Notes

PROLOGUE

1 Bethencourt (1994: 79) describes the arms of the Inquisition in the Spanish dominions. My account of this autos-da-fé is taken from Liebman’s (1974) translation of Bocanegra’s eyewitness description of the event.

2 Liebman (1974) 38.

3 Ibid. 41–5 for the description of the stage, which was 44 varas long and 28 varas wide, a vara being equivalent to 85 centimetres.

4 Ibid. 50–4.

5 Ibid. 54.

6 Ibid. 57.

7 Wiznitzer (1971b) 144–5; Wachtel (2001a) 116–20. During Sobremonte’s trial, his son recited a Jewish prayer that Sobremonte had taught him, and it emerged that he was seen as a rabbi in Mexico and had celebrated his marriage to Marí Gomez according to Jewish law. Sobremonte had been reconciled by the Mexican Inquisition in 1625; his second offence permitted the sentence of relaxation – death – to be pronounced. His trial is published in BAGN (1935–7) Vols 6–8.

8 Liebman (1974) 62–3.

9 Ibid. 65.

10 Ibid. 63.

11 Ibid. 64.

12 Ibid. 39.

13 Ibid. 24.

14 Ibid. 24–5.

15 AGI, Santa Fe 228, Expediente 63.

16 AGI, Santa Fe 228, Expediente 81A, nos 6–7, 9.

17 Ibid. nos 12, 18; Mañozca threatened these poor folk with the galleys and loss of office if they did not back down.

18 Ibid. no. 19.

19 Ibid. no. 30.

20 Ibid. no. 33.

21 The appointment was made in 1623 – see Lea (1908) 476.

22 AGI, Quito, Expediente 20A, no. 5.

23 Ibid.

24 Ibid. no. 8.

25 Toribio Medina (1887) Vol. 1, 191.

26 Liebman (1970) 57. See Wachtel (2001a: 134–9) for an analysis of how there was an elision between the idea of some Jewish rituals and making love in the language of the Mexican crypto-Jews.

27 Pérez Canto (1984) 1134.

28 Liebman (1970) 64: ‘Quem canta, seu mal espanta;/Quem chora, seu mal aumenta:/Eu canto para espalhar/a paixão que me attormenta’. The translation is my own.

29 Palmer (1976) 63.

30 Chinchilla Aguilar (1952) 227.

31 PV, 272.

32 Toribio de Medina (1890) Vol. 1, 283.

33 Hakluyt (1600) 727.

34 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1028, 160r–164r. During his trial Drake always protested that he had realized, on arriving at Asunción (and falling into the hands of the Spanish), that he wanted to be a Catholic. The documents do not relate what happened after his release from the monastery, though the likelihood is that he remained in Peru as the Inquisition in America often placed bans on travel for former reconciliados from Protestant countries who might be tempted to repeat their former errors.

35 Blázquez Miguel (1986b) 83.

36 Ibid.

37 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 28.

38 Blázquez Miguel (1986b) 64.

39 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 29–30.

40 Contreras and Henningsen (1986) 113–114; Bethencourt (1994) 365.

41 García Cárcel and Moreno Martínez (2000) 87.

42 Bethencourt (1994) 365.

43 Marques (1972) 292, 399, 402.

44 Mario Cohen (2000) 56.

45 Paiva (1997) 189.

46 Kinder (1997) 61–6.

47 Ruiz de Pablos (ed.) (1997).

48 An excellent statement of this view is Pinta Llorente (1953–8) Vol. 2, 61.

49 Trevor-Roper (1984) 113; Paiva (1997) 347–9.

50 Rawlings (2006) 2.

51 Sierra Corella (1947) 17.

52 See Tomás y Valiente’s (1990) introduction to the second edition of his book on torture, originally published in 1973 during the Francoist era.

53 This is how to interpret Pinta Llorente’s blaming of the decline of Spain in the 18th century on university lecturers (1961: 123–4) or his statement that ‘today we know absolutely the paternal and merciful spirit which almost always accompanied the actions and procedures of the Spanish Inquisition. He who puts the honour and glory of God, and the maintenance of a moral order, above all else . . . has to admit the excellence of this national institution’ (81).

54 This is a curious gap in the historiography of the Inquisition. While amongst Portuguese and Spanish authors it is understandable that there should be a focus on their own national histories, authors in English have concentrated on Spain: Lea (1906–7) devoted a chapter of his work on Spain to Portugal, as if it was some kind of Spanish province, while both Kamen (1965, 1997) and Monter (1990) looked only at Spain. The best comparative work of the Spanish, Portuguese and Roman tribunals is Bethencourt (1994).

55 Thus the protocol of the auto in Mexico described in this chapter can be compared to that of the auto in Évora in 1623 (Mendonça and Moreira (1980: 135–40)); they can be seen to be very similar, although the standards of the Inquisition in Spain and Portugal were different (Ibid. 134).

56 Almeida (1968) Vol. 2, 401.

57 These points of similarity are drawn out by Vainfas (1989) 190.

58 Lea (1963) 128.

59 Kagan and Dyer (2004) 11.

60 These acts as breaks with the past are cited by Bethencourt (1994) 22.

61 Lea (1906), Vol. 1, 163.

62 Almeida (1968) Vol. 2, 387–9, 403, 414.

63 Llorca (1949) 61, 68; García Cárcel and Moreno Martínez (2000) 33–4. Persecution under the the later Italian Inquisition was also far less exacting than in Portugal and Spain. Only 2–3 per cent of prisoners were tortured in Venice in the 16th century, far less than was the case at that time under Portuguese or Spanish tribunals. Fewer people were executed under the Inquisition in Italy in the 16th century than during the conflicts between Catholics and Protestants in England between the reigns of Henry VIII and Mary Tudor (Grendler (1977) 52–8).

64 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 354, 371.

65 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folio 14r.

66 This view is in opposition to that of some scholars such as Dedieu (1989: 57) and Domínguez Ortiz (1993: 26) who stress that the tribunal was ecclesiastical. While of course the interests of most of its officers were overwhelmingly theological in direction, there can be no doubt that in the wider political context the separation of the Iberian tribunals from Rome made them into fundamentally political institutions.

67 F. Ruiz (1987) 40–1.

68 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 24, folio 4r: ‘no es sino mierda y mas mierda’.

69 This is in spite of the destruction across Spain of large numbers of documents during the Napoleonic Wars and the ensuing liberal revolution, which meant that the archives of the tribunals of Cordoba, Granada and Seville were almost completely destroyed (García Fuentes (1981) xi).

70 Lithgow (1640) 479–80.

71 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 1, 582.

72 García-Arenal (1978) 42–3.

73 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 168r: the case of Pedro Mufferi of Chelva, near Valencia, dating from 1602.

74 Benassar (1987) 178.

75 Ibid.

76 Ibid.

77 Contreras and Henningsen (1986) 120; for a fuller discussion of the imposition of the reign of fear see Contreras (1987) 53–4.

78 Benassar (1987) 183.

79 As we shall see, it is not for nothing that some historians see in the Inquisition the basic elements of modern totalitarian regimes. See Lewin (1967) 9; Gilman (1972) 168.

80 Bradley (1931) 319–22.

One – THE END OF TOLERANCE

1 Thus in 1484 the Reyes Católicos had had to order the elite of Ciudad Real not to shelter ‘heretics’ to protect them from the Inquisition, which had been installed there in 1483; Beinart (1974–85) Vol. 4, 295–6.

2 Pinta Llorente (1961) 56.

3 There is considerable academic argument as to the nature of these conversions. The traditional view of this wave of conversion was that it largely followed the violent pogroms against the Jews which broke out in Seville in June 1391 and spread rapidly across the country to places such as Cordoba, Toledo, Cuenca, Majorca, Valencia and Barcelona (Baer (1966) Vol. 1, 96–110). Though some recent historiography supports this view (Netanyahu (1995a) 148–51), Norman Roth has argued persuasively that there was much royal defence of the Jews (see also Suárez Fernández (1980) 215) and that those who were forcibly converted to Christianity could have returned to Judaism had they wished to (2002: 33–45); instead, he sees the voluntary conversions among the elites as precipitating a spiritual crisis in Spanish Jewry which led to waves of voluntary conversions, fuelled by the firebrand preaching of St Vincent Ferrer. Certainly, the fact that some Jews themselves participated in the pogroms suggests that the traditional view is in need of a little revision (Blázquez Miguel (1989) 127–8).

4 García-Arenal (1996) 165.

5 Monter (1990) 6.

6 Pinta Llorente (1961) 60–1; such actions make Menéndez y Pelayo ’s claim (1945: Vol. 3, 433) that the resistance in Aragón was ‘light’ (leve) difficult to comprehend.

7 Monter (1990) 7–9.

8 Ibid. 9.

9 There were more Moors in Aragon than anywhere else in Spain other than Granada; in the countryside they outnumbered the Christians (García Mercadal (1999) Vol. 1, 301) and it was their skills in ploughing, cultivating and irrigating which supported the lifestyle of the nobility. A local saying went, ‘Quien no tiene moros, no tiene oro’ – Whoever has no Moors has no gold (Ibid. Vol. 1, 388).

10 I have drawn this general account of Zaragoza from the Venetian ambassador Navajero’s account of 1525 – García Mercadal (1999) Vol. 2, 16.

11 Trasmiera (1664) 4–5.

12 Ibid. 52–3.

13 Zurita (1610) Book 20, 341.

14 Ibid. 342.

15 Ibid.

16 Sabatini (1928) 217.

17 Llorente (1841) 144.

18 Zurita (1610), Book 20, 342.

19 Trasmiera (1664) 73–4.

20 Ibid. 82–3.

21 Sabatini (1928) 221; Llorente (1841) 158–9.

22 Sabatini (1928) 222–3.

23 Jama (2001) 35–47.

24 It is of the first importance that the initial anger of the conversos was matched by that of caballeros and gente principal: Zurita (1610) Book 20, 341.

25 Amador de los Ríos (1960) 29, 69.

26 Green (2006) 30–1; Fonseca (1995) 15 (following Barradas de Carvalho). The shift in importance from a geography of human places to one of physical spaces accompanied the modernization of consciousness and the growth of an abstract, scientific world view.

27 Bernis (1978) Vol. 1, 16–17.

28 Ibid. Vol. 1, 20–3.

29 Ibid. Vol. 2, 20 – the view of Alonso de Palencia, Henry IV’s chronicler.

30 Ibid. Vol. 2, 21.

31 Ibid.

32 Castro (1954) 126.

33 Ibid. 121; moreover Islamic influence also extended to the Jewish community, in the architecture of its great synagogue known as El Tránsito in Toledo, for instance, and in its literature and theology (Ibid. 446; Roth (1994) 170–82).

34 Castro (1972), xxix.

35 Fletcher (1992) 143.

36 Roth (2002) 66.

37 Roth (1994) 133.

38 Nirenberg (1998) 138–9.

39 Fletcher (1992) 138.

40 The Christians in Spain could not have accomplished the reconquest if they had dedicated themselves to intellectual ideas (Castro (1972) lii).

41 Escandell Bonet (1984a) 270.

42 The evidence of the Florentine ambassador Francesco Guicciardini – García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 1, 578.

43 Bernáldez (1962) 15–16.

44 Ibid. 18.

45 Ibid. 15.

46 Valera (1927) 5.

47 Douglas (1984) 4, 38. I am indebted to my doctoral supervisor, Paulo Farias, for bringing this insight to bear on the position of the conversos.

48 Pérez de Guzmán (1965) 43.

49 Sicroff (1985) 52–3.

50 Benito Ruano (1961) 186.

51 Ibid. 188.

52 Ibid. 187–8.

53 Pérez de Guzmán (1965) 39.

54 Ibid. 45–6.

55 Ibid. 46.

56 The importance of the weakness of John II in this matter is noted by Sicroff (1985) 56.

57 Benito Ruano (1961) 206.

58 Ibid. 193: ‘facen otros géneros de olocaustos e sacrificios judaizando’.

59 Ibid. 193, 194–5.

60 Netanyahu (1995) 357–9.

61 Ladero Quesada’s analysis from Badajoz, Toledo and Andalusia shows that, in the last third of the 15th century, only 10 –15 per cent of conversos were involved in commerce, and that the vast majority (between 50 and 77.5 per cent) were artisans (1992: 42–4)); in Osma’s bishopric at the end of the 15th century only 3.1 per cent of conversos were active in commerce (Valdeón Buruque (1995) 56).

62 Valdeón Buruque (1995) 71–81.

63 Fromm (1951: 69) is particularly good at showing how the inconsistencies in an argument may reveal the underlying feeling which propels it.

64 In the early 15th century, less than 20 years after the events of 1391, the Jews of Évora in Portugal complained that the Jewish quarter in the town was not big enough, which meant that the cost of owning houses was prohibitively expensive and many Jews were emigrating to Castile (Almeida (1967: Vol. 2, 389); in 1467, riots and forced conversions of Jews in Tlemcen, North Africa, caused a rabbi, Yeshu’ah ha-Levi, to migrate to Toledo: as ha-Levi put it, he ‘came to the land of Castilla to keep [his] life from danger for a while’ (Hirschberg (1974) 388–9). The dichotomy between the violence directed at conversos and the absence of any similar behaviour towards Jews is noted in Sicroff (1985: 85).

65 Suárez Fernández (ed.) (1964) 21; Roth (2002) 50–1, 82–5.

66 The idea that resentment of the conversos derived from hostility towards urban centres is explored more fully in Green (2007: Appendix B); see also Ladero Quesada (1999) 314.

67 Beinart (1974–85), Vol. 4 (1985) 8–11.

68 Ibid. (1985) 26.

69 Beinart (1981) 67.

70 Bernáldez (1962) 96–8.

71 This is the unanswerable argument of Netanyahu (1966).

72 Roth (2002) xix.

73 Baer (1966) Vol. 2, 272.

74 The evidence of Pulgar on Toledo, cited in Benito Ruano (2001) 31.

75 Beinart (1971a), 435.

76 Kamen (1997) 40.

77 Sabatini (1928) 124–5; see also Kamen’s (1997) discussion of the evidence from Ciudad Real.

78 Kamen (1997) 60.

79 Gitlitz (1996: 18–19): ‘In many ways it [the Inquisition] helped to create the very culture it was dedicated to eradicate’; see also Novinsky (1972: 37); Azevedo (1974: 108).

80 Mariana (1751) Vol. 8, 186.

81 Ibid. Vol. 8, 185.

82 Bernáldez (1962) 76.

83 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 1, 380–1.

84 Bernis (1978) Vol. 1, 39.

85 This was the report of Nicolau von Popplau c. 1485 (García Mercadal (ed.) (1999: vol. 1 298). On the extraordinary influence of conversos at the court of Isabella see also Amador de los Ríos (1960) 683–4.

86 Collantes de Terán (1977) 74–8.

87 Ladero Quesada (1976) 49.

88 Pulgar (1943) Vol. 1, 310.

89 Llorente (1841) 112–13.

90 Beinart (1981) 10–20. A recent account of Espina’s Fortalitium Fidei is Vidal Doval (2005); little is known of Espina’s origins, although he appears to have written largely for a court audience and to have been attempting to propitiate a faction at court. Once thought to have been a converso himself, this is now seen as unlikely; see Netanyahu (1997).

91 Barrios (1991) 19; the foundational bull only makes mention of the converso heresy (Llorca (1949: 49–50), which makes García Cárcel and Moreno Martínez’s (2000: 43) claim that the ‘Inquisition was not only created to resolve the converso problem’ extraordinary.

92 The suggestion of Llorente (1841: 111).

93 León Tello (1979) Vol. 1, 531–2. Even those who came forward during the period of grace had to give part of their goods to help in the war against Granada; see Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980) 90.

94 Gil (2000–1) Vol. 1, 35; note also Edwards (1999: 55–6), who suggests that the role of the civil war in the establishment of the Inquisition was that the factions in Andalusia became allied to factions in the civil war between Isabella and her rival claimant to the throne Juana la Beltraneja, who was supported by Portugal. Edwards suggests that by linking opposition to her claim to Judaizing conversos and establishing an Inquisition, Isabella legitimized her position as monarch.

95 Kamen (1997) 7. This pattern is in keeping with Adorno et al. (1950) and Ackerman and Jahoda’s (1950) findings on the way in which anti-Semitism – and indeed all acts of demonization of others – can be a defensive psychological strategy for the warding off of mental illness; in the case of Castile the ‘illness’ can be interpreted as the civil wars and the demonization as the invention of the converso Judaizers.

96 Barrios (1991) 20.

97 Gil (2000–1) Vol. 1, 93–110.

98 Domínguez Ortiz (1971) 34.

99 Gil (2000–1) Vol. 1, 123–38.

100 Pulgar (1943) 337.

101 Blázquez Miguel (1989) 90–1, 134.

102 Barrios (1991) 20; Bernáldez (1962) 100.

103 Barrios (1991) 20.

104 Ibid.

105 Bernáldez (1962) 99.

106 Llorente (1841) 121

107 Kamen (1997: 47) and Netanyahu (1995a) suggest that the death of Susán on the scaffold is a myth, since he is said to have died before 1479. However, it was documented by Bernáldez, who is usually a reliable chronicler for names and dates; this inclines me to believe that the story is true.

108 Sabatini (1928) 127.

109 Bernaldez (1962) 101.

110 Gil (2000–1) Vol. 1, 155.

111 Collantes de Terán (1977) 109–13.

112 Ibid. 103.

113 Bernáldez (1962) 101.

114 Ibid. 99.

115 Martínez Millán (1984) 12; this was a part of the modernization of administrative structures completed by the Reyes Católicos (Escandell Bonet (1980a: 275); Benítez Sánchez-Blanco (1983: 65); Ruiz (1987: 42)).

116 Beinart (1974–85) Vol. 1, xvi–xvii.

117 Ibid. 2–25.

118 Ibid. 41–69.

119 Ibid. 275.

120 Ibid. 302.

121 Ibid. 92–130.

122 Ibid. 17–18.

123 Ibid. 391–2.

124 Ibid. 254.

125 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 28.

126 Another defendant, Maria González la Panpana, the wife of Juan Panpan, said that she had refused to Judaize with her husband and had not gone with him when he had left the city ten years before so as not to follow his doctrinal errors. Again, her account was largely confirmed by priests, but even though she had confessed to what had only been minor wrongdoings during the period of grace, she too was burnt. Ibid.; Beinart (1974) Vol. 1, 71–89.

127 Ibid. 36.

128 Llorca (1949) 68–9.

129 León Tello (1979) Vol. 1, 512–14.

130 Bethencourt (1994) 45.

131 Domínguez Ortiz (1993) 37.

132 Pulgar (1943) Vol. 1, 336; this makes Kamen’s (1997: 60) estimate of 2,000 deaths up to 1530 look like an underestimate.

133 Bernaldez (1962) 102.

134 López (1613) 365, 369.

135 Ibid. 369.

136 Jiménez Monteserín (1980) 111 – the situation throughout Spain in 1488 according to instructions drawn up in Valladolid.

137 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 29; Monter’s figure of 80 deaths by 1530 for Zaragoza is probably an underestimate (1990: 18).

138 BL, Egerton 1832, folios 37v–38v.

139 Monter (1990) 17.

140 La Mantia (1977) 42–3.

141 Ibid. 38.

142 Monter (1990) 18; La Mantia (1977) 44, 53.

143 Llorente (1841) 140.

144 The classic modern statement of this view is López Martínez (1954); it is no coincidence that this is one of the most egregious works of anti-Semitism in the history of writings on the Jews of Spain.

145 The key work arguing for the racialization of the movement of which the Inquisition was a spearhead is Netanyahu (1995a).

146 Unlike other European countries the vernacular had been the language of governance in Spain since the 13th century (Castro (1954) 357). Anderson (1991: 12–18) has persuasively argued that the use of the vernacular was an important element in the rise of European nationalism, and the fact that this occurred much earlier in Spain than elsewhere in Europe would explain why the institutionalization of persecution also occurred earlier. This use of the vernacular was itself the legacy of the convivencia and the role of Jews in transmitting Arab culture to the Christian powers of the north (Castro (1954: 451–8). For a more general discussion of this process see Green (2007) Appendix B.

Two – SPREADING THE FIRES

1 Caro Baroja (1978) Vol. 1, 145.

2 CRP, 967–8.

3 Ibid. 972–7.

4 Ibid. 972, 978–9.

5 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora, Proceso 8779, folios 1r–3r; 6r for his age.

6 Ibid. 6r–-v.

7 Ibid. 3r, 8r.

8 Ibid. 66v; the trial of Jorge exists in the IAN/TT but access is denied owing to the bad condition of the document. The skeleton outline of Jorge’s case in the index in IAN/TT confirms that the arrest of Jorge was also on 10 January 1545.

9 Ibid. 67r.

10 Roth (1959) 54.

11 Tavares (1982) Vol. 1, 425; Herculano (1854) Vol. 1, 108.

12 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora, Proceso 8779, 66v; confirmed in Toro (1982) 278–9.

13 Thus Gaspar de Carvajal died in Benavente (Ibid. 279), as did Álvaro and Jorge’s father Antonio (ibid.); subsequent members of the family lived in Salamanca and Medina del Campo (ibid.).

14 Godinho (1969) 425.

15 Boxer (1948) 1.

16 Godinho (1969) 829.

17 Herculano (1854) Vol. 1, 184 – complaints from the Cortes of Torres Novas, 1525: King Manoel I had died in 1521.

18 Marques (1972) Vol. 1, 80.

19 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora, Proceso 8779, 17r–v.

20 Góis (1949) Vol. 1, 11–12.

21 Ibid. Vol. 2, 223–6.

22 Costa Lobo (1979) 130.

23 The evidence of Nicolaus von Popplau (c. 1485) – García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 1, 289, 295.

24 Lobo (1979) 117.

25 Douglas (1984) 38.

26 Révah (1971) 483.

27 Góis (1949) Vol. 1, 42.

28 Osorio (1944) Vol. 1, 81.

29 Tavim (1997) 83–84.

30 Osorio (1944) Vol. 1, 81.

31 Ibid.

32 Lobo (1979) 34.

33 This is all taken from Góis (1949) Vol. 1, 254 –7; see also Bernáldez (1962) 505.

34 Azevedo (1922) 59.

35 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora, Proceso 8779, folios 23r–v.

36 Ibid. 27v–28r.

37 Ibid. 134r–137v.

38 Azevedo (1922) 61–3.

39 AG, Vol. 1, 116; Nunes’s account of his experiences among the conversos of Lisbon is published in AG, Vol. 1, 103–18.

40 Ibid. 107–15.

41 Ibid. 343–4.

42 Tavares (1987) 113.

43 Monteiro (1750) Vol. 2, 424.

44 Saraiva (1985) 41.

45 Herculano (1854) Vol.1, 262–4.

46 Ibid. Vol. 2, 1–90; Almeida (1968) Vol. 2, 387–401; Tavares (2004) 146.

47 The foregoing two paragraphs are taken from Góis (1949) Vol. 2, 112.

48 Mendonça and Moreira (1980) 121.

49 Almeida (1967) Vol. 2, 404–6; Azevedo Mea (1997) 61–5.

50 Azevedo (1922) 95.

51 Almeida (1967) Vol. 2, 414–415.

52 Remedios (1928) Vol. 2, 50.

53 Roth (1959) 73.

54 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora, Proceso 8779, folio 158r.

55 Toro (1982) 279; Espejo and Paz (1908) 41.

56 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 40.

57 Baião (1921) 21.

58 The evidence of a Polish ambassador dated 1524; García Mercadal (1999) (ed.), 770.

59 Documentos de la Época de los Reyes Católicos, 338–9.

60 Contreras (1987) 48.

61 Barrios (1991) 31.

62 Ibid. 31–2.

63 García Fuentes (1981), xxii.

Three – TORTURED JUSTICE

1 Llorente (1841) 229.

2 Barrios (1991) 58.

3 Gracia Boix (ed) (1982) 96–101; for a more general confirmation of this see Anonymous (ed.) (1964) 153–4.

4 Barrios (1991) 57.

5 Herculano (1854) Vol. 1, 230; cited in Lipiner (1977) 171.

6 Meseguer Fernández (1980) 379–89; Fernández García (1995) 480.

7 Gracia Boix (1982) 30–1.

8 This slave almost certainly hailed from the Gold Coast.

9 Gracia Boix (1982) 31–77.

10 Ibid. 100–1.

11 Ibid. 101.

12 See for example Ackroyd (1998: 387) on the initial death sentence handed down to Thomas More in 1535.

13 Vainfas (1989) 191–2; Blázquez Miguel (1990) 79; Ceballos Gómez (1994) 121; Rawlings (2006) 2.

14 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folios 37v–39v.

15 Ibid. Libro 938 folios 9v–22r.

16 Ibid. Legajo 2105, Expediente 26.

17 Carrasco (1983) 181.

18 Ibid. 182 n.38.

19 Ibid. 184.

20 Mott (1988) 79–81 comprehensively overturns Vainfas’s (1989: 247) view that torture was not used in Portugal against crimes such as sodomy. Vainfas is one of those who holds that inquisitorial torture was not as bad as is sometimes thought.

21 Pulgar (1943) Vol. 1, 440.

22 Caro Baroja (1968) 38.

23 Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980) 98 n. 15.

24 Barrios (1991) 36.

25 Monterroso y Alvarado (1571) folio 52r.

26 Vassberg (1996) 81.

27 Tomás y Valiente (1980) 53; (1994) 91.

28 Barrios (1991) 36.

29 See Lea (1906–7), Vol. 3, 1–30 on the general use of torture; many of the Latin American trials reveal this fact, for example AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1620, Expediente 15.

30 Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980) 426–7.

31 Toro (1944) Vol.1, 281, 285.

32 Fernández-Armesto (1982) 182–3.

33 Rumeu de Armas (1956) 141–2.

34 Wolf (ed. and trans.) (1926); Millares Torres (1981).

35 Alberti and Chapman (eds) (1912) 88: ‘ser lutherano [el testigo] entiende es no oyr misa y hurtar’.

36 Ibid. 120: ‘la yglesia de ynglaterra no es yglesia sino sinagoga del demonio’.

37 Ibid. 84.

38 Ibid. 84–5.

39 Ibid. 87.

40 Ibid. 84–101.

41 Something that is particularly apparent in the cases of moriscos in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. See for example AHN, Libro 936, folios 182r–184r, on Valencia in 1578–9.

42 Rêgo (ed.) (1971) 90.

43 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 223, folios 99r–v.

44 Ibid. folio 99v.

45 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1020, folio 514r.

46 Ibid. Legajo 1647, Expediente 13, folios 134r–v.

47 IAN/TT, Inquisição d’Évora, Livro 91, folios 197r–199r.

48 Eymeric (1972) 15.

49 Ibid. 23–4.

50 Ibid. 25.

51 Ibid. 63.

52 Sabatini (1928) 140–2; see also IT.

53 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1620, Expediente 11, folios 54r–56v, 72r, 74r.

54 Ibid. Legajo 1620, Expediente 18, folios 33r–33v.

55 Ibid. Legajo 1620, Expediente 15, folios 105r–v.

56 Pinta Llorente (1961) 72.

57 Mariana (1751) Vol. 8, 506.

58 Ibid. Vol. 8, 507.

59 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 2, folio 3r.

60 See also Dedieu (1989) 142–3.

61 Mariana (1751) Vol. 8, 506–7.

62 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1647, Expediente 11, no. 4.

63 Thus Fernando de Rojas, the converso author of La Celestina, had acted as a lawyer in inquisitorial cases. See also Kamen (1997) 194.

64 Gracia Boix (1982) 201–2; the instrucciones of Torquemada (1484) make it clear that this payment depends on their financial capacity (IT: folios 6r–v).

65 Kamen (1997) 201–2.

66 Rêgo (1983) 117–118; Rêgo (1971) 126–7; the Portuguese case dealt more generally with ‘deaths’ in jail, but in the text stressed that in many cases this was death by suicide.

67 Cited in Souza (1987) 327; such evidence does not entirely bear out Lea’s assertion (1906–7: Vol. 2, 509) that inquisitorial jails were better than their civil counterparts.

68 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 218, folios 27r–28r.

69 Jiménez Rueda (ed.) (1945) 317.

70 Fonseca (1612) 126.

71 Dellon (1698) 5.

72 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 3, 80, 429–32.

73 Eymeric (1972) 18.

74 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1620, Expediente 15.

75 Thus 22.9 per cent of those accused of Judaizing and and 12.8 per cent of those accused of Lutheranism between 1621 and 1700 in Toledo were tortured (Dedieu (1989: 79)).

76 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 171–9.

77 Böhm (1984) 291.

78 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 299–307.

Four – ESCAPE

1 Ships left Lisbon for Cape Verde in February, according to the anonymous pilot (Anonymous (1551/2?).

2 Toro (1932) 280–1. The same can be gleaned from the account of his life given to the inquisitors in Mexico in 1589.

3 MMA, II, 441.

4 The view of the sailors who informed Valentim Fernandes c. 1506 – see Mauny et al. (eds.) (1951) 110.

5 Carletti (1965) 67.

6 Anonymous (1551/2?) 89. Most of the ships came from Seville or from the newly discovered lands in America, and the first consignment of slaves to go directly from Africa to the New World had left from this harbour in around 1514; the first legal consignment was taken by Lorenzo de Garrevod in 1517 (Correia Lopes (1944: 4)); however, slaves had in fact been leaving routinely from at least 1514 as part of contraband (Hall (1992) Vol. 2, 428).

7 Toro (1932) 280. The family also had connections in Benavente – it was here that Luis’s sister Francisca would marry and raise her family.

8 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora, Proceso 8779, folio 66v.

9 Toro (1932) 281.

10 Saunders (1982) 55.

11 Ibid. 17.

12 Vogt (1973) 1.

13 The account of Hieronymus Münzer (1494) – García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 1, 354.

14 Vogt (1973) 10.

15 Ibid.

16 Ibid. 12.

17 Saunders (1982) 76.

18 Ibid. 75–7.

19 Ibid. 52.

20 Toro (1932) 280–1; evidence of Luis de Carvajal’s work in Cape Verde is also found in HGCV: II, 522.

21 Hall (1992) Vol. 1, 143–6.

22 Vogt (1973) 10.

23 Baião (1921) 202.

24 A vast literature exists mooting the possibility that Columbus himself was a converso. Supporters of the theory argue that Columbus used Hebrew letters as a monogram at the top of private correspondence; moreover, Columbus’s contacts in Palos near Seville included several converso families, members of which were subsequently tried by the Inquisition. See David (1933) 66; Gil (2000: Vol. 1, 181); Gil cites the Pintos of Palos as contacts of Columbus, and that on departing Seville in 1492 he left his son Diego in the hands of Juan Rodríguez Cabezudo, later reconciled by the Inquisition; Cohen (2000: 39–40) summarizes the arguments for the converso theory.

25 Wittmayer Baron (1969) Vol. 13, 134.

26 Liebman (1970) 47.

27 Liebman (1971) 475; (1970) 48.

28 Baião (1945) 17–23.

29 Fernández del Castillo (1982) 584.

30 Böhm (1963) 13.

31 Salvador (1978) 126–7. This was largely because of the absence of any other literate Portuguese. There are some excellent instances in this reference – for example, the notary of the council in São Paulo for years was Fructuoso da Costa, who had been exiled to Brazil because of his faith.

32 The Aboabs had been among the most important Sephardic families, with one – Isaac – a gaon or supreme guardian of the Law just prior to the expulsion from Spain in 1492 (Azevedo (1922: 20)).

33 Salvador (1969) 15; Samuel (2004) 69–79.

34 Salvador (1978) 130–4.

35 Todorov (1982) 146.

36 This is an echo of Davis’s (1994: 16) point that the Jewish (as opposed to converso) communities of the Caribbean found the threshold of their emancipation in a region of slave labour. For a fuller discussion of this process of transference see Green (2007: Part I, Chapter 5).

37 The major works on the early modern history of Cape Verde are the HGCV, Correia e Silva (1995), Green (2007) and Hall (1992).

38 Anonymous (1551/2?) 85.

39 Ventura (1999) 121–33.

40 Carletti (1965) 7.

41 Saunders (1982) 14.

42 Carletti (1965) 7: ‘Their Portuguese men love these black women more than their own Portuguese women, holding it as a certain and proved fact that to have commerce with them is much less harmful and also a much greater pleasure, they being said to have fresher and healthier natures.’

43 Ibid.

44 Ibid. 8.

45 AGI, Escribanía 119A, 15r–17r – a letter from Cape Verde of 12 May 1574 detailing this process for one of Duarte de Leão’s later factors.

46 Carletti (1965) 14–15.

47 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Maço 25, no. 233.

48 One such was Antonio Duarte; Duarte lived in Buguendo with Jorge. Ibid. folios 24v, 38v.

49 Baleno (1991) 169.

50 Ibid.

51 Teixeira da Mota (1978) 8.

52 Révah (1971) 504.

53 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 840, Folio 8r.

54 Silva (2004) 164.

55 These are the figures of 1582 from Francisco de Andrade, MMA, Vol. 3, 100.

56 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 214, folio 13r.

57 ASV, Secretaria di Stato di Portogallo, 174v–175r.

58 Toro (1932) 21.

59 Jiménez Rueda (1946) 5–7.

60 Toro (1932) 108.

61 Jiménez Rueda (1946) 9.

62 Russell-Wood (1978) 33–4.

63 Havik (2004a) 104.

64 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Maço 25, no. 233, folio 4r.

65 Ibid. 4v.

66 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora. Livro 91, folio 41r.

67 Sweet (2003) 53–4; Mott (1988) 32.

68 Sweet (2003) 70–5.

69 Ibid. 73.

70 Fernández (2003) 82; this is borne out by the punishments meted out to both active and passive partners throughout the institution’s history, but see Mott (1988: 111) who says that the active partner was condemned and Sweet (2003: 73) who holds that passive partners are assumed to be the criminal agent.

71 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folio 114r.

72 Baião (1945) Vol. 2, 489.

73 Cited in Caro Baroja (1968) 34–5.

74 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Maço 25, no. 233, folio 4v.

75 Ibid. 24r–v.

76 Ibid. 42r.

77 Ibid. 42v–43r.

78 Ibid. 38v.

79 Ibid. 2r.

80 HGCV: II, 522.

81 Toro (1932) 281.

82 Camões (1973) 5.

83 Conway (ed.) (1927) 7–8.

84 Léry (1975) 19.

85 Ibid. 32–3.

86 Delumeau (1978) 39.

87 Green (2007), Part I, Chapter 4.

88 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 26.

89 ENE, Vol. 10, 286.

90 Cohen (1995) 442–3.

91 Osorio Osorio (1980) 55.

92 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 265, Inquisición de Toledo, Expediente 2.

93 AGI, Contratación 5539, Libro 5, 218v; the proof of limpieza of Luis Fernández Suárez from 12 April 1634, a nephew of the converso Antonio Nuñez Gramaxo, one of the leading traders of Cartagena.

94 Lea (1906–7) Vol. 2, 308.

95 BA, Códice 49–X-2, folios 243r–245r; AGI, Justicia 518, no.1, Autos Fiscales; BA, Códice 49–X-2, folio 244r; AGI, Escribanía 119A, ‘Los herederos de Duarte de León y Antonio Goncalez de Guzman con el fiscal de su Magd sobre pieças de esclavos’.

96 Toro (1932) 281.

97 Ibid. 281.

98 Hakluyt (1600) 549.

99 Ibid. 18.

100 Ibid. 541.

101 Conway (1927) 10.

102 Ibid.

103 Thomas (1997) 157.

104 Hakluyt (1600) 558; Hawkins (1569) 3v–3r.

105 Jiménez Rueda (ed.) (1945) 414, 417.

106 Hawkins (1569) 5v–6v.

107 Hawkins (1569) 11v–15r; Hakluyt (1600) 560–2.

108 Hawkins (1569) 15v; Hakluyt (1600) 562–3

109 Jiménez Rueda (ed.) (1945) 419–20; Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 33.

110 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 35.

111 Toro (1932) 47–9.

Five – THE ENEMY WITHIN

1 Huerga (1978–88) Vol. 1, 367.

2 Ruiz de Pablos (ed.) (1997) 302. This account came from the escaped Lutheran from Seville known as González Montes. Though its veracity has repeatedly been questioned by historians, the editor of this recent published version takes issue with the critics to argue that although there are exaggerations in the account, much of it is undoubtedly true (Ibid. 88–103).

3 García Mercadal (1999) (ed.) Vol. 1, 316–17.

4 Ibid. Vol. 1, 320–1.

5 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1198, Expediente 32; the evidence for the case against Costa consists of an unnumbered copy of the original file appended to an inquiry concerning limpieza de sangre dated 1713. The remainder of the information concerning the case in this chapter is derived from this file.

6 See Vassberg (1996: 19) for some extraordinary examples of this.

7 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 2, 188–9.

8 It should be noted that this case of Costa adds to the knowledge of trials and relajamientos of Lutherans in these very early years. The notion that there was a slow drip of persecution directed at Lutherans prior to the great trials of Valladolid and Seville should therefore perhaps be somewhat revised (Tellechea Idigoras (1977: 26–8)).

9 Contreras (1987) 48.

10 Meseguer Fernández (1984) 350–6; Arzona (1980).

11 One of the best discussions of Cisneros’s career and influence remains Bataillon (1937) 1–64.

12 Barrios Aguilera (2002) 78.

13 See for example Lea (2001) 109.

14 Bataillon (1937) 63–4.

15 During the comunero revolts of the Castilian cities 1520–1, for instance, a strong anti-inquisitorial flavour could be found; Contreras (1987) 48.

16 Hamilton (1992) 28–36; derived from the Edict of Grace issued in Toledo on 23 September 1525 and published by Márquez (1972) 272–82. This is a summary of the many charges laid at the door of the alumbrados.

17 Nieto (1970) 60 n.42.

18 Ibid.; Hamilton (1992) 26.

19 Ibid.; Márquez (1972) 62.

20 Hamilton (1992) 51–3.

21 Ibid. 56–61.

22 Ortega-Costa (1978) 31: ‘que estando ella en el acto carnal con su marido estava más allegada a Dios que si estuviese en la más alta oraçión del mundo’.

23 Llorca (1980) 273–4; Medrano was clearly sexually obsessed by Hernández, since among his personal beliefs were that a belt which she had given him was as holy as if a bishop had sent it, that she was the beneficiary of infinite grace, and that – fortuitously – it was ‘impossible’ for her to commit a carnal sin (ibid. 274).

24 Ibid. 69–77; Nieto (1970) 80–3.

25 Márquez (1972) 67.

26 Selke (1980) 622–3; Márquez (1972) 62.

27 Hamilton (1992) 53, 70–1.

28 Ibid. 63, 71–5.

29 Ibid. 2.

30 Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 4, 98.

31 Hamilton (1992) 77–9.

32 Escandell Bonet (1984c) 436–7.

33 Bataillon (1937) 167.

34 Ibid. 254.

35 Ibid. 467.

36 Avilés Fernández (1984) 467ff

37 Kinder (1997) 63.

38 Bataillon (1937) 473–526.

39 Kinder (1997) 63–8.

40 Alcalá Galve (1984) 793.

41 On inquisitorial interest in Teresa of Ávila see Llamas Martínez (1972); on her converso background see Caro Baroja (1970: 33–5) and Révah (1959: 38). The original inquisitorial trial of Luis de León is published in CDIHE, Vols 10 and 11 (1–358), where hisconverso lineage is cited Vol. 10: 146–63; Sicroff (1985: 16–19) saw the Jewish ancestry of León as an important factor in the trial, though this is put into question by Marquez (1980: 101–13). While León clearly was a good Christian, his interest in the Old Testament and in Hebraic studies does point to a certain attachment to the faith of his ancestors.

42 Márquez (1972) 68; Selke (1980) 626.

43 This and all the accusations against Dr Sánchez are in AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2023, Expediente 23.

44 Ibid. Expediente 10; Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 226.

45 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2023, Expediente 22.

46 For this and all the list of accusations made against Salazar noted here ibid. Expediente 25.

47 Ibid. Expediente 9.

48 This detail and the rest of the material in this paragraph comes from AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2012, Expediente 6.

49 Blázquez Miguel (1985) 25 n.8.

50 This detail and the rest of the material in the next two paragraphs comes from AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2023, Expediente 29.

51 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 1.

52 Ibid. Legajo 2022, Expediente 2.

53 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 235–6; once again, this shows the difficulty of arriving at concrete figures, as Monter (1990: 43) puts the number burnt between 1558–1568 at 100. Both accounts, however, cast doubt on Kamen’s (1997: 97) assertion that this was ‘a local phenomenon of passing importance’.

54 Lea (2001) 135–6.

55 Fonseca (1612) 11.

56 García-Arenal (1996) 107.

57 BL, Egerton MS 1832, folio 21r.

58 García-Arenal (1996) 107–8.

59 Lea (2001) 136–49; Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 24.

60 BL, Egerton MS 1832, folio 21r.

61 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 26.

62 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 60.

63 Ibid.

64 Lea (2001) 167 n.23.

65 Benítez Sánchez-Blanco (1983) 128, 139.

66 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 217–218.

67 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 28–9.

68 Fernández Alvarez (ed.) (1971–83) Vol. 4, 75.

69 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 223, 280.

70 CDIHE, Vol. 5, 397–8.

71 Ibid. 425.

72 Salazar de Miranda (1788) 27–9; Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 5, 19–20.

73 Ibid. 5, 20.

74 CDIHE, Vol. 5, 398.

75 Salazar de Miranda (1788) 30.

76 Ibid. 192–6.

77 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 9–11.

78 Ibid. 17–166.

79 Ibid. 64–66.

80 Ibid. 226.

81 Ibid. 170.

82 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 119–20.

83 Ibid. 125; DH Vol. 1, 118 – the evidence of Bartolomé de las Casas, the famous bishop of Chiapas (Mexico) and champion of the Amerindians, who was a friend of Carranza.

84 Tellechea Idigoras (1968) Vol. 1, 83–4; (1977) 31.

85 DH, Vol. 1, 163.

86 Ibid. 85, 110, 175; cited in Tellechea Idigoras (1968) Vol. 2, 101.

87 DH, Vol. 1, 163.

88 Ibid. 162–3.

89 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 123.

90 DH, Vol. 1, 123.

91 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 35.

92 Ibid. 115.

93 Tellechea Idigoras (1968) Vol. 1, 177.

94 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 31.

95 Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 5, 40.

96 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 31.

97 Tellechea Idigoras (1969) Vol. 2, 122 n.73.

98 Ibid. Vol. 1, 192–7.

99 Tellechea Idigoras (1978) 122.

100 On the letters to Philip II, see Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 2, 225, 227; letters of 16 May 1559 which provide ample proof of this. On the public rumours, CDIHE, Vol. 5, 407.

101 DH, Vol. 1, 212.

102 Tellechea Idigoras (1978) 35.

103 CDIHE, Vol. 5, 404.

104 DH, Vol. 1, 301–2.

105 Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 5, 47.

106 CDIHE, Vol. 5, 465.

107 Ibid. 411, 468.

108 Ibid. 408, 468.

109 All this paragraph ibid. 411–12.

110 Ibid. 469–71.

111 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 2, 216–21.

112 Kamen (1997) 98.

113 Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 4, 446 n.2, 467.

114 Ibid. 441–3.

115 Ibid. 452.

116 Tellechea Idigoras (1969) Vol. 1, 129–33.

117 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 53–62, 106–9; Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 4, 478. This may be taken as perhaps an apocryphal story, since other accounts claim that Seso was gagged during the auto.

118 Monter (1990) 41–2; Novalín (1968–71), Vol. 2: 216–21 has the request for the dispensation.

119 BL, Egerton MS 2058, folios 7v–10v.

120 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 2, 239, 248.

121 BL, Egerton MS 2058, folios 23r, 10v.

122 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2075, Expediente 1.

123 Ibid. Expediente 2.

124 Ibid. Expediente 3.

125 Ibid. Expediente 4.

126 Ibid. Expediente 6.

127 Contreras (1987) 55.

128 Ibid.; Bataillon (1937) 753–5.

129 Huerga (1978–88) Vol. 4, 10.

130 See for example Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 4, 183–205; Dias (1975).

131 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 61–90.

132 Tellechea Idigoras (1968) Vol. 1, 200–3.

133 Salazar de Miranda (1788) 155.

134 CDIHE, Vol. 5, 414.

135 Ibid. Vol. 5, 414–16.

136 Llorente (1841) 334–40.

137 CDIHE, Vol. 5, 456–7.

138 Contreras (1987) 56.

139 Sarrión Mora (2003) 56; a good summary of Cano’s views on suspicious doctrines is in Alcalá Galve (1984: 813).

140 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 312; Israel (1998b) 100, 144–6; Caro Baroja (1978) Vol. 1, 360.

Six – TERROR ENVELOPS THE WORLD

1 Chinchilla Aguilar (1952) 26–37.

2 Ibid. 37–8 for all the cases cited in this sentence.

3 Conway (ed.) (1927) 12.

4 Ibid.

5 Conway (ed.) (1927) 19–20.

6 Ibid. Appendix III.

7 Hakluyt (ed.) (1600) 569.

8 Ibid. 569–70. It is difficult to be sure as to the precise numbers arrested; Phillips claims that there were over sixty, but evidence from trial records suggests there were only thirty-six sanbenitos in these years (Toro (ed.) (1932) 48–9) and see also Conway (ed.) (1927: 156–66) and Jiménez Rueda (ed.) (1945: 505–6) who suggest that only twenty people were tried in the auto of 1574. It is possible that Phillips exaggerated the numbers to play on Protestant fears of the Inquisition in Britain, but seeing as his account was only narrated to an interlocutor (Hakluyt) and not published for commercial gain, this cannot be taken as certain.

9 Hakluyt (ed.) (1600) 570.

10 The evidence of Robert Thomson from the 1560s (Conway (ed.) (1927) 19–20) and Henry Hawks from 1572 (Hakluyt (ed.) (1600) 549–50).

11 Ibid. 572.

12 The evidence of Miles Phillips – Hakluyt (ed.) (1600) 569.

13 Jiménez Rueda (ed.) (1945) 368–9.

14 Ibid. 377–9, 412.

15 Ibid. 460–80, 500–1.

16 Ibid. 281, 280.

17 Ibid. 301–2 for this detail on his attempted escape to China.

18 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 36.

19 Huerga (1984) 955.

20 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 128–30

21 Palmer (1976) 50.

22 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 42.

23 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 42–3.

24 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 217.

25 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 72.

26 Ibid. Vol. 1, 74–9.

27 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 47, 54.

28 Ibid. 47–51 and Toro (1932: 213–14, 237–240). They kept Succot, Yom Kippur and Passover, eating maize tortillas instead of the unleavened bread matzot.

29 Toro (1932) 239.

30 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1028, folio 227v; the evidence of Francisco Diaz from Lima c. 1592.

31 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 217–18.

32 Ibid. 269.

33 Shastry (1981) 122–30; Scammell (1981) 167.

34 Subrahmanyan (1993) 68.

35 Boyajian (1993) 4–5.

36 Ibid. 13, 63 –64.

37 This whole description is taken from the account of Pyrard de Laval (1619) Vol. 2, 42–75; the importance of slaves in the economy of Portuguese India is discussed more fully in Scammell (1981: 171–2).

38 Ibid. 169–70.

39 Subrahmanyan (1993) 230.

40 Baião (1945) 25; Shastry (1981) 71–2.

41 Subrahmanyan (1993) 230–1.

42 Baião (1945) 26.

43 Boyajian (1993) 31.

44 Baião (1945) 26; Rêgo (ed.) (1983) 10; Tavares (2004) 117.

45 Baião (1945) 27–35.

46 Laval (1619) Vol. 2, 56.

47 Ibid. Vol. 2, 60.

48 Ibid. Vol. 2, 94.

49 I am indebted for this point to the external examiner of my doctoral dissertation, Professor Francisco Bethencourt.

50 Ibid. Vol. 2, 94–6: ‘ils ne font que mourir aux riches, et aux pauvres ne donnent que quelque penitence’.

51 Baião (1945) 265; IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 96, No. 3, folio 2r.

52 Boyajian (1993) 31.

53 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 96, no. 25, folio 1r.

54 Ibid. no. 4, folio 1v.

55 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 100, folios 40v, 47r.

56 Baião (1945) 68, 290.

57 Ibid. 290.

58 Toribio Medina (1887) Vol. 1, 57.

59 Toribio Medina (1889) 65–90.

60 Toribio Medina (1887) Vol. 1, 253–97.

61 Domínguez Ortiz (1971) 135.

62 This number includes Brazil (where the figures have recently been published by the noted Brazilian scholar Anita Novinsky). I am indebted for this point to the external examiner of my doctoral dissertation, Professor Francisco Bethencourt.

63 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1030, folio 254r; the case of Juan Crespo de Aguirre arrested in 1622.

64 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1028, folio 1r–v; the case of Francisco Bello Raymundo arrested in 1587.

65 Ibid. folio 4r; Pero Gutíerrez de Logroño arrested for witchcraft in 1587.

66 Ibid. 208v; the case of Pero Luis Henriquez from 1592.

67 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1620, Expediente 12, folios 1r–16r.

68 Lea (1908) 338–42 provides a good summary of these attempts.

69 Several examples are cited in Boyajian (1993: 73, 80).

70 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 223, folio 194r – dated 16 May 1606.

71 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1198, Expediente 18 – Alonso de la Cruz Crespillo’s application to be a familiar in Arica (the far north of Chile) in 1629.

72 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1030, folio 213v.

73 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1020, folio 327r–329r.

74 Souza (1987) has a potent analysis of the association of Brazil with ideas of the devil.

75 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 5.

76 Ibid. 8–9, 12.

77 Ibid. 17; Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 204 –5, 225–32.

78 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 17, 20–2.

79 Ibid. 7–8.

80 Ibid. 40–2.

81 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 335–42.

82 Ibid. Vol. 1, 343–6.

83 Rocha Pitta (1880) 2.

84 Ibid.

85 Gandavo (1858) 4.

86 Ibid. 5, 36.

87 Léry (1975) 95.

88 Ibid. 97–109.

89 Baião (1921: 141) shows that by 1543 there were people in Brazil with children in the jails of the Inquisition in Portugal for Judaizing. See also Salvador (1969: 83–4).

90 AG, Vol. 9, 204–5.

91 Godinho (1969); Novinsky (1995) 515.

92 Pereira (1993) 116.

93 Martínez Millán (1984).

94 This summary is made by Gonsalves de Mello (1996: 6).

95 Ibid. 167–96.

96 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 92, folio 53r; IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 12a, folio 54r; IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 99, folios 32v–33r cited in Green (2007) Part II Chapter 3.

97 Novinsky (1971) 437 n.34.

98 Salvador (1978), xvii.

99 Novinsky (1972) 60–1.

100 Ibid. 111.

101 See for example Kohut (1971) 35.

102 Toro (1944) Vol. 2, 8.

103 Ibid. 20.

104 Ibid. 199.

105 This is, famously, the argument of K. Anthony Appiah.

106 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 131–4.

107 Ibid. 136–60.

108 Ibid. 457.

109 Ibid.

110 Ibid. 229.

Seven – THE ISLAMIC THREAT

1 García-Arenal (1996) 157–63.

2 Fonseca (1612) 89–93.

3 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 549, Expediente 7, folio 46r.

4 García-Arenal (1996) 165.

5 BL, Egerton MS 1510, folios 6r–7v – dating from c. 1502.

6 García-Arenal (1996) 165.

7 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 549, Expediente 1. Note that there are no folio numbers in this document; all the other details of Arcos’s case which follow are extracted from it.

8 See for example AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folios 182–184, 269r–270r, for cases from Valencia in these years which bear this out.

9 BL, Egerton MS 1510, folio 71r.

10 Even in the early years when there were some efforts made towards Christian education, these were limited towards teaching the absolute basics of Catholic ritual (Benítez Sánchez-Blanco (1990: 70–1)).

11 Lea (2001) 207, 214, 225.

12 BL, Egerton MS 1510, folio 74r.

13 Ibid. 75r; those moriscos who had not been baptized were to be persuaded rather than forced to the font.

14 Ibid. 124v.

15 Ibid. 127r.

16 Barrios Aguilera (2002) 294.

17 An example is the case of Angela Caxinçera from Gandia (AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folio 327r).

18 BL, Egerton MS 1510, folio 153v.

19 Ibid. folio 154r.

20 Barrios Aguilera (2002) 294.

21 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 1 334.

22 Barrios Aguilera (2002) 283.

23 Ibid. 284.

24 Ibid. 285.

25 García Fuentes (1981) 29–30, 40, 48–54, 66.

26 Cardaillac and Dedieu (1990: 21–2).

27 García Fuentes (1981) 70–6.

28 Cardaillac and Dedieu (1990) 22.

29 García-Arenal (1996) 65.

30 Ibid. 66.

31 Cardaillac and Dedieu (1990) 23.

32 Epalza (1992) 79–82.

33 Ibid. 56–7.

34 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 219r.

35 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2105, Expediente 27; a case from Toledo in 1591.

36 This is the thesis of García-Arenal (1978: 10).

37 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 31.

38 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folio 18r.

39 Ibid. folio 18v.

40 Ibid. folio 19r.

41 Ibid. folio 19v.

42 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 99.

43 Lea (2001) 144.

44 Gracia Boix (ed.) (1982) 227–8.

45 Monter (1990) 190.

46 Gracia Boix (ed.) (1982: 207, 210–11) transcribes two cases from the Inquisition of Cordoba of this dating from 1578.

47 Ibid. 207.

48 Carrasco (1983) 175.

49 Ibid. 181.

50 García-Arenal (1978) 43.

51 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 8, folio 9r.

52 Dedieu and Vincent (1990: 82) see this as the real origin of morisco fear.

53 Lea (2001) 177–8; see also García-Arenal (1978: 25) for further examples of whole families being persecuted from the region of Cuenca.

54 Valencia (1997) 77.

55 Fonseca (1612) 110.

56 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folios 151r–v, a case of 1577 from Valencia; Vidal (1986: 20), a case of 1578 from Zaragoza.

57 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folio 14r – this is the opinion of the inquisitors of Valencia of 1566 on the attitude of moriscos to their sanbenitos; Fonseca (1612) 125.

58 That fear and hatred were the prime emotions of the moriscos towards the Inquisition was noted by Cardaillac (1977: 117–18).

59 Ibid. 101.

60 Lea (2001) 240.

61 Ibid. 240–1.

62 Ibid. 264.

63 Cardaillac (1977) 14; Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 130.

64 Cardaillac (1977) 18–19.

65 Valencia (1997) 73.

66 Cardaillac (1977: 20–1) is excellent on the development of this process.

67 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 100, folios 15r, 17r.

68 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 211, folios 192r–193r.

69 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folio 16v (1566); ibid. folio 50v (1570).

70 Ibid. folio 40v (1568).

71 For example AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folios 10v–11r – Miguel Gil in the region of Valencia in 1587; AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 165r – the case of Luis Mijo Mandoll from 1602 converting an Old Christian.

72 Valencia (1997) 78.

73 Epalza (1992) 39.

74 García-Arenal (1996) 268–71.

75 Such a statement clearly implies a racial view of identity which some may feel is anachronistic for 16th-century Spain. Yet as we shall see this period also saw the growth of a new doctrine of purity of blood which was developed substantially along racial lines, with the consequence that such racial attitudes could have influenced the perception of the moriscos and their integration into Spanish society.

76 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 20.

77 BL, Egerton MS 1832, folio 22v.

78 Caro Baroja (1976) 123.

79 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 58.

80 Carrasco (1983) 187.

81 The classic work demonstrating this process is Perceval (1997).

82 Cardaillac (1978) 94–5.

83 Carrasco (1983) 187; see also Dedieu (1983: 503) who notes that Old Christians would often denounce the moriscos of Daimiel en bloc.

84 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folio 343r – from 1590.

85 Reglà (1974) 65.

86 That is to say, one is here in the classic Freudian territory of projection; for a full discussion on the validity of the use of this concept in historical texts, see Green (2007) Appendix A.

87 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folios 69r, 69v (two cases); ibid. 221r (a case from 1604).

88 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2105, Expediente 32.

89 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 165v.

90 Ibid. folio 404r ff. – the rest of the detail of this case comes from this source.

91 Fonseca (1612) 106.

92 Ibid. 113.

93 Ibid. 95.

94 See for example numerous cases from 1588 in Valencia at AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folios 70v, 71r, 76v, 88r.

95 Vidal (1986) 200.

96 García Fuentes (1981) 221, 223.

97 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1786, Expediente 11.

98 Vidal (1986) 62.

99 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folio 360r.

100 Lea (2001) 242–3.

101 Ibid. 483–7.

102 Carrasco (1983) 172.

103 Fonseca (1612) 219.

104 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 17, 71–2.

105 Lea (2001) 347–59.

106 Ibid. 362.

107 Perceval (1997) 126, 173–8.

108 Reglà (1974) 57–8.

109 Ibid. 172.

110 Ibid.

111 Ibid. 186.

112 Epalza (1992) 129.

113 Ibid. 146–8, 218–19.

114 Barrios Aguilera (2002) 413.

115 Fonseca (1612) 255.

116 García-Arenal (1996) 235.

117 Ibid.

118 Cardaillac and Dedieu (1990) 19.

119 Epalza (1992) 48; Cardaillac and Dedieu (1990) 15–16.

120 This was acknowledged by Pedro de Valencia when he urged that the Inquisition must not be charged with getting moriscos to relinquish their dress and customs, as ‘with its exacting procedure they become more obstinate and begin to plot so that they do not give one another away’ (Valencia (1997: 131)).

121 Thus in Daimiel in the 1530s there was an extraordinary poverty of knowledge of Islamic ritual among the morisco community (Dedieu (1983: 498)); by the late 16th century, all this had changed.

122 Marques (1972) Vol. 1, 80.

123 This insight is derived from Douglas (1984). One should note that Douglas herself has since modified the use of the concept of anomaly within a general cognitive theory, in particular as she suggests that outsiders cannot perceive necessarily what is anomalous within a given culture (Journal of Ritual Studies, 2004). However, in this case the anomalous is perceived not outside a given culture, but within it.

124 Reglà (1974) 113.

125 See for example García-Arenal (1978) 141–4 for a fascinating case of this.

126 Perceval (1997) 116.

127 Ibid.

Eight – PURITY AT ALL COSTS

1 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1198, Expediente 32; this document has no folio numbers. All the subsequent information on Costa in this section derives from this file.

2 Graizbord (2004) 34.

3 Ibid. 37.

4 García Mercadal (1999) Vol. 2, 757.

5 Gil (2000–1) Vol. 3, 37. See also Schorsch (2004) 201 and Fredrickson (2002) 40. Debates are active as to whether racism had been invented in classical antiquity – the thesis of Isaac (2004) – or was a modern invention of western Europe. One should remember that racism against Africans was current in the medieval period in the Islamic world. The evidence suggests, however, that in Europe the matter was more complex, and that prejudice tended originally to be directed from the religious and not the racial perspective until the 16th century (see Green (2007) for a full discussion of this idea).

6 Netanyahu (1997) 6 n.30. One should also bear in mind that there was no such thing as a ‘race’ of the Jews, as is made clear both by Netanyahu’s examples and by Patai and Patai (1989).

7 I am grateful to Professor Francisco Bethencourt for formulating the matter in this manner at the 2004 C.R. Boxer Centenary Conference at King’s College, London.

8 For a fuller discussion of the events of Toledo and their implications, see Sicroff (1985: 54–85) and Netanyahu (1995a: 356–82).

9 Sicroff (1985) 84.

10 Ibid. 57–81; one of these, Alonso Díaz de Montalvo, was an ally and friend of King John II of Castile.

11 Netanyahu (1995a) 584.

12 Blazquez Miguel (1988), 139.

13 Sicroff (1985) 117.

14 Ibid. 105–12; the statute was ratified by the papacy in 1495.

15 Blázquez Miguel (1988) 139.

16 The classic account of the struggle to get the statute accepted in the see of Toledo is Sicroff (1985: 125–72). On the statute of 1555, see Yerushalmi (1981: 15).

17 Sicroff (1985) 131.

18 See above, n. 8.

19 The key work on the doctrine of biologism which spread through theorists of limpieza in the 16th century is Gracia Guillén (1987). On the link between ideas of biologism and classical formulations of racism see Isaac (2004). There is indeed a direct comparison here with the type of ideology that became associated with the Atlantic slave trade, where slaves were described and loaded just like any other material ‘good’ – (that is, dehumanized) – and where the legend of the Hamitic curse was said by some to justify their slavery, the Hamitic curse being the punishment which God had meted out to the descendants of Noah’s son Ham.

20 Blázquez Miguel (1988), 139.

21 Sicroff (1985) 315.

22 Ibid. 330–4; see also Domínguez Ortiz (1993: 48) on the specifically Iberian nature of this idea.

23 Iberia was perhaps peculiarly suited to this development since, as Saraiva (1985: 25) noted, this was a society where the identification of closed groups or castes with specific occupations had persisted; this was therefore a society in which there was a latent notion of caste purity which was open to being converted into a racial doctrine.

24 Kamen (1965) 125; however, although in this early work Kamen emphasized the role of the Inquisition in propagating limpieza, in his more recent work on the subject he plays down the connection (1997: 242–253), using the attempted reforms of 1623 to argue that the Inquisition championed the dilution of the principle.

25 Bethencourt (1994) 363.

26 Sicroff (1985) 326.

27 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2105, Expediente 23.

28 Ibid.

29 This is close to the argument of Dedieu (1989: 341–2) that while the Inquisition did not invent the myth of limpieza, it expanded it to take material and moral profit.

30 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2105, Expediente 23; the case of Hernando de Villareal from 1587, attempting to get one son into a monastery and another accepted as a public scribe.

31 Baião (1921), Documentary Appendix, 3.

32 Caro Baroja (1978) Vol. 2, 324.

33 Remedios (1895–1928) Vol. 2, 64.

34 Green (2004) 24. Quiroga’s maternal great-grandfather had the surname De la Cárcel’; conversos often took surnames of urban phenomena – the surnames De Mercado and De la Rúa are famous examples, and so the chances are very high that this individual was a converso.

35 Lipiner (1977) 17.

36 Isaac (2004) doubts the modernity of racism; however the classic work arguing this case is Comas (1951), and see also Green (2007: Part 4, Chapter 4).

37 Douglas (1984); the work of Freud is obviously of significance here.

38 García-Arenal (1978) 50 –1.

39 García Fuentes (1981) 217, 251, 308–9, 311.

40 García-Arenal (1978) 51.

41 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 173r.

42 García-Arenal (1978) 51.

43 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 693.

44 Sicroff (1985) 346–7.

45 Valencia (1997) 137.

46 This was following the death of Sebastian I on the battlefield in Morocco in 1578, and then of Sebastian’s uncle the aged Cardinal Henry in 1580.

47 Liebman (1970) 183.

48 Saraiva (1985) 114–16; Lea (1906–7), Vol. 3, 276–7.

49 Salvador (1978) 126.

50 Carneiro (1983) 124.

51 Saraiva (1985) 128–9.

52 Lea (1906–7), Vol. 3, 276.

53 Oliveira (1887–1910) Vol. 1, 576.

54 Ibid. Vol. 1, 568–9; ibid. Vol. 2, 63.

55 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora, Livro 90, folio 173r–v.

56 Oliveira (1887–1910) Vol. 2, 94.

57 Lipiner (1977) 123.

58 There are countless examples of this in the archives – see for example IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 434, folio 45v for someone who was one-eighth New Christian convicted of Judaizing; and ibid. folio 126v.

59 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 184, folio 13v.

60 Gonçalves Salvador (1976) 7.

61 BL, Egerton Ms. 1134, folios 153r–v.

62 Coelho (1987) Vol. 1, 343 and 420–1.

63 Lea (1906–7), Vol. 3, 273.

64 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1198, Expediente 10. Note that there are no folio numbers in this document.

65 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1198, Expediente 2.

66 Ibid. Expediente 22.

67 Ibid. Expediente 16.

68 Ibid. Expediente 18.

69 For example ibid. Expedientes 28 (from 1722) and 30 (from 1723); this would seem to suggest a modification is required of the view (Kamen (1997) 253) that there were mere echoes of the idea of purity of blood in Spain in the 18th century.

70 Domínguez Ortiz (1993) 167.

71 The founder of the theory that the Inquisition was motivated by economics is Llorente (1818). Some contemporary historians do still hold to this view, for example Carneiro (1983: 49), although in general there has been a recognition that the reality was much more complicated. See for example Blázquez Miguel (1988: 83–4), who shows the financial precariousness of the Inquisition even in the first years after its foundation in the 1480s, when the crown only in fact got 2 per cent of all the confiscations between 1488 and 1497. Alpert (2001: 23–4) shows that even the large sums confiscated in the early 16th century were not enough entirely to fund the tribunal’s activities; the classic work demonstrating the poverty of the purely economic interpretation is Martínez Millán (1984).

72 This is close to García Cárcel’s (1976: 141–74) examination of inquisitorial finances in Valencia; he stresses that what mattered financially for the institution of the Inquisition was that it should be solvent for the crown, and that this raison d’être was predicated on its position as a state institution, which fluctuated along with the state.

73 Sicroff (1985) 221.

74 Domínguez Ortiz (1993) 81: Pérez Villanueva (1984) 1038.

75 Pérez Villanueva (1984) 1040.

76 Ibid. 1041.

77 Ibid. 1039.

78 Ibid. 1041.

79 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1198, Expediente 26, folio 6v; all the rest of the details of Angulo’s case are taken from this trial.

80 All the material on this case derives from AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 265, Expediente 5.

81 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2962.

82 Personal communication from Ian L. Rakoff, a pupil at South African schools in the 1950s.

83 Mann (2005) 340.

84 See, for instance, AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 265, Expediente 14 for a case from 1628–33 which occupied a large amount of time and energy, investigating numerous small towns near Palencia and Castrogeriz, before it was decided that the people in question were pure of blood.

85 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2962 contains a case of this.

86 Gil (2000–1) Vol. 3, 33.

87 Rêgo (1983) 77.

88 Indeed one can argue that in Iberia, where religion was tied into the obsession with social hygiene, a society was revealed where collective psychology was still at odds with itself, and struggling to come to terms with the modern world. Douglas (1984: 35) suggested that there is a ‘specialization of ideas which separates our notions of dirt from religion’. The tying in of the religious idea through the Inquisition to the notion of cleanliness emphasized the fact that the Inquisition was an institution at fundamental odds with modernity, and therefore likely to fight against it at every opportunity.

Nine – EVERY ASPECT OF LIFE

1 This and all subsequent information on Galván derives from Toro (1944: Vol. 2, 20–1).

2 Lewin (1967) 171.

3 The best recent summary of the debate as to the numbers lost to disease after the conquest of America is Mann (2005).

4 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 100, folio 37r.

5 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 205, folios 231r–v.

6 Thus the number of ships sailing annually between Portugal and Goa in what was called the carreira da Índia declined from seven on average between 1500–99 to two on average between 1650–1700 (Disney (1981) 152). There is an excellent summary of the Portuguese crisis in Asia between 1610 and 1665 in Subrahmanyan (1993: 144–80).

7 Pyrard de Laval (1619) Vol. 2, 94.

8 Souza (1987) 210–15.

9 Ibid. 217–18.

10 Ibid. 239.

11 Ibid.

12 Palmer (1976) 158.

13 PV, 311–12 – a case of a woman, Margarida Carneira, accused of doing this by a lover that she had spurned.

14 Vainfas (1989).

15 Sweet (2003).

16 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1602, Expediente 7.

17 Ibid. 34r–v.

18 Sweet (2003) 74–5.

19 Ibid. 69–70.

20 See for Cartagena Splendiani (1997) Vol. 2, 41; Sánchez B. (1996) 41, and Toribio Medina (1899) 103; also idem. (1887) Vol. 1, 258 for a case from Lima. For several cases from Mexico see Palmer (1976) 150.

21 Cervantes (1994) 79–80.

22 Ibid. 79.

23 Palmer (1976) 94.

24 The best recent analysis of these events is in Wachtel (2001a).

25 All this material on Silva comes from IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 221, folios 518r–v.

26 See for example IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 208, folios 494r–v for a case from 1622.

27 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 240, folios 250r–251v.

28 Paiva (1997) 84–6. This attitude eventually filtered through to the Spanish colonies in the New World too, with the Inquisition in Cartagena often passing jurisdiction over witchcraft cases to the civil authorities after 1650 (Ceballos Gómez (1994) 95), and repeatedly ignoring cases of purported ‘witchcraft’ in Mexico from the late 17th century onwards (Cervantes (1994) 125–41).

29 Paiva (1997) 86.

30 This argument is brilliantly formulated in Trevor-Roper (1984) 113; see also Paiva (1997) 347–9.

31 Contreras (1987) 58.

32 Pérez Villanueva and Escandell Bonet (eds) (1984) 703–5.

33 Martínez Millán (1984) 32–3.

34 One is reminded of Moore’s (1987) argument that the rise of persecuting societies in medieval Europe resulted from the spread of literacy and the rise of a literate class.

35 Griffiths (1997) 95. The Council of Trent (1545–63) is widely considered one of the most important in the history of the Catholic Church. It was initiated in order to consider Catholic responses to Protestantism. The most important theologians in Catholic Europe attended, and developed clear doctrines on a wide range of issues, ranging from the mass and biblical canon to the concept of salvation.

36 García Cárcel and Moreno Martínez (2000) 58.

37 Dedieu (1989) 12–13, 139, 152.

38 Clearly, this was before the development of the Freudian theory of the ‘return of the repressed’ – which could be suggested to be an unconscious factor in this change of tack in the institution of the Inquisition.

39 IT, folio 14r.

40 García Fuentes (1981) 17.

41 Gracia Boix (1982) 151.

42 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 229v.

43 See for example the case of Pedro Cabrera from Murcia in 1579; AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 8, folio 2v.

44 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 433, folio 22r.

45 Sánchez Ortega (1992) 24.

46 Gracia Boix (1982) 152.

47 IAN/TT, Inquisição d’Évora, Livro 86, folios 52v–53r.

48 See for example Dedieu (1989: 281).

49 Selke (1986) 67–8.

50 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 371.

51 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folio 171v.

52 Ibid. folio 168r.

53 Ortega-Costa (ed.) (1978) 49.

54 García Fuentes (1981) 58.

55 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 8, folio 7r.

56 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 163r.

57 Mariana (1751) Vol. 8, 506.

58 IT, folio 4r; published in Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980) 89–90.

59 IT, folio 11r.

60 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 18.

61 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4442, Expediente 18.

62 Oliveira (1887–1910) Vol. 2, 69–78.

63 La Mantia (1977) 60, 130.

Ten – THE ADMINISTRATION OF FEAR

1 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1601, Expediente 18, folio 1v.

2 Ibid. folios 19r–v.

3 Ibid. 19v.

4 Ibid. folio 4r.

5 Ibid. folio 5r.

6 Ibid. folios 5r–6r.

7 Ibid. folios 7r–v.

8 Ibid. folio 8r.

9 Ibid. folios 8v–9r, 13r.

10 Dedieu (1989) 161.

11 García Cárcel and Moreno Martínez (2000) 131.

12 BL, Egerton MS 1134, folio 170r.

13 Baião (1942) 57–70.

14 Contreras (1982) 320–1. The prosecutor was later reprimanded for this unsanctioned demand.

15 Caro Baroja (1968) 30–1.

16 For an excellent analysis of the Inquisition as a career path, see Bethencourt (1994: 119). For how this operated in Sicily, with being an inquisitor a stepping stone to being a bishop, see La Mantia (1977) 36.

17 Contreras (1982) 328–33.

18 Ibid. 333–37.

19 Ibid. 339.

20 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 90.

21 Contreras (1982) 340.

22 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 90.

23 Barrios (1991) 31–2.

24 A good example is Lithgow (1640) 480.

25 Márquez (1980) 129.

26 IT, folio 8r; published in Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980: 83–105).

27 IT, folio 12v; published in Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980: 116–21).

28 See for instance the case of Pedro de Guiral, inquisitor of Ávila and Cordoba, from 1499 (Gracia Boix (1982) 30–1). Lucero is another obvious example of this.

29 Bethencourt (1994) 65, 71.

30 Baião (1942) 17.

31 Ibid.; Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 231.

32 Contreras and Henningsen (1986) 116.

33 Ruiz de Pablos (ed. and trans.) (1997) 209.

34 Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980) 366–70; see also Contreras (1982) 73.

35 Ibid.

36 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 104.

37 Chinchilla Aguilar (1952) 120–1.

38 Bethencourt (1994) 51.

39 Russell-Wood (1998) 24–5.

40 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 217, folios 170r–190v.

41 Ibid. folio 171r.

42 Ibid. folio 172v.

43 Ibid.

44 Ibid. folio 184v.

45 Ibid. folio 190v.

46 See for example Blázquez Miguel (1990: 105) on how in Catalonia alone familiars were barred from holding public office.

47 Contreras (1982) 87 n.46.

48 Regimento dos Familiares do Santo Oficio (1739). Note that this publication has no page numbers.

49 Contreras (1982) 130.

50 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folio 32r.

51 BL, Egerton MS 1832, folios 105v–108v.

52 Contreras (1982) 51–2.

53 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 433, folio 196r. People frequently pretended to be familiars; in one case, Bartolomé Gómez de Quesada was punished in two autos in the same year for this offence and eventually sentenced to two years in the galleys (García Fuentes (1981: 20 –35).

54 Blázquez Miguel (1985) 37.

55 Lea (1908) 335–7.

56 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 91.

57 Barrios (1991) 30–1.

58 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2105, Expediente 28.

59 TA, folio i.

60 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 122.

61 Lea (1906–7), Vol. 1, 381–98.

62 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 358.

63 Fernández Vargas (1980) 931–2.

64 Marques (1972) Vol. 1, 288–92.

65 BL, Egerton MS 1832: Segovia, 1575.

66 BL, Add. MS 21447, folios 137r–143v.

67 See for example Toro (1932), doc. 3: Diligencias Sobre los Sanbenitos antiguos y Renovación de ellos . . .

68 Paz y Melia (1947) 452.

69 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4822, Expediente 3.

70 Moore’s (1987) argument that the development of a literate class was a key aspect of the formation of a persecuting society is of relevance here.

71 Martínez Millán (1984) 287–91.

72 Dedieu (1989) 273–7.

73 Ibid. 275.

74 Lea (2001) 159.

75 See for example the case at AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4529, Expediente 2, that of Martin Vendicho from 29 March 1588, a morisco from Zaragoza.

76 Reglà (1974) 186.

77 Biarnés i Biarnés (1981) 112, 146.

78 Reglà (1974) 61, 142.

79 Biarnés i Biarnés (1981) 150.

80 Reglà (1974) 138–9.

81 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 203.

82 Casey (1999) 21.

83 Ibid.

84 Lithgow (1640) 451.

85 Ibid. 453.

86 Fromm (1951) 67.

87 Escandell Bonet (1980) 450.

88 All the material taken here for the case of Gutierrez de Ulloa comes from Toribio Medina (1887) Vol. 1, 265–82.

89 Benassar (1987) 183.

Eleven – THE THREAT OF KNOWLEDGE

1 Newitt (1995) 175–6.

2 Jama (2001) 35, 60–1. It had been Pierre (Pedro)’s great-grandfather, and Antoinette Lopez’s great-great grandfather Meyer Pacagon who had been the first member of the family to convert from Judaism to Christianity in around 1412, at the time of the famous disputation between Christian and Jewish theologians at Tortosa (Ibid. 34–5).

3 Popkin (1960) 43, 55. There were of course numerous intervening steps, but nevertheless the ideas of Montaigne were pivotal in this process.

4 Ibid. ix.

5 Fernández Santamaría (1990) 17. Pyrrhonian scepticism derived from the writings of the Greek philosopher Pyrrhon of Elis (c. 360–270 BCE), who held that reason alone could not give knowledge of the universe, and that as the senses could only give knowledge of how things appeared – rather than how they actually were in reality – all human knowledge was opinion.

6 Montaigne (1998) 66.

7 Ibid. 19: ‘Chacun appelle barbarie ce qui n’est pas de son usage’; see also his statement in the Apologie de Raimond Sebond that ‘tout ce qui nous semble estrange, nous le condamnons’ (‘we condemn everything that seems strange to us’): Rat (ed.) (1941) Vol. 2, 151.

8 Jama (2001) 60.

9 Popkin (1960) 44.

10 Montaigne (1998) 93.

11 Ibid. 221.

12 Rat (ed.) (1941) Vol. 2, 122.

13 Ibid. 123.

14 Ibid. 176.

15 Ibid. 223.

16 Ibid. 268.

17 Popkin (1960) 69–82.

18 Ibid. 86–112.

19 Rat (ed.) (1941) 47–68: ‘Que le Goust des Biens et des Maux Depend en Bonne Partie de l’Opinion que Nous en Avons’ (tr.: ‘That taste in Good and Evil Depends Substantially on our Opinion’) – the relevant passage is pp. 50–2.

20 Jama (2001) 23–24: ‘une date, intentionellement choisie, qui permettait justement aux compagnons d’entendre son message dissimulé’ (tr.: ‘a date, chosen intentionally, which allowed only friends to understand its hidden message’).

21 Rat (ed.) (1941) Vol. 2, 176.

22 Yovel (1989), x.

23 Jama (2001: 182–8) also believes that there are clear traces of Jewish theological leanings in the Essays when it comes to his views of God. See also López Fanego (1983: 371) on how wily authors inserted professions of their devout faith and submission to ecclesiastical dogma inside works which as a whole are critical of that dogma.

24 This is indeed a view shared by many Montaigne specialists (see for example Malvezin (1875: 106 –22, 128)) and specialists on the Iberian realities (Castro (1972: 15), Faur (1992: 105–6)).

25 Dedieu (1983) 498.

26 See for example Baião (1921) 122 – a case from 1541 from Lisbon. However it should be noted that this itself was an age-old rural saying in Iberia. I am grateful for this point to Professor Francisco Bethencourt.

27 Salvador (1969), xx.

28 Blázquez Miguel (1988) 50.

29 For an example of how this worked in practice, it is interesting to read Wachtel’s (2001a: 85–89) analysis of the library of Manuel Bautista Pérez, an exceptionally well-travelled crypto-Jew from Lima in the 1630s who had spent time in both Guiné and South America; the library is suggestive of someone of a sceptical bent.

30 Lithgow (1640) 486.

31 The view of conversos as prototypes of modern individuals is not a new one, and has been propounded in Novinsky (1972: 162), Rivkin (1995: 408), Wachtel (2001a: 13), to name but three authors. This idea is examined in more detail in Green (2007).

32 Faur (1992) 108–9.

33 Sanches (1988) 4–19.

34 Ibid. 172.

35 Faur (1992) 96.

36 Sanches (1988) 168.

37 Ibid. 81; the words of Elaine Limbrick.

38 Ibid. 79; the words of Elaine Limbrick.

39 Ibid. 28–36.

40 There is a good summary of Vives’s life in González González (1998: 25–6).

41 Garcia (1987) 91.

42 Ibid. 187; the trials of Vives’s mother Blanquina March are published in Pinta Llorente and Palacioty Palacio (1964). In 1491 she had confessed of her sins within the period of grace and been reconciled, but, after her death in 1508, she was eventually condemned posthumously in 1529.

43 Kamen (1997) 130; Révah (1959) 38.

44 Fernández Santamaría (1990) 72, 104.

45 Ibid. 72.

46 Ibid. 123.

47 Ibid. 71.

48 Bataillon (1937) 166–7.

49 Gouhier (1958) 116 n.59.

50 Sanches (1988) 83–4.

51 Klever (1996) 20.

52 Yovel (1989), x, 28–36.

53 Rojas (1985) 22.

54 Ibid. 23.

55 Ibid. 59.

56 Ibid. 130.

57 Ibid. 129.

58 This was the mistake in Gilman’s classic account of the play and the author’s converso origins (1972). The idea that the converso interpretation should merely be one interpretation of La Celestina is advanced in Yovel (1989: 97).

59 Long and involved academic debates have occurred as to the origins of Rojas. Salvador Miguel (2001) disputes Rojas’s converso origin, following Marquez (1980: 47–8), who argues that the statement in his defence by Rojas’s father-in-law Álvaro de Montalbán that Rojas was a converso in an inquisitorial trial of 1525/6 was merely a rumour attributed to Rojas by the prosecutor of the Inquisition. Nevertheless, as Yovel (1989: 94 n.29) points out, the prosecutor could merely have been repeating a known fact, and there is no evidence that this was simply a ‘rumour’. The clear converso themes throughout the play support the idea that Rojas was, indeed, a converso, as his father-in-law declared. Others have argued that La Celestina was a composite work of different authors, but this has been disputed recently by some specialists (Aguirre Beller (1994)).

60 Faur (1992) 62–9.

61 Ibid. 57.

62 Castro (1972) 15.

63 Ibid. lii.

64 Ibid. 153.

65 Ibid. ‘segun eran de agudos’.

66 Bataillon (1937) 529; cited also in Kamen (1965) 75.

67 See the classic works of Menéndez y Pelayo, and more recently Kamen (1997); see also García Camarero and García Camarero (eds) (1970) for a summary of 18th-century views on the matter.

68 Cervantes (1994) 91.

69 Lewin (1967) 14–15.

70 Lea (1906–7), Vol. 1, v.

71 Saínz Rodríguez (1962) 85.

72 Castro (1972) 36.

73 García Cárcel and Moreno Martínez (2000) 325.

74 Castro (1972) 37.

75 Alcalá Galve (1984) 812.

76 See for example Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 265.

77 Baião (1921) 36–7.

78 Barrios Aguilera (2002) 81.

79 Rumeu de Armas (1940) 15.

80 BL, Additional MS 10248, folios 107v–108r.

81 Bataillon (1937) 31–5 has a good elucidation of this case.

82 Bethencourt (1994) 174.

83 Ibid.

84 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4470, Expediente 6.

85 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4442, Expedientes 33 and 34.

86 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2963.

87 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4470, Expediente 12.

88 Kamen (1997) 119.

89 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 274.

90 Pinto Crespo (1983) 67.

91 Bethencourt (1994) 173.

92 Márquez (1980) 144–5.

93 Ibid. 146–8.

94 Sierra Corella (1947) 47.

95 Bethencourt (1994) 173.

96 Ibid. 87.

97 The text of this fundamental decree is published in Rumeu de Armas (1940: 17 n.1).

98 Pinto Crespo (1983) 39.

99 Ibid. 91–2.

100 Ibid. 99.

101 Ibid. 42.

102 Pinto Crespo (1983) 33.

103 García Cárcel and Moreno Martínez (2000) 321–3.

104 Gracia Boix (ed.) (1982) 218.

105 Márquez (1980) 150.

106 Révah (1960) 21–2.

107 Ibid. 21–4, 29.

108 Ibid. 27.

109 Ibid. 67–8.

110 Bethencourt (1994) 177.

111 Cohen (1995) 446; idem. (2000) 74; Chinchilla Aguilar (1952) 187: the cédula banning the circulation of profane books of 29 September 1543 is published in Sierra Corella (1947: 196–7).

112 Chinchilla Aguilar (1952) 189–90.

113 Jiménez Rueda (1946) 237.

114 Greenleaf (1969) 183.

115 Ibid. 184–5.

116 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 285, folio 200r.

117 Defourneaux (1963) 15.

118 Alcalá Galve (1983) 784 n.11.

119 Pinto Crespo (1983) 63–6.

120 Ibid. and idem. (1987) 185.

121 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4816, Expediente 22, folios 4v–9r; for a more detailed examination of this ship and of Diogo Barassa in general, see Green (2007) Part III: Chapter 3.

122 AHN, Legajo 4816, Expediente 22, folio 45v; I have modernized some of the punctuation in my translation of this passage.

123 Ibid. folio 11v.

124 Defourneaux (1963) 24–5.

125 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4436, Expediente 4.

126 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4480, Expediente 21, folio 2r.

127 Ibid. folio 4r.

128 Ibid.

129 Defourneaux (1963) 24–5: the expurgated editions had begun in Seville in 1539.

130 Ibid. 25.

131 Ibid.

132 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4469, Expediente 31.

133 Baião (1972) 222–69; Subrahmanyan (1993) 186. This was after lobbying from the famous preacher Antonio Vieira (himself arrested by the Inquisition in 1665) and conversos in Rome.

134 ACE, 36, 51, 62–3.

135 Selke (1986) 9, 189.

136 Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980) 656, 688.

137 Paz y Melia (ed.) (1947) 135–7.

138 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4465, Expediente 30.

139 Paz y Melia (ed.) (1947), no. 392. These paintings are not named in the source: one was a sleeping Venus with a gold mark, a second of a sleeping nude, and a third of a poor woman lying on a bed.

Twelve – THE NEUROTIC SOCIETY

1 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1808, Expediente 11, folio 13r.

2 Ibid.

3 Ibid. folio 14r.

4 Ibid. folio 16v.

5 Ibid.

6 Ibid. 17r, 18r.

7 Ibid. 19v–21v.

8 Ibid. 14v.

9 Ibid. 15r.

10 Ibid. folios 24r–29r.

11 Ibid. folios 30v–32v.

12 Freud (1961a).

13 Sarrión Mora (2003) 45.

14 Perry (1987) 152–4.

15 Ibid. 158.

16 Ibid. 151.

17 This remarkable story is published in Gracia Boix (ed.) (1982: 281–3).

18 This remarkable story is summarized in Sánchez Ortega (1992: 69–78).

19 See for example the case of Eugenia de las Heras, arrested by the Inquisition of Madrid for faking visions in 1802 – AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 3730, Expediente 21.

20 Huerga (1978–88) Vol. 1, 332.

21 Ibid. 333.

22 Ibid.

23 Ibid. 335.

24 Llorca (1980) 107.

25 Huerga (1978–88) Vol. 1, 467.

26 Ibid.

27 Ibid. 468.

28 Ibid.

29 Ibid. Vol. 4, 179–313, 389, 485–6; AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2962.

30 The relevance of this to the sexual nature of the neuroses of the alumbradas of Extremadura was noted by Menéndez y Pelayo (1945: Vol. 5, 262).

31 Fernández (2003) 12–13.

32 Foucault (1976) 110–11.

33 Monter (1990) 279.

34 Vainfas (1989) 206.

35 Mott (1988) 14; see IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 100, folio 43r for more detail on the confirmation of powers to try sodomy by Pope Gregory XIII to Cardinal Henry.

36 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 96, folio 1r.

37 Bellini (1989) 17–29.

38 Vainfas (1989) 207–9, 209 n.65. Nevertheless, the offence was still mentioned in the rules of operation for the Inquisition of Goa as late as 1774 (Rêgo (1983: 115)).

39 Vassberg (1996) 129.

40 Fernández (2003) 271–3.

41 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora, Livro 92, folios 34v–35r.

42 Ibid. folios 31v–34r.

43 Vainfas (1989) 205.

44 Fernández (2003) 80.

45 Mott (1992) 704.

46 Palmer (1976) 58–9.

47 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 243, folio 62r.

48 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 246, folios 3r–v; this is where the whole of this story is derived from.

49 See for example the case of Francisco Barradas from IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 212, folio 127v.

50 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 236, folios 381r–v.

51 Rêgo (ed.) (1971) 191.

52 Dellon (1815) 13.

53 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 5345, Expediente 4. This had also occurred in Spain; there are numerous examples in AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1153.

54 Cervantes (1994) 102–5; this is the source for the remainder of the information distilled here on the activities of Sister Margaret.

55 Freud (1961b) 72.

56 BL, Additional MS 23726, folio 85r.

57 The question posed by Bernardo de Iriarte to Ana Farina in 1775 (Pinta Llorente (1961) 130).

58 This derives from Cervantes (1994: 114–24).

59 This material is from Huerga (1978–88) Vol. 3, 85–94.

60 Ibid. 447–8.

61 Ibid. 352–3.

62 Ibid. 354.

63 Ibid. 358–9.

64 Ibid. 360.

65 Ibid. 139.

66 Sarrión Mora (2003) 145–53 and 208.

67 Ibid. 284, 288.

68 Ibid. 295.

69 Ibid. 297–8.

70 Huerga (1978–88) Vol. 1, 468.

71 BL, Additional MS 23726, folios 9r, 15r.

72 Ibid. folio 82v.

73 Ibid. folio 83r–v.

74 Ibid. folios 90r–v.

75 Ibid. folio 91r.

76 Benassar (1979b) 85–6.

77 Ibid. 86.

78 Ibid.

79 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 1, 292.

80 Ibid. Vol. 2, 288.

81 Fernández (2003) 14.

82 Fernández-Armesto (1982) 181–3.

83 Ibid. 273.

84 Ibid. 14.

85 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 433, folio 106v; the case of Catherina Galves from the see of Porto, from 1625.

86 Fernández Vargas (1980) 934.

87 Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 6, 118.

88 All this information is derived from CA: Relacion de los Reos que Salieron en el Auto Particular de Fe que el Santo Oficio de la Inquisición de Cuenca Celebró en la Iglesia del Convento de San Pablo (1721); Relacion del Auto Particular de Fe que Celebró el Santo Oficio de la Inquisición de Valladolid (1722); Relacion del Auto Particular de Fe que Celebró el Santo Oficio de la Inquisición de la Ciudad y Reyno de Granada, el dia 31 de Enero de este Presente Año de 1723.

89 Ibid. folio 305v.

90 Ibid.; there were numerous Brazilian prisoners taken from America to Lisbon in the first half of the 18th century, with many of them accused of crimes of sorcery and divining as well as for crypto-Judaism (this last particularly in the newly wealthy Rio de Janeiro, the port for the goldfields of Minas Gerais: Souza (1987: 158–65 and 323)).

91 PD.

92 Marti Gilabert (1975) 22–3.

93 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 3727, Expediente 159; I have modernized some of the punctuation of this passage.

94 Ibid.

95 Ibid.

96 Ibid.

97 Sánchez Ortega (1992) 48–9.

98 Ibid. 48.

99 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 792, folios 409–17, 453.

100 Toribio Medina (1887) Vol. 1, 313.

101 Millar Carvacho (1997) 347.

102 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4518, Expediente 14.

103 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1808, Expediente 12, folio 33r.

Thirteen – PARANOIA

1 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 3730, Expediente 7, as with all the details of this case.

2 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 285. For a full examination of the circumstances surrounding the bull In Eminenti and its impact in the Catholic world, see Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 1, 178–236.

3 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 1, 54–70.

4 Ferrer Benimeli (1984) 83–90.

5 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 2, 137, 189.

6 Ibid. 189; Coustos (1803) 19–21, 63–72, 78.

7 Ferrer Benimeli (1984) 84.

8 Ibid. 85.

9 Ibid. 86.

10 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 1, 213.

11 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 3, 22–3.

12 Ibid. 409: ‘per quanto si dice’.

13 Ibid. 52 n.193 and 56.

14 Ibid. 79.

15 Ibid.

16 Ibid. 80.

17 Ibid. 98.

18 Ibid. 124.

19 Ibid. 86–7, 139–40.

20 Ibid. 320–6, 351– 61.

21 Kamen (1965).

22 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 3, 57.

23 These are much more numerous than there was space to cite in the relevant passages in Chapter Seven; for another example, see AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4529, Expediente 2, or Valencia (1997: 74): ‘[the moriscos] make a conspiracy and agreement among themselves for wickedness’.

24 Saraiva (1985) 128–9.

25 Pinto Crespo (1983) 107.

26 Delumeau (1978) 22–3.

27 This, it must be recognized, is contrary to the prevailing academic view that the Inquisition is best studied on the basis of individual tribunals. This book can and should be taken as a counter-argument to this fashionable thesis.

28 Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980) 760.

29 Ibid. 760–1.

30 Ibid. 761–2.

31 Ibid. 762–5.

32 Ibid. 769–70.

33 Ibid. 770–2.

34 Ibid. 772–3.

35 Henningsen (1980) 32–6, 51.

36 Ibid. 54, 57, 108–12.

37 Ibid. 136.

38 Ibid. 150, 185–6.

39 Ibid. 232–307.

40 Saugnieux (1975) 80.

41 Mestre (1984) 1247–8.

42 Tomsich (1972) 25–7.

43 Saugnieux (1975) 10.

44 Ibid.

45 Ibid. 31; Tomsich (1972) 72.

46 Ibid. 65–72.

47 Saugnieux (1975) 23.

48 Ibid. 26, 55; Tomsich (1972) 45.

49 Saugnieux (1975) 59; Tomsich (1972) 31–2; Menéndez y Pelayo (1945: Vol. 6, 40 –61, 148–150) is the key work linking Jansenists to regalists, although he exaggerates the connections.

50 Ibid. 78.

51 Defourneaux (1963) 27.

52 Ibid. 28.

53 Ibid. 32–3; this was Father José Casani.

54 Ibid. 33 n.4.

55 Ibid. 34.

56 Poliakov (2003) 243 n.3.

57 Oliveira (ed.) (1887–1910) Vol. 16, 139.

58 Ibid.

59 Ibid. Vol. 16, 140.

60 Maxwell (1995) 24; Serrão (1982) 27–8.

61 Oliveira (ed.) (1887–1910) Vol. 16, 141.

62 Pageaux (1971) 83; the view of the Frenchman Etienne de Silhouette 1729–30.

63 Oliveira (1887–1910) Vol. 16, 140.

64 Serrão (1982) 31–2.

65 Ibid. 46–7; celebrations were held up and down the kingdom in June, and in July Pombal’s brother Francisco Xavier de Mendonça Furtado was made secretary of state.

66 Fleches (1982–3) 300–8.

67 Ibid. 314. Pombal cannot be excused promotion of himself here, since the Jesuit kingdom in Paraguay stood in the way of the commercial company of the Grão Pará and Maranhão, which he had founded in 1755 as a state monopoly company to exploit these regions of Brazil, and in which he and members of his family had important commercial interests (Ibid. 300).

68 Ibid. 312.

69 Pereira (1982–3) 368–70.

70 Santos (1982–3) 118.

71 Ibid. 313.

72 Maxwell (1995) 91.

73 Rêgo (1984) 335; the full text of the decree is published ibid. 330–6.

74 Ibid. 311.

75 Baião (1945) 284–5; the statistics here make this emphasis clear, with the vast majority of cases in the 18th century for this crime.

76 Ibid. 285.

77 This idea obviously derives significantly from the Freudian notion of the ‘return of the repressed’.

78 Moreno Mancebo (1984) 1265–6.

79 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1866, Expediente 1, folio 2v.

80 Ibid. folio 5v.

81 Ibid. folios 6v, 10r.

82 Ibid. folio 10v.

83 Ibid. folios 153v–154r.

84 Ibid. folio 30r.

85 Ibid. folios 30r, 38v, 45v, 47v, 54v, 78r, 83v

86 Sáınz Rodríguez (1962) 97.

87 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1866, Expediente 1, folios 151r, 157v.

88 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1866, Expediente 9. Note that this file has no folio numbers.

89 Ibid.

90 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1866, Expediente 2, folio 568v.

91 Moreno Mancebo (1984) 1275.

92 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1866, Expediente 1, folio 153v.

93 Moreno Mancebo (1984) 1274: Olavide es luterano / es francmason, es ateísta / es gentil, es calvinista / es judío, es arriano.

94 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1866, Expediente 5.

95 Mestre (1984) 1250.

96 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4465, Expediente 5.

97 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4465, Expediente 17.

98 Ibid. folio 2r.

99 Mestre (1984) 1251.

100 Defoumeaux (1963) 46.

101 Marti Gilabert (1975) 44–5.

102 Defoumeaux (1963) 43 n.l.

103 Mestre (1984) 1252.

104 Bethencourt (1994) 174.

105 Saugnieux (1975) 40–1.

106 Pinta Llorente (1961) 123.

107 Ibid. 130–1.

108 Ibid. 125.

109 Ibid. 126.

110 Ibid. 131–2.

111 Ibid. 137.

112 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 3, 81.

113 Ibid. 330–1.

114 Rêgo (1971) 125.

Fourteen – THE FAILURE OF FEAR AND THE FEAR OF FAILURE

1 Defourneaux (1963) 100.

2 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4493, Expediente 8.

3 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4518, Expediente 3.

4 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4469, Expediente 33.

5 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4492, Expediente 12.

6 Paz y Melia (1947) 141.

7 Ibid. 143.

8 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4506, Expediente 7.

9 Garcia Camarero and Garcia Camarero (eds.) (1970) 48.

10 Ibid. 49.

11 Ibid. 51.

12 Ibid. 52.

13 Ibid. 114.

14 Ibid.

15 Cirac Estopañán (1942) 68–9.

16 Ibid. 80.

17 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 3730, Expediente 15.

18 Cirac Estopañán (1942) 250; Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 3, 352.

19 Trevor-Roper (1984) 115.

20 Boyajian (1993) 172–4; Ruiz (1987) 39.

21 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 34.

22 Saínz Rodríguez (1962) 96.

23 García Cárcel and Moreno Martínez (2000) 38.

24 Ibid. 64–5.

25 Souza (1987) 101.

26 Lithgow (1640) 484–5.

27 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 433: the case of Manuel Fernandes in the Auto of 24 July 1569.

28 Ibid. folio 22v (2 cases); folios 83r–84r, a total of seven Old Christians from Coimbra hiding conversos or warning them to flee from 1619.

29 This was not limited to the case of Pimienta outlined below. Other cases can be found ibid. folio 72r; also IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 435, folio 29r (the case of Diogo de Asumpção from Lisbon in 1603, who was burnt alive). Many of the people adopting crypto-Judaism in west Africa and Latin America in these years were also Old Christians – see Green (2007) Part III, Chapter 3.

30 I derive the details for the case of Pimienta from Gottheil (1971).

31 Jiménez Lozano (1987).

32 Bernáldez (1962) 96–7. That this remained associated with the Jews is confirmed by subsequent inquisitorial cases; see for example IAN/TT, Inquisição d’Évora, Livro 89, folio 184r, a case of someone accused of making a ‘meal of meat with onion fried in oil . . . in the manner in which the conversos keep the Jewish ceremonies’.

33 Amílcar Paulo (n.d.), 43–4; Wachtel (2001a) 331ff.

34 Egido (1986); Marti Gilabert (1975) 22–3.

35 On these various attempts at reform see Jiménez Monteserín (1984) 1430–54.

36 Marti Gilabert (1975) 14.

37 Ibid. 81.

38 Ibid. 59, 86.

39 Ibid. 63.

40 Ibid. 19.

41 Ibid. 14.

42 Ibid. 35.

43 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 133.

44 Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 5, 443.

45 Mirsky (2006) 37.

46 One of the noble and brilliant exceptions to this rule is Piccini (1992). Yet the depth of the problem is revealed through the fact that Piccini is herself a psychoanalyst.

47 Marti Gilabert (1975) 150.

48 DP, 227.

49 Marti Gilabert (1975) 169.

50 González Obregón (ed.) (n.d.) 167, 169.

51 Ibid. 170.

52 Ibid. 171.

53 Ibid. 208.

54 Ibid.

55 Jiménez Monteserín (1984) 1476–7.

56 Rêgo (ed.) (1971) 7.

57 Rêgo (ed.) (1983) 18.

58 Mendonça and Moreira (1980) 128.

59 Marti Gilabert (1975) 297–308; Alonso Tejada (1969) 23.

60 Alonso Tejada (1969) 24–5.

61 Ibid. 28.

62 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 135.