Geschichte.”
28. See Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 280.
29. Gulick, Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, 1:58.
30. Braunthal, pp. 31-32.
12. Max Adler: Will and Idea in Wartime
1. Max Adler, “Ferdinand Lassalles Fuenfzigster Todestag,” Der Kampf 7 (December 1914): 482.
2. Ibid., pp. 484-85.
3. Ibid., p. 486.
4. Max Adler, “Das Prinzip des Sozialismus,” Der Kampf 8 (January 1915): 5.
5. Max Adler, “Was ist Notwendigkeit der Entwicklung?” Der Kampf 8 (April 1915): 174.
6. Ibid., pp. 175-76.
7. Adler’s choice of the word anwandeln in this context is indicative of his condition. The word anwandeln connotes as a verb “befall, come over, come upon, attack, seize (of illness, etc.); was wandelte dich an? what has come over you” (Cassell’s German and English Dictionary (London: Cassell & Company Ltd., 1950).
8. Adler, “Was ist Notwendigkeit der Entwicklung!” p. 177.
9. Max Adler, “J.G. Fichte ueber den wahrhaften Krieg,” Der Kampf 8 (June 1915): 233, 238-39.
10. Max Adler, “Weltmacht oder Volksmacht?” Der Kampf 8 (November-December, 1915): 365-66.
11. Max Adler, “Ueber Kriegsethik,” Der Kampf 9 (January 1916): 33-42.
12. As quoted in Hannak, Renner, p. 241.
13. Der Traum, Ein Leben, in Grillparzer’s Werke, vol. 5 (Leipzig and Vienna: Bibliographisches Institut, 1903).
14. Adler, “Ueber Kriegsethik,” p. 33.
15. See a discussion of the play, originally by the Spanish dramatist Calderon, Der Traum, Ein Leben, Grillparzer’s Werke, 5:9.
16. Max Adler, Zwei Jahre . . . ! Weltkriegsbetrachtungen eines Sozialisten (Nuremberg: Fraenkische Verlags Austalt, 1918), p. 31.
17. See Friedrich Adler’s review of Max Adler’s Zwei Jahre . . . !, Der Kampf (September 1918): 344.
18. See Neck, Arbeiterschaft und Staat im ersten Weltkrieg 1914-1918, p. 141.
19. Max Adler, “Die Bedeutung des Sozialismus,” Der Kampf 11 (January 1918): 47.
20. The strikes began the third week of January 1918. As a rule the articles written for a particular month were finished by the last week of the preceding month. The proofs for the finished issue were completed by the first week of the month, sent to press, and distributed. Evidence of such a process is given in Karl Renner’s letter to Friedrich Adler, January 3, 1916, in Hannak, Renner, p. 241.
21. Max Adler, “Die Mahnung der Russischen Revolution,” Arbeiter-Zeitung, November 16, 1917, p. 1.
22. Max Adler, “Der russische Buergerkrieg und der Sozialismus,” Arbeiter-Zeitung, September 10, 1918, pp. 1-2.
23. Max Adler, “Die Verantwortung der Demokratie,” Arbeiter-Zeitung, October 17, 1918, pp. 2-3.
24. Max Adler, “Die Zeit wird gross!” Arbeiter-Zeitung, October 29, 1917, p. 2.
25. Max Adler, “Eine Partei der Verwirrung,” Arbeiter-Zeitung, November 19, 1918, pp. 1-2.
13. Friedrich Adler Encounters His Fate
1. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 211-12.
2. Ibid., p. 211.
3. Friedrich Adler, Vor dem Ausnahmegericht p. 200.
4. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 218.
5. See Friedrich Adler’s letter of resignation from the party, August 8, 1914, in Vor dem Ausnahmegericht, pp. 13-15; and his letter of August 13, 1914, in which he decided to stay within the party and fight for his viewpoint, ibid., pp. 15-19. A discussion of this episode is in Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 218-19.
6. See Victor Adlers Aufsaetze, Reden und Briefe 9:104-21. The meetings were held between the Vertrauensmaenner of the party, and admission was by invitation only. The minutes were presumably taken stenographically, and then typed, by Otto Gloeckel and Gustav Pollatschek and deposited in the Parteiarchiv.
7. A letter of Friedrich Adler’s mother Emma to Karl Kautsky on October 27, 1914, gives a magnificent picture of Friedrich Adler’s posture before the party and the others’ reception of him (October 27, 1914, Kautsky Archiv, item K.D. I, 62). Emma Adler says of her son, “Too bad that you weren’t at the meeting two weeks ago . . . Friedrich spoke like a god! He has grown unimaginably in the last two years. Even his [heart] gives him no trouble. It was painful for me—nine-tenths of those present were enemies [to his person and position], and it was especially painful for me that one misunderstands such a selfless and pure person. These people are always so foolish—they will not forget whose son Friedrich is, and they made comparison—as if there could not be two different men who can be virtuous, but in different ways. On the same evening [Ellenbogen] answered him in a way that treated him, a 35 year old man, like a little child who needed his nose wiped.”
8. Victor Adler to Karl Kautsky, November 26, 1914, Victor Adlers Briefwechsel mit August Bebel and Karl Kautsky, A 113, p. 602.
9. See Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 223 and n. 24. The hidden hostility manifested itself more openly by the time of Friedrich’s trial in 1917. The love-hate relationship that underlay the politics of Victor and Friedrich Adler is barely touched on by Braunthal, who politely masks the drama between father and son.
10. See Friedrich Adler’s autobiographical sketch of his war years activities given to the Austrian police upon his arrest for the assassination of Count Stuergh in his Vor dem Ausnahmegericht, pp. 202-6; and Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 218-27.
11. Friedrich Adler, “Die Sozialdemokratie im Deutschland und der Krieg’s,” Der Kampf 8 (January 1915): 33-42.
12. See Ermers, Victor Adler, p. 326. Friedrich was to be sent to join the Landwehrinfanterieregiment No. 1. He had a heart attack (myocarditis) and was excused from the service on medical grounds.
13. One may assume that his psychosomatic attack a few days after his call to the military was an ingenious gambit of his self to save the real showdown between himself and his father for a better ground. By not refusing the draft he matched Otto Bauer’s gesture of military courage; the heart attack then removed him to the real arena—Vienna and the life of the party.
14. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 225.
15. Friedrich Adler, Vor dem Ausnahmegericht, p. 204.
16. Ibid., pp. 205, 221-22.
17. Friedrich Adler, “Suenden der Minderheit oder Suenden der Mehrheit?” Der Kampf 11 (January 1916): 9.
18. Ibid., pp. 5-10.
19. Friedrich Adler, “Offener Brief an Camille Huysmans,” Der Kampf 9 (May–June 1916): 193.
20. Ibid., p. 194.
21. Ibid., p. 195.
22. Friedrich Adler, “Eines Sozialdemokraten Ende und Glueck,” Der Kampf, 9 (September 1916): 341-42.
23. Friedrich Adler, “Welkriegsbetrachtungen eines Sozialisten,” Der Kampf 9 (September 1916): 344.
24. Friedrich Adler, “Die Reichskonferenz der Sozialdemokratie Deutschlands,” Der Kampf 9 (October 1916): 345.
25. Ibid., pp. 346-47.
26. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 227.
27. Ibid., p. 225.
28. Ibid., p. 230.
29. Ibid., p. 230.
30. Friedrich Adler, Vor dem Ausnahmegericht, p. 230.
31. Friedrich Adler, Vor dem Ausnahmegericht, p. 229.
32. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 230-32.
33. Victor Adler to Adolf Braun, November 12, 1916, Victor Adlers Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky, A 121, p. 632. See Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 232-33 and the footnotes on those pages for a discussion of Victor Adler’s preparation of psychiatric information with which to plead a case of insanity for his son.
34. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 234.
35. Friedrich Adler, Vor dem Ausnahmegericht, pp. 140-42.
36. The complete text of this defense is in ibid., pp. 44-116.
37. See Friedrich Adler, Vor dem Ausnahmegericht, pp. 180-81.
38. Arbeiter-Zeitung, September 7, 1917, p. 1.
39. The reaction of the Austrian Social Democratic party hierarchy to Friedrich Adler’s assassination of Count Stuergh was one basically of forgive and forget. There was a party moratorium, it seems, on public utterances before Friedrich Adler’s trial in May 1917. After the trial Friedrich Austerlitz wrote an article in Der Kampf entitled “Friedrich Adler und die Partei” (10 [May–June 1917]: 132-41), which attempted to bury Adler’s ghost forever. The article treated Friedrich Adler as a misguided child; its tone was backbiting and vicious but condescendingly forgave Friedrich for his “political naivete.” Friedrich’s ghost refused to remain quiet, however; he had his past articles published in book form through Karl Kautsky in February 1918 (Adler, Die Erneuerung der Internationale, Aufsaetze aus der Kriegszeit). In response to this reminder that he still lived, Wilhelm Ellenbogen served as a voice of the party fathers to put him down again; Ellenbogen wrote an article in the March 1918 issue Der Kampf entitled “Friedrich Adler und sein Buch” (pp. 156-59), which again treated him as an irresponsible though well-meaning fanatic.
40. Arbeiter-Zeitung, September 7, 1917, p. 1.
41. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, p. 280.
42. Friedrich refused to lead the Austrian Communist party that had arisen; he was offered its leadership immediately upon his release from prison. See Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler, pp. 280-81.
Conclusion
1. Hannak, Renner, pp. 316-17.
2. Bauer, “Max Adler,” pp. 300-301.
3. Toch, “Max Adlers Weg von Kant zu Marx,” p. 256.
4. Friedrich Adler, “Die Ideen von 1789 und die Ideen von 1914,” Der Kampf 9 (July 1916): 246.