Chapter 1. Introduction
1. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folks (New York: McClurg, 1903), p. 1.
2. See Rogers M. Smith, “Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions in America,” American Political Science Review 87.3 (September 1993), pp. 550–6.
3. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Random House, 1978); Frantz Fa-non, Black Skin, White Masks (New York: Grove Press, 1967), p. 17; Reginald Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 62; Leon Poliakov, The Aryan Myth: A History of Racist and Nationalist Ideas in Europe (New York: Basic Books, 1971); Walker Connor, Ethnonationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 94; Robert Miles, Racism (London: Routledge, 1989), pp. 31, 113.
4. Jacques Barzun, Race: A Study in Superstition (New York: Harper, 1937), p. 6.
5. Charles Darwin, The Descent of Man (London: J. Murray, 1871); Nancy Stepan, The Idea of Race in Science: Great Britain 1800–1960 (London: Macmillan, 1992); Michael D. Biddiss, ed., Gobineau: Selected Political Writings (New York: Harper and Row, 1970); Michael D. Biddiss, The Father of Racist Ideology (New York: Weybright and Talley, 1970).
6. UNESCO, Statements on Race and Race Prejudice (Paris: UNESCO, 1950, 1951, 1964, 1967); Ashley Montagu, Man’s Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), p. 125.
7. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, “The Communist Manifesto,” in David McLellan, ed., Karl Marx: Selected Writings (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 224.
8. See David E. Apter, The Politics of Modernization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967); Clifford Geertz, “The Integrative Revolution,” in Old Societies and New States (New York: Free Press, 1963); Crawford Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976), pp. 11–22; George M. Fredrickson, The Arrogance of Race (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1988), p. 5. The assimilation argument applied to race was advanced by the Chicago School, led by Robert Park.
9. Ira Katznelson, Liberalism’s Crooked Circle (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), p. 105.
10. See Manning Marable, Black American Politics (London: Verso, 1985), p. 2; Katherine O’Sullivan See and William Julius Wilson, “Race and Ethnicity,” in Neil J. Smelser, ed., The Handbook of Sociology (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1988), p. 227.
11. Max Weber, “Class, Status, Power,” in H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, eds., From Max Weber (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), p. 184.
12. See Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), p. 19.
13. See Theda Skocpol, “Bringing the State Back In,” in Peter Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol, eds., Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 7, 14; Katznelson, Liberalism’s Crooked Circle, pp. 125, 178.
14. See Charles Tilly, “Reflections on the History of European Statemaking,” in Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), pp. 1–83. Tilly notes that such nationalism was encouraged with selection of personnel, control of groups, education, and other policies.
15. Bertrand Badie and Pierre Birnbaum, The Sociology of the State (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), p. 37.
16. Quoted in Katznelson, Liberalism’s Crooked Circle, p. 119.
17. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (London: Verso, 1983).
18. Anderson himself revised his earlier work to make a similar argument about the purposeful actions of states, underemphasized in his first edition. See Anderson, Imagined Communities (1989 ed.), p. 163. For a more state-centered analysis of nationalism, see Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1983); John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982).
19. Connor, Ethnonationalism, p. 48.
20. Paul Starr, “Social Categories and Claims in the Liberal State,” in Mary Douglas and David Hull, eds., How Classification Works (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992), p. 169. This argument follows Tocqueville, as discussed in Skocpol, “Bringing the State,” p. 21.
21. Eric Hobsbawm, “Some Reflections on ’The Break-up of Britain,’ “ New Left Review 105 (1977), p. 5; Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, p. 63.
22. Frank Parkin, Max Weber (London: Travistock, 1982), p. 100; Frank Parkin, Marxism and Class Theory: A Bourgeois Critique (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979), p. 95.
23. T. H. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class (London: Pluto, 1992); and as quoted in Katznelson, Liberalism’s Crooked Circle, p. 119.
24. Judith N. Shklar, American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 3; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 62.
25. Tarrow, Power in Movement, p. 76; Shklar, American Citizenship, p. 28; Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758–1834 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995); Michael Lipsky, “Protest as a Political Resource,” American Political Science Review 62 (1968), pp. 1144–58; Craig Calhoun, Social Theory and the Politics of Identity (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994), p. 25; Margaret R. Somers, “Citizenship and the Place of the Public Sphere,” American Sociological Review 58.5 (October 1993), p. 589.
26. Aldon Morris and Carol McLurg Mueller, eds., Frontiers in Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), p. 189.
27. Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice and Loyalty (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1970).
28. Barbara Fields, “Slavery, Race and Ideology in the United States of America,” New Left Review 181 (1990), p. 101. For a related discussion of racism as a “pitfall of nationalism,” see Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove, 1968), pp. 125–31.
29. Herbert S. Klein, African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 10. Europe, with its absence of major domestic slaveholding, and history of ethnic exclusion, is not included in this comparative study.
30. See, for example, Pierre Van den Berghe, Race and Racism (New York: Wiley, 1967); Stanley B. Greenberg, Race and State in Capitalist Development (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980); George M. Fredrickson, White Supremacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981); John W. Cell, The Highest Stage of White Supremacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Carl N. Degler, Neither Black nor White (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1971).
31. C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow (New York: Oxford University Press, 1957), p. 97; George Reid Andrews, “Comparing the Comparers: White Supremacy in the United States and South Africa,” Journal of Social History 20 (1987) p. 588; George M. Fredrickson, “Black–White Relations Since Emancipation: The Search for a Comparative Perspective,” in Kees Gispen, ed., What Made the South Different? (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1990), p. 141.
32. George M. Fredrickson, Black Liberation: A Comparative History of Black Ideologies in the United States and South Africa (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995).
33. See Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Gilberto Freyre, The Mansions and the Shanties (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986).
34. Nina Rodrigues, Os Africanos no Brasil (São Paulo: Cia Ed. Nacional, 1977), pp. 29–30.
35. For discussion, see the Commission for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas within the Union of South Africa (Tomlinson Commission), Summary of the Report (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1955), p. 9; Marvin Harris, Patterns of Race in the Americas (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1964), p. 84. The United Nations has estimated that up to 80% of the Brazilian population have some African ancestry, as reported in I. K. Sundiata, “Late Twentieth Century Patterns of Race Relations in Brazil and the United States,” Phylon 48.1 (1987), p. 69.
36. Degler, Neither Black nor White, p. 3; E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), p. 50.
37. Frank Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen (New York: Knopf, 1946).
38. Eugene D. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll (New York: Random House, 1972), p. 177; Winthrop D. Jordan, White Over Black (New York: Norton, 1968), p. 206.
39. C. R. Boxer, Four Centuries of Portuguese Expansion, 1415–1825 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), p. 42; Perry Anderson, “Portugal and the End of Ultra-Colonialism 2,” New Left Review 16 (July–August 1962); Gerald J. Bender, Angola Under the Portuguese (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978).
40. Degler, Neither Black nor White.
41. Nelson do Valle Silva, “Updating the Cost of Not Being White in Brazil,” in Pierre-Michel Fontaine, ed., Race, Class and Power in Brazil (Los Angeles: Center for Afro-American Studies, University of California, 1985), pp. 42–55.
42. Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (Oxford: Blackwell, 1960), p. 70. For a more general discussion, see Ian Lustick, “History, Historiography, and Political Science,” American Political Science Review 90.3 (September 1996), pp. 605–18.
43. Greenberg, Race and State, p. 24; Joel Williamson, The Crucible of Race (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), p. 495; Rebecca J. Scott, “Defining the Boundaries of Freedom in the World of Cane,” American Historical Review (February 1994), p. 70.
44. See Charles Tilly, “To Explain Historical Processes,” Center for Studies of Social Change, New School for Social Research, New York, Working Paper no. 168 (July 1993); Gary King, Robert O. Keohane, and Sidney Verba, Designing Social Inquiry (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 226.
45. See Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities (London: Verso, 1991), p. 81.
46. Ira Katznelson, “The State to the Rescue?” Social Research 59.4 (Winter 1992), p. 732.
47. Donald Pierson, Negroes in Brazil (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942), p. 335.
48. See Andrews, “Comparing the Comparers,” p. 589; A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr., “Racism in American and South African Courts: Similarities and Differences,” New York University Law Review 65.3 (June 1990), p. 491; Richard M. Valelly, “Party, Coercion, and Inclusion: The Two Reconstructions of the South’s Electoral Politics,” Politics and Society 21.1 (March 1993), pp. 37–67.
49. Aristide Zolberg, “Moments of Madness,” Politics and Society 2 (1978).
50. See V. O. Key, Jr., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York: Knopf, 1949), p. 15.
51. See Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon, 1980), p. 90.
52. Arthur Stinchcombe, “Social Structure and Politics,” in Nelson W. Polsby and Fred Greenstein, eds., Handbook of Political Science (Reading: Addison-Wesley, 1975), vol. 3.
53. Kimberlie Crenshaw, “Race, Reform and Retrenchment,” Harvard Law Review 101.7 (May 1988), p. 1360; William Julius Wilson, Power, Racism and Privilege (New York: Free Press, 1973), p. 35; George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press), p. 151; Connor, Ethnonationalism, p. 94.
54. Donald Denoon, A Grand Illusion (London: Longman, 1973), p. 158.
55. Cell, Highest Stage, p. 248.
56. For a general discussion, see Jon Elster, Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 99–100, 123.
57. See van den Berghe, Race and Racism, pp. 27–30; Cell, Highest Stage, p. 104; Susan Olzak, The Dynamics of Ethnic Competition and Conflict (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992).
58. Edna Bonacich, “A Theory of Ethnic Antagonism: The Split Labor Market,” American Sociological Review 37 (October 1972), pp. 547–59.
59. Michael Burawoy, “The Capitalist State in South Africa,” in Maurice Zeitlin, ed., Political Power and Social Theory (Greenwich: JAI Press, 1981), vol. 2, p. 282.
60. See Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985); Ralf Dahrendorf, Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959), p. 314.
61. See Balibar and Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class, p. 33.
62. See Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1964).
63. Fredrickson, Black Liberation, pp. 5, 8.
64. See Carlos Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 1978, p. 258; Carlos Hasenbalg, “Desigualdades Raciais no Brasil,” Dados 14 (1977), p. 7; Roberto Da Matta, Carnivals, Rogues and Heroes (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1991), pp. 139–40; Florestan Fernandes, The Negro in Brazilian Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969), pp. 180–1.
65. Scott, “Defining the Boundaries of Freedom,” p. 96; Gilberto Freyre, Brazil: An Interpretation (New York: Knopf, 1945), pp. 120–1. See also Hartz, Founding of New Societies, pp. 78, 124.
66. Célia Marinho de Azevedo, Onda Negra, Medo Branco (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1987).
67. Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil,” p. 260.
68. Brazil’s informal racial order is an example of what Foucault describes as the “effects of power which don’t pass directly via the state apparatus yet often sustain the state more effectively than its own institutions, enlarging and maximizing its effectiveness.” See Foucault, Power/Knowledge, p. 73.
69. See Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992).
70. Ibid., p. 21.
71. Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma (New York: Harper and Row, 1944), p. 466.
72. See Michael Dawson, Behind the Mule (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).
73. Kedourie, Nationalism, p. 134.
74. Perry Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London: Verso, 1974), p. 11.
75. See Skocpol, “Bringing the State,” p. 21.
76. See Anthony W. Marx, Lessons of Struggle: South African Internal Opposition, 1960–1990 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).
77. John and Jean Comaroff, Ethnography and the Historical Imagination (Boulder: Westview, 1992), p. 50.
78. See Ted Robert Gurr, Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970); Bob Blauner, Black Lives, White Lives (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), p. 17; Tarrow, Power in Movement, p. 81.
79. John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, “Resource Mobilization and Social Movements,” American Journal of Sociology 82.6 (May 1977); Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Free Press, 1984). See also Pamela Oliver et al., “A Theory of Critical Mass,” American Journal of Sociology 91.3 (November 1985), pp. 522–86.
80. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, “Social Movements,” in Neil J. Smelser, ed., The Handbook of Sociology (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage Press, 1988), p. 702; Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), ch. 2.
81. McAdam, Political Process; Tarrow, Power in Movement, pp. 31, 61–2. See also Pierre Birnbaum, States and Collective Action (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Charles Tilly, “How to Detect, Describe and Explain Repertoires of Contention,” Center for the Study of Social Change, New School, New York, manuscript (October 1992); Dennis Chong, Collective Action and the Civil Rights Movement (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991); Sidney Tarrow, “Struggling to Reform,” Western Societies Program Working Paper no. 15 (1983), Cornell University; Doug McAdam, “Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency,” American Sociological Review 48 (December 1983), pp. 735–54.
82. Wilson, Power Racism and Privilege, p. 47.
83. Rupert Taylor, “Racial Terminology and the Question of Race in South Africa,” manuscript (1994).
84. See Jean Cohen, “Strategy or Identity,” Social Research 52.4 (Winter 1985); Calhoun, Social Theory and the Politics of Identity; Charles Tilly, “Models and Realities of Popular Collective Action,” Social Research 52.4 (Winter 1985), pp. 717–48; Morris and Mueller, Frontiers, p. 308.
85. See Russell J. Dalton and Manfred Kuechler, Challenging the Political Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).
86. Karl Marx, “The Poverty of Philosophy,” in David McLellan, ed., Karl Marx: Selected Writings (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 214.
87. See Michael Mann, “The Autonomous Power of the State,” Archives Europeennes de Sociologie 25 (1984), p. 189; Skocpol, “Bringing the State,” pp. 21–8.
88. See Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985), pp. 93, 67.
89. Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil,” p. 210; Degler, Neither Black nor White, p. 275.
90. Williamson, Crucible of Race, p. 505.
91. Blauner, Black Lives, p. 11; Elijah Anderson, Streetwise: Race, Class and Change in an Urban Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), p. 40. For case studies of such strategic interaction and learning, see Herbert H. Haines, Black Radicals and the Civil Rights Mainstream, 1954–1970 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); James A. Cone, Martin and Malcolm and America (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 1991); Marx, Lessons of Struggle.
92. Interview with Kwame Ture (aka Stokely Carmichael), New York, 19 March 1993.
93. Tarrow, Power in Movement, p. 62; Birnbaum, States and Collective Action, p. 73.
94. Nelson Mandela, Long Walk to Freedom (Boston: Little, Brown, 1994), pp. 144, 468.
95. Leonard A. Cole, Blacks in Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), p. 18; See and Wilson, “Race and Ethnicity,” p. 227; Chong, Collective Action, pp. 11, 173.
96. Tarrow, Power in Movement, p. 172.
97. See Manning Marable, Race, Reform, and Rebellion (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1991), p. 4; William Brink and Louis Harris, Black and White (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1966), p. 242.
98. David Laitin, “Hegemony and Religious Conflict,” in Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol, eds., Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 287, 308.
99. Fredrickson, Black Image, p. 135. See Fields, “Slavery, Race and Ideology"; Hartz, Founding of New Societies, p. 53.
100. Laitin, “Hegemony and Religious Conflict,” p. 311.
101. Evans, Embedded Autonomy, p. 18.
102. Ibid., p. 18.
Part One. Historical and Cultural Legacies
1. Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies (San Diego: Harcourt Brace and World, 1964).
Chapter 2. Trajectories from Colonialism
1. Gerald J. Bender, Angola Under the Portuguese: The Myth and the Reality (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), pp. xxi, xix.
2. Ibid., p. xxii.
3. Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), pp. xii, 199.
4. Ibid., pp. xiii, 208. See also Gilberto Freyre, Brazil: An Interpretation (New York: Knopf, 1945), pp. 4, 20; Donald Pierson, Negroes in Brazil (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942), pp. 326–7.
5. Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies (San Diego: Harcourt Brace and World, 1964), p. 52.
6. C. R. Boxer, Four Centuries of Portuguese Expansion, 1415–1825 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), p. 4. See also George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1971), p. 131, n. 1.
7. Freyre, Masters and Slaves, p. 189.
8. Vianna Moog, Bandeirantes and Pioneers (New York: George Braziller, 1964), p. 67; David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), p. 274.
9. H. Hoetink, The Two Variants in Caribbean Race Relations (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 14–5. For contrary views, see Michael Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness and the Political Attitudes and Behavior of Blacks in São Paulo, Brazil,” Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, Bloomington, July 1977, p. 13; Leslie B. Rout, Jr., “The African in Colonial Brazil,” in Martin L. Kilson and Robert I. Rotberg, eds., The African Diaspora (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976), p. 132.
10. Perry Anderson, “Portugal and the End of Ultra-Colonialism 2,” New Left Review (16, July–August 1962), pp. 93, 110.
11. Boxer, Four Centuries, pp. 6–13, 72; Moog, Bandeirantes, pp. 17, 92; James Lang, Portuguese Brazil: The King’s Plantation (New York: Academic Press, 1979), pp. 12–28, 37, 57, 71.
12. Boxer, Four Centuries, p. 51; Lang, Portuguese Brazil, p. 31; Helio Jaguaribe, Economic and Political Development (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 102.
13. E. Bradford Burns, Nationalism in Brazil (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 15. See also Clóvis Moura, História do Negro Brasileiro (São Paulo: Atica, 1989), p. 57; Leslie Rout, “The African in Colonial Brazil,” p. 168; A. J. R. Russell-Wood, The Black Man in Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil (London: Macmillan, 1982), p. 74; Nicholas Canny and Anthony Pagden, Colonial Identity in the Atlantic World, 1500–1800 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), p. 16.
14. Leslie Bethell, “The Independence of Brazil,” in Leslie Bethel, ed., Brazil: Empire and Republic, 1822–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 41.
15. Boxer, Four Centuries, p. 75; Bethel, “Independence,” p. 3; Herbert S. Klein, African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 68; Lang, Portuguese Brazil, pp. 121, 153.
16. Rout, “The African in Colonial Brazil,” p. 151; E. Franklin Frazier, “Some Aspects of Race Relations in Brazil,” Phylon 3.3 (1942), p. 289; Kenneth R. Maxwell, Conflicts and Conspiracies: Brazil and Portugal, 1750–1808 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), p. 87.
17. Bethell, “Independence,” pp. 6, 86; Klein, African Slavery, pp. 90, 119; Richard Graham, “1850–1870,” in Leslie Bethel, ed., Brazil: Empire and Republic, 1822–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 84, 116; Burns, Nationalism in Brazil, p. 72.
18. Lang, Portuguese Brazil. p. 108.
19. Boxer, Four Centuries, p. 76.
20. Maxwell, Conflicts and Conspiracies, pp. 83, 116, 134, 199, 210.
21. Ibid., pp. 61, 177.
22. Lang, Portuguese Brazil, p. 195; Bethell, “Independence,” pp. 15–16; Maxwell, Conflicts and Conspiracies, p. 239.
23. Jaguaribe, Economic and Political Development, pp. 114, 121; Emilio Viotti da Costa, The Brazilian Empire (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. xviii, 69; Bethell, “Independence,” pp. 18, 22, 81; E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), p. 215.
24. Doris Sommer, Foundational Fictions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p. 146.
25. Costa, Brazilian Empire, pp. 47, 68; Maxwell, Conflicts and Conspiracies, p. 134; Leslie Bethell and Jose Murilo de Carvalho, “1822–1850,” in Leslie Bethel, ed., Brazil: Empire and Republic, 1822–1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Luiz Felipe de Alencastro, “Proletários e Escravos,” CEBRAP–Novos Estudos (21 July 1988), p. 34.
26. Burns, History of Brazil, pp. 172–6.
27. Lang, Portuguese Brazil, p. 231.
28. Costa, Brazilian Empire, pp. 59, 181; Freyre, Master and Slaves, p. xi; Freyre, Brazil, pp. 37, 79; Moog, Bandeirantes, p. 83; Hartz, Founding of New Societies, p. 27.
29. Boxer, Four Centuries, p. 81.
30. Stein Rokkan, “Dimensions of State Formation and Nation-Building,” in Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), p. 581. See also Hartz, Founding of New Societies, pp. 126, 152; Riordan Roett, Brazil: Politics in a Patrimonial Society (New York: Praeger, 1984).
31. Donald Pierson, Negroes in Brazil, p. 170; Burns, History of Brazil, pp. 258–9; Clóvis Moura, História, p. 57.
32. Freyre, Master and Slaves, p. 185.
33. George Reid Andrews, “Race and the State in Colonial Brazil,” Latin American Research Review 19.3 (1984).
34. Costa, Brazilian Empire, p. 53; Maxwell, Conflicts and Conspiracies, p. 95; Canny and Pagden, Colonial Identity, p. 34.
35. Rout, “The African in Colonial Brazil,” p. 166; Boxer, Four Centuries, pp. 42–4; Burns, History of Brazil, p. 149.
36. Boxer, Four Centuries, p. 42.
37. Bender, Angola, p. 3.
38. Perry Anderson, “Portugal,” pp. 110, 115, 113.
39. Bender, Angola, p. 5. See also Peter Fry, Para Ingles Ver (Rio de Janeiro: Zahar Editores, 1982).
40. Boxer, Four Centuries, p. 13; W. A. de Klerk, The Puritans in Africa: A History of Afrikanerdom (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975), p. 4; C. W. De Kiewiet, A History of South Africa (London: Oxford University Press, 1941), p. 3.
41. Leonard Thompson, A History of South Africa (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), p. 33; de Klerk, Puritans, p. 8; George M. Fredrickson, White Supremacy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), pp. 17–18, 66.
42. Commission for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas within South Africa (Tomlinson Commission), Summary of the Report (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1955), p. 18; I. D. MacCrone, Race Attitudes in South Africa (Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand Press, 1937), pp. 41, 73.
43. Jonathan Neil Gerstner, The Thousand Generation Covenant (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1991), pp. 246–50; Heribert Adam and Hermann Giliomee, Ethnic Power Mobilized: Can South Africa Survive? (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979), p. 86; de Klerk, Puritans, p. 12; Donald Harmon Akenson, God’s People (Montreal: McGill and Queens University Press, 1991), p. 14.
For an argument that the idea of Afrikaners as “chosen people” only developed later, see Andre du Toit, “No Chosen People: The Myth of Calvinist Origins of Afrikaner Nationalism and Racial Ideology,” American Historical Review 88.4 (October 1993), pp. 920–52.
44. De Kiewiet, History of South Africa, p. 24; Howard Lamar and Leonard Thompson, The Frontier in History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981), p. 309; Thompson, History of South Africa, p. 38; South African Native Affairs Commission, Report of the Commission (Cape Town: Government Printer, 1905), p. 3.
45. Thompson, History of South Africa, p. 52; Leonard Thompson, “The South African Dilemma,” in Louis Hartz, ed., The Founding of New Societies (New York: Harcourt, 1964), p. 191; De Kiewiet, History of South Africa, p. 29; Donald Denoon, Settler Capitalism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), p. 43; Monica Wilson, “Cooperation and Conflict,” in Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson, eds., The Oxford History of South Africa (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969, volume 1), p. 369.
46. De Kiewiet, History of South Africa p. 46; Marianne Cornevin, Apartheid: Power and Historical Falsification (Paris: UNESCO, 1980), p. 59.
47. T. Dunbar Moodie, The Rise of Afrikanerdom (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), pp. 3–6; Peter Walshe, The Rise of African Nationalism in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), p. 3; Andre Odendaal, Vukani Bantu! (Cape Town: David Philip, 1984), p. 5; George M. Fredrickson, Black Liberation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 15–20.
48. Jeff Guy, The Destruction of the Zulu Kingdom (London: Longmans, 1979); James O. Gump, The Dust Rose Like Smoke (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994), p. 126.
49. Thompson, History of South Africa, p. 66; Akenson, God’s People, pp. 62, 299.
50. Hermann Giliomee and Lawrence Schlemmer, From Apartheid to Nation-Building (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 6; De Kiewiet, History of South Africa, p. 142; Saul Dubow, Racial Segregation and the Origins of Apartheid in South Africa, 1919–1936 (Hampshire: Macmillan, 1989), p. 21; John W. Cell, The Highest Stage of White Supremacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 53; Thompson, History of South Africa, p. 97.
51. Moodie, Afrikanerdom, pp. 3–6; de Klerk, Puritans, p. 31; Hermann Giliomee, “The Beginnings of Afrikaner Ethnic Consciousness, 1850–1915,” in Leroy Vail, ed., The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), p. 27.
52. Quoted by de Klerk, Puritans, p. 33.
53. Donald Denoon, A Grand Illusion (London: Longman, 1973), p. 3.
54. De Klerk, Puritans, p. 23. See also Thompson, History of South Africa, pp. 67, 87; Leonard Thompson, “Cooperation and Conflict,” in Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson, eds., The Oxford History of South Africa (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969), vol. 1, p. 409; C. W. De Kiewiet, The Imperial Factor in South Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1937), p. 3.
55. South African Native Affairs Commission, Report, pp. 5–6.
56. Moodie, Afrikanerdom, p. 31; De Kiewiet, History of South Africa, p. 132.
57. Julius Lewin, The Struggle for Racial Equality (London: Longman, 1967), p. 5.
58. Fredrickson, White Supremacy, pp. 219, 228–9.
59. South African Native Affairs Commission, Report, pp. 5–6; Leonard Thompson, The Unification of South Africa (London: Oxford University Press, 1960), p. 3; Leonard Thompson, “Great Britain and the Afrikaner Republics,” in Wilson and Thompson, eds., Oxford History of South Africa vol. 2, pp. 289–300.
60. De Kiewiet, History of South Africa, p. 114.
61. J. D. Kestell and D. E. van Velden, The Peace Negotiations (London: Richard Clay, 1912), p. 74. Afrikaner concern about the moral threat of wealth is consistent with the Dutch tradition of such concerns, as discussed in Simon Schama, The Embarrassment of Riches (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988).
62. Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido, “Lord Milner and the South African State,” History Workshop 8 (Autumn 1979), p. 60.
63. Thompson, History of South Africa, p. 138; De Kiewiet, Imperial Factor in South Africa, p. 10; Iain R. Smith, The Origins of the South African War, 1899–1902 (London: Longman, 1996), p. 44.
64. De Kiewiet, History of South Africa, p. 89.
65. South African Native Affairs Commission, Report, p. 10.
66. James Lang, Conquest and Commerce: Spain and England in the Americas (New York: Academic Press, 1975).
67. Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery /American Freedom (New York: Norton, 1975), pp. 269, 344.
68. Quoted in Fredrickson, Black Image, p. 1.
69. Joel Williamson, The Crucible of Race (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), p. 16; Alexander Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic (London: Verso, 1990), p. 136.
70. Winthrop D. Jordan, White Over Black (New York: Norton, 1968), p. 332.
71. Eugene D. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll (New York: Vintage Books, 1972), p. 92; Saxton, White Republic, pp. 385–8; Williamson, Crucible of Race, p. 81.
72. Quoting Frederick Douglass, in Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 64. See also J. William Harris, Plain Folk and Gentry in a Slave Society (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1985), p. 95.
73. Ulrick Bonnell Phillips, The Course of the South to Secession (New York: Hill and Wang, 1939), p. 165.
74. V. O. Key, Jr., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York: Knopf, 1949), p. 315. See also Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 39; Saxton, White Republic, p. 1; Michael Banton, Race Relations (London: Tavistock, 1967), p. 120.
75. Seymour Drescher, “Brazilian Abolition in Comparative Perspective,” Hispanic American Historical Review 68.3 (1988), p. 438.
76. Fredrickson, Black Image, p. 5; Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 261; James M. McPherson, The Struggle for Equality (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), pp. 25, 333.
77. Alexis Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor/ Doubleday, 1969), p. 343.
78. Reginald Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981); Alexis Tocqueville, Democracy in America, p. 318; Saxton, White Republic, pp. 11, 54; McPherson, Battle Cry, p. 46; Lamar and Thompson, Frontier in History, p. 47.
79. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 47; Carl N. Degler, The Other South (New York: Harper and Row, 1974), p. 99.
80. Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital and European States, AD 990–1992 (Cambridge, Mass: Blackwell, 1990), p. 92.
81. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System II (New York: Academic Press, 1980), pp. 39, 118, 184; Julia Adams, “Trading States, Trading Places,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 36.2 (April 1994).
82. Tilly, Coercion, Capital, p. 93.
83. Wallerstein, Modern World-System, pp. 166, 192.
84. Freyre, Masters and Slaves, p. 81.
85. Mauricio Solaun and Sidney Kronus, Discrimination with Violence (New York: Wiley, 1973), p.l.
Chapter 3. Lessons from Slavery
1. David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 31, 66, 73.
2. Robert Shell, Children of Bondage (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1994), p. 404; George M. Fredrickson, White Supremacy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), p. 74; Donald Denoon, Settler Capitalism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), p. 28.
3. Stanley B. Greenberg, Race and State in Capitalist Development (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980), p. 36.
4. Shell, Children of Bondage, p. 143.
5. Ibid., p. 413; Leonard Thompson, A History of South Africa (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), p. 42.
6. Thompson, History of South Africa, pp. 57–8; Franklin W. Knight, The African Dimension in Latin American Societies (New York: Macmillan, 1974), p. 58.
7. Herbert S. Klein, African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 140–2; Herbert S. Klein, The Middle Passage (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), pp. 37, 67–8, 85.
8. Davis, Problem of Slavery, p. 9.
9. Carl Degler, Neither Black nor White (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1971), p. 3.
10. Frank Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen (New York: Knopf, 1946), pp. xvi–xvii.
11. E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), p. 41. See also Roger Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), p. 32; C. R. Boxer, Four Centuries of Portuguese Expansion, 1415–1825 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), p. 71; Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), p. 250.
12. Freyre, Masters and Slaves, p. 179.
13. Richard M. Morse, “The Heritage of Latin America,” in Louis Hartz, ed., The Founding of New Societies (New York: Harcourt Brace and World, 1964), p. 138. See also Caio Prado, Jr., The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), p. 115; Klein, African Slavery, pp. 22–3, 26, 41.
14. Burns, History of Brazil, p. 50; Robert Conrad, The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), p. 26; Klein, African Slavery, p. 38.
15. Clóvis Moura, História do Negro Brasileiro (Sao Paulo: Atica, 1989), pp. 7–12. See also Robert Brent Toplin, The Abolition of Slavery in Brazil (New York: Atheneum, 1972), p. 119; Thomas E. Skidmore, Black into White (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), p. 43. Klein notes that by 1850 and thereafter, slaves were increasingly concentrated in Rio de Janeiro, Minas, and São Paulo, but such concentration occurred only in the last decades of slavery. See Klein, African Slavery, p. 130; Klein, Middle Passage, pp. 95–111.
16. Robert Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, Time on the Cross (Boston: Little, Brown, 1974), pp. 17–20.
17. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, p. 39. See also Prado, Colonial Background, p. 406.
18. Davis, Problem of Slavery, p. 46.
19. Leslie B. Rout, Jr., “The African in Colonial Brazil,” in Martin L. Kilson and Robert I. Rotberg, eds., The African Diaspora (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976), pp. 136–43; Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, p. 28.
20. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, pp. 46, 89.
21. Alma Guillermoprieto, Samba (New York: Vintage, 1990), p. 51; Rout, “The African,” p. 148.
22. Roberto da Matta, Relativizando (Petropolis: Vozes, 1984), p. 75.
23. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, p. 53. See also Klein, African Slavery, p. 191.
24. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, p. 62; Pierre L. Van den Berghe, Race and Racism (New York: Wiley, 1967), p. 67; Donald Pierson, Negroes in Brazil (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1942), p. 92; Perry Anderson, “Portugal and the End of Ultra-Colonialism 2,” New Left Review 16, (July/August 1962), p. 114; Winthrop D.Jordan, White Over Black (New York: Norton, 1968), p. 198.
25. Bastide, African Religions of Brazil, p. 52; Burns, History of Brazil, p. 53; Rout, “The African,” pp. 134, 144; Abdias do Nascimento, Brazil: Mixture or Massacre? (Dover: Majority Press, 1979), p. 69. See also Stuart B. Schwartz, Slaves, Peasants and Rebels (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992).
26. H. Hoetink, The Two Variants in Caribbean Race Relations (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), pp. 5, 21; Freyre, Master and Slaves, p. 193; Boxer, Four Centuries, p. 43; da Matta, Relativizando, p. 64.
27. Prado, Colonial Background, p. 327; Michael Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness and the Political Attitudes and Behavior of Blacks in São Paulo, Brazil,” Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, Bloomington (1977), pp. 87, 98.
28. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, p. 62; Emilia Viotti da Costa, The Brazilian Empire (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), p. xix; Diana DeG. Brown and Mario Bick, “Religion, Class and Context: Continuities and Discontinuities in Brazilian Umbanda,” American Ethnologist 14.1 (February 1987), p. 75; Toplin, Abolition of Slavery, p. 119; Eugene D. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll (New York: Random House, 1972), p. 177.
29. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, p. 49; Stanley Elkins, Slavery (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959), p. 73; Robert Conrad, Children of God’s Fire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), p. 101; Robert Conrad, “Nineteenth Century Brazilian Slavery,” in Robert Brent Toplin, ed., Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1974), p. 162.
30. Conrad, “Nineteenth Century Slavery,” p. 165; Robert Brent Toplin, The Abolition of Slavery in Brazil (New York: Atheneum, 1972), p. 48.
31. Klein, African Slavery, pp. 128. 194.
32. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, p. 49; Toplin, Abolition of Slavery, p. 199; Conrad, Destruction, p. 237; Guillermoprieto, Samba, p. 185.
33. Freyre, Master and Slaves, p. 378; Laura Foner and Eugene Genovese, eds., Slavery in the New World (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1969), p. 199.
34. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, pp. 54, 69.
35. Rout, “The African,” p. 162.
36. Toplin, Abolition of Slavery, p. 24; Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, p. 100; Richard Graham, “1850–1870,” in Leslie Bethell, ed., Brazil: Empire and Republic, 1822–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 124; Conrad, “Nineteenth Century,” p. 152; Charles Wagley, Race and Class in Rural Brazil (Paris: UNESCO, 1952), p. 143; Thomas E. Skid-more, “Toward a Comparative Analysis of Race Relations . . .,” Latin American Studies 4.1 (1972); Carlos Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil: The Smooth Preservation of Racial Inequalities,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley (1978), p. 125; Carlos Hasenbalg, “Desigualdades Raciais no Brasil,” Dados 14, (1977), p. 12.
37. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, p. 55.
38. Degler, Neither Black nor White, p. 84; Jocélio Teles dos Santos, “Ex-Escrava Proprietária de Escrava,” Programa de Estudo do Negro na Bahia (Salvador: Federal University of Bahia, 1991); Stuart B. Schwartz, “Patterns of Slaveholding in the Americas,” American Historical Review 87.1 (February 1982), p. 79. Freed blacks in the United States also on occasion owned their own slaves.
39. Conrad, “Nineteenth Century,” pp. 154–5; Robert Conrad, “Neither Slave nor Free: The Emancipados of Brazil, 1818–1868,” Hispanic American Historical Review 53.1 (February 1973), pp. 50–3.
40. A. J. R. Russell-Wood, “Colonial Brazil,” in David W. Cohen and Jack P. Greene, eds., Neither Slave Nor Free (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972), pp. 90–2.
41. Degler, Neither Black nor White, p. 71; Richard Graham, “Economics or Culture,” in Kees Gispen, ed., What Made the South Different? (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1990), p. 120; do Nascimento, Brazil, p. 43; Clovis Moura, “Organizações Negras,” in Paul Singer and V. Caldeira Brant, eds., São Paulo: O Povo em Movimento (Petrópolis: Ed. Vozes, 1980), p. 143; Clovis Moura, Brasil: Raizes do Protesto Negro (Sao Paulo: Global, 1983), p. 47; Conrad, “Neither Slave nor Free,” p. 60; George Reid Andrews, “Race and the State in Colonial Brazil,” Latin American Research Review 19.3 (1984), pp. 208–9.
42. Pierson, Negroes, p. 73; Van den Berghe, Race and Racism, p. 61. See also Elkins, Slavery, pp. 102–3.
43. Do Nascimento, Brazil, p. 3. See also Davis, Problem of Slavery, p. 243, n. 26; A. J. R. Russell-Wood, The Black Man in Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil (London: Macmillan, 1982), pp. 95–6.
44. Charles H. Wood and Jose Alberto Magno de Carvalho, The Demography of Inequality in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 140.
45. Degler, Neither Black nor White, pp. 65, 74; Luiz Felipe de Alencastro, “Qui parle de democratic raciale?,” Brèsil 44 (November 1982), pp. 102–5.
46. Charles Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil, 1695–1150 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962), p. 174; Moura, História do Negro Brasileiro, p. 14.
47. Conrad, Destruction, p. 150. See also Conrad, Children of God’s Fire, p. 100; Costa, Brazilian Empire, p. 134.
48. Costa, Brazilian Empire, p. 144; Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil,” pp. 135–52.
49. Degler, Neither Black nor White, pp. 52–7; Klein, African Slavery, p. 168; Clovis Moura, Rebeliões da Senzala (Sao Paulo: Livraria Editora Ciências Humanas, 1981); Eugene D. Genovese, From Rebellion to Revolution: Afro-American Slave Revolts in the Making of the Modern World (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979), pp. 11–12.
50. Burns, History of Brazil, p. 54; Freyre, Masters and Slaves, p. 69.
51. C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins (New York: Random House, 1963); Cèlia Maria Marinho de Azevedo, Onda Negra, Medo Branco (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1987), p. 35.
52. Russell-Wood, Black Man, p. 81; Moura, História, p. 43; do Nascimento, Brazil, p. 32; Pierson, Negroes, p. 7; Genovese, From Rebellion to Revolution, p. 32; Robert M. Levine, “Turning on the Lights,” Latin American Research Review 24.2 (1989), p. 207; Conrad, Children, p. 406–11; Klein, African Slavery, p. 212.
53. Thomas Flory, “Race and Social Control in Independent Brazil,” Journal of Latin American Studies 9.2, p. 216. See also Cèlia Maria Marinho de Azevedo, “Sinai Fechado para os Negros na Rua Liberdade,” Humani-dades 5.17 (1988), p. 10; Azevedo, Onda Negra, pp. 35, 120, 180; Burns, History of Brazil, p. 271.
54. Azevedo, Onda Negra, pp. 43–5.
55. Roger Bastide, “The Development of Race Relations in Brazil,” in Guy Hunter, ed., Industrialization and Race Relations (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 9; Conrad, Destruction, p. 35; Skidmore, Black into White, p. 19.
56. Azevedo, Onda Negra, p. 60; Seymour Drescher, “Brazilian Abolition in Comparative Perspective,” Hispanic American Historical Review 68.3 (1988), pp. 433–8; Carlos Hasenbalg and Suellen Huntington, “Brazilian Racial Democracy: Reality or Myth?” Humboldt Journal of Social Relations 10.1 (Fall/Winter 1982–3), p. 130; Emilia Viotti da Costa, “1870–1889,” in Leslie Bethell, ed., Brazil: Empire and Republic, 1822–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 199.
57. Toplin, Abolition of Slavery, p. xi. See also Azevedo, Onda Negra, pp. 52, 215–22; da Matta, Relativizando, p. 68; Azevedo, “Sinal Fechado,” p. 9.
58. Toplin, Abolition of Slavery, p. 39; Leslie Bethell, “Independence,” in Leslie Bethell, ed., Brazil: Empire and Republic, 1822–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 20–39; Burns, History of Brazil, p. 182; Conrad, Destruction, pp. 21–3.
59. Drescher, “Abolition,” p. 445; Costa, Brazilian Empire, p. 144; Conrad, Destruction, pp. 31, 49.
60. Toplin, Abolition of Slavery, p. 216; Eugene D. Genovese, The World the Slaveholders Made (New York: Pantheon, 1969), p. 94; George M. Fredrickson, “Reflections on the Comparative History and Sociology of Racism,” manuscript (1994), pp. 9–10; Degler, Neither Black nor White, p. 77; Skidmore, Black into White, p. 8.
61. Azevedo, “Sinal Fechado,” pp. 10–11; Celia Maria Marinho de Azevedo, “Batismo da Liberdade,” História: Questões e Debates 9.16 (January 1988), pp. 38–44; Azevedo, Onda Negra, p. 257; Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil,” p. 154; Thomas E. Skidmore, “Racial Ideas and Social Policy in Brazil, 1870–1940,” in Richard Graham, ed., Brazil: Empire and Republic, 1822–1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), p. 9; Toplin, Abolition of Slavery, p. 74; Knight, The African Dimension, p. 88.
62. Skidmore, Black into White, p. 20; Harris, Patterns of Race, p. 93.
63. Conrad, Destruction, p. 211; Klein, African Slavery, p. 256.
64. Thomas E. Skidmore, “Brazilian Intellectuals and the Problem of Race, 1870–1930,” Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Occasional Papers Series no. 6 (1969).
65. Skidmore, Black into White, p. 16; Conrad, Destruction, p. 91; Graham, “1850–1870,” p. 158; Burns, History of Brazil, p. 268; Azevedo, “Batismo,” p. 47; Jan Fiola, “Race Relations in Brazil,” Program in Latin American Studies, University of Massachusetts at Amherst, Occasional Paper Series no. 24 (1990), p. 2.
66. Florestan Fernandes, “Luta de Raças e de Classes,” Teoria e Debate 2 (March 1988), p. 7; Burns, History of Brazil, p. 278.
67. Drescher, “Abolition,” p. 459.
68. Prado, Colonial Background, p. 1, n. 1. See also Costa, “1880–1889,” p. 202; Costa, Brazilian Empire, p. 169.
69. Joaquim Nabuco, O Abolicionismo (Sao Paulo, 1938), p. 130.
70. Vincent Harding, There Is a River (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1981), p. 7.
71. Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, p. 248.
72. W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America (New York: Atheneum, 1992), p. 12. See also J. William Harris, Plain Folk and Gentry in a Slave Society (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1985), p. 38; Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery / American Freedom (New York: Norton, 1975), p. 369.
73. Davis, Problem of Slavery, p. 154.
74. Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, p. 154; Genovese, Roll Jordan, Roll, p. 57. In Virginia, earlier mortality for whites and blacks had been higher, as discussed in Morgan, American Slavery, p. 297.
75. Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Life and Labor in the Old South (Boston: Little, Brown, 1951), pp. 194, 200.
76. Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, pp. 40, 57, 149; Claudia Dale Goldin, Urban Slavery in the American South, 1820–1860 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), pp. 1, 40, 65, 123.
77. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 10. See also Elkins, Slavery, p. 59.
78. Phillips, Life and Labor, p. 162; Joel Williamson, A Rage for Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 9; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 41, 561; Alexis Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Garden City: Anchor/Doubleday, 1969), p. 317; Van den Berghe, Race and Racism, p. 83
79. Davis, Problem of Slavery, p. 57.
80. Degler, Neither Black nor White, p. 83; Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, pp. 65, 69, 95; Williamson, Rage for Order, p. 25; Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, pp. 37, 150.
81. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 51.
82. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 40; William Julius Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 33; James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985); Harding, There Is a River, pp. 49, 162.
83. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, Book 4; Degler, Neither Black nor White, p. 47; Genovese, From Rebellion to Revolution, pp. 4, 42–6; Harding, There Is a River, p. 58.
84. Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, p. 230; Phillips, Life and Labor, pp. 160, 195.
85. Goldin, Urban Slavery, pp. xi, 49.
86. Richard Kluger, Simple Justice (New York: Random House, 1976), pp. 36–7.
87. James M. McPherson, The Struggle for Equality (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), pp. 222–4.
88. George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (Middle–town, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1971), p. 27.
89. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 147; Edwin S. Redkey, Black Exodus (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969), p. 18.
90. Harold Holzer, ed., The Lincoln–Douglas Debates (New York: Harper Collins, 1993), p. 189; Fredrickson, Black Image, pp. 150, 166; Fredrickson, White Supremacy, p. 158.
91. Holzer, Lincoln–Douglas Debates, p. 42; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 437.
92. Fredrickson, Black Image, pp. 321, 43. See also Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 39; Fredrickson, Black Image, p. 321.
93. Fredrickson, Black Image, pp. 69, 255. See also Nancy Stepan, The Idea of Race in Science (Hamden: Archon, 1982), p. 47.
94. Jordan, White over Black, p. 131.
95. Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 224.
96. Alexander Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic (London: Verso, 1990), p. 247.
97. Holzer, Lincoln–Douglas Debates, p. 49.
98. Foner, Free Soil, pp. 219, 224–5; Holzer, Lincoln–Douglas Debates, p. 94.
99. Foner, Free Soil, pp. 310–11; James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 223.
100. Genovese, The World the Slaveholders Made (New York: Pantheon, 1969), p. 99.
101. Skidmore, Black into White, p. 44.
102. Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1964), p. 56.
Chapter 4. The Uncertain Legacy of Miscegenation
1. Marvin Harris, Patterns of Race Relations in the Americas (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1964), p. 68.
2. E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), p. 37; Caio Prado, Jr., The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), p. 119.
3. A. J. R. Russell-Wood, The Black Man in Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil (London: Macmillan, 1982), p. 30.
4. David T. Haberly, Three Sad Races: Racial Identity and National Consciousness in Brazilian Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 168; Roberto da Matta, Relativizando (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1984), pp. 72–3.
5. Thomas E. Skidmore, “Bi-racial U.S. versus Multi-Racial Brazil: Is the Contrast still Valid?” Conference on Racism and Race Relations in the Countries of the African Diaspora, Rio de Janeiro (June 1992), manuscript, p. 4; Frank Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen (New York: Knopf, 1946), p. 35; Herbert S. Klein, African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 147.
For a general discussion, see Ann L. Stoller, “Making Empire Respectable,” American Ethnologist 16.4 (November 1989); Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks (New York: Grove Press, 1967), ch. 6.
6. Burns, History of Brazil, p. 55; Carlos Hasenbalg, “Desigualdades Raciais no Brasil,” Dados 19.7 (1983), p. 14; Nelson do Valle Silva and Carlos Hasenbalg, Relacoes Raciais no Brasil Contemporaneo (Rio de Janeiro: Rio Funda, 1992), p. 26.
7. H. Hoetink, The Two Variants in Caribbean Race Relations (London: Oxford University Press, 1967).
8. Pierre L. Van den Berghe, Race and Racism (New York: Wiley, 1967), P- 71.
9. Ben Zimmerman, “Race Relations,” in Charles Wagley, ed., Race and Class in Rural Brazil (Paris: UNESCO, 1952), p. 95.
10. Karl Friedrich Philipp Von Martius, “Como se Deve Escrever a História do Brasil,” Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro 6 (1844), pp. 381–403 (reprinted in translation in E. Bradford Burns, Perspectives on Brazilian History [New York: Columbia University, 1967], pp. 21–41). See also Thomas E. Skidmore, Black into White (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974); Winthrop R. Wright, Cafe con Leche (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990); Peter Wade, Blackness and Race Mixing (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993).
11. Harris, Patterns of Race, pp. 86–9; H. Hoetink, Slavery and Race Relations in the Americas (New York: Harper and Row, 1973), p. 21; Célia Maria Marinho de Azevedo, Onda Negra, Medo Branco (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1987), p. 80; Katia de Quierós Mattoso, “Slave, Free and Freed Family Structures in Nineteenth Century Salvador, Bahia,” Luso-Brazilian Review 25.1 (1988); Russell-Wood, Black Man, p. 63; Carl N. Degler, Neither Black nor White (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1971), p. 84.
12. Degler, Neither Black nor White, pp. 195, 225.
13. Harris, Patterns of Race, p. 54.
14. Van den Berghe, Race and Racism, p. 71.
15. Florestan Fernandes, “Negro and Mulatto in Brazil,” in Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1974), p. 293.
16. Thomas E. Skidmore, “Race and Class in Brazil: Historical Perspectives,” in Pierre-Michel Fontaine, ed., Race, Class and Power in Brazil (Los Angeles: Center for Afro-American Studies, University of California, 1985), p. 19.
17. Abdias do Nascimento, Brazil: Mixture or Massacre? (Dover: Majority, 1979), p. ix; Degler, Neither Black nor White, p. 192.
18. George Reid Andrews, Blacks and Whites in São Paulo, Brazil, 1888–1988 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), p. 253.
19. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, p. 4.
20. Da Matta, Relativizando, p. 84. See also Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, Razes do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: José Olympio, 1983).
21. Degler, Neither Black nor White, pp. 102–3.
22. Nelson do Valle Silva, “Updating the Cost of Not Being White in Brazil,” in Pierre-Michel Fontaine, ed., Race, Class, and Power in Brazil (Los Angeles: Center for Afro-American Studies, University of California, 1985), p. 54. See also Silva and Hasenbalg, Relações Raciais no Brasil, Charles H. Wood and Jose Magno de Carvalho, The Demography of Inequality in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Andrews, Blacks and Whites, pp. 250–3.
23. Degler, Neither Black nor White, p. 235.
24. George M. Fredrickson, White Supremacy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), pp. 101–4; F. James Davis, Who is Black?: One Nation’s Definition (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991), pp. 33–6.
Miscegenation was already condemned in Virginia in the late 1600s, as discussed in Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery/American Freedom (New York: Norton, 1975), p. 335. Louisiana outlawed miscegenation only in 1908.
25. Davis, Who is Black?, p. 36; Virginia R. Dominguez, White by Definition (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1986); W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America (New York: Atheneum, 1992), p. 12.
26. Robert William Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, Time on the Cross (Boston: Little, Brown, 1974), p. 132.
27. Davis, Who is Black?, pp. 25, 40; E. Franklin Frazier, Black Bourgeoisie (New York: Collier Macmillan, 1957), p. 116; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 414; Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 3; Elizabeth Mullins and Paul Sites, “The Origins of Contemporary Eminent Black Americans,” American Sociological Review 49 (October 1984), p. 673.
28. Joel Williamson, A Rage for Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 25.
29. Joel Williamson, New People (New York: New York University Press, 1984), p. 3; Skidmore, “Bi-racial U.S. versus Multi-Racial Brazil,” p. 12; Mullins and Sites, “Origins,” p. 672.
30. Do Nascimento, Brazil, p. 65.
31. Davis, Who is Black?, p. 21; Frazier, Black Bourgeoisie, p. 116; Verna M. Keith and Cedric Herring, “Skin Tone and Stratification in the Black Community,” American Journal of Sociology 97.3 (November 1991), pp. 760–78; Michael Hughes and Bradley R. Hertel, “The Significance of Color Remains,” Social Forces 69.1 (1990).
32. Commission for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas within the Union of South Africa (Tomlinson Commission), Summary of the Report (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1955), p. 18.
33. Fredrickson, White Supremacy, pp. 112–15.
34. George M. Fredrickson, The Arrogance of Race (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1988), p. 242.
35. Leonard Thompson, A History of South Africa (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), p. 66.
36. Commission of Inquiry into Matters Relating to the Coloured Population Group (Theron Commission), Report (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1976), p. 343. See also Sheila Patterson, Colour and Culture in South Africa (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1953), p. 40.
37. Ian Goldin, Making Race (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman, 1987), p. 32; Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido, eds., The Politics of Race’, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (London: Longman, 1987), pp. 158, 162.
38. Leonard Thompson, “The Compromise of Union,” in Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson, eds., Oxford History of South Africa (Oxford: Clarendon, 1971) vol. 2, p. 356; Leonard Thompson, Unification of South Africa (Oxford: Clarendon, 1960), p. 110; Patterson, Colour and Culture, p. 32.
39. Thomas Karis and Gwendolen M. Carter, eds., From Protest to Challenge (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1973), vol. 2, p. 91.
40. Gavin Lewis, Between the Wire and the Wall (Cape Town: David Philip, 1987), p. 207; Marks and Trapido, eds., Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism, pp. 29, 163, 165–6.
41. Theron Commission, Report, pp. 344, 439; Goldin, Making Race, pp. 87, 97; Lewis, Between the Wire and the Wall, p. 147.
42. Theron Commission, Report, pp. 489, 503, 519.
43. Ibid., p. 38.
44. Ibid., pp. 449–50; Lewis, Between the Wire and the Wall, p. 249.
45. Central Statistical Service, South African Statistics (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1988), Tables 1.7,7.7.
46. Degler, Neither Black nor White; Harris, Patterns of Race, p. 54.
47. Lewis, Between the Wire and the Wall, p. 3.
48. Theron Commission, Report, p. 23.
49. Alexis Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Garden City: Anchor/Doubleday, 1969), p. 356.
50. Fredrickson, White Supremacy, p. 134.
51. Ibid., p. 86.
52. Harris, Patterns of Race, p. 56.
53. Hoetink, Slavery, p. 27.
Part Two. Racial Domination and the Nation-State
Chapter 5. “We for Thee, South Africa”
1. W. A. de Klerk, The Puritans in Africa (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975), p. 67.
2. Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido, “Lord Milner and the South African State,” History Workshop 8 (Autumn 1979), pp. 60–3; C. W. De Kiewiet, A History of South Africa (London: Oxford University Press, 1941), pp. 100, 141.
3. J. A. Hobson, The War in South Africa (New York: Howard Fertig, 1969), pp. 47–9. See also Iain R. Smith, The Origins of the South African War, 1899–1902 (London: Longman, 1996).
4. Quoted in G. H .L. LeMay, British Supremacy in South Africa, 1899–1901 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), p. 27.
5. Ibid., p. 3.
6. Ivor Wilkins and Hans Strydom, The Super Afrikaners (Johannesburg: J. Ball, 1978), p. 38.
7. Thomas Packenham, The Boer War (New York: Random House, 1979), p. 607; Leonard Thompson, The Unification of South Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960), p. 12; Wilkins and Strydom, Super Afrikaners, p. 38.
8. Pakenham, Boer War, p. xix.
9. J. D. Kestell and D. E. van Velden, The Peace Negotiations (London: Richard Clay, 1912), pp. 22, 30, 68.
10. Ibid., pp. 73–4, 89.
11. LeMay, British Supremacy, p. 21.
12. Kestell and van Velden, Peace Negotiations, p. 189.
13. Ibid., p. 144; LeMay, British Supremacy, pp. 77, 82, 139.
14. LeMay, British Supremacy, pp. 154, 111.
15. Ibid., p. 112.
16. Kestell and van Velden, Peace Negotiations, pp. 116–18.
17. Ibid., p. 208. See also LeMay, British Supremacy, p. 42.
18. Leonard Thompson, “The Compromise of Union,” in Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson, eds., The Oxford History of South Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), vol. 2, p. 326; LeMay, British Supremacy, p. 101; Pakenham, Boer War, pp. 424, 608.
19. Ian Goldin, Making Race (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman, 1987), pp. 19–20. See also Gavin Lewis, Between the Wire and the Wall (Cape Town: David Philip, 1987), p. 15; Donald Denoon, A Grand Illusion (London: Longman, 1973), p. 111.
20. Denoon, Grand Illusion, p. 4.
21. Kestell and van Velden, Peace Negotiations, pp. 54–6, 195. See also LeMay, British Supremacy, p. 55.
22. Kestell and van Velden, Peace Negotiations, p. 112 (a facsimile of the original text, with handwritten edits, is presented facing this page). See also Denoon, Grand Illusion, p. 25.
23. Shula Marks, “Review Article: Scrambling for South Africa,” Journal of African History 23 (1982), pp. 97–113.
24. Thompson, “Compromise of Union,” p. 331; Denoon, Grand Illusion, p. 97.
25. Ralph Horowitz, The Political Economy of South Africa (New York: Praeger, 1967), p. 58, quoting A. J. P. Taylor.
26. Leonard Thompson, A History of South Africa (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), p. 146. See also John W. Cell, The Highest Stage of White Supremacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 266.
27. Peter Walshe, The Rise of African Nationalism in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), p. 23.
28. Kestell and van Velden, Peace Negotiations, pp. 91, 176.
29. LeMay, British Supremacy, pp. 174, 213. See also Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido, eds., The Politics of Race, Class and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (London: Longman, 1987), p. 1; Rene de Villiers, “Afrikaner Nationalism,” in Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson, eds., The Oxford History of South Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), vol. 2, p. 367.
30. Thompson, “Compromise of Union,” p. 341.
31. Thompson, Unification, pp. 30–2.
32. Denoon, Grand Illusion, pp. 14, 242.
33. Thompson, History of South Africa, p. 71.
34. Lewis, Between the Wire and the Wall, p. 13; Thompson, “Compromise of Union,” p. 345.
35. South African Native Affairs Commission, Report of the Commission (Cape Town: Government Printers, 1905), vol. 1, p. 35. See also Adam Ash-forth, The Politics of Official Discourse in Twentieth Century South Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), p. 28.
36. Thompson, “Compromise of Union,” p. 364.
37. Pakenham, Boer War, p. 612.
38. Lewis, Between the Wire and the Wall, p. 37.
39. Nelson Mandela, Long Walk to Freedom (Boston: Little, Brown, 1994), p. 541.
40. As quoted in LeMay, British Supremacy, pp. 11–12.
41. Hobson, War in South Africa, pp. 281, 246.
42. Commission for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas within the Union of South Africa (Tomlinson Commission), Summary of the Report (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1955), p. 8; Ashforth, Politics of Official Discourse, p. 23.
43. Hermann Giliomee and Lawrence Schlemmer, From Apartheid to Nation-Building (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 11.
44. Dan O’Meara, Volkskapitalisme (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1983), p. 25.
45. South African Native Affairs Commission, Report, vol. 1, pp. 35, 96, 10.
46. Basil Williams, ed., The Shelborne Memorandum (London: Oxford University Press, 1925), pp. 27, 109–10, 170–4.
47. Donald Denoon, Settler Capitalism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), p. 200.
48. Thompson, Unification, p. 402.; Julius Lewin, The Struggle for Racial Equality (London: Longmans, 1967), pp. 32–7.
49. Thompson, Unification, p. 187.
50. George M. Fredrickson, The Arrogance of Race (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1988), p. 264. Though I disagree with Fredrickson’s argument that South Africa had no conflict comparable to the U.S. Civil War, I agree that even if one sees the Boer War as comparable, the overall experiences of the two countries cannot be “lumped” together.
51. Thompson, History of South Africa, p. 150. See also Horowitz, Political Economy, p. 74; Thompson, “Compromise of Union,” p. 351.
52. South African Native Affairs Commission, Report, p. 35; Ashforth, Politics of Official Discourse, p. 28.
53. See Walshe, African Nationalism, p. 44.
54. Thomas Karis, “South Africa,” in Gwendolen Carter, ed., Five African States (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1963), p. 481.
55. South African Native Affairs Commission, Report, p. 95. See also Horowitz, Political Economy, p. 78; Martin Legassick, “The Frontier Tradition in South African Historiography,” in Shula Marks and Anthony Atmore, eds., Economy and Society in Pre-Industrial South Africa (London: Longmans, 1980), p. 259.
56. Thompson, “Compromise of Union,” pp. 338, 356.
57. Cell, Highest Stage, p. 62; De Kiewiet, History of South Africa, p. 146.
58. Tomlinson Commission, Summary of the Report p. 9; Cell, Highest Stage, pp. 62–7; Francis Wilson, Labour in the South African Gold Mines, 1911–1969 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), p. 15.
59. South African Native Affairs Commission, Report, vol. 1, p. 80.
60. Hobson, War in South Africa, p. 240. See also Le May, British Supremacy, p. 30.
61. South African Native Affairs Commission, Report, vol. 1, pp. 35, 80–1, 87. See also Martin Legassick, “South Africa: Forced Labor, Industrialization, and Racial Differentiation,” in Richard Harris, ed., The Political Economy of Africa (New York: Wiley, 1975), pp. 242–6; Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), p. 213; David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1983), pp. 33, 55; John Rex, “The Plural Society: The South African Case,” Race 12.4 (1971), p. 406; Deborah Posel, “Rethinking the Race–Class Debate in South African Historiography,” Social Dynamics 9.1 (1983), p. 60.
62. Yudelman, Emergence, p. 5.
63. Quoting Milner in LeMay, British Supremacy, p. 8.
64. C. M. van den Heever, General J. B. M. Hertzog (Johannesburg: APB Bookstore, 1946), p. 121; T. Dunbar Moodie, The Rise of Afrikanerdom (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), p. 10.
65. Thompson, Unification, p. 16.
66. Jan Smuts, “The White Man’s Task,” (1917), in Greater South Africa (Johannesburg: Truth Legion, 1940), p. 14.
67. Moodie, Rise of Afrikanerdom, p. 10. See also de Klerk, Puritans, p. 85; van den Heever, Hertzog, p. 200.
68. De Klerk, Puritans, p. 102; Moodie, Rise of Afrikanerdom, p. 16.
69. Smuts, “White Man’s Task,” p. 18; Walshe, African Nationalism, p. 53.
70. Giliomee and Schlemmer, Apartheid to Nation-Building, p. 53.
71. Fredrick A. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold (London: Routledge, 1976), pp. 105, 93; David Yudelman, “Industrialization, Race Relations and Change in South Africa,” African Affairs 74.294 (January 1975), p. 87; F. Wilson, Labour, p. 10; Yudelman, Emergence, pp. 21, 134.
72. George M. Fredrickson, White Supremacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), p. 232.
73. Yudelman, Emergence, p. 217; Fredrickson, White Supremacy, pp. 232–3.
74. Moodie, Rise of Afrikanerdom, pp. 73–4; Wilkins and Strydom, Super Afrikaners, p. 55.
75. Van den Heever, Hertzog, pp. 147–8; Heribert Adam and Hermann Giliomee, Ethnic Power Mobilized (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979), p. 106; Moodie, Rise of Afrikanerdom, p. 76.
76. Interview with Breyten Breytenbach, Johannesburg, 28 April 1994; Henry Kenney, Architect of Apartheid: H F. Verwoerd (Johannesburg, Jonathan Ball, 1980), p. 39.
77. O’Meara, Volkskapitalisme, pp. 36–7.
78. Adam and Giliomee, Ethnic Power, pp. 149, 151; Kenney, Architect, p. 40; Thompson, History of South Africa, p. 166.
79. Interview with P. J. de Lange, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994.
80. Horowitz, Political Economy, p. 145; Ashforth, Politics of Official Discourse, p. 69; Saul Dubow, Racial Segregation and the Origins of Apartheid in South Africa, 1919–1936 (London: Macmillan, 1989), p. 142.
81. Johnstone, Class, Race and Gold, p. 93; Ashforth, Politics of Official Discourse, p. 198. After 1937, the Chamber of Mines granted to white miners a “closed shop” arrangement. See Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Capitalist Development (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980), p. 169.
82. Robert Davies et al., “Class Struggle and the Periodization of the State in South Africa,” Review of African Political Economy 7 (September–De-cember 1976), p. 19; Walshe, African Nationalism, p. I I I ; Giliomee and Schlemmer, Apartheid to Nation-Building, pp. 15–16; Dubow, Racial Segregation, p. 114.
83. van den Heever, Hertzog, p. 224; Kenney, Architect, p. 40. Hertzog’s shift was consistent with his original formulation of the “two streams” coming “together in the distant future,” as quoted in van den Heever, Hertzog, p. 148.
84. Dubow, Racial Segregation, pp. 133, 15.
85. Walshe, African Nationalism, pp. 262, 269; de Klerk, Puritans, p. 195; Leo Kuper, “African Nationalism in South Africa,” in Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson, eds., The Oxford History of South Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), vol. 2, p. 454.
86. Davies et al., “Class Struggle,” p. 23; Giliomee and Schlemmer, Apartheid to Nation-Building, p. 21; Kenney, Architect, p. 69.
87. Interview with P. J. de Lange, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994.
88. Interview with Gerrit Viljoen, Pretoria, 28 April 1994; Thompson, History of South Africa, p. 181.
89. Kenney, Architect, p. 70; Ashforth, Politics of Official Discourse, p. 118.
90. Moodie, Rise of Afrikanerdom, p. 102; O’Meara, Volkskapitalisme, p. 60.
91. Wilkins and Strydom, Super Afrikaners, pp. 140–4; Moodie, Rise of Afrikanerdom, p. 189; Interview with P. J. de Lange, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994.
92. De Klerk, Puritans, p. 115; Interview with Helen Suzman, Johannesburg, 11 May 1994.
93. Kenney, Architect, p. 73.
94. Dubow, Racial Segregation, p. 22; Deborah Posel, The Making of Apartheid, 1948–1961 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), p. 50.
95. Interview with Walter Sisulu, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994.
96. Interview with Carel Boshoff, Jr., Pretoria, 4 May 1994; de Villiers, “Afrikaner Nationalism,” p. 374.
97. De Klerk, Puritans, p. 218.
98. Marianne Cornevin, Apartheid: Power and Historical Falsification (Paris: UNESCO, 1980), p. 61.
99. De Villiers, “Afrikaner Nationalism,” p. 393.
100. Tomlinson Commission, Report, p. 34; Thompson, History of South Africa, p. 154.
101. Lewin, Struggle for Racial Equality, p. 74, quoting Malan in 1954; Posel, Making Apartheid, p. 62.
102. Tomlinson Commission, Report, pp. 105–8; Ashforth, Politics of Official Discourse, p. 178.
103. For official discussions of the difficulty in refining racial categories, see the South African Native Affairs Commission, Report, pp. 11–13; Commission of Inquiry into Matters Relating to the Coloured Population Group (Theron Commission), Report (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1976), p. 23.
104. De Villiers, “Afrikaner Nationalism,” pp. 370, 394.
105. Interview with Jaap Marais, Pretoria, 3 May 1994. See also Harold Wolpe, “Capitalism and Cheap Labor Power in South Africa,” Economy and Society 1.4 (November 1972), p. 426.
106. See Tomlinson Commission, Report, pp. 179, 192; Posel, Making Apartheid, p. 231; Martin Legassick and Harold Wolpe, “The Bantustans and Capital Accumulation in South Africa,” Review of African Political Economy 7 (September–December 1976), pp. 87–107.
107. Kenney, Architect, pp. 238–9. See also Greenberg, Race and State, p. 173.
108. Goldin, Making Race, p. 123.
109. Lewin, Struggle for Racial Equality, pp. 124–8; Kenney, Architect, pp. 177–9.
110. Tomlinson Commission, Report, p. 10; Interview with P. J. de Lange, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994; Kenney, Architect, pp. 202, 209.
111. Moodie, Rise of Afrikanerdom, pp. 277–8, 284. See also Ernesto Laclau, New Reflections on the Revolution of our Time (London: Verso, 1990), pp. 139–40.
112. Tomlinson Commission, Report, p. 17.
113. F. Wilson, Labour, p. 46; Central Statistical Services, South African Statistics, 1986 (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1986), Table 7.6.
114. Posel, Making Apartheid, pp. 12–14, 19; Kenney, Architect, p. 140; Du-bow, Racial Segregation, p. 66.
115. Stephen Lewis, The Economics of Apartheid (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1990), p. 41.
116. Bonacich, “Capitalism and Race Relations in South Africa,” p. 258. See also Kenney, Architect, p. 31; Donald Harman Akenson, God’s People (Montreal: McGill and Queen’s University Press, 1991), p. 225; Yudelman, Emergence, p. 281; Adam and Giliomee, Ethnic Power, p. 165.
117. Interview with P. J. de Lange, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994.
118. O’Meara, Volkskapitalisme, p. 250–1.
119. As quoted in Cornevin, Apartheid Power, p. 74. See also Moodie, Rise of Afrikanerdom, p. 292.
120. Interview with Gerrit Viljoen, Pretoria, 28 April 1994; Commission of Inquiry into Matters Relating to the Coloured Population Group, Report, p. 519.
121. Heribert Adam and Kogila Moodley, The Opening of the Apartheid Mind (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), p. 40; Robert Schrire, Adapt or Die (New York: Ford Foundation, 1991), p. 66. See Robert M. Price, The Apartheid State in Crisis (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991).
122. Ashforth, Politics of Official Discourse, p. 202.
123. Adam and Moodley, Opening, p. 41; Interview with Carel Boshoff, Jr., Pretoria, 3 May 1994.
124. N. E. Wiehahn, The Complete Wiehahn Report (Johannesburg: Lex Pa-tria, 1982), p. 28. See also Alan Brooks and Jeremy Brickhill, Whirlwind Before the Storm (London: International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa, 1980), p. 113; Thompson, History of South Africa, p. 224; Steven Friedman, Building Tomorrow Today: African Workers in Trade Unions, 1970–1984 (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987), pp. 154–69; Ashforth, Politics of Official Discourse, pp. 198–232; Price, Apartheid State in Crisis, pp. 101–51; Donald L. Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p. 18.
125. Interview with Gerrit Viljoen, Pretoria, 28 April 1994. See also Commission of Inquiry into Legislation Affecting the Utilization of Manpower (Riekert Commission), Report (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1979); Ashforth, Politics of Official Discourse, pp. 203–32.
126. Schrire, Adapt or Die, pp. 147–55.
127. Interview with Carel Boshoff, Jr., Pretoria, 3 May 1994.
128. Schrire, Adapt or Die, pp. 62, 82; Goldin, Making Race, p. 182; Timothy Sisk, Democratization in South Africa (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), p. 68.
129. “North Coast UDF Meeting,” Verulan Civic Hall, (18 July 1984, police transcript), p. 2.
130. Neville Alexander, Sow the Wind (Braamfontein: Skotaville, 1985), p. 171.
131. Letter from Bishop Desmond Tutu to P. W. Botha, 1 May 1988, reprinted in the program of the Emergency Convocation of Churches in South Africa.
132. Schrire, Adapt or Die, p. 155.
133. “Tasks of the Democratic Movement in the State of Emergency,” Isi–zweXA (November 1985), p. 8.
134. Oliver Tambo, Address to the Nation 22 July 1985, leaflet.
135. Letter from P. W. Botha to Frank Chikane, 24 March 1988, in Emergency Convocation of Churches.
136. Akenson, God’s People, p. 299.
137. Interview with P. J. de Lange, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994.
138. Adam and Moodley, Opening, p. 149.
139. Interview with P. J. de Lange, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994; Wilkins and Strydom, Super Afrikaners, pp. 143–4.
140. Interview with Pieter Mulder, Pretoria, 3 May 1994.
141. Sisk, Democratization in South Africa, p. 60.
142. Allan Boesak, Black and Reformed (Braamfontein: Skotaville, 1984), p. 128.
143. Sisk, Democratization in South Africa, p. 137.
144. Interview with Alec Erwin, Johannesburg, March 1988.
145. Schrire, Adapt or Die, p. 25; Interview with PJ. de Lange, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994. See also Akenson, God’s People, p. 301; Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? p. 81.
146. Adam and Moodley, Opening, p. 2.
147. Wiehahn, Weihahn Report, pp. 11, 31–3; Merle Lipton, Capitalism and Apartheid (London: Wildwood, 1985); Posel, Making of Apartheid, p. 101; Greenberg, Race and State, pp. 177, 184; Price, Apartheid State in Crisis, pp. 88–90; Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? p. 12.
148. Tomlinson Commission, Report, p. 27.
149. Commission of Inquiry into Legislation, Report, pp. 133, 159.
150. Price, Apartheid State in Crisis.
151. Yudelman, Emergence, p. 281.
152. Adam and Giliomee, Ethnic Power, pp. 165–80; Edna Bonacich, “Capitalism and Race Relations in South Africa,” in Maurice Zeitlin, ed.,Political Power and Social Theory (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1981), vol. 2, p. 256; Giliomee and Schlemmer, Apartheid to Nation-Building, p. 120; Sisk, Democratization in South Africa, p. 137.
153. Interview with Gerrit Viljoen, Pretoria, 28 April 1994.
154. Willem de Klerk, The Second (R)evolution (Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball, 1984), p. 21; Interview with P. J. de Lange, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994.
155. O’Meara, Volkskapitalisme, p. 241.
156. F. Wilson, Labour, p. 11.
157. Cell, Highest Stage, p. 234. See also Michael Banton, Race Relations (London: Tavistock, 1967), p. 174.
158. Greenberg, Race and State, p. 129; Rex, “Plural Society,” p. 404.
159. Michael Savage, “Costs of Enforcing Apartheid and Problems of Change,” African Affairs (1977).
160. Steve Biko, I Write What I Like, ed. Aelerd Stubbs (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1986), p. 91.
Chapter 6. “To Bind Up the Nation’s Wounds”
1. George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1971), p. 22, n. 45.
2. Robert William Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, Time on the Cross (Boston: Little, Brown, 1974), p. 3.
3. See W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America (New York: Atheneum, 1992), p. 39; Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon, 1966), p. 118; Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 263.
4. 60 U.S. Supreme Court (1857), p. 407.
5. Harold Holzer, ed., The Lincoln-Douglas Debates (New York: HarperCollins, 1993), pp. 54, 189, 254; Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 147. Abolitionists objected to recolonizing blacks back to Africa as a “proslavery plot” to get rid of free blacks and thereby reinforce slavery for those who remained. See Fredrickson, Black Image, p. 27.
6. James McPherson, The Struggle for Equality (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), p. 135.
7. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 49; Holzer, Lincoln–Douglas Debates, p. 65; Foner, Free Soil, p. 311.
8. Eric Foner, Reconstruction (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), p.l; Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 84; Garry Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992), p. 142; Kenneth M. Stampp, The Era of Reconstruction (New York: Random House, 1965), p. 44; McPherson, Struggle for Equality, pp. 62–3, 118.
9. Alexis Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor/ Doubleday, 1969), p. 344.
10. Moore, Social Origins, pp. 125–6. See also James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom (New York: Oxford University Press 1988), p. 12; Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 581; John Hope Franklin, Reconstruction After the Civil War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961), p. 177; Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 124; C. Vann Woodward, Reunion and Reaction (Boston: Little, Brown, 1951). The economic causes of the Civil War are discussed in Charles A. and Mary Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (New York: Macmillan, 1927), pp. 3–54; Foner, Free Soil, p. 2; Kenneth Stampp, The Causes of the Civil War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1959), pp. 85–106.
11. Stampp, Causes, pp. 88, 95; Woodward, Reunion and Reaction, p. 59.
12. Moore, Social Origins, p. 136.
13. Holzer, Lincoln–Douglas Debates, pp. 53, 84.
14. Lincoln to Horace Greeley, 22 August 1862, published in the New York Tribune 25 August 1862. See also Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 85.
15. Stampp, Causes, p. 48.
16. For a discussion of the institutional dynamics leading to the Civil War, see Barry R. Weingast, “Institutions and Political Commitment: A New Political Economy of the American Civil War,” manuscript (November 1994).
17. Stampp, Causes, p. 59.
18. Gunnar Myrdal, “An American Dilemma,” Race 4.1 (November 1962), p. 4; C. Vann Woodward, “Editor’s Introduction,” in McPherson, Battle Cry, p. xix; Shelby Foote, The Civil War: A Narrative (New York: Vintage Books, 1986), vol. 3, p. 1040.
19. Skowronek, Building a New American State, p. 86; Foner, Reconstruction, p. 23.
20. Richard F. Bensel, Yankee Leviathan: The Origins of Central State Authority in America, 1859–1817 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 96, 124, 268; Foner, Reconstruction, pp. 21, 469; David Montgomery, Beyond Equality (New York: Knopf, 1967), p. 345.
21. Foner, Reconstruction, pp. 21–3; Skowronek, Building a New American State, p. 49; Bensel, Yankee Leviathan, p. 165; Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993).
22. Stampp, Causes, p. 222.
23. Quoted in John Hope Franklin, Reconstruction, p. 4.
24. Woodward, Reunion and Reaction, p. 237.
25. George M. Fredrickson, The Inner Civil War (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1965), p. 65; Foner, Free Soil, p. 310. See also McPherson, Struggle for Equality, p. 46.
26. New York Courier and Enquirer 1 December 1860, quoted in Stampp, Causes, p. 75.
27. Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg.
28. Du Bois, Reconstruction, pp. 55, 80; Montgomery, Beyond Equality, p. 95; McPherson, Struggle for Equality ch. 9.
29. Alexander Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic (London: Verso, 1990), p. 261; Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 149; McPherson, Struggle for Equality, p. 156.
30. Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. Supreme Court (1896), p. 537.
31. Foner, Reconstruction, pp. 25–6; Manning Marable, Race, Reform and Rebellion (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1991), p. 8; Foner, Nothing but Freedom (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1983), p. 47.
32. Stampp, Era of Reconstruction, pp. 10, 43; Franklin, Reconstruction, pp. 17–20.
33. Stampp, Era of Reconstruction, p. 43.
34. Moore, Social Origins, p. 141.
35. Woodward, Reunion and Reaction, p. 52.
36. Franklin, Reconstruction, p. 27; Foner, Reconstruction, pp. 190, 199, 215, 247, 252; Stampp, Era of Reconstruction, pp. 80, 125; Foner, Nothing But Freedom, p. 49. The South’s Congressional representation was increased after the Civil War by counting each black no longer as three-fifths of a person but instead as a full unit.
37. Foner, Reconstruction, p. 179; Fredrickson, Black Image, p. 190. Johnson had never been an advocate of blacks’ rights, and was concerned that enfranchising blacks would actually empower the Southern planters to whom he had long been opposed. See McPherson, Struggle for Equality, pp. 317, 346.
38. Richard Kluger, Simple Justice (New York: Knopf, 1976), p. 46. See also McPherson, Struggle for Equality, p. 335; James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 57.
39. George M. Fredrickson, White Supremacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), p. 250.
40. Francis Paul Prucha, The Great Father (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984), Part 5.
41. Stampp, Era of Reconstruction, p. 93; Fredrickson, White Supremacy, p. 183. See also Lerone Bennett, Jr., Black Power USA (Chicago: Johnson, 1967), pp. 42–3.
42. Barbara J. Fields, “Ideology and Race in American History,” in J. Morgan Kousser and James M. McPherson, eds., Region, Race and Reconstruction (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), p. 163.
43. Woodward, Reunion and Reaction, p. 15; A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr., “Racism in American and South African Courts,” New York University Law Review 65.3 (June 1990), p. 496; Franklin, Reconstruction, p. 80; Foner, Reconstruction, p. 314.
44. Franklin, Reconstruction, p. 105; George M. Fredrickson, Black Liberation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 28.
45. Marable, Race, Reform, p. 6; Stampp, Era of Reconstruction, p. 127; McPherson, Struggle for Equality, p. 407.
46. Franklin, Reconstruction, pp. 37–8; Kluger, Simple Justice, p. 51.
47. Fredrickson, Black Liberation, p. 99; James M. McPherson, “Comparing the Two Reconstructions,” Princeton Alumni Weekly 79 (26 February 1979), p. 18.
48. Foner, Reconstruction, p. 411.
49. Ibid., p. 68.
50. Montgomery, Beyond Equality, p. 58.
51. Constitutional Convention of the State of Louisiana, Official Journal of the Proceedings (New Orleans: H. J. Hearsey, 1898), p. 31; Constitutional Convention of the State of Mississippi, Journal of the Proceedings (Jackson: E. L. Martin, 1890), p. 702.
52. C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877–1913 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1951), p. 111; Woodward, Reunion and Reaction, pp. 59–60.
53. Paul Lewinson, Race, Class and Party (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1932), pp. 46, 56.
54. Saxton, White Republic, p. 258.
55. Foner, Reconstruction, p. 585; Montgomery, Beyond Equality, pp. 335–6. For a discussion of how the Civil War unified cross-class national loyalty prior to Reconstruction, see Martin Shefter, “Trade Unions and Political Machines,” in Ira Katznelson and Aristide Zolberg, eds., Working Class Formation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), p. 247.
56. Montgomery, Beyond Equality, p. ix.
57. Ibid., p. 338.
58. Stampp, Era of Reconstruction, pp. 206–7. See also Vincent P. DeSantis, Republicans Face the Southern Question (New York: Greenwood, 1959), p. 47.
59. Plessy v. Ferguson, U.S. Supreme Court, 163 (1896), p. 560.
60. Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg, p. 245.
61. Woodward, Reunion and Reaction, pp. 4, 10.
62. Vincent P. DeSantis, “Rutherford B. Hayes and the Removal of the Troops,” in J. Morgan Kousser and James M. McPherson, eds., Region, Race and Reconstruction (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), p. 432; Richard M. Vallely, “Party, Coercion and Inclusion,” Politics and Society 21.1 (March 1993), p. 47; Bensel, Yankee Leviathan, p. 403; Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma (New York: Harper and Row, 1944), p. 226.
63. DeSantis, “Rutherford B. Hayes,” p. 421. See also Woodward, Reunion and Reaction, pp. 91, 104, 208, 225; DeSantis, Republicans, pp. 75–7.
64. Woodward, Reunion and Reaction, p. 168; Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power (New York: Vintage, 1967), p. 36; Joel Williamson, The Crucible of Race (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), p. 507; DeSantis, Republicans, p. 54.
65. DeSantis, “Rutherford B. Hayes,” pp. 437, 445; DeSantis, Republicans, p. 34; Stampp, Era of Reconstruction, p. 210.
66. Woodward, Reunion and Reaction, p. 228.
67. DeSantis, “Rutherford B. Hayes,” p. 436.
68. Edwin S. Redky, Black Exodus (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969), pp. 18, 21, 59, 74; Edward G. Carmines and James A. Stimson, Issue Evolution: Race and the Transformation of American Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 30–1.
69. Myrdal, American Dilemma, pp. 87, 97. See also E. Franklin Frazier, On Race Relations (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), p. 89.
70. Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, Proceedings, p. 9.
71. Myrdal, American Dilemma, p. 226; Stampp, Era of Reconstruction, p. 15.
72. DeSantis, Republicans, p. 128.
73. C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow (New York: Oxford University Press, 1957), p. 6; Fredrickson, White Supremacy, p. 191.
74. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, pp. 125, 238. For a similar remark by Frederick Douglass, see McPherson, Struggle for Equality, p. 431.
75. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 634.
76. DeSantis, Republicans, pp. 70–1.
77. Ibid., pp. 191, 261.
78. Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, Proceedings, p. 375. See also V. O. Key, Jr., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York: Knopf, 1949), pp. 8, 286; Bensel, Yankee Leviathan, p. 425.
79. Woodward, Origins of the New South, pp. 249–50; C. Vann Woodward, Tom Watson: Agrarian Rebel (London: Oxford University Press, 1938), pp. 220, 129; Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 353; Sheldon Hackney, Populism to Progressivism in Alabama (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969). For a more recent, critical overview, see Robert C. McMath, American Populism (New York: Hill and Wang, 1993).
80. J. Morgan Kousser, The Shaping of Southern Politics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974), p. 28.
81. Woodward, Tom Watson, p. 372; Key, Southern Politics, p. 9; Ira Katz-nelson, Black Men, White Cities (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 106.
82. Kousser, Shaping of Southern Politics, pp. 36–7. See also Cobb, Most Southern Place, p. 85.
83. Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, Proceedings, p. 374.
84. Kousser, Shaping of Southern Politics, pp. 6, 17, 70, 156. See also Cobb, Most Southern Place, p. 87.
85. See Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, Proceedings, p. 375; Constitutional Convention of Mississippi, Proceedings, p. 38.
86. Hackney, Populism to Progressivism, p. 208.
87. Kousser, Shaping of Southern Politics, p. 224.
88. Woodward, Origins of the New South, p. 51.
89. Saxton, White Republic, p. 304; David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness (London: Verso, 1991), p. 167; Skowronek, New American State, p. 87; Woodward, Origins of the New South, p. 266.
90. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, p. 103.
91. Greenberg, Race and State, pp. 110, 234.
92. See J. William Harris, Plain Folk and Gentry in a Slave Society (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1985), p. 95.
93. I am here suggesting a middle course between the class-conflict focus of Woodward and the class-consensus argument of Hackney, as suggested in J. Morgan Kousser, The Shaping of Southern Politics (New Haven: Yale University Press 1974), p. xiv, n. 2.
94. Woodward, Strange Career of Jim Crow, p. 65.
95. William Julius Wilson, Power, Racism and Privilege (New York: Free Press, 1973), pp. 96, 107; William Julius Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 48, Susan Olzak, The Dynamics of Ethnic Competition and Conflict (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992), ch. 5; Roediger, Wages of Whiteness, pp. 146–7.
96. Philip S. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 1619–1913 (New York: Praeger, 1974), pp. 48, 62, 66, 75. See also Woodward, Origins of the New South, p. 361.
97. Michael Dawson, Behind the Mule (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 54.
98. Roediger, Wages of Whiteness, p. 97.
99. Wilson, Declining Significance of Race, p. 110.
100. Fredrickson, Black Image, p. 52; F. James Davis, Who Is Black?: One Nation’s Definition (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991), p. 51.
101. Constitutional Convention of Mississippi, Proceedings, p. 10.
102. Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, Proceedings, p. 9.
103. Ibid., p. 380; Constitutional Convention of Mississippi, Proceedings, p. 700.
104. Fredrickson, White Supremacy, p. 197; Woodward, Origins of the New South, pp. 331–6. For a discussion of these strategies of exclusion, see Key, Southern Politics; Myrdal, American Dilemma, pp. 480–1; Cobb, Most Southern Place, p. 89.
105. Kousser, Shaping of Southern Politics, p. 121; Woodward, Strange Career of Jim Crow, p. 68.
106. Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, American Apartheid (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993), pp. 10, 30, 41, 48.
107. Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 United States Supreme Court, 537 (1896), p. 544.
108. Woodward, Strange Career of Jim Crow, p. 87; Lawrence Wright, “One Drop of Blood,” The New Yorker (25 July 1994), p. 47; Myrdal, American Dilemma, p. 606.
109. George M. Fredrickson, The Arrogance of Race (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1988), p. 227.
110. Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, Proceedings, p. 113.
111. Woodward, Strange Career of Jim Crow, p. 93; Myrdal, American Dilemma, p. 523.
112. Woodward, Origins of the New South, p. 351; Marable, Race, Reform, p. 9; Woodward, Strange Career of Jim Crow, p. 25; Redky, Black Exodus, p. 171; Williamson, Crucible of Race, pp. 183–9; Cobb, Most Southern Place, p. 114. Early lynching victims were white, according to Myrdal, American Dilemma, p. 560. And by the early twentieth century, when racial domination had been firmly established, lynching gradually diminished in frequency, as described by Davis, Who is Black?, p. 53; Myrdal, American Dilemma, p. 191.
113. Foner, Nothing But Freedom, p. 55; Yehudi Webster, The Racialization of America (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1992), p. 110; Cobb, Most Southern Place ch. 4. Tocqueville had anticipated this outcome, as discussed in his Democracy in America, p. 343.
114. Cell, Highest Stage, pp. 104, 134; Winthrop D.Jordan, White Over Black (New York: Norton, 1968), p. 415; Wilson, Declining Significance, p. 39.
115. Massey and Denton, American Apartheid, pp. 30, 36.
116. Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, Proceedings, p. 32.
117. Cell, Highest Stage, p. 3; Kluger, Simple Justice, p. 90.
118. Williamson, Crucible of Race, p. 507.
119. Key, Southern Politics, p. 15; Roediger, Wages of Whiteness, p. 140; Woodward, Reunion and Reaction, p. 237; Lewinson, Race, Class and Party, pp. 46, 61.
120. Woodward, Origins of the New South, p. 266.
121. Williamson, Crucible of Race, p. 319.
122. W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Negro and Communism,” Crisis (September 1931), pp. 315–20.
123. Congressional Record (51st Congress, First Session, 1892), pp. 6538–51.
124. Hackney, Populism to Progressivism, p. 163.
125. Wilson, Power, p. 56.
126. Kluger, Simple Justice, p. 84; Woodward, Strange Career of Jim Crow, p. 55; Wilson, Power, Racism, p. 105; Reginald Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981).
127. Woodward, Origins of the New South, p. 480; Kousser, Shaping of Southern Politics, p. 228.
128. Rogers M. Smith, “Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions in America,” American Political Science Review 87.3 (September 1993), p. 561. Smith is quoting Charles Francis Adams, Jr., from 1908.
129. Myrdal, American Dilemma, p. 211; Ira Katznelson, Kim Geiger, and Daniel Kryder, “Limiting Liberalism: The Southern Veto in Congress, 1933–50,” Political Science Quarterly 108.2 (Summer 1993), p. 292.
130. Nancy J. Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), pp. 15, 211, 298; Wilson, Declining Significance, p. 141; Myrdal, American Dilemma, pp. 359, 463–4; Martin Carnoy, Faded Dreams (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 202.
131. Weiss, Farewell to the Party, pp. 55, 106–7, 119, 157, 166; Robert C. Lieberman, Race and the American Welfare State (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998).
132. Kenneth B. Clark, “Introduction,” in Talcott Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark, eds., The Negro American (Boston: Beacon Press, 1965), p. xiii.
133. Bureau of U.S. Department of Commerce, The Social and Economic Status of the Black Population (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1979), p. 15; John T. Donahue III and James Heckman, “Continuous versus Episodic Change: The Impact of Civil Rights Policy on the Economic Status of Blacks,” Journal of Economic Literature 29 (December 1991), p. 1607; John R. Forund and Jay R. Williams, “Internal-External Control and Black Militancy,” Journal of Social Issues 26.1 (Winter 1970), p. 122; Thomas Byrne Edsall and Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction (New York: Norton, 1991), p. 33; Nicholas Lemann, The Promised Land (New York: Random House, 1991), p. 6; Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 73.
134. Oliver Cromwell Cox, Caste, Class and Race (Garden City: Doubleday, 1948); Michael Reich, Racial Inequality (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981). See also Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States (New York: Routledge, 1986), p. 31.
135. Olzak, Dynamics, p. 107; Wilson, Power, pp. 124, 128; Foner, Organized Labor, pp. 205, 215, 312.
136. Interview with Congressman Charles B. Rangel, New York, 8 April 1994.
137. See Myrdal, American Dilemma, p. 1016; George M. Fredrickson, “Black–White Relations Since Emancipation,” in Kees Gispen, ed., What Made the South Different? (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1990), p. 134; Cell, Highest Stage, pp. 5, 8; Charles V. Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. (New York: Macmillan, 1991), p. 225; Rupert Emerson and Martin Kilson, “The American Dilemma in a Changing World: The Rise of Africa and the Negro American,” in Talcott Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark, eds., The Negro American (Boston: Beacon, 1965), pp. 626–58; Derrick A. Bell, Jr., “Comment,” Harvard Law Review 93 (1979–80), pp. 518–33.
138. Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Supreme Court of the United States 347 U.S. 483 (1954).
139. Alan B. Anderson and George W. Pickering, Confronting the Color Line (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), p. 71; Virginia Foster Durr, Outside the Magic Circle: The Autobiography of Virginia Foster Durr (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1985), p. 274.
140. Interview with Congressman John Lewis, Washington, D.C., 5 May 1993; Robert H. Brisbane, Black Activism: Racial Revolution in the United States, 1954–10 (Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press, 1974), p. 31; Kluger, Simple Justice, p. 651; Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, pp. 200, 204; Aldon D. Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Free Press, 1984), p. 28.
141. Doug McAdam, Freedom Summer (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 30; Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988), p. 224; Harris L. Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1980), p. 107.
142. Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings, p. 467.
143. Ibid., pp. 15, 128; interview with James Farmer, 6 May 1993. See also John Dittmer, Local People (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), pp. 94, 156.
144. Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings, pp. 141, 144, 157; Kenneth O’Reilly, Racial Matters (New York: Free Press, 1989), p. 67; James Farmer, Lay Bare the Heart (New York: Arbor House, 1985), p. 219.
145. Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings, p. 167.
146. John F. Kennedy, Press Conference, 11 April 1962. See also Burke Marshall, “The Protest Movement and the Law,” Virginia Law Review 51 (1965), pp. 785–803.
147. Interview with Burke Marshall, New Haven, 23 March 1994. The most notable instance of an attack on a federal official by Southern white mobs was that on Attorney General Robert Kennedy’s representative, John Seigenthaler, in Montgomery in 1961. See Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings, p. 154.
148. Hugh Davis Graham, The Civil Rights Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 74. See also Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings, p. 176; Burke Marshall, Federalism and Civil Rights (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964), p. 83.
149. Branch, Parting the Waters, pp. 659–60.
150. Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings, p. 21. See also Branch, Parting the Waters, p. 791. In 1961, President Kennedy’s concern for the nation’s image abroad led him to urge civil rights activists to refrain from protest, as discussed in Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings, p. 125.
151. James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (New York: Macmillan, 1972), p. 108.
152. John F. Kennedy, “Address to the Nation,” 11 June 1963, in Clayborne Carson, et al., eds., The Eyes on the Prize (New York: Penguin, 1991), p. 161.
153. Stephan Lesher, George Wallace: American Populist (Reading: Addison-Wesley, 1994), p. 328. See also Dittmer, Local People, p. 286; Cobb, Most Southern Place, p. 233.
154. Lyndon B. Johnson, “Foreword,” in Talcott Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark, eds., The Negro American (Boston: Beacon Press, 1965), p. v.
155. Lesher, Wallace, p. 333.
156. Interview with Burke Marshall, New Haven, 23 March 1994. See also Marshall, Federalism and Civil Rights; McAdam, Freedom Summer, p. 67; Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power (New York: Random House, 1967), p. 9.
157. Nicholas Lemann, The Promised Land (New York: Random House, 1991), p. 352. See also Nancy J. Weiss, Whitney M. Young, Jr. and the Struggle for Civil Rights (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), p. 143.
158. Forman, Black Revolutionaries, p. 265.
159. Interview with George Wallace, Montgomery, 14 March 1994. See also Jack Bass, Taming the Storm (New York: Doubleday, 1993), pp. 193–4.
160. Interview with Joseph Lowery, Atlanta, 29 April 1993.
161. Lesher, George Wallace, pp. 270, 287. See also Branch, Parting the Waters, p. 822.
162. Graham, Civil Rights Era, p. 463.
163. Lemann, Promised Land, p. 201; Graham, Civil Rights Era, p. 61. This increase of federal employment for blacks was later replicated in local-government hiring during the 1970s, supported by federal grants, as discussed in Peter Eisinger, Black Employment in City Government, 1913–1980 (Washington: Joint Center for Political Studies, 1983).
164. Associate Control, Research and Analysis, Inc. (ACRA), Black Opinion Survey vol. 1, (Washington: ACRA, 1977), pp. 46–7.
165. Richard B. Freeman, Black Elite (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1976), p. 122.
166. Wilson, Declining Significance, p. 126; Freeman, Black Elite, p. 151; Carrell Peterson Horton and Jessie Carney Smiths, eds., Statistical Record of Black America (Detroit: Gale Research, 1990), p. 285; Congressional Budget Office, Income Disparities Between Black and White Americans (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1977), p. 7; Manning Marable, “Black Nationalism in the 1970s: Through the Prism of Race and Class,” Socialist Review 10. 2/3 (March/June 1980), p. 81.
167. Wilson, Declining Significance; Michael Hout, “Occupational Mobility of Black Men, 1962–1973,” American Sociological Review 49 Qune 1984), pp. 308–22; Sharon M. Collins, “The Making of the Black Middle Class,” Social Problems 30.4 (April 1983), pp. 369–81; Bart Landry, The New Black Middle Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987).
168. Daniel P. Moynihan, Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding (New York: Free Press, 1969), pp. 129, 149.
169. Bureau of the Census, Social and Economic Status of the Black Population, pp. 13–15, 145.
170. Interview with Wayne Greenhaw, Montgomery, 26 April 1993.
171. Interview with James Farmer, 6 May 1993.
172. Thomas Byrne Edsall and Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction (New York: Norton, 1991), pp. 37, 60, 66; Graham, Civil Rights Era, p. 163.
173. Gianfranco Poggi, The State (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1990), p. 110. This estimate includes government growth up to 1979, but most of this was achieved by the mid-1960s owing to the combined effects of the New Deal, the Second World War, and the Great Society.
174. Myrdal, American Dilemma, pp. 466, 1011.
175. Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy Since the Civil War (New York: Basic Books, 1986), pp. 3, 42, 44, 53, 61, 170, 216, 260. See also Woodward, Origins of the New South, pp. 112–13, 120, 128, 301; Greenberg, Race and State, p. 211; Cobb, Most Southern Place, pp. 184, 196, 198.
176. Katznelson, Geiger, and Kryder, “Limiting Liberalism,” p. 298. See also Greenberg, Race and State, p. 218.
177. Wright, Old South, New South, p. 240; Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Commerce, Historical Statistics of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1975), Series F–297–348, pp. 243–5, 295.
Chapter 7. “Order and Progress”
1. Carlos Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil: The Smooth Preservation of Racial Inequalities,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley (1978), p. 258; Bolivar Lamounier, “Ideologia Conservadora e Mudangas Estruturais,” Dados 5 (1968), Rio de Janeiro, pp. 5–21.
2. A comparable argument is presented by Karen Barkey, Bandits and Bureaucrats: The Ottoman Route to State Centralization (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1994).
3. Melissa Nobles, “Responding with Good Sense: The Politics of Race and Census in Contemporary Brazil,” Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, New Haven (1995), p. 15.
4. Thomas E. Skidmore, Black into White (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), p. 43.
5. Donald Pierson, Negroes in Brazil (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942), p. 346.
6. Pierre-Michel Fontaine, “Transnational Relations and Racial Mobilization,” in John F. Stack, Jr., ed., Ethnic Identities in a Transnational World (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1981), p. 144; Pierson, Negroes in Brazil, pp. 331, 335.
7. Florestan Fernandes, Significado do Protesto Negro (Sao Paulo: Autores Associados, 1989), p. 31; Emilia Viotta da Costa, The Brazilian Empire (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. 202–9.
8. Robert Brent Toplin, The Abolition of Slavery in Brazil (New York: Atheneum, 1972), p. 256; Thomas E. Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930–64 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 6; E. Bradford Burns, Nationalism in Brazil (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 49.
9. Costa, Brazilian Empire, p. 233.
10. Boris Fausto, “Society and Politics,” in Leslie Bethell, ed., Brazil: Empire and Republic, 1822–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 270; Gilberto Freyre, Brazil: An Interpretation (New York: Knopf, 1945), p. 76.
11. Karl Lowenstein, Brazil Under Vargas (New York: Macmillan, 1944), p. 9.
12. A. J. R. Russell-Wood, The Black Man in Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil (London: Macmillan, 1982), p. 198; Robert Conrad, The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), p. 157; Rebecca J. Scott, “Exploring the Meaning of Freedom: Post-emancipation Societies in Comparative Perspective,” Hispanic American Historical Review 68.3 (1988), p. 413.
13. Florestan Fernandes, The Negro in Brazilian Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969), p. 141.
14. Michael Trochim, “The Brazilian Black Guard: Racial Conflict in Post-Abolition Brazil,” The Americas 44.3 (January 1988), pp. 286–90; Celia Maria Marinho de Azevedo, “Batismo da Liberdade: Os Abolicionistas e o Destino do Negro,” História: Questóes e Debates 9.16 (January 1988), pp. 38–63.
15. Fernandes, Negro, p. 28; Elide Rugai Bastos, “A Questão Racial e a Revolução Burguesa,” in Maria Angela D’Incas, ed., O Saber Militante (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1987), p. 156; Robert Brent Toplin, “Abolition and the Issue of Black Freedmen’s Future,” in Robert Brent Toplin, ed., Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1974), p. 271.
16. Toplin, “Abolition,” p. 255; Florestan Fernandes, “The Weight of the Past,” in John Hope Franklin, ed., Color and Race (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1968), p. 284; Warren Dean, “Economy,” in Leslie Bethell, ed., Brazil: Empire and Republic, 1822–1930, pp. 236–7; Célia Maria Marinho de Azevedo, Onda Negra, Medo Branco: O Negro no Imaginario das Elites – Século XIX (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1987), p. 25.
17. Skidmore, Black into White, pp. 138–9; Célia Maria Marinho de Azevedo, “Sinal Fechado para os Negros na Rua da Liberdade,” Humanidades 5.17 (1988), p. 10; Azevedo, Onda Negra, pp. 134–7, 163.
18. Florestan Fernandes, “Luta de Raças e de Classes,” Teoria e Debate 2 (March 1988), p. 7; Emilia Viotti da Costa, “1870–1889,” in Leslie Bethell, ed., Brazil: Empire and Republic, 1822–1930 p. 199; Freyre, Brazil: An Interpretation, p. 107.
19. Arthur F. Corwin, “Afro-Brazilians,” in Robert Brent Toplin, ed., Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1974), p. 396; Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil,” pp. 155–7; Carlos Hasenbalg, “Desigualidades Raciais no Brasil,” Dados 14 (1977), pp. 18–19; Nelson do Valle Silva and Carlos Hasenbalg, Relações Raciais no Brasil Contemporâneo (Rio de Janeiro: Fundo Editora, 1992), p. 106.
20. Azevedo, “Sinal Fechado,” p. 10; E. Franklin Frazier, On Race Relations (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), p. 100. The counterargument, that immigrants’ racial attitudes were instead shaped by Brazil’s, is presented in Anani Dzidzienyo, The Position of Blacks in Brazilian Society (London: Minority Rights Group, 1971), p. 16.
21. Laura Foner and Eugene D. Genovese, eds., Slavery in the New World (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1969), p. 242; Eugene D. Genovese, The World the Slaveholders Made (New York: Pantheon, 1969), p. 14.
22. Abdias do Nascimento, Brazil: Mixture or Massacre? (Dover: Majority Press, 1979), p. 75; Thomas E. Skidmore, “Toward a Comparative Analysis of Race Relations since Abolition in Brazil and the United States,” Latin American Studies 4.1 (1972), p. 8; Skidmore, Black into White, pp. 137, 193, 196–8; Thomas E. Skidmore, “Racial Ideas and Social Policy in Brazil, 1870–1940,” in Richard Graham, ed., The Idea of Race in Latin America (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), pp. 23–5; Azevedo, Onda Negra, pp. 44, 166.
23. Do Nascimento, Brazil, p. 60
24. Azevedo, Onda Negra, pp. 37, 82.
25. Skidmore, “Toward a Comparative Analysis,” p. 4. The “mulatto” population fell from 41.4 percent in 1890 to 21 percent in 1940. See Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil,” p. 142; Charles H. Wood and Jose Alberto Magno de Carvalho, The Demography of Inequality in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 142.
26. E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), p. 363; Skidmore, Black into White, pp. 48–52.
27. Skidmore, Black into White, p. 77. See also Carlos Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Modern Brazil,” working paper no.87131, Latin American Institute, University of New Mexico, Alberquerque (1987), p. 9; Burns, History of Brazil, p. 368.
28. Skidmore, Black into White, p. 64.
29. Charles Wood, “Categorias Censitárias e Classificações Subjetivas de Raça no Brasil,” in Peggy A. Lovell, ed., Desigualdade Racial no Brasil Contemporâneo (Belo Horizonte: MGSP Editores, 1991). See Nobles, “Responding with Good Sense,” p. 10.
30. George Reid Andrews, Blacks and Whites in São Paulo, Brazil, 1888–1988 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), p. 252.
31. Michael Hanchard, Black Orpheus (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); Howard Winant, “Rethinking Race in Brazil,” Journal of Latin American Studies 24 (1992), p. 177; Corwin, “Afro-Brazilians,” p. 407.
32. Theodore Roosevelt, “Brazil and the Negro,” The Outlook 106 (21 February 1914), pp. 409–11. Fifteen years later another American president, Herbert Hoover, made similar remarks about Brazil, as quoted in “A Formula Igualitária para Resolver a Queãsto Racial Americana,” Progresso 1.9 (24 February 1929).
33. Freyre, Brazil, p. 120.
34. Marvin Harris, Patterns of Race in the Americas (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1964), p. 54; Wood and Carvalho, Demography of Inequality, p. 137.
35. See Nobles, “Responding with Good Sense"; Andrews, Blacks and Whites, p. 249; Marvin Harris et al., “Who Are the Whites?: Imposed Census Categories and Racial Demography of Brazil,” Social Forces 72.2 (December 1993), p. 452; Peggy A. Lovell, “Race, Gender and Development in Brazil,” Latin American Research Review 29.3 (1994), p. 12.
36. Winant, “Rethinking Race in Brazil,” p. 183.
37. Roberto da Matta, Relativizando (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1984), p. 78; Skid-more, “Toward a Comparative Analysis,” p. 8.
38. Skidmore, “Racial Ideas and Social Policy in Brazil,” p. 24.
39. Fernandes, Negro in Brazilian Society, pp. 50, 134; George M. Fredrickson, The Arrogance of Race (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1988), p. 190.
40. See David Hellwig, ed., African-American Reflections on Brazil’s Racial Paradise (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992).
41. Charles H. Wagley, ed., Race and Class in Rural Brazil (Paris: UNESCO, 1952), p. 151; Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Modern Brazil,” p. 9.
42. Alma Guillermoprieto, Samba (New York: Random House, 1990), p. 8; Jim Wafer, The Taste of Blood: Spirit Possession in Brazilian Condomble (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991), p. 56.
43. Davis, Problem of Slavery, p. 243, n. 26; Clovis Moura, Història do Negro Brasileiro (Sao Paulo: Atica, 1989), p. 31; Silva and Hasenbalg, Relações Raciais, p. 157; Lélia Gonzalez and Carlos Hasenbalg, Lugar de Negro (Rio de Janeiro: Ed. Marco Zero Limitada, 1982), p. 27.
44. Carlos Hasenbalg, “Race and Socio Economic Inequality in Brazil,” Instituto Universitario de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro (March 1983).
45. Da Matta, Relativizando, p. 70; Pierre-Michel Fontaine, “Transnational Relations and Racial Mobilization,” in John F. Stack, Jr., ed., Ethnic Identities in a Transnational World (Westport: Conn.: Greenwood, 1981), p. 144.
46. Silva and Hasenbalg, Relacões Raciais, p. 155. See also Ambassador Rubens Ricúpero, “Racial Harmony in Brazil,” Washington Post (30 August 1993), Letter to the Editor, as quoted in Nobles, “Responding with Good Sense,” pp. 13–15.
47. Richard M. Morse, “The Heritage of Latin America,” in Louis Hartz, ed., The Founding of New Societies (New York: Harcourt Brace and World, 1964), p. 124; Thomas E. Skidmore, “Brazilian Intellectuals and the Problem of Race, 1870–1930,” Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Occasional Papers Series no. 6, p. 5. Brazilian nationalism was further reinforced by the unifying effect of the war effort during the First World War, in which blacks played a significant role in the armed forces, as discussed in Skidmore, Black into White, pp. 155, 188.
48. Pierre-Michel Fontaine, “Introduction,” in Pierre-Michel Fontaine, ed., Race, Class and Power in Brazil (Center for Afro-American Studies, University of California, Los Angeles, 1985), p. 6; Silva and Hasenbalg, Relaçõs Raciais, pp. 9, 154.
49. Fontaine, “Transnational Relations,” p. 142.
50. Thomas E. Skidmore, “Fact and Myth: An Overview of Afro-Brazilian Studies in Brazil,” Kellogg Center Working Paper no. 1, University of Notre Dame (February 1992), p. 5; Nobles, “Responding with Good Sense,” p. 87. Brazil’s occasional exclusion of race from the census was pursued even further in Venezuela, where since 1854 there was no census question on race or color, according to Nobles, “Responding with Good Sense,” p. 48.
51. The result of this policy is indicated by a review of scholarship on race issues, in which studies of current inequality remain few. See Luiz Claudio Barcelos, Olivia Maria Gomes da Cunha, and Tereza Cristina Nascimento Araujo, Escravidadão e Relações Raciais no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Centro de Estudos Afro-Asiaticos, 1991).
52. Da Matta, Relativizando, pp. 70, 79; Michael Hanchard, Orpheus and Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).
53. Pierson, Negroes in Brazil, p. 225; Corwin, “Afro-Brazilians,” p. 389; Hasenbalg and Huntington, “Brazilian Racial Democracy,” pp. 131–5.
54. Hasenbalg, “Race and Socio Economic Inequality in Brazil,” pp. 7–10; Gerald F. Bender, Angola Under the Portuguese: The Myth and the Reality (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), p. 41; Fontaine, “Introduction,” p. 7.
55. Corwin, “Afro-Brazilians,” p. 390.
56. Do Nascimento, Brazil, p. 46.
57. Robert M. Levine, The Vargas Regime (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), pp. 15, 123, 151, 157; Lowenstein, Brazil Under Vargas, pp. 28, 63, 71; Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, pp. 23, 34.
58. Levine, Vargas Regime, p. 13; Freyre, Brazil, p. 78; Mauricio A. Font, Coffee, Contention and Change (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1990), p. 6.
59. Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, pp. 29, 38.
60. Lowenstein, Brazil Under Vargas, p. 37.
61. Directoria Geral de Estatstíca, Anário Estatístico do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Typographia de Estatística, 1916), vol. 1, p. 169; (1939–40, Ano IV), pp. 816, 1409.
62. Levine, Vargas Regime, p. 13; Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, p. 35; Margaret Keck, The Workers’ Party and Democratization in Brazil (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), p. 31.
63. See Philippe Schmitter, “Still the Century of Corporatism,” in Frederick B. Pike and Thomas Stritch, eds., The New Corporatism (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1974), pp. 93–4.
64. Burns, History of Brazil, p. 415; Keck, Workers’ Party, p. 62; Octavio Ianni, Crisis in Brazil (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), p. 50.
65. Biorn Maybury-Lewis, “The Politics of the Possible: The Growth and Political Development of the Brazilian Rural Workers’ Trade Union Movement, 1964–1985,” Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, New York (1993).
66. Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, pp. 50–6.
67. Gonzalez and Hasenbalg, Lugar de Negro, p. 23; Allison Raphael, “Samba and Social Control,” Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, New York (1980), pp. 90–8; Diana DeG. Brown, Umbanda: Religion and Politics in Urban Brazil (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1986), pp. 145–7; interview with Luiz Felipe Alencastro, São Paulo, 9 July 1993. An exception to Vargas’s racial tolerance was the 1934 ban on mixed marriages.
68. Interview with Januário Garcia, Rio de Janeiro, 21 July 1993. See also Michael Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness and the Political Attitudes and Behavior of Blacks in São Paulo, Brazil,” Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, Bloomington (1977), p. 130.
69. Peggy Ann Lovell, “Racial Inequality and the Brazilian Labor Market,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville (1989), p. 12; Maria Helena Moreira Alves, State and Opposition in Military Brazil (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985); Thomas E. Skidmore, The Politics of Military Rule in Brazil, 1964–85 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 11; Youssef Cohen, The Manipulation of Consent (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989); Wood and Carvalho, Demography of Inequality, p. 108.
70. Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, pp. 181, 228.
71. Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, p. 248.
72. Keck, Workers’Party, p. 21.
73. “In Chile or Argentina .. . the military killed more than one hundred times more people per capita than in Brazil... . On a per capita basis, for every person who disappeared or died in official custody in Brazil, ten died in Uruguay, and over three hundred died in Argentina.” Alfred Stepan, Rethinking Military Politics: Brazil and the Southern Cone (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), pp. 64, 69.
74. Nelson do Valle Silva, “Black–White Income Differentials: Brazil, 1960,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor (1978), pp. 99, 131.
75. Interview with Joao Jorge Santos Rodrigues, Salvador, Bahia, 15 June 1993.
76. See Howard Winant, “Rethinking Race in Brazil,” Journal of Latin American Studies, 24 (1992), pp. 174–6.
77. Carlos Hasenbalg, “Desigualdades Raciais no Brasil,” Dados 14 (1977), p. 11; Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil,” pp. 186, 189, 197.
78. Degler, Neither Black nor White, p. 147. Whites also living in the favelas were similarly affected.
79. Fontaine, Race, Class and Power, p. ix.
80. Winant, “Rethinking Race in Brazil,” p. 187.
81. Jan Fiola, “Race Relations in Brazil: A Reassessment of the Racial Democracy Thesis,” Program in Latin American Studies, Occasional Paper Series no. 24, University of Massachusetts, Amherst (1990), p. 17; do Nascimento, Brazil, p. xi; James H. Kennedy, “Political Liberalization, Black Consciousness and Recent Afro-Brazilian Literature,” Phylon 47.3 (1986), pp. 199–209; Lovell, “Racial Inequality,” pp. 13–14.
82. See Keck, Workers’ Party, p. 1; Guillermo O’Donnell, “Challenges to Democratization in Brazil,” World Policy Journal 5.2 (Spring 1988), pp. 281–300.
83. Adam Przeworski, Democracy and the Market (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 60, 74; Frances Hagopian, “The Compromised Consolidation: The Political Class in the Brazilian Transition,” in Scott Mainwaring et al., eds., Issues in Democratic Consolidation (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), p. 264.
84. Keck, Workers’ Party, p. 25; Guillermo O’Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), pp. 38, 47; Sonia E. Alvarez, Engendering Democracy in Brazil (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), p. 14; Johannes Rantete and Hermann Giliomee, “Transition to Democracy Through Transaction?” African Affairs 91 (1992), p. 524; Samuel P. Huntington, “Reform and Stability in South Africa,” International Security 6.4 (Spring 1982).
85. “Momento Político,” Fora Negra 1.0 (May 1979).
86. O’Donnell and Schmitter, Transitions, p. 11.
87. Keck, Workers’ Party, pp. 7, 64, 66, 78, 170; Przeworski, Democracy and the Market, p. 122, n. 46; Alfred Stepan, ed., Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Gay Seidman, “Fighting for the Rights to be Happy,” Work in Progress 61 (June 1990); Gay Seidman, Manufacturing Militance: Workers’ Movements in Brazil and South Africa, 1910–1985 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Alvarez, Engendering Democracy, p. 110.
88. Przeworksi, Democracy and the Market, p. 59, n. 12; Stepan, Rethinking Military Politics, pp. 32–3; Scott Mainwaring, “Urban Popular Movements, Identity, and Democracy in Brazil,” Comparative Political Studies 20.2 (July 1987), pp. 131–59.
89. Keck, Workers’ Party, p. 38; Alvarez, Engendering Democracy, p. 36; Przeworski, Democracy and the Market, p. 91, n. 68; O’Donnell and Schmitter, Transitions, p. 54; Scott Mainwaring and Edward Viola, “New Social Movements, Political Culture and Democracy,” Telos 61 (Fall 1984), p. 25.
90. Ben Ross Schneider, Politics Within the State: Elite Bureaucrats and Industrial Policy in Authoritarian Brazil (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991), p. 247.
91. Harris, Patterns of Race in the Americas, pp. 96–8.
92. Herbert S. Klein, Social Change in Brazil, 1945–1985: The Incomplete Transition (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989), p. 1.
93. Carl Degler, Neither Black nor White (New York: Macmillan, 1971), p. 99.
94. Carlos Hasenbalg and Nelson do Valle Silva, “Industrialization, Employment and Stratification in Brazil,” in John D. Wirth, ed., State and Society in Brazil (Boulder: Westview, 1987), pp. 77–8.
95. Pierre Van den Berghe, Race and Racism (New York: Wiley, 1967), p. 70.
96. Youssef Cohen, The Manipulation of Consent (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989).
97. Anani Dzidzienyo, “Brazil,” in Jay A. Sigler, ed., International Handbook on Race and Race Relations (New York: Greenwood, 1987), pp. 26, 33; Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil,” p. 236.
98. Skidmore, “Fact and Myth,” p. 11; Dzidzienyo, “Brazil,” p. 33; “O Mal Secreto,” Jornal do Brasil (21 April 1993).
99. “Less than 2 percent of federal civil service employees were blacks, and most of them were in lower echelons,” according to Gerald J. Bender, Angola Under the Portuguese (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), p. 42. See also Degler, Neither Black nor White, p. 148; Jean-Claude Garcia-Zamor, “Social Mobility of Negroes in Brazil,” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 12.2 (April 1970), p. 251.
Comparative Racial Domination: An Overview
1. See John W. Cell, The Highest Stage of White Supremacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 104; William Julius Wilson, Power, Racism and Privilege (New York: Free Press, 1973), pp. 41, 42, 73, 76, 93; William Julius Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 46; C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow (New York: Oxford University Press, 1957); Pierre Van den Berghe, Race and Racism (New York: Wiley, 1967), pp. 27–30; Susan Olzak, The Dynamics of Ethnic Competition and Conflict (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1992), p. 209.
2. Olzak, Dynamics, p. 108. See also John Rex, Race Relations in Sociological Theory (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1970), p. 191.
3. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “Employment, Income, and the Ordeal of the Black Family,” in Talcott Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark, eds., The Negro American (Boston: Beacon, 1965), p. 137; Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1910 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 88.
4. See Edna Bonacich, “A Theory of Ethnic Antagonism: The Split Labor Market,” American Sociological Review 37 (October 1972), pp. 547–59; Edna Bonacich, “Capitalism and Race Relations in South Africa: A Split Labor Market Analysis,” in Maurice Zeitlin, ed., Political Power and Social Theory (Greenwich: JAI Press, 1981), vol. 2, pp. 241, 249; Wilson, Power, Racism and Privilege, p. 53; Michael Reich, Racial Inequality (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981).
5. See Florestan Fernandes, The Negro in Brazilian Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969).
6. See Harold Wolpe, “Capitalism and Cheap Labour Power in South Africa,” Economy and Society 1.4 (November 1972); Deborah Posel, The Making of Apartheid (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp. 9–19.
7. See Martin Legassick, “South Africa: Forced Labor, Industrialization and Racial Differentiation,” in Richard Harris, ed., The Political Economy of Africa (New York: Wiley, 1975); Wolpe, “Capitalism and Cheap Labour Power"; Frederick Johnstone, Race, State and Class (London: Routledge, 1976); Posel, Making of Apartheid, pp. 9–19; Merle Lipton, Capitalism and Apartheid (London: Wildwood, 1985); Stanley Greenberg, Race and State in Capitalist Development (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980), pp. 177, 184.
8. See James McPherson, The Struggle for Equality (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), pp. 41, 381.
9. Greenberg, Race and State, pp. 129, 141.
10. H. Hoetink, Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America (New York: Harper and Row, 1973), pp. 21, 33; Greenberg, Race and State, p. 276. See also Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma (New York: Harper and Row, 1944), p. 391.
11. C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1951), p. 257. See also Wilson, Declining Significance, pp. 58–9; Rogers M. Smith, “Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions in America,” American Political Science Review 87.3 (September 1993), p. 551.
12. See E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Knopf, 1966).
13. Joel Williamson, A Rage for Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. viii. See also Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985), p. 65.
14. Greenberg, Race and State, p. 406.
15. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (Beacon: Boston, 1944), ch. 1.
16. Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 136.
17. Ibid., pp. 136–48. See also Ralph Miliband, The State in Capitalist Development (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969).
18. Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. Quinton Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, (New York: International Publishers, 1971), p. 182.
19. Przeworski, Capitalism, p. 197.
20. Kimberlie Williams Crenshaw, “Race, Reform and Retrenchment: Transformation and Legitimation in Antidiscrimination Law,” Harvard Law Review 101.7 (May 1988), p. 1336. See also David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness (London: Verso, 1991), p. 7.
21. Przeworski, Capitalism, pp. 143, 201; Karl Marx, Capital (New York: International Publishers, 1967), p. 283; N. Poulantzas, Political Power and Social Classes (London: New Left Books, 1973).
22. Przeworski, Capitalism, p. 202.
23. Ibid., pp. 140, 164–5.
24. Greenberg, Race and State, pp. 26–7.
25. Rex, Race Relations, p. 94.
26. See Michael Burawoy, “The Capitalist State in South Africa,” in Maurice Zeitlin, ed., Political Power and Social History (Greenwich: JAI, 1981), vol. 2, pp. 279–335.
27. Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), p. 12; Omi and Winant, Racial Formation, p. 79. For more general discussions of state-class interests, see Miliband, State in Capitalist Development; Poulantzas, Political Power; Claus Offe, Disorganized Capitalism (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1985).
Part Three. Race Making from Below
Chapter 8. “We Are a Rock”
1. Jeff Guy, The Destruction of the Zulu Kingdom (London: Longmans, 1979); James O. Gump, The Dust Rose Like Smoke (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994). Gump offers a fascinating comparison of early Zulu and Native American resistance.
2. Andre Odendaal, Vukani Bantu!: The Beginnings of Black Protest Politics in South Africa to 1912 (Cape Town: David Philip, 1984), pp. 7–12. See also George M. Fredrickson, Black Liberation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 42.
3. Fredrickson, Black Liberation, pp. 58, 77, 80.
4. South African Native Affairs Commission, Report of the Commission (Cape Town: Government Printer, 1905), pp. 63–7. See also Odendaal, Vukani Bantu!, pp. 23–7; Fredrickson, Black Liberation, ch. 2.
5. See T. R. H. Davenport, South Africa: A Modern History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977), Part 1; Leroy Vail, ed., The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Gump, Dust Rose, p. 78.
6. Peter Walshe, The Rise of African Nationalism in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), p. 6.
7. Odendaal, Vukani Bantu!, p. 8.
8. See Walshe, Rise of African Nationalism, pp. 20, 23–4; D. D. T. Jabavu, “Native Unrest,” July 1920), in Thomas Karis and Gwendolen M. Carter, eds., From Protest to Challenge (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, 1972), vol. 1, pp. 122, 221.
9. Gavin Lewis, Between the Wire and the Wall (Johannesburg: David Philip, 1987), p. 64; J. D. T. Jabavu, “Native Unrest,” p. 120.
10. Walshe, Rise of African Nationalism, p. 34. Walshe is quoting from Seme’s founding speech of 8 January 1912.
11. Pixley ka Isaka Seme, “Native Union,” (24 October 1911), in Karis and Carter, eds., From Protest to Challenge, vol. 1, p. 72.
12. Walshe, Rise of African Nationalism, p. 38; Odendaal, Vukani Bantu!, pp. 97–9.
13. Pixley ka Isaka Seme, “The Regeneration of Africa,” in Karis and Carter, eds., From Protest to Challenge, vol. 1, p. 71.
14. Nelson Mandela, Long Walk to Freedom (Boston: Little, Brown, 1994), p. 67. For a provocative counterargument stressing continued official ethnic division, see Mahmood Mamdani, Citizen and Subject (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).
15. South African Native National Congress, “Petition to King George V” (20 July 1914), in Karis and Carter, eds., From Protest to Challenge, vol. 1, p. 125.
16. South African Native National Congress, “Petition to King George V” (16 December 1918), in Karis and Carter, eds., From Protest to Challenge, vol. 1, p. 140.
17. “All African Convention Proceedings and Resolutions,” (15–18 December 1935), in Karis and Carter, eds., From Protest to Challenge, vol. 2, p. 32.
18. J. D. T. Jabavu, “Native Unrest,” July 1920), in Karis and Carter, eds., From Protest to Challenge, vol. 1, p. 120.
19. Lewis, Between the Wire and the Wall, pp. 93, 105, 107; Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido, eds., The Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (London: Longman, 1987), p. 211.
20. “Report on Proceedings and Resolutions of the Annual Conference of the ANC” (4–5 June 1926), in Karis and Carter, eds., From Protest to Challenge, vol. 1, p. 301; Leonard Thompson, A History of South Africa (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), p. 176.
21. See W. A. de Klerk, The Puritans of Africa (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975), p. 200; Fredrickson, Black Liberation, p. 229.
22. Karis and Carter, eds., From Protest to Challenge, vol. 2, pp. 79, 8.
23. Thompson, History of South Africa, p. 181; Tom Lodge, Black Politics in South Africa since 1945 (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1983), p. 9.
24. “Constitution of the ANC Youth League” (1944), in Karis and Carter, eds., From Protest to Challenge, vol. 2, pp. 310; “Congress Youth League Manifesto” (March 1944), in Karis and Carter, eds., From Protest to Challenge, vol. 2, p. 300.
25. See Mandela, Long Walk, pp. 97, 125.
26. Lodge, Black Politics, pp. 26–33; Mandela, Long Walk, pp. 99, 121.
27. Mandela, Long Walk, p. 106.
28. An alliance had been initially forged with “the Doctors’ Pact” between the ANC and Indian Congresses in 1947, as described in Mandela, Long Walk, p. 95. This alliance was later folded into the broader “Congress Alliance.”
29. Ibid., pp. 165, 104. See also Fredrickson, Black Liberation, p. 245.
30. Commission for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas within the Union of South Africa (Tomlinson Commission), Summary of the Report (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1955), p. 104.
31. Lodge, Black Politics, p. 234; interview with Zwelakhe Sisulu, Johannesburg, 15 August 1986. For a more general discussion of the influence of the Communist Party, see Heribert Adam and Kogila Moodley, The Opening of the Apartheid Mind (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), p. 95.
32. See quotes from Cyril Ramaphosa in New Era 2.2 (June 1987), p. 1.
33. For example, see the disparaging comments about the PAC in Mandela, Long Walk, pp. 206, 253, 258, 293.
34. Central Statistical Services, South African Statistics, 1988 (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1988), Tables 5.11, 7.5. See also N. E. Wiehahn, The Complete Wiehahn Report (Johannesburg: Lex Patria, 1982), p. xxiii; Commission of Inquiry into Legislation Affecting the Utilization of Manpower (Reikert Commission), Report (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1979), p. 167.
35. Steve Biko, / Write What I Like, ed. Aelred Stubbs (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1978), pp. 27, 25.
36. Commission of Inquiry into Matters Relating to the Coloured Population Group (Theron Commission), Report (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1976), p. 449.
37. Interview with Manas Buthelezi, Johannesburg, February 1988. For general overviews, see Anthony W. Marx, Lessons of Struggle: South African Internal Opposition, 1960–1990 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), ch. 2; Gail M. Gerhart, Black Power in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978).
38. Interview with Fanyana Mazibukwe, Johannesburg, April 1988.
39. Interview with Jay Naidoo, Johannesburg, March 1988. See Marx, Lessons of Struggle, chs. 3–5.
40. Jeffrey Herbst, “Prospects for Revolution in South Africa,” Political Science Quarterly 103.4 (1988), p. 668; “South Africa,” The Economist (20 March 1993), p. 4.
41. David Yudelman, The Emergence of Modern South Africa (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1983), pp. 3, 269. The turning point in rising black labor activism was marked by the 1973 wildcat strikes in Durban, as discussed in Wiehahn, Wiehahn Report, p. 30. See also Marx, Lessons of Struggle, ch. 6.
42. See Robert Price, The Apartheid State in Crisis (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991).
43. Interview with Helen Suzman, Johannesburg, 11 May 1994.
44. See Cynthia Enloe, Ethnic Conflict and Political Development (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973), pp. 216–58. See also Cynthia Enloe, Ethnic Soldiers (Middlesex: Penguin, 1980); D. E. H. Russell, Rebellion, Revolution and Armed Force (New York: Academic Press, 1974), pp. 78–9.
45. Interview with P. J. de Lange, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994; interview with Beyers Naude, Johannesburg, 29 April 1994.
46. See Gerhard Mare and George Hamilton, An Appetite for Power: Buthe-lezVs Inkatha and South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1987); Mzala, Gat-sha Buthelezi: Chief with a Double Agenda (London: Zed, 1988); Adam and Moodley, Opening of the Apartheid Mind, ch. 6; Marks and Trapido, eds., Politics of Race, Class and Nationalism, p. 54.
47. Interview with Gerrit Viljoen, Pretoria, 28 April 1994.
48. Interview with Oliver Tambo, Washington, D.C., 27 January 1987.
49. Interview with Fred Rundle of AWB, Johannesburg, May 1994.
50. Interview with Jaap Marais, Pretoria, 4 May 1994.
51. Ibid.
52. Ibid.
53. Interview with Pieter Mulder, Pretoria, 4 May 1994.
54. Mandela, Long Walk, p. 435.
55. Interview with Gerrit Viljoen, Pretoria, 28 April 1994.
56. Ibid. See also F. W. de Klerk, “Address by State President” (2 February 1990), in Robert Schrire, Adapt or Die: The End of White Politics in South Africa (New York: Ford Foundation/Foreign Policy Association, 1991), p. 161; Adam and Moodley, Opening of the Apartheid Mind, p. 166; Johannes Rantete and Hermann Giliomee, “Transition to Democracy through Transaction?” African Affairs 91 (1992), p. 519.
57. Tomlinson Commission, Report, p. 104.
58. Anthony W. Marx, “International Intervention in South Africa,” Journal of International Affairs 46.1 (Summer 1992), pp. 175–6; Timothy D. Sisk, Democratization in South Africa (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), p. 82.
59. F. W. de Klerk, “Address by the State President,” in Schrire, Adapt or Die, p. 171; Allister Sparks, “Transition in South Africa,” Program of African Studies News and Events, Northwestern University, Evanston (Winter 1993), manuscript.
60. Mandela, Long Walk, p. 503.
61. Interview with Allan Boesak, Johannesburg, 7 April 1988.
62. Schrire, Adapt or Die, p. 25.
63. Interview with Walter Sisulu, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994,
64. Interview with Neville Alexander, Johannesburg, 5 May 1994.
65. Interview with Fatima Meer, Durban, 4 July 1986.
66. Mandela, Long Walk, p. 506.
67. “Interview with Oliver Tambo,” Cape Times (4 November 1985). See also Raymond Suttner and Jeremy Cronin, Thirty Years of the Freedom Charter (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1986), p. 129.
68. Interview with Cyril Ramaphosa, June 1988; Joe Slovo, “The Negotiations Victory,” The African Communist (Fourth Quarter 1993), pp. 6–13.
69. Interview with Gerrit Viljoen, Pretoria, 28 April 1994.
70. Craig Charney, “Voices of a New Democracy: African Expectations in the New South Africa,” Research Report no. 38, Johannesburg: Centre for Policy Studies, January 1995.
71. Interview with P. J. de Lange, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994.
72. Interview with Helen Suzman, Johannesburg, 11 May 1994. See also Allister Sparks, Tomorrow is Another Country (Sandton: Struik, 1995).
73. Interview with Gerrit Viljoen, Pretoria, 28 April 1994.
74. Interview with Neville Alexander, Johannesburg, 5 May 1994.
75. Interview with Gerrit Viljoen, Pretoria, 28 April 1994.
76. See Hennie Kotze, “Toward an Elite Settlement,” Indicator South Africa 10.2 (Autumn 1993), p. 5. I am here contesting the argument made in Samuel P. Huntington, “Reform and Stability in South Africa,” International Security 6.4 (Spring 1982).
77. See Ian Shapiro, “Democratic Innovation: South Africa in Economic Perspective,” World Politics 46.1 (October 1993); Sisk, Democratization in South Africa, pp. 88, 115, 120.
78. For a prior insightful discussion of such constitutional arrangements, see Donald L. Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).
79. Sam C. Nolutshungu, “Reflections on National Unity in South Africa,” Third World Quarterly 13.4 (1993), p. 11.
80. Estelle Randall and Chris Louw, “Cabinet Orders Report on Secret Land Deal,” Weekly Mail and Guardian (27 May 1994), p. 6
81. Interview with Beyers Naude, Johannesburg, 29 April 1994.
82. African National Congress, The Reconstruction and Development Pro-gramme (Johannesburg: Umanyano, 1994), p. 6.
83. Dennis Beckett, “Drawing a Line at Deception,” The Star (May 20, 1994), p. 12.
84. See Courtney Jung and Ian Shapiro, “South Africa’s Negotiated Transition,” Politics and Society 23.3 (1993). In 1996, the National Party left the Government of National Unity to form such an opposition.
85. Interview with Gerrit Viljoen, Pretoria, 28 April 1994. See also Sisk, Democratization in South Africa, p. 136.
86. See Joe Slovo, “The Working Class and Nation-Building,” in Maria van Diepen, ed., The National Question in South Africa (London: Zed, 1988), p. 149.
87. Interview with Neville Alexander, Johannesburg, 5 May 1994.
88. Interview with Helen Suzman, Johannesburg, 11 May 1994.
89. Interview with Beyers Naude, Johannesburg, 29 April 1994.
90. Interview with Neville Alexander, Johannesburg, 5 May 1994; interview with Breyten Breytenbach, Johannesburg, 25 April 1994.
91. Interview with Pieter Mulder, Pretoria, 4 May 1994; interview with Fred Rundle, Johannesburg, 3 May 1994.
92. Interview with Neville Alexander, Johannesburg, 5 May 1994.
93. Bill Keller, “The Revolution Won, Workers are Still Unhappy,” New York Times (23 July 1994), p. 2; Bill Keller, “A Post-Apartheid Nightmare: Hospitals Swamped,” New York Times (29 August 1994), p. A4; Bill Keller, “Corporate Foe of Apartheid Finds Rewards Elusive,” New York Times (9 December 1994), p. A4; Reg Rumney, “Perks in the RDP Firing Line,” Weekly Mail and Guardian (23 September 1994), p. Bl.
94. Interview with Nat Ramokgopa, Johannesburg, April 1988.
95. Frank Chothia, “Mistakes and Omissions Cost the ANC the Natal Vote,” Weekly Mail and Guardian (13 May 1994), p. 15; Mondi waka Makhanya, “In the Coloured Cape Flats, Mandela’s Just a Kaffir,” Weekly Mail and Guardian (25 March 1994), p. 16.
96. Interview with Mamphela Ramphele, Johannesburg, 18 August 1986.
97. Amy Waldman, “Apartheid’s Reminders Quickly Fade,” New York Times (15 June 1994), p. A10; Weekly Mail and Guardian (16 April 1993), p. 2.
98. Interview with P. J. de Lange, Johannesburg, 2 May 1994.
99. Interview with Neville Alexander, Johannesburg, 5 May 1994. See also Ernesto Laclau, Reflections on the Revolution of our Time (London: Verso, 1990), p. 156.
Chapter 9. Burying Jim Crow
1. Vincent Harding, There Is a River (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1981), pp. 71, 95.
2. Ibid., pp. 121, 146, 158.
3. Barbara Fields, “Slavery, Race and Ideology in the United States of America,” New Left Review 181, (1990), p. 115.
4. See J. Morgan Kousser, The Shaping of Southern Politics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974), p. 250.
5. Ibid., p. 212.
6. See Wilson Jeremiah Moses, The Golden Age of Black Nationalism: 1850–1925 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. 53–4; George M. Fredrickson, Black Liberation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 28; Edwin S. Redky, Black Exodus (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969), pp. 18–23; Sperling Stuckey, Ideological Origins of Black Nationalism (Boston: Beacon, 1972), p. 199; Eric Foner, Reconstruction (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), pp. 288, 598–9; Victor Ullman, Martin Delany (Boston: Beacon, 1971); E. U. Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), p. 19; Robert H. Brisbane, Black Activism (Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press, 1974), p. 11.
7. William Julius Wilson, Power, Racism and Privilege (New York: Free Press, 1973), p. 56.
8. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folks in Three Negro Classics (New York: Avon, 1965), p. 245; Floyd Barbour, ed., The Black Power Revolt (Toronto: Macmillan, 1968), pp. 36–7; Richard Kluger, Simple Justice (New York: Knopf, 1980), p. 37; W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America (New York: Atheneum, 1992), p. 14; Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma (New York: Harper and Row, 1944), p. 737. See also William S. McFeely, Frederick Douglass (New York: Norton, 1991).
9. Moses, Golden Age, pp. 84, 96; Derrick A. Bell, Jr., Faces at the Bottom of the Well (New York: Basic Books, 1992), p. 40; Redky, Black Exodus, p. 32; Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 299; Judith N. Shldar, American Citizenship (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 52.
10. Frederick Douglass, “Our Elevation as a race . . . “ (1847), reprinted in John H. Bracey, August Meier, and Elliott Rudwick, eds., Black Nationalism in America (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970), p. 58.
11. Joel Williamson, The Crucible of Race (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), p. 70.
12. Raymond L. Hall, ed., Black Separatism and Social Reality (New York: Pergamon, 1977), p. 5.
13. Charles V. Hamilton, The Black Experience in American Politics (New York: Putnam, 1973), p. 28.
14. Myrdal, American Dilemma, p. 65. Washington’s accommodationism remained unshaken, even when he was beaten by hoodlums immediately after his most famously conciliatory speech at the 1895 Atlanta Exposition. See Bart Landry, The New Black Middle Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), p. 18.
15. See Myrdal, American Dilemma, p. 739; Shklar, American Citizenship, p. 20; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1951), pp. 337, 360; Fredrickson, Black Liberation, p. 36.
16. See W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Negro Problem,” in Philip S. Foner, ed., W. E. B. Du Bois Speaks (New York: Pathfinder, 1970), p. 223; David Levering Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois – Biography of a Race (New York: Holt, 1993); Mark D. Higbee, “W. E. B. Du Bois and the Politics of Liberation, 1917–1963,” Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, New York (1995), p. 40; Charles V. Hamilton, “The Welfare of Black Americans,” Political Science Quarterly 101.2 (1986); Moses, Golden Age, p. 133.
17. Du Bois, “Loyalty,” Crisis (May 1917), p. 8; Higbee, “Du Bois,” pp. 71, 85, 94; Michael Dawson, Behind the Mule (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 31, 102.
18. Du Bois, Souls of Black Folks, in Three Negro Classics, p. 215.
19. W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Conservation of the Races,” in Foner, ed., W. E. B. Du Bois Speaks, p. 81; Higbee, “Du Bois,” pp. 251, 256.
20. Du Bois, “Conservation of the Races,” pp. 73–7.
21. See ibid., p. 79; Myrdal, American Dilemma, pp. 683, 698. For further discussion of Du Bois’s views on race, see Kwame Anthony Appiah, In My Father’s House (London: Methuen, 1992), ch. 2.
22. W. E. B. Du Bois, “Dear Reader,” Crisis (April 1919), p. 299. See also Fredrickson, Black Liberation, p. 109.
23. W. E. B. Du Bois, Dusk at Dawn (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1940), p. 275. The Communist Party had enjoyed considerable black support, especially after its efforts in defense of the Scottsboro boys. See Manning Marable, Race, Reform and Rebellion (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1991), p. 20; Fredrickson, Black Liberation ch. 5.
24. Interview with Gloster Current, New York, 3 March 1993.
25. See Lewis M. Killian, The Impossible Revolution? Black Power and the American Dream (New York: Random House, 1968), p. 94; William H. Chafe, Civilities and Civil Rights (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 117.
26. Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1910 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 134.
27. Hamilton, Black Experience in American Politics, p. 45; Myrdal, American Dilemma, p. 746; Marcus Garvey, “Philosophy and Opinions, 1923,” in Floyd Barbour, ed., Black Power Revolt (Toronto: Macmillan, 1969), p. 57.
28. Du Bois, Souls of Black Folks in Three Negro Classics, p. 347.
29. Thomas Byrne Edsall and Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction (New York: Norton, 1991), p. 117; Wilson, Power, pp. 146–7. See also Richard B. Freeman, Black Elite (New York: McGraw Hill, 1976), p. 5; Landry, New Black Middle Class; Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “Employment, Income, and the Ordeal of the Negro Family,” in Talcott Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark, eds., The Negro American (Boston: Beacon, 1965), pp. 134–59; Marable, Race, pp. 16–7; Hall, Black Separatism, p. 72.
30. See Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Black–White Relations in the 1980s (New York: Praeger, 1979), p. 6; Michael Hughes and Bradley R. Hertel, “The Significance of Color Remains,” Social Forces 69.1 (1990). For an example of how earlier black middle-class activists distanced themselves from the black poor, see Moses, Golden Age, p. 107.
31. Gerald L. Dillingham, “The Emerging Black Middle Class: Class Consciousness or Race Consciousness?” Ethnic and Racial Studies 4.4 (October 1981), p. 433; Gary T. Marx, Protest and Prejudice (New York: Harper and Row, 1969), p. 56. See also Manning Marable, Black American Politics (London: Verso, 1985), p. 165.
32. Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power (New York: Random House, 1967), p. 50; Landry, New Black Middle Class, p. 72.
33. Interview with Charles Rangel, New York, 8 April 1993; Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, American Apartheid (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993), pp. 77, 85.
34. Interview with Virginia Foster Durr, Montgomery, 26 April 1993.
35. Carmichael and Hamilton, Black Power, p. 54. See also William Julius Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 164.
36. E. Franklin Frazier, Black Bourgeoisie (New York: Free Press, 1957). See also Wilson, Power, p. 11; Massey and Denton, American Apartheid, p. 216.
37. Wilson, Declining Significance, p. 135.
38. Interview with Kwame Ture (aka Stokely Carmichael), New York, 19 March 1993. See also Dennis Chong, Collective Action and the Civil Rights Movement (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991); Chafe, Civilities, pp. 132–4.
39. See Myrdal, American Dilemma, pp. 863, 873, 876, 935; Fredrickson, Black Liberation, p. 93; John Dittmer, Local People (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), pp. 75–6. The best general discussion of this theme is provided by Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Free Press, 1984). The role of white support for indigenous organizations is discussed in J. Craig Jenkins and Craig M. Eckert, “Channeling Black Insurgency,” American Sociological Review 51 (December 1986), p. 821.
40. Interview with Andrew Young, Atlanta, 14 March 1994.
41. Interview with George Houser, 19 February 1993. See McAdam, Political Process, p. 152, for a quantitative study of the preponderance of the South in “movement initiated action, 1955–65.”
42. Patricia Gurin and Edgar Epps, Black Consciousness, Identity and Achievement (New York: Wiley, 1975), p. 278; Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 8; Interview with Kwame Ture, New York, 19 March 1993.
43. Interview with James Farmer, 6 May 1994.
44. Interview with Percy Sutton, New York, 24 February 1993. See also James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (New York: Macmillan, 1972), p. 93; Myrdal, American Dilemma, pp. 1004, 1008.
45. Fred R. Harris and Roger Wilkins, eds., Quiet Riots (New York: Pantheon, 1988), p. 7.
46. Clayborne Carson, In Struggle (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 54.
47. Brisbane, Black Activism, p. 22; Kenneth O’Reilly, Racial Matters (New York: Free Press, 1989), p. 51. See also Myrdal, American Dilemma, p. xxxvi; Chafe, Civilities, pp. 65–6; Dittmer, Local People, pp. 41–5, 68.
48. Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988), p. 150; David J. Garrow, Bearing the Cross (New York: Random House, 1986), p. 85.
49. Interview with Julian Bond, Washington, D.C., 5 May 1993. See also Morris, Origins of the Civil Rights Movement, p. 4; Harris Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1980), p. 112.
50. Interview with Andrew Young, Atlanta, 14 March 1993.
51. Virginia Foster Durr, Outside the Magic Circle (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1985), p. 284.
52. Garrow, Bearing the Cross, p. 27; Morris, Origins of the Civil Rights Movement, p. 17; Branch, Parting the Waters, p. 140.
53. Interview with Fred Grey, Tuskeegee, 7 April 1993; interview with Andrew Young, Atlanta, 14 March 1994.
54. Durr, Outside the Magic Circle, p. 278. See also Rosa Parks, Rosa Parks: My Story (New York: Dial Books, 1992). Parks was further encouraged and protected by her employers, Virginia and Clifford Durr, leading white Montgomery liberals.
55. Interview with James Farmer, 6 May 1993.
56. Ibid.
57. Ibid.
58. Garrow, Bearing the Cross, p. 513; Branch, Parting the Waters, p. 780; Julius Lester, Revolutionary Notes (New York: Baron, 1969), p. 85. Ironically, King’s movement could not be lambasted by Southerners for trying to overthrow the government, for such an aim would have resonated with Southern pride in the region’s efforts to do just that a century earlier, as humorously described in Durr, Magic Circle, p. 266.
59. Hugh Davis Graham, The Civil Rights Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 164; Garrow, Bearing the Cross, pp. 484, 488.
60. Interview with Marvin Rich, New York, 3 March 1992.
61. Interview with Burke Marshall, New Haven, 23 March 1994. See also Dittmer, Local People, p. 149.
62. Interview with Bob Mants, Montgomery, 26 April 1993. See also Dittmer, Local People, pp. 56–8; James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 218.
63. Interview with Wayne Greenhaw, Montgomery, 26 April 1994.
64. Interview with James Farmer, 6 May 1993.
65. See Carson, In Struggle, p. 11; Gurin and Epps, Black Consciousness, p. 193; Chafe, Civilities, p. 136; Dittmer, Local People, p. 87.
66. See Minutes of SNCC Staff Conference, 11 May 1966, from the Archive of the Martin Luther King Center for Nonviolence. See also B. J. Miles, “SNCC Summary of Cash Receipts,” 1 January – 31 December 1964, King Center Archive; Letter to Ralph Abernathy from John Lewis, 19 August 1965, King Center Archive; Forman, Making of Black Revolutionaries, p. 221; Meier et al., Black Protest, p. 144.
67. Interview with Kwame Ture, New York, 19 March 1993;
68. Interview with Bob Mants, Montgomery, 26 April 1993. While the civil rights organizations remained formally committed to nonviolence, they did occasionally enjoy the protection of armed groups, such as the Deacons of Defense.
69. Forman, Making of Black Revolutionaries, p. 265.
70. “SNCC Staff Conference Minutes,” May 11, 1966, from the King Center Archive.
71. Graham, Civil Rights Era, p. 147; Interview with Andrew Young, Atlanta, 14 March 1993. See also McAdam, Political Process, p. 177; Carson, In Struggle, p. 62.
King’s deputy, Rev. Wyatt T. Walker, also understood this dynamic, welcoming the repression in Birmingham with elation: “We had some police brutality. They brought out the dogs . . . We’ve got a movement!” as cited in Forman, Making of Black Revolutionaries, p. 312.
72. Interview with James Farmer, 6 May 1993. See also Steven E. Barkan, “Legal Control of the Southern Civil Rights Movement,” American Sociological Review 49 (1984), pp. 556–9.
73. Quoted in Alan B. Anderson and George W. Pickering, Confronting the Color Line (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), p. 183.
74. Carmichael and Hamilton, Black Power, p. 70; interview with Joseph Lowery, Atlanta, 29 April 1993; interview with Willie Ricks, Atlanta, 28 April 1993.
75. Interview with Hosea Williams, Atlanta, 29 April 1993. See also Garrow, Bearing the Cross, pp. 369, 577.
76. Interview with George Houser, New York, 19 February 1993; James Farmer, Lay Bare the Heart (New York: Arbor House, 1985), p. 213.
77. Durr, Outside the Magic Circle, p. 298.
78. August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, CORE: A Study in the Civil Rights Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975), pp. 173, 259; Howard Zinn, SNCC: The New Abolitionists (Boston: Beacon, 1964), p. 58.
79. John F. Kennedy, “Nationally Televised Speech,” 11 June 1963, in Carson et al., Eyes on the Prize, p. 161.
80. John Lewis, “Text of Speech to be Delivered at the Lincoln Memorial,” 28 August 1963, in Carson et al., Eyes on the Prize, p. 164.
81. Lyndon Johnson, “Forward,” in Talcott Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark, eds., The Negro American (Boston: Beacon, 1965), p. v.
82. See Garrow, Bearing the Cross, p. 400; Marable, Race, p. 82. Debates about the Selma march are discussed in the letter from John Lewis to Martin Luther King, 7 March 1965, in the King Archive.
83. Interview with Willie Ricks, Atlanta, 28 April 1993.
84. Interview with Andrew Young, Atlanta, 14 March 1993.
85. Lyndon Johnson, “Address to Joint Session of Congress,” 15 March 1965.
86. Interview with Barbara Omalade, New York, 22 March 1993.
87. Interview with Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin (aka H. Rap Brown), Atlanta, 27 April 1993. See also Harris and Wilkins, Quiet Riots, p. 84; Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., p. 361.
88. Interview with Kwame Ture (aka Stokely Carmichael), 19 March 1993.
89. Interview with Kathleen Cleaver, New York, 5 May 1993. See also Peter Goldman, The Death and Life of Malcolm X (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1979), p. 186; Stokely Carmichael, “Power and Racism,” in Barbour, ed., Black Power Revolt, p. 63; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 46.
90. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Commerce, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1975), Part One, p. 95. See also Nicholas Lemann, The Promised Land (New York: Random House, 1991), p. 6.
91. Interview with Barbara Omalade, New York, 22 March 1993.
92. Interview with James Farmer, 6 May 1993.
93. Interview with John Lewis, Washington, D.C., 5 May 1993; Doug McAdam, Freedom Summer (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 121. See also Carson, In Struggle, p. 127; Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings, p. 181; Dittmer, Local People ch. 12; Cobb, Most Southern Place, p. 234. It is worth noting that activists’ disillusionment with Johnson did not preclude 95% of blacks from voting for him in 1964, as reported in William Brink and Louis Harris, Black and White (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1966), p. 75.
94. See Edward G. Carmines and James A. Stimson, Issue Evolution: Race and Transformation of American Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 47, 63, 71.
95. Interview with Marvin Rich, New York, 3 March 1992.
96. Farmer, Lay Bare the Heart, p. 258.
97. Interview with Hosea Williams, Atlanta, 29 April 1993.
98. Quoted in Goldman, Death and Life, p. 51.
99. Massey and Denton, American Apartheid, p. 149.
100. Anderson and Pickering, Confronting the Color Line, pp. 191–2, 357. By 1968 Mayor Daley was clearly ready to use violence against agitators, in particular protestors at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago.
101. Interview with Willie Ricks, Atlanta, 28 April 1993; Anderson and Pickering, Confronting the Color Line, p. 260.
102. Carmichael and Hamilton, Black Power, p. 9.
103. See McAdam, Political Process, pp. 192–3. A notable departure from Johnson’s reluctance to press further for civil rights was his support for “affirmative action,” as described in his speech at Howard University on 4 June 1965. See Carson, et al., Eyes on the Prize, pp. 611–13.
104. Quoted in Anderson and Pickering, Confronting the Color Line, p. 150.
105. Meier and Rudwick, CORE, p. 428.
106. See O’Reilly, Racial Matters; Brink and Harris, Black and White, p. 134; Zinn, SNCC, p. 74; Dittmer, Local People, pp. 238, 304. For a discussion of the implicit trade-off between social programs and Vietnam, see Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding (New York: Free Press, 1969), pp. 5, 155; Garrow, Bearing the Cross, p. 470; Anderson and Pickering, Confronting the Color Line, p. 319; Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings, p. 332.
107. Stokely Carmichael, “Dear Friends” letter, no date, King Center Archives.
108. See the following items from the King Center Archive: SNCC Staff Meeting Minutes, 11 May 1966; Letter from John Lewis to A. Philip Randolph, 14 December 1965; Western Union telegram from Martin Luther King et al to Stokely Carmichael, 4 August 1966. See also Hamilton, Black American Experience, pp. 206–10.
109. SNCC Staff Conference, 11 May 1966, pp. 2, 6, King Center Archive.
110. Durr, Outside the Magic Circle, pp. 301, 318; Carmines and Stimson, Issue Evolution, p. 49.
111. Interview with Percy Sutton, New York, 24 February 1993.
112. Interview with Hosea Williams, Atlanta, 29 April 1993.
113. Brink and Harris, Black and White, p. 16; Robert M. Fogelson, Violence as Protest (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1971), p. 3; Harris and Wilkins, Quiet Riots, pp. 10–11; Brisbane, Black Activism, p. 175.
114. Meier et al., Black Protest in the Sixties, p. 15; Manus I. Midlarsky, “Analyzing Diffusion and Contagion Effects: The Urban Disorders of the 1960s,” American Political Science Review 72.3 (September 1978), pp. 996–1010; Thomas F. Pettigrew, Racially Separate or Together? (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971), p. 160; Doug McAdam, “Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency,” American Sociological Review 48 (December 1983), pp. 735–54.
115. See Otto Kerner, Supplemental Studies for the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1968), pp. 48, 223, 236; Fogelson, Violence as Protest, ch. 2; David O. Sears and John B. McConahay, “Participation in the Los Angles Riot,” Social Problems 17.1 (1969), pp. 3–20; Seymour Spilerman, “The Causes of Racial Disturbances,” American Sociological Review 35.4 (August 1970), p. 628; Gary T. Marx, “Civil Disorders and the Agents of Social Control,” Journal of Social Issues 26A (Winter 1970), pp. 31–46;Brisbane, Black Activism, p. 149; Nathan Coplan, “The New Ghetto Man,” Journal of Social Issues 26.1 (Winter 1970), p. 71.
116. Interview with Roger Wilkins, Washington, D.C., 5 May 1993.
117. Roger Wilkins, A Man’s Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1982), p. 143.
118. See Coplan, “New Ghetto Man,” p. 64; Aldon Morris, Shirley J. Hachett, and Ronald E. Brown, “The Civil Rights Movement and Black Political Socialization,” in B. S. Sigwel, ed., Political Learning in Adulthood (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), p. 289; Seymour Spilerman, “Structural Characteristics of Cities and the Severity of Racial Disorders,” American Sociological Review 41.5 (October 1976), pp. 771–92; William R. Kelly and David Snyder, “Racial Violence and Socioeconomic Changes Among Blacks in the United States,” Social Forces 58.3 (March 1980), pp. 739–60.
119. Interview with Bob Mants, Montgomery, 26 April 1993.
120. See Jeffrey M. Paige, “Political Orientation and Riot Participation,” American Sociological Review 36 (October 1971), pp. 810–20.
121. Quoted in Anderson and Pickering, Confronting the Color Line, p. 266.
122. Robert J. Samuelson, “Riots,” Science 157 (August 1967), pp. 663–5.
123. Kerner, Supplemental Studies, pp. 8–9, 47; Fogelson, Violence as Protest, p. 17; Bob Blauner, Black Lives, White Lives (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), p. 15; James W. Button, Black Violence: The Political Impact of the 1960s Riots (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), p. 175.
124. Interview with Roger Wilkins, Washington, D.C., 5 May 1993. See also Hubert Blalock, Jr., Black–White Relations in the 1980s (New York: Praeger, 1979), p. 8; Kenneth O’Reilly, Racial Matters (New York: Free Press, 1989), p. 231; Button, Black Violence, p. 9; David O. Sears, “Black Attitudes toward the Political System in the Aftermath of the Watts Insurrection,” Midwest Journal of Political Science 8.4 (November 1969), p. 526; Sanford F. Schram and J. Patrick Turbett, “Civil Disorder and the Welfare Explosion,” American Sociological Review 48 (1983), pp. 408– 14.
125. Graham, Civil Rights Era, p. 304.
126. See Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, pp. 81, 83; Martin Carnoy, Faded Dreams (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 212. Cuts in implementation of civil rights had predated Nixon, as discussed in Graham, Civil Rights Era, p. 239; John T. McCartney, Black Power Ideologies (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992), p. 129.
127. Button, Black Violence, pp. 108–42; Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, pp. 72, 81, 97; Tarrow, Power in Movement, p. 113.
128. Anderson and Pickering, Confronting the Color Line, pp. 376–7; Manning Marable, “Black Nationalism in the 1970s,” Socialist Review 10.2/3 (March/June 1980), p. 71; Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 86.
129. Quoted in O’Reilly, Racial Matters, p. 120. See also Carmichael and Hamilton, Black Power, pp. 5, 9, 56; Black United Front, “A Black Manifesto,” 24 June 1968, King Center Archive; Gurr and Epps, Black Consciousness, p. 210. See also Hamilton, Black Experience, p. 206.
130. Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice and Loyalty (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1970), p. 112.
131. Me Adam, Political Process, p. 190.
132. Interview with Bob Mants, Montgomery, 26 April 1993. See Carson, In Struggle, pp. 52, 101, 162, 209, 278; Garrow, Bearing the Cross, p. 482; Forman, Making of Black Revolutionaries, p. 457; Killian, Impossible Revolution, p. 141; Lemann, Promised Land, p. 159; Brink and Harris, Black and White, pp. 263–6; Chafe, Civilities, pp. 244–58.
133. Interview with James Farmer, 6 May 1993. See also Lemann, Promised Land, p. 201; Garrow, Bearing the Cross, p. 540; Debra Friedman and Doug McAdam, “Collective Identity and Activism,” in Aldon Morris and Carol Mueller, eds., Frontiers in Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), pp. 169–70.
134. Stokely Carmichael, “On Black Power,” SNCC, Washington, D.C., leaflet, no date, King Center Archive. Class divisions within the civil rights movement are discussed in Dittmer, Local People, p. 347.
135. Carmichael and Hamilton, Black Power, p. 35. See also Lester, Revolutionary Notes, p. 104.
136. Interview with Roger Wilkins, Washington, D.C., 5 May 1993. See also Hamilton, Black Experience, pp. 112, 146; William L. Van Deburg, New Day in Babylon (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); Maulana Ron Karenga, “From the Quotable Karenga,” in Barbour, ed., Black Power Revolt pp. 190–200; Theodore Draper, Rediscovery of Black Nationalism (New York: Viking, 1969), p. 149; Marable, “Black Nationalism,” p. 89; Kerner, Supplemental Studies, p. 6; Harold Cruse, The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual (New York: Morrow, 1967); Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States (New York: Routledge, 1986), p. 42.
137. Robert L. Allen, A Guide to Black Power (London: Victor Gollanz, 1979), p. 154; Floyd McKissick, “Programs for Black Power,” in Barbour, ed., Black Power Revolt p. 211.
138. Carmichael and Hamilton, Black Power, pp. 44, 49. Whitney Young explicitly put forward a pluralist interpretation of Black Power, as discussed in Nancy J. Weiss, Whitney M. Young, Jr., and the Struggle for Civil Rights (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), p. 182.
139. Carmichael and Hamilton, Black Power, p. 53; Stokely Carmichael, “Power and Racism,” in Barbour, ed., Black Power Revolt p. 69.
140. Carmichael and Hamilton, Black Power, p. 46. See also Blalock, Black–White Relations, p. 168; Carson, In Struggle, p. 138.
141. Howard Schuman and Shirley Hackett, Black Racial Attitudes (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1974), p. 6. See also Robert F. Williams, Negroes with Guns (New York: Marzani and Munsell, 1962).
142. Interview with Willie Ricks, Atlanta, 28 April 1993.
143. Interview with Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Washington, D.C., March 1993.
144. Interview with Kwame Ture, New York, 19 March 1993; interview with Marvin Rich, New York, 3 March 1993.
145. Brink and Harris, Black and White, p. 54; J. D. Aberbach and J. L. Walker, “The Meaning of Black Power,” American Political Science Review 64.2 (June 1970), p. 368. For even higher estimates of support for Black Power or black pride, see Blauner, Black Lives, p. 12; Kerner, Supplemental Studies, p. 19.
146. Carson, In Struggle, p. 223. See also Garrow, Bearing the Cross, pp. 497, 533; Marable, Race, p. 95.
147. Carson, In Struggle, p. 151.
148. Stokely Carmichael, “Speech in Havana Cuba,” August 1967, King Center Archive; Stokely Carmichael, “Report from the Chairman,” SNCC Staff Meeting, 5 May 1967, King Center Archive; Carson, In Struggle, pp. 154, 227. By 1966, SNCC was also questioning its commitment to nonviolence, as discussed in James Forman, Sammy Younge, Jr. (Washington, D.C.: Open Hand, 1986).
149. Interview with Bill Epton, New York, 9 March 1993. See the following items from the King Center Archive: SNCC, “Semi-Introspective,” 1964 discussion paper; SNCC, “Central Committee Report,” May 1967; SNCC Staff Meeting Minutes, May 1967. See also Lemann, Promised Land, p. 162; Dittmer, Local People, p. 332.
150. Meier and Rudwick, CORE, pp. 290, 341, 387; Farmer, Lay Bare the Heart, p. 307.
151. Less well-known black separatist organizations included the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), and groups formed by LeRoi Jones and Robert F. Williams, the latter a former U.S. marine. See Marable, Race, p. 116; Leroi Jones, “The Need for a Cultural Base,” in Barbour, ed., Black Power Revolt; Robert F. Williams, “Is Violence Necessary to Combat Injustice?” in Carson et al., Eyes on the Prize, pp. 110–2.
152. Sam E. Anderson, “Black Students,” Black Scholar (January/February 1977); Harlem Branch of the Black Panther Party, “Unity, Black Power, Self-Determination,” no date, King Center Archive. SNCC assistance in founding the Panthers led to the merger of the two in 1968.
153. Hamilton, Black Experience, p. 227; Black Panther Party, “Order from the Black Panther Party National Central Committee: Outline of Responsibility by Rank and File,” no date, King Center Archive. That the Panthers did not support armed insurrection at the time is indicated by their efforts to quell a riot in the Bay area after King’s assassination, as discussed in Brisbane, Black Activism, p. 212.
154. Van Deburg, New Day, p. 159. See also Black Panther Party, “Memo from the Central Committee to the National Advisory Cabinet,” “Projects and Programs,” 1968, King Center Archive.
155. Marable, Race, p. 110. By 1969, the Panthers had a circulation of 10,000 for their newsletter, according to Brisbane, Black Activism, p. 218.
156. For the classic discussion of the Nation of Islam, see Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism.
157. See Malcolm X (with Alex Haley), The Autobiography of Malcolm X (New York: Random House, 1964), p. 280.
158. Goldman, Death and Life, p. 395. See Bracey et al., Black Nationalism, p. 417; Herbert H. Haines, Black Radicals and the Civil Rights Mainstream, 1954–1910 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Weiss, Whitney Young Junior, p. 123.
159. See James H. Cone, Martin and Malcolm and America (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1991).
160. Interview with Kwame Ture, New York, 19 March 1993; letter from James Shabazz, Secretary, The Muslim Mosque, Inc., to John Lewis, SNCC, 15 May 1964, King Center Archive. See also Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 397.
For a parallel effort to unify opposition in South Africa launched by Steve Biko, see Anthony W. Marx, Lessons of Struggle (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 82–3.
161. Landry, New Black Middle Class, p. 2. See also Christopher Jencks, “Affirmative Action for Blacks/’ American Behavioral Scientist 28.6 (July/ August 1985), pp. 746–51; John J. Donohue III and James Heckman, “Continuous versus Episodic Change,” Journal of ‘Economic Literature 29 (December 1991), p. 1630; Jonathan S. Leonard, “Splitting Blacks?” National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper Series no. 1327 (1984); William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), pp. 30, 110–11; Freeman, Black Elite; Marable, Race, pp. 97–105; Hall, Black Separatism, p. 72; Michael Hout, “Occupational Mobility of Black Men, 1962–73,” American Sociological Review 49 (June 1984), pp. 308–22; Cornell Paterson Horton and Jessie Carney Smith, Statistical Record of Black America (Detroit: Gale Research, 1990), pp. 264, 285, 292, 419; Dawson, Behind the Mule, pp. 9, 20, 30.
162. See Andrew Hacker, Two Nations (New York: Scribner’s, 1992), p. 97; Blauner, Black Lives, pp. 166–7, 242; Elijah Anderson, Streetwise (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), p. 2; Landry, New Black Middle Class, p. 148; Melvin L. Oliver and Thomas M. Shapiro, Black Wealth/White Wealth (New York: Routledge, 1995).
163. Interview with Gloster Current, New York, 3 March 1993; Derrick A. Bell, Jr., Faces at the Bottom of the Well (New York: Basic Books, 1992), p. 26.
164. See Dawson, Behind the Mule, pp. 45, 88, 121; Jennifer Hochschild, Facing Up to the American Dream: Race, Class and the Soul of the Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995); Massey and Denton, American Apartheid.
165. See United States Department of Education, Digest of Educational Statistics (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1988), p. 26. See also Bell, Faces at the Bottom; Wilson, Truly Disadvantage; Carnoy, Faded Dreams, pp. 14, 23, 162.
166. Interview with Bob Mants, Montgomery, 26 April 1993.
167. Dawson, Behind the Mule, pp. 23, 29; Massey and Denton, American Apartheid; Oliver and Shapiro, Black Wealth/ White Wealth, Steven Shulman and William Darity, Jr., The Question of Discrimination (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1989).
168. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Commerce, The Social and Economic Status of the Black Population (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1979), pp. 145–6. By 1990, there were more than 7,000 black elected officials. The Congressional Black Caucus was formed in 1971.
169. See Carmichael and Hamilton, Black Power, p. 16; Massey and Denton, American Apartheid, p. 155.
170. The rising enthusiasm for black electoral participation as an alternative to protests is described in Associate Control, Research and Analysis, ACRA Black Opinion Survey (Washington, D.C.: ACRA, 1977), pp. 5, 65. The highpoint of the convergence between black nationalism and electoral participation came with the 1972 Gary convention, as discussed in Marable, Black American Politics, p. 187; Carson et al., Eyes on the Prize, p. 239. By 1973, even former Panther Huey Newton was also running for office, after having secured a $4 million Model City federal grant for Oakland, as discussed in Hall, Black Separatism, p. 77. See also Forman, Making Black Revolutionaries, p. 443; McCartney, Black Political Ideologies, p. 178. In 1990, former Black Panther member Bobby Rush was elected to Congress.
Interest in electoral politics was arguably enhanced by the rise of black municipal employment and the election of blacks to local office, as discussed by Peter K. Eisinger, Black Employment in City Government, 1913–1980 (Washington: Joint Center for Political Studies, 1983).
171. Goldman, Death and Life, p. 224. The sense of integration via participation was encouraged by instances in which whites voted for black representatives, as discussed in Hacker, Two Nations, p. 207.
172. Dawson, Behind the Mule, pp. 101, 108.
173. Interview with Hosea Williams, Atlanta, 29 April 1993.
174. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches (New York: Pantheon, 1981), p. 95.
175. See Adolph L. Reed, Jr., The Jesse Jackson Phenomenon (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986); Jesse L. Jackson, Straight from the Heart (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987).
176. Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, pp. 163, 187, 231; Carnoy, Faded Dreams, p. 216; Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States (New York: Routledge, 1986), ch. 7.
177. Interview with Joseph Lowery, Atlanta, 29 April 1993.
178. Interview with Charles Rangel, New York, 8 April 1993. See also David Bradley, “Malcolm’s Mythmaking,” Transition 56 (1992), pp. 20–59.
179. See Henry Louis Gates, Jr., “Radical Rappers,” New York Times (16 December 1990), p. 32.
180. F. James Davis, Who is Black? (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991), p. 134; Lawrence Wright, “One Drop of Blood,” New Yorker (25 July 1994), p. 55; Interview with Virginia Durr, Montgomery, 25 April 1993.
181. Kimberlie Williams Crenshaw, “Race, Reform and Retrenchment: Transformation and Legitimation in Antidiscrimination Law,” Harvard Law Review 101.7 (May 1988), p. 1331.
182. Hochschild, Facing Up to the American Dream.
183. Crenshaw, “Race, Reform and Retrenchment,” p. 1336.
184. Interview with Joseph Lowery, Atlanta, 29 April 1993.
185. Interview with Burke Marshall, New Haven, 23 March 1994.
Chapter 10. Breaching Brazil’s Pact of Silence
1. See Carvalho Franco, Homens Livres na Ordem Escravocrata (Sao Paulo: Kairos, 1983). For general background, see Michael Hanchard, Orpheus and Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).
2. Charles Wagley, Race and Class in Rural Brazil (Paris: UNESCO, 1952), p. 7. See also Carl N. Degler, Neither Black nor White (New York: Macmillan, 1971), p. 95.
3. Anani Dzidzienyo, The Position of Blacks in Brazilian Society (London: Minority Rights Group, 1971), p. 14. See also Howard Winant, “Rethinking Race in Brazil,” Journal of Latin American Studies 24 (1992).
4. Abdias do Nascimento, Brazil: Mixture or Massacre? (Dover: Majority Press, 1979), p. 2.
5. Interview with Luis Alberto, Salvador, 15 June 1993. See also Carlos Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley (1978), p. 210.
6. Florestan Fernandes, The Negro in Brazilian Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969), p. 389.
7. Interview with Clovis Moura, São Paulo, 8 July 1993.
8. Melissa Nobles, “Responding with Good Sense: The Politics of Race and Census in Contemporary Brazil,” Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, New Haven (1995), pp. 58, 65, 77.
9. Ibid., p. 119; George Reid Andrews, Blacks and Whites in São Paulo Brazil, 1888–1988 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), pp. 249–55; Charles Wood, “Categorias Censitrárias e Classificações Subjetivas de Raça no Brasil,” in Peggy Lovell, ed., Desigualdade Racial no Brasil Contemporâneo (Belo Horizonte: UFM, 1991); Peggy Lovell, “Race, Gender and Development in Brazil,” Latin American Research Review 29.3 (1994); Marvin Harris et al., “Who Are the Whites?” Social Forces 72.2 (December 1993); Jan Fiola, “Race Relations in Brazil,” Program in Latin American Studies, Occasional Paper Series no. 24, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, (1990), p. 19.
10. Roger Bastide, “The Development of Race Relations in Brazil,” in Guy Hunter, ed., Industrialization and Race Relations (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), pp. 16, 20; Wagley, Race and Class, p. 77; Fernandes, Negro in Brazilian Society, p. 420.
11. Interview with Gerson Martinez, Rio de Janeiro, 21 July 1993; interview with Januário Garcia, Rio de Janeiro, 21 July 1993. See also Wagley, Race and Class, p. 59.
12. Interview with Januário Garcia, Rio de Janeiro, 21 July 1993; Fiola, “Race Relations in Brazil,” p. 11.
13. Anani Dzidzienyo, “Afro-Brasileiros no Contexto Nacional e Interna-cional,” Lovell, ed., in Desigualdade Racial p. 58; Fernandes, Negro in Brazilian Society, p. 230; Arthur F. Corwin, “Afro-Brazilians,” in Robert Brent Toplin, ed., Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1974), p. 393; Donald Pierson, Negroes in Brazil (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942), p. 225.
14. See David J. Hellwig, ed., African-American Reflections on Brazil’s Racial Paradise (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992), p. 98; Florestan Fernandes, Significado do Protesto Negro (Sao Paulo: Autores Associados, 1989), p. 68.
15. See Charles H. Wood and Jose Alberto Magno de Carvalho, The Demography of Inequality in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 3, 76, 139; Thomas E. Skidmore, “Fact and Myth: An Overview of Afro-Brazilian Studies in Brazil,” Kellogg Institute Working Paper no. 1, University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, Ind. (1992), p. 9; Carlos Hasenbalg and Suellen Huntington, “Brazilian Racial Democracy: Reality or Myth?” Humboldt Journal of Social Relations 10.1 (Fall/Winter 1982–3), p. 136; Nelson do Valle Silva and Carlos Hasenbalg, Relações Raciais no Brasil Contemporâneo (Rio de Janeiro: Rio Fundo Editora, 1992), p. 152; Clóvis Moura, “Estratégia do Imobilismo Social Contra o Negro no Mercado de Trabalho,” São Paulo em Perspectiva 2.2 (April/June 1988), p. 46; Fiola, “Race Relations in Brazil,” p. 29; Edward E. Telles, “Residential Segregation by Skin Color in Brazil,” American Sociological Review 57 (April 1992), p. 186.
16. For differences in occupational status and wage levels, see Silva and Hasenbalg, Relações Raciais, pp. 14, 114; Peggy Ann Lovell, “Racial Inequality and the Brazilian Labor Market,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville (1989); I. K. Sundiata, “Late Twentieth Century Patterns of Race Relations in Brazil and the United States,” Phylon 48.1 (1987), p. 69.
For differences of wage levels by race in each occupational category, see Luis Felipe de Alencastro, Veja (11 May 1988), p. 22.
17. Moura, “Estratagia,” p. 45; Waldir Jose de Quadros, “O Milagre Bras-ileiro e a Expansão da Nova Classe Media” (Campinas: Instituto de Economia da Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 1991), pp. 132–3. See Lovell, “Racial Inequality,” p. 45.
18. See Nelson do Valle Silva, “Black–White Income Differentials: Brazil, 1960,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor (1978).
19. See Fiola, “Race Relations in Brazil,” p. 23; Wood and Carvalho, Demography of Inequality, p. 144; Telles, “Residential Segregation,” p. 188; Ney dos Santos Oliveira, “Favelas and Ghettos,” Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, New York (1996).
20. For differences of literacy and education, see Silva and Hasenbalg, Re-laçoes, pp. 81, 83, 152; Carlos Hasenbalg, “Race and Socio Economic Inequality in Brazil,” in Pierre-Michel Fontaine, ed., Race, Class and Power in Brazil (Los Angeles: University of California, Center for Afro-American Studies, 1985), pp. 30, 37; Hasenbalg and Huntington, “Brazilian Racial Democracy,” p. 136; Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil,” pp. 186, 189, 192.
For differences of literacy levels, see Silva and Hasenbalg, Relações, p. 152; Fiola, “Race Relations in Brazil,” p. 23; Robert M. Levine, “Turning on the Lights,” Latin American Research Review 24.2 (1989), pp. 201–7.
For differences of education levels, see Hasenbalg and Huntington, “Brazilian Racial Democracy,” p. 136. These differences are exacerbated by the generally low quality of public primary education on which poor blacks depend, as compared with the higher quality of private primary schools that whites can afford. Whites are then better prepared and are more likely to be able to gain entrance to public universities, exacerbating educational inequalities further. As a result, income disparities increase at higher levels of educational attainment, as discussed in Thomas E. Skidmore, “Fact and Myth,” p. 12.
21. See Hasenbalg and Huntington, “Brazilian Racial Democracy,” p. 138; Wood and Carvalho, Demography of Inequality, p. 139. For a lower estimate on the effect of discrimination, see Lovell, “Race, Gender and Development,” p. 29.
22. Wagley, Race and Class, p. 70.
23. See Fernandes, Negro in Brazilian Society, p. 246; Mitchell, “Black Consciousness,” p. 210.
24. Interview with Carlos Alberto Medeiros, 14 July 1993; Anani Dzid-zienyo, “Brazil,” in Jay A. Sigler, ed., International Handbook on Race and Race Relations (New York: Greenwood, 1987), p. 28.
25. Interview with Carlos Alberto Medeiros, Rio de Janeiro, 14 July 1993.
26. Nobles, “Responding with Good Sense,” p. 182.
27. Interview with Januário Garcia, Rio de Janeiro, 21 July 1993.
28. See Franklin W. Knight, The African Dimension in Latin American Societies (New York: Macmillan, 1974), p. 90.
29. Interview with Clóvis Moura, São Paulo, 8 July 1993.
30. Interview with Carlos Alberto Medeiros, Rio de Janeiro, 14 July 1993. See also Carlos Hasenbalg and Nelson do Valle Silva, “Notas sobre Desigualdade Racial e Política no Brasil,” Conference on Racial Politics in Contemporary Brazil, Austin, Tex. (8–10 April 1993), p. 21.
31. See Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Post-Abolition Brazil,” p. 291.
32. Quoting Florestan Fernandes, in Maria Ercília do Nascimento, “A Estratégia da Desigualdade: O Movimento Negro dos Anos 70,” M.A. thesis, Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (1989), p. 63.
33. See Fernandes, Negro in Brazilian Society, pp. 211–33; Fernandes, “Brazil,” p. 20.
34. Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness,” pp. 40, 131; George Reid Andrews, Blacks and Whites in São Paulo, Brazil, 1988–1988 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), p. 149. See also A Voz da Raga (25 March 1933); Clóvis Moura, “Organizações Negras,” in Paul Singer and Vinícius Caldeira Brant, eds., São Paulo: O Povo em Movimento (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1980), pp.154–6. The Frente failed to establish a chapter among the poorer but more densely black populated region of Bahia, as discussed in Pierson, Negroes in Brazil, p. 343.
35. A Voz da Raga (July 1937); A Voz da Raga (18 March 1933).
36. Interview with Abdias do Nascimento, Rio de Janeiro, 28 July 1993; Clóvis Moura, História do Negro Brasileiro (Sao Paulo: Atica, 1989), p. 72; A Voz da Raga (29 April 1933; 6 May 1933, 10 June 1933, 24 June 1933). Considerable disagreement within the Frente produced at least six major factional disputes in seven years, according to Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness,” p. 137.
37. Célia Maria Marinho de Azevedo, “Sinal Fechado para os Negros na Rua da Liberdade,” Humanidades 5.17 (1988), p. 12. As further indication of the currency of Freyre’s image of “racial democracy” at this time, in 1934 Freyre himself helped to organize the first Afro-Brazilian Congress in Recife, as discussed in A. J. R. Russell-Wood, The Black Man in Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil (London: Macmillan, 1982), p. 7.
38. Do Nascimento, Brazil, p. 45; Clóvis Moura, Brasil: Raizes do Protesto Negro (Sao Paulo: Global, 1983), pp. 103–4. See also Moura, “Organizaçoes Negras,” p. 157.
39. Interview with Abdias do Nascimento, Rio de Janeiro, 28 July 1993.
40. Pierre-Michel Fontaine, “Transnational Relations and Racial Mobilization: Emerging Black Movements in Brazil,” in John F. Stack, Jr., ed., Ethnic Identities in a Transnational World (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1981), p. 148; Moura, História, p. 76; Dzidzienyo, “Afro-Brasileiros no Contexto Nacional,” p. 58. Abdias do Nascimento’s efforts were later informed by frequent analogies with the United States, where he was in exile during Brazil’s military regime.
41. Moura, Brasil, pp. 62–6; Moura, “Organizações Negras,” pp. 159–66; Edward E. Telles, “Afro-Brazilian Identity, Mobilization and Segregation,” Conference in Racial Politics in Brazil, Austin, Tex., (10 April 1993), p. 5; Diana DeG. Brown, Umbanda: Religion and Politics in Urban Brazil (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Research Press, 1986), pp. 5, 146.
42. Allison Raphael, “Samba and Social Control,” Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, New York (1980), pp. 90–182. For a comparison of Brazilian carnaval and New Orleans Mardi Gras, see Roberto da Matta, Carnivals, Rogues and Heroes: An Interpretation of the Brazilian Dilemma (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1991).
43. See Brown, Umbanda, pp. 170, 178, 198.
44. See Michael Mitchell, “Blacks and the Abertura Democratica,” in Fontaine, ed., Race, Class and Power in Brazil, p. 108. For an alternative view of Black Soul, as more threatening to the social order, see Winant, “Rethinking Race in Brazil,” p. 189.
45. See Moura, Brasil, pp. 170–4; Lélia Gonzalez and Carlos Hasenbalg, Lugar de Negro (Rio de Janeiro: Marco Zero Limitada, 1982), pp. 30, 50.
46. Interview with Carlos Alberto Medeiros, Rio de Janeiro, 14 July 1993. See also Winant, “Rethinking Race in Brazil,” p. 183. The culturalist component of the MNU was coordinated by the IPCN, an organization that excluded whites, “founded with international contact by an elite of doctors, psychologists, artists, lawyers and professors,” according to an interview with Armoury Mendes Pereira, Rio de Janeiro, 25 June 1993. See also Gonzalez and Hasenbalg, Lugar de Negro, p. 37.
47. Interview with Januário Garcia, Rio de Janeiro, 21 July 1993; MNU Journal 16 (June–August 1989), pp. 1, 10; Gonzalez and Hasenbalg, Lugar de Negro, p. 43; Moura, Brasil, p. 167.
48. Interview with Joel Rufino dos Santos, Rio de Janeiro, 27 July 1993; Interview with Hamilton Cordoso, São Paulo, 7 July 1993.
49. Interview with Benedita da Silva, Rio de Janeiro, 20 July 1993. See Santos, “O Movimento,” p. 298; Gonzalez and Hasenbalg, Lugar de Negro, p. 52; Gregory Freeland, “The Changing Black Political Movement in Brazil,” paper presented at the Latin American Studies Association, Los Angeles, (24–7 September 1992), p. 20; Silva and Hasenbalg, Relaçoes, p. 159.
50. Santos, “O Movimento,” p. 293; Interview with Carlos Alberto Medeiros, Rio de Janeiro, 14 July 1993.
51. Interview with Clóvis Moura, São Paulo, 8 July 1993.
52. Elza Berquó and Luiz Felipe de Alencastro, “A Emergência do Voto Negro,” Novos Estudos 33 (July 1992), p. 77.
53. Clóvis Luis Pereira Oliveira, “O Negro Sobe ao Palanque,” Centro de Recursos Humanos, paper no. 5, Universidade Federal da Bahia (July 1992), pp. 2, 12.
54. See “Por Quê Negro Não Vota em Negro?” Voz do Negro 4.17 (November 1987); Ana Lucia E. F. Valente, Política e Relações Raciais (Sao Paulo: FFLCH-USP, 1986); Gonzalez and Hasenbalg, Lugar de Negro, p. 55.
55. Interview with Abdias do Nascimento, Rio de Janeiro, 28 July 1993.
56. Interview with Benedita da Silva, Rio de Janeiro, 20 July 1993. See also Interview with Benedita da Silva, “A Primera Deputada Negra do Brasil,” Nêgo 13 (1987). Da Silva remains committed to addressing issues of race from the Senate, as described in Benedita da Silva, Zumbi (Brasilia, 1996).
57. Interview with Luis Alberto, Salvador, 15 June 1993.
58. Interview with Francisco Weffort, São Paulo, 9 July 1993; Interview with Abdias do Nascimento, Rio de Janeiro, 28 July 1993.
59. Interview with Benedita da Silva, Rio de Janeiro, 20 July 1993.
60. Interview with Hamilton Cordoso, São Paulo, 7 July 1993. See also Thomas E. Skidmore, “Race and Class in Brazil,” in Fontaine, ed., Race, Class and Power, p. 17; Skidmore, “Fact and Myth,” p. 10; Silva and Hasenbalg, Relações, p. 160.
61. “MNU e as Ideologias Brancas,” MNU Journal 18 (January–March 1991), p. 11.
62. Interview with Wânia Santanna, São Paulo, 20 July 1993. See also Rebecca Reichmann, “Equal Opportunity and Identity Politics: Race, and Gender and Denial in Brazil,” manuscript, January 1995.
63. Nobles, “Responding with Good Sense,” pp. 22, 25. See also Winant, “Rethinking Race in Brazil.”
64. Nobles, “Responding with Good Sense,” p. 133. See also Peter Fry, “Why Brazil is Different,” Times Literary Supplement (8 December 1995), p. 7.
65. Nobles, “Responding with Good Sense,” p. 152.
66. Interview with João Jorge Santos Rodrigues, Salvador, 15 June 1993; Interview with Abdias do Nascimento, Rio de Janeiro, 28 July 1993..
67. Interview with João Jorge Santos Rodrigues, Salvador, 15 June 1993.
68. See Fiola, “Race Relations in Brazil,” p. 1; Andrews, Blacks and Whites, p. 219; Hanchard, Orpheus and Power.
69. Interview with Joel Rufino dos Santos, Rio de Janeiro, 27 July 1993.
70. Fernando Henrique Cardoso, “Discurso,” International Seminar on “Multiculturalism and Racism,” Brasilia, 2 July 1996.
71. See Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, Raizes do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio, 1983); da Matta, Carnivals, Rogues and Heroes, pp. 139–81.
72. Moura, “Organizações Negras,” p. 145.
73. Frances Hagopian, “The Compromised Consolidation: The Political Class in the Brazilian Transition,” in Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O’Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela, eds., Issues in Democratic Consolidation (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), p. 281.
74. Carlos Hasenbalg, “Race Relations in Modern Brazil,” working paper no. 87131, Latin American Institute, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque (1987), p. 10.
75. For evidence of the high level of violence, see Carlos Veríssimo, “Genocide in Brazil,” Global Affairs 2.2 (April–May 1991); Freeland, “Changing Black Political Movement,” p. 9; Milton Barbosa, “Violência Political em São Paulo,” MNU Journal 17 (September–November 1989), p. 7.
76. Interview with Januário Garcia, Rio de Janeiro, 21 July 1993.
77. Ibid.
78. Interview with Wânia Santanna, São Paulo, 20 July 1993.
79. Interview with Jorge da Silva, Rio de Janeiro, 28 July 1993.
Chapter 11. Conclusion
1. Joseph Schumpteter, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (New York: Harper, 1947), pp. 12–13.
2. See E. E. Schattschneider, The Semisovereign People (Hinsdale, Ill.: Dryden Press, 1960). This argument might also help to explain the greater salience of class and class conflict in Western Europe, where class differentiation tends to be more rigid and often legally enforced.
3. See Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, pp. 244–5.