Introduction
“Daughter of Belial! Your appearance is an affront to God! If your husband will not take you to task, it is my duty to do so, in God’s name!”1
—Bernard of Clairvaux on Eleanor of Aquitaine, Devil’s Consort
Eleanor of Aquitaine and Isabella of Angoulême are both famous and infamous, having had their reputations slandered by the quick pens of medieval chroniclers, and are familiar to any who research Western Europe in the Middle Ages. The legends surrounding the two queens have proven fertile ground for artists, allowing ample opportunity for writers and directors alike to bring royal scandal to the fore. This chapter analyses the representations of Eleanor and Isabella in historical fiction, through an examination of the issues in depicting historical figures in popular culture, and by discussing the popular scandal which has affected contemporary perceptions of the lives of Eleanor and Isabella. This research will also engage with recent feminist historiography to understand why the women have been depicted in certain ways in historical fiction, in order to complement existing discussions on the representations of medieval queens in popular culture. The first section of this chapter will contextualise the novels under discussion, considering the background of the authors, and their intended audiences for these works, and my motivations for analysing these particular pieces. The second section will then investigate the depictions of Eleanor and Isabella in four novels, chosen here for their differing representations of the two women, focusing on the portrayals of queenship and sexual scandal, and then on their respective familial relationships.
The popularity of both historical fiction and historical drama, and subsequent analysis of these works, has grown over the last six decades.2 From The Lion in Winter to Game of Thrones (both novels and televised dramas), the image of a strong, powerful queen undoubtedly provides an inspiration for women of all ages who seek a connection not only to the medieval past but also an example of what it means to be a woman with power.3 Readers not only seek entertainment and escapism through engagement with the novel, but also a sense of identity and familiarity. The two queens here are presented as women assertive with their sexuality and desires, with families to care for, close relationships and friendships to maintain, and thus form a connection to the modern reader due to shared experiences. Despite their benefits in presenting historical figures and worlds to a new audience, however, some of these historical novels of royal women fall short in their depictions of characters due to inaccuracies and invocation of alleged scandal, and the failure of the authors to engage with a wider readership by taking an intersectional approach and providing a wider array of characters.4 Although there is a growing corpus of works on non-white queens, this is underrepresented in the face of a focus on white, European queens, and their seemingly white courts, a discussion which is beyond the limits of this chapter.5
As it stands, although several works have considered Eleanor’s representation in popular works, little attention has been paid to Isabella, and rarely in a comparative manner as this chapter seeks to do, with the exception of Carey Fleiner’s examination of Isabella in film.6 As this discussion will reveal, there are several occasions whereby historical liberties have been taken to draw attention to spurious or unknown events in the lives of these two queens. This chapter will first consider the context and reception of these novels, before moving on to discuss the historiography and legends of these two women. Through examination of the four depictions of Eleanor and Isabella in the novels of Elizabeth Chadwick, Anne O’Brien, Erica Lainé, and Lisa Hilton, this chapter concludes that these portrayals have focussed on the most scandalous and most relatable aspects of their lives in order to gain traction with their audience. By doing so, these authors have continued to perpetuate on occasion inaccurate and misleading characterisations which do modern interpretations of Eleanor and Isabella more harm than good.
Reception, Context, and Audience
The novels under discussion in this chapter are: Elizabeth Chadwick’s The Summer Queen trilogy, Anne O’Brien’s The Devil’s Consort, Lisa Hilton’s The Stolen Queen, and Erica Lainé’s The Tangled Queen trilogy.7 Before analysing these representations, it is necessary to consider the context of these novels and the intention of their authors. Historical fiction’s primary purpose is to entertain, and all four authors provide illuminating descriptions of their queens and their lives. Jerome de Groot has stated that historical novels, “taking as their subjects female subjectivity, domestic private/public politics or the marginalisation of weaker subjects means these texts create a dissonant space in which various issues of legitimacy, authority and identity might be considered.”8 Historical novels offer an opportunity for the author to reinvent the past and engage their audiences with a series of relatable emotions and themes.
The background of the authors is an important consideration when examining their motivations for writing: both Elizabeth Chadwick and Anne O’Brien are well-established historical authors, having written historical fiction on queens for several decades. Lisa Hilton and Erica Lainé’s backgrounds lie in journalism and education respectively, before they composed historical fiction. Chadwick noted on her blog that her reasoning for writing about Eleanor was to explore facets of her life that other novels had not.9 The backgrounds of Chadwick and O’Brien lend credence to their works, and indeed their depictions of Eleanor are less outlandish than the one of Isabella presented by Hilton. The backgrounds of all four authors is also important when considering who they are writing for: both Chadwick and O’Brien have a well-established following of readers interested in discovering the latest queenly tale, whereas Hilton and Lainé would intend to attract a primarily older female readership who follow Isabella’s life, drawn in by the fantastical adventures that partially make up Isabella’s story. A primarily female audience in the 2010s would be interested in seeing active female figures in control of their agency and sexuality, in spite of a patriarchal society, which is something the novels accomplish. Lastly, the time in which these novels are produced is of importance: all have been published in the last decade, with O’Brien’s work the earliest, produced in 2011, Chadwick’s novels from 2013 to 2016, Hilton’s standalone released in 2015, and Lainé’s trilogy published between 2015 and 2018. With the exception of O’Brien, the authors focus on the status of their queens to draw their audience in, utilising crowns and coats of arms on their front covers, perhaps an indication of the importance they place on the historical status of their subjects, an appropriate comment on the modern society’s difficulties with acknowledging the status of important women. As noted, a predominantly female audience of this era would be drawn to the romance and sexual reclamation that Eleanor experiences in these novels, whilst finding Isabella an entertaining, if not entirely authentic, figure who experiences the trials and tribulations of a patriarchal society.
Elizabeth Chadwick’s three-volume series chronicles Eleanor’s life from her marriage to Louis VII, king of France, in 1137, through to her time as queen consort and later dowager queen of England, until her death in 1204. Eleanor’s status as consort and dowager ought to have afforded her a great deal of power; however, she was thwarted on several occasions by restrictions placed upon her by her husbands. This does not mean she was completely powerless: however, Chadwick has taken several liberties with her depiction of Eleanor and her power. In The Summer Queen, Chadwick writes that “throughout her vast lands Alienor held court with Louis at her side. They received the homage of petitioners and vassals, witnessed and signed charters together, always with the caveat that anything to which Louis put his name was with the ‘assent and petition of Queen Alienor.’”10 Historian Marie Hivergneaux has convincingly stated that although Eleanor undoubtedly legitimised Louis’ authority in Aquitaine, it was he who took charge of the acts issued, albeit with Eleanor’s consent.11 Eleanor’s possession of a seal and her use of it in two charters in Aquitaine in the 1140s demonstrates her status and importance, but not that she fully exercised power.12 Chadwick’s moniker of “History’s Most Powerful Woman” is an alluring description of someone who was a very powerful woman in the High Middle Ages in Europe; however, deeper analysis shows that the historical Eleanor’s power waxed and waned, depending on her relationship with her husbands. In Aquitaine, Eleanor’s authority was frequently paramount to the successful rulership of the region; however, it faced challenge from her husbands when they co-ruled with her.13 The strong, powerful, and authoritative duchess of Aquitaine in Chadwick’s novels has her moments of despair at her lack of agency; however, these moments are brought to the fore with a sense of drama and defiance. The depiction of Eleanor as someone who seeks to be in continued control of her destiny and her authority is one which a modern audience can relate to, with the impact of third-wave feminism driving female readers to continue to push again patriarchal legacies and the glass ceiling in contemporary life.
Anne O’Brien’s novel, Devil’s Consort, aptly titled due to the legendary Plantagenet association with the devil, focuses on Eleanor’s life from her betrothal to Louis VII in 1137 through to her coronation as queen of England in December 1154.14 O’Brien labels Eleanor as “England’s most ruthless queen,” a description which conjures ideas of bloodthirstiness and a merciless ruler, which is unsupported by the historical evidence. Eleanor may have been assertive in her rights to rule, stubborn to defend her homeland of Aquitaine, and to continue to access her dower lands; however, this does not equal ruthlessness. The depiction of Eleanor as a woman determined to rule was not exceptional at this time, as it was not uncommon for royal and noble women to rule, despite O’Brien’s assertions. In the novel, upon Louis’ proclamation of crusade, Eleanor posits that she will “remain at home and rule the country in your stead.”15 This statement draws uncertainty and vehemence from Louis and his key advisor, Abbot Suger. In reality, ruling women were not unusual, particularly amongst the nobility, and queens consort who acted as a strong co-ruler or regent, whether formal or informal, were not uncommon either.16 The rulership of the kingdom of France by women had a contested history, as Salic law, introduced by the Merovingians in the 510s, was often incorrectly utilised to bar women from the line of succession in the mid-fourteenth century.17 However, such misgivings about female succession were not applied as heavily at an elite level, and given that Aquitaine had a tradition of duchesses who were strongly involved in its governance, it is unsurprising that Eleanor sought to continue her rule of Aquitaine and be heavily involved in royal rule as queen consort of France. The chronicles note that Eleanor’s presence on the crusade was driven by Louis’ desire to have Eleanor by his side.18 It is highly likely that Eleanor saw opportunities for going on crusade: the potential to influence her husband further, away from Suger, a chance for religious salvation and atonement, as well as attempts to beget a second child.
Lisa Hilton’s The Stolen Queen focuses predominantly on Isabella’s first marriage to King John of England. Hilton’s volume is fantastical in many respects as it invokes spurious pagan beliefs including devil worship, sex rituals to summon the devil, and a series of sexual exploits. The licence to entertain and the lack of knowledge regarding Isabella’s life with John allow for a fuller exploitation of her life for the reader’s entertainment. Given Isabella’s young age at her marriage to John and her maturity under the eyes of the Angevin courts, it is highly unlikely she indulged in any extramarital affairs whilst married to John. Though her actions upon the death of John have caused speculation regarding her loyalties and priorities, her swift marriage to Hugh X de Lusignan was beneficial from both a political and personal standpoint as their views aligned and they worked in relative harmony for their relationship.
Lastly, Erica Lainé’s The Tangled Queen trilogy allows a fuller exploration of Isabella’s life from both a fictional biographical standpoint and for a wider discussion of her familial relationships and political experiences. Lainé’s novels are far less controversial than Hilton’s, though they still draw upon familiar aspects of plot points including sexual scandal and Isabella’s complicated family life. Although Isabella’s exercise of power (and attempts thereof) and her political activity are depicted, during her first marriage there is scarce evidence upon which to confirm this. It is during her second marriage that Isabella’s authority and activities are more clearly documented, and it is this which allows for a more confident and compelling representation of Isabella as a ruler and mother.
The fictional representations of Eleanor are numerous. In film, her most famous depiction is by Katherine Hepburn in The Lion in Winter, and in fiction she has been the protagonist in works by Alison Weir, Jean Plaidy, and Sharon Kay Penman, to name a few.19 By contrast, Isabella has not received as much attention, however still features in popular culture, as seen with Carey Fleiner’s work.20 Isabella has also appeared in novels by Jean Plaidy, Rachel Bard, and Susanna Kearsley.21 The selection of Chadwick, O’Brien, Hilton, and Lainé for examination here is driven by the differences in representations, and also their longevity, as they explore the lives of Eleanor and Isabella to a fuller extent than some other fictional works. It is useful to focus on representations within historical fiction only, rather than a fuller range of media, for a closer comparison.
Eleanor and Isabella in Historiography
The political and personal lives of Eleanor and Isabella have been the subject of varying degrees of analysis. Eleanor is perhaps England’s most famous premodern queen shy of Elizabeth I, in part owing to legends surrounding Eleanor, which will be discussed in further detail in the next section. Some of the most influential biographies of Eleanor including Amy Kelly’s Eleanor and the Four Kings, Marion Meade’s Eleanor of Aquitaine, Ralph V. Turner’s Eleanor of Aquitaine, and Jean Flori’s Eleanor la insoumise, although the edited volume by Bonnie Wheeler and John Carmi Parsons is perhaps the most recent scholarly work which provides a clear analysis of several facets of Eleanor’s life.22 Isabella, conversely, has received little in the way of biographical attention, being the subject of chapters by Nicholas Vincent and Louise J. Wilkinson in edited collections on King John and royal mothers respectively, and a conference proceedings by Gabriel Biancotto, Robert Favreau, and Piotr Skubiszewski.23 This chapter takes its approach in part from Katherine Weikert’s analysis of the Empress Matilda in fiction, noting that historical writing post-third-wave feminism has shown female figures reclaiming their sexuality and experiences.24 The work of de Groot is also of use here, as it argues that the rewriting of history in historical fiction allows female figures to be brought to light and that a lack of historical evidence allows for further liberation when representing their lives.25
The attention that has been paid to Eleanor and Isabella in academic circles has mitigated some of the legends around them which are discussed in more detail below; however, such attempts do not always engage feminist theory or bring due nuance to appropriate categories of analysis, which would enable a more balanced and interrogative approach to the various representations and facets these two queens present us with. Joan Wallach Scott’s foundational works on gender as a category of analysis highlight the importance of employing gender theory, as well as the use of gender as in political theory to justify or criticise the reigns of monarchs (and their consorts), although most scholarship from the 1990s onwards in royal studies, such as that by Pauline Stafford and Marjorie Chibnall, counteracts the criticism of critiquing rulers due to their gender, a common feature in medieval chronicles and some later historiography.26 It is important nonetheless though to consider gender theory when examining female power and rulership, and the representations of such.
Authors of historical fiction will often use the figure that comes down through history and legend as inspiration for their works, alongside the representation which survives to us from the chronicles. However, the influence of nineteenth-century female biographers of royal women such as Agnes Strickland has also affected depictions in historical fiction. Therefore, this figure created from myth and popular culture is often the image typically preponderant in historical fiction, rather than a more realistic depiction based on further engagement with the surviving sources. It is impossible for us to know the true Eleanor or Isabella: little exists in what could conceivably be called their own words, they commissioned no biographies of their own, and that which survives to us in letters and charters was written in another hand and has been copied and plausibly edited. Thus all interpretations of them, via historical research or historical fiction, come to us through a degree of separation and different lenses of study.
Eleanor and Isabella’s Legends
The infamous legends of Eleanor of Aquitaine have been examined in two works of relevance here: Ralph V. Turner’s article “Eleanor of Aquitaine, Twelfth Century Chroniclers and her ‘Black Legends’” and Michael R. Evans’ book Inventing Eleanor.27 This chapter does not repeat their research at length here but will focus on the key points that align with this chapter’s approach.
Much of Eleanor’s scandalous reputation is owed not to inappropriate actions, but due to critique of female power by medieval chroniclers as she sought to establish her own spheres of authority and fully extend her powers as queen of France and England. The Aquitainians were far more supportive of female rulership than their northern neighbours, and Eleanor’s decisions to share power with her husband and co-rule effectively across the Angevin domains brought criticism from contemporary chroniclers, including Walter Map and Richard of Devizes.28 Eleanor was unexceptional in her desire and ability to rule; however she has attracted more interest and commentary than her predecessors and successors. This may be in part due to her familial connections: the Plantagenets, famous as they are, were not without opposition, and the actions of her ducal predecessors also contributed to the supposedly lascivious reputation of the southern dukes. In the 1110s, the liaison of William IX, Eleanor’s grandfather, with Dangerosa, the wife of one of his vassals Aimery I, viscount of Châtellerault, whereby William installed Dangerosa as his mistress in Poitiers and both parties later abandoned their marital partners, did little to assuage contemporary chroniclers’ fears of Eleanor’s potential misbehaviour. This plays out in modern fiction as Eleanor’s familial history is brought against her, for example, by Bernard of Clairvaux in O’Brien’s Devil’s Consort. Eleanor’s historical links with the Plantagenets, both in her marriage to Henry and her alleged infidelity with her future father-in-law Geoffrey of Anjou, her participation in the Second Crusade, as well as the rebellion of her and Henry’s sons, would all amplify her status as an infamous queen and one worthy of literary attention. Both the chroniclers’ and the historical authors’ works will be discussed in further detail below; however, it is worth emphasising here how potent and enduring the weapon of sexual slander can be when it comes to remembering rulers.
The reputation of Isabella of Angoulême owes much to the harsh pen of Matthew Paris, who openly states that she was “more Jezebel than Isabel,” hence the title of Nicholas Vincent’s chapter.29 It would seem an epithet in need of much remedy, particularly given Isabella’s young age at the time of her marriage to John, supposedly around twelve according to medieval chronicler Ralph of Coggeshall.30 As Henric Bagerius and Christina Ekholst have convincingly demonstrated, sexual slander could be held against the queen consort in order to weaken the king’s authority, as a king who was unable to control his wife was unable to exercise power successfully.31 Like Eleanor, Isabella was routinely criticised for her alleged sexual behaviour. However, Isabella was rarely accused of adultery by the chroniclers, although adultery does make an appearance in historical fiction, including those discussed below. Instead, Isabella was accused by medieval chroniclers of captivating John through witchcraft and other malevolent deeds when he ought to have been focussed on the wars in France.32 The most fanciful tale attached to Isabella comes from a report featured in Paris’ Chronica Majora, whereby Isabella is recorded as having conducted an affair with the emir of Morocco.33 Interestingly, Isabella does not face accusations in the same manner during her second marriage to Hugh X de Lusignan, with her political activities drawing much condemnation on all sides. Her calculated diplomatic manoeuvres between the kings of England and France respectively have added to her infamous reputation; sexual slander, however, was not utilised here to attack Isabella or Hugh. Unlike Eleanor, Isabella was limited in her ability to wield power whilst queen consort as John did not provide Isabella with sufficient income or lands to exercise patronage and network effectively.34 Although there is no evidence Isabella was neglected financially, John’s control prevented Isabella from ruling both Angoulême and the Angevin domains during his reign. Therefore, critiques of Isabella need to be considered as an indirect criticism of John and his rule rather than Isabella’s activities whilst consort. As with Eleanor, there is substantial evidence that points to a critique of the two women sexually in order to undermine their position as queen consort and potential power.
Given the focus on the deeds of kings or religious histories in medieval chronicles, it is perhaps unsurprising that the actions of women, even royal ones, merited little attention unless it was a significant life cycle event or an unusual occasion. However, the critique utilised by chroniclers was often provoked by fear or disdain of female power and authority. As April Harper has stated, “The dichotomy [good meaning non-sexual, bad meaning sexual] of women that is so frequently found in medieval chronicles … was, for a long time, rarely challenged by modern historians, who instead often perpetuated these images of women.”35 Harper has highlighted the challenges in separating the studies of women’s bodies and their sexuality, and it is this separation which is often lost in historical fiction as authors seek to portray powerful women with control of their sexuality, though at key moments this sexuality is shown to be dependent on their relationship with a man.36 The following analysis will predominantly focus on the representations of Eleanor and Isabella as women with their own desires, and as mothers, in order to develop our understanding of how they are remembered in fiction.
Eleanor, The Second Crusade, and Sexual Scandal
Perhaps one of the greatest departures from historical events that Chadwick depicts is Eleanor’s affair with Geoffrey de Rancon, lord of Taillebourg, and commander of the Aquitainian contingent, whilst on the Second Crusade.37 However, Chadwick makes no mention of the affair typically alleged to have happened at this time, that between Eleanor and her uncle Raymond, instead presenting Raymond and Eleanor’s relationship as that of a cordial uncle and niece. In the novel, Eleanor and de Rancon’s affair results in the conception of a child; however, Eleanor miscarries on the journey from Antioch to Jerusalem after her kidnap by Thierry de Galeran, Louis’ adviser and a strong opponent of Eleanor.38 The retelling of Eleanor’s alleged affair with Raymond has occupied both historians and authors for centuries, so although there is merit in avoiding the retelling of an unsubstantiated, incestuous affair, it is interesting to then replace the scandal with an affair for which there is no historical allegations or evidence. Eleanor is very much in control of her sexuality here, willingly entering into the affair with Geoffrey, and Chadwick gives a positive depiction of her control and agency in these events. However, as with the other sexual allegations that have plagued her historical character, it is highly unlikely that Eleanor would have entered an affair that may have compromised her position and power as both queen of France and duchess of Aquitaine. The titillation of an affair would draw readers’ interests, although potentially garnering disapproval. Gratuitous sex is often used for entertainment value, but Eleanor’s actions and motivations as she seeks reclamation of her sexuality may redeem her as an inspirational or relatable figure for the novels’ target audience.
Perhaps one of the most infamous moments of the Second Crusade, the attack on Mount Cadmos by the Turks, is often noted as a decisive turning point in Eleanor and Louis’ relationship. The fictional Eleanor in O’Brien’s novel places the blame for the attack on the main body of the French forces at Louis’ feet. Louis ordered the vanguard to go ahead and wait on a plateau; however unsheltered as it was, the two commanders Geoffrey de Rancon, leader of Eleanor’s forces, and Louis’ uncle, Amadeus III, count of Maurienne, decided to press ahead to a more secure campsite. The disagreement between Louis and Eleanor saw her excluded from the war councils, “treating me like a woman rather than as a ruler in her own right with as much authority as he.”39 Eleanor’s will to exercise her own authority is undoubtable in both fiction and reality: charters document her patronage and networking from her time as queen consort of France to dowager queen of England, still active even as she entered her eighth decade.40 This desire to rule, particularly in her homeland of Aquitaine, and the unwillingness of her partners to allow her to do so, was a point of contention throughout her life. The disagreement after Mount Cadmos led to what has been noted as one of the most infamous moments of Eleanor’s life: her alleged incestuous affair with her paternal uncle, Raymond, prince of Antioch.
O’Brien portrays Eleanor as a sexual being in a positive manner with regard to her relationship with Henry, later count of Anjou, duke of Normandy, and king of England, her future father-in-law, Geoffrey of Anjou. Depicting this alleged indulgence of incest with both her future father-in-law Geoffrey and her uncle Raymond do much to continue her infamy, which historians have disproven, most notably Michael R. Evans.41 In the novel, O’Brien writes of Eleanor’s seduction by Raymond: “Raymond … became my lover … I loved him, I adored him, my senses overpowered by his sheer physical presence.”42 Chronicler John of Salisbury noted that the attentions paid to Eleanor by the prince “aroused the king’s suspicions”: few chroniclers were willing to outrightly accuse Eleanor of incest, particularly whilst she remained in a position of power as either queen consort or dowager queen.43 It is implausible that Eleanor would have committed incest surrounded by her and her husband’s courts, in a situation where Eleanor held few allies and little control. This lack of control did not impede Eleanor’s desire for an annulment, although it would only be five years later after the birth of another daughter, and Eleanor’s continued persistence, that the annulment would be accepted by Louis and granted by the Church.
Walter Map, a strong critic of the Plantagenets, is one of the few chroniclers who openly accused Eleanor of incest with her future father-in-law Geoffrey Plantagenet, one of many instances which caused marital disharmony between Henry and Eleanor, as well as the political strife they faced.44 Map wrote that Eleanor was “secretly reported to have shared the couch of Louis with his [Henry’s] father Geoffrey.”45 In the novel, Eleanor is shown to be swayed by Geoffrey’s charms, as she is neglected by Louis in both a political and personal sense. Initially resistant to Geoffrey’s advances, Eleanor is eventually captivated in a moment of lust in O’Brien’s novel.46 As with Raymond, Eleanor’s alleged liaison with Geoffrey has drawn the attention of historians and popular audiences; however, it is highly unlikely that Eleanor would have risked her position as queen of France and potentially her position as duchess of Normandy through adultery and incest. Eleanor would have been well aware of the precarities of her situation, and given her desire to rule, it appears implausible that she would have compromised herself in such a manner. Eleanor’s demand for an annulment and her swift marriage to Henry following the annulment is indicative of her forethought and planning, being aware of her status as a sole powerful noblewoman when arranging her marriage and that Aquitaine was coveted as an asset by several local rulers.
Isabella: A Scandalous Queen
Erica Lainé’s first novel in her trilogy on Isabella opens with Isabella as a tempestuous child, having a tantrum, which although understandable for a modern audience, was viewed as misbehaving in the eyes of her medieval household, whilst meeting her betrothed Hugh IX, count of Lusignan and Le Marche, and future (though at this point unknown) husband, King John of England.47 Lainé focuses on the minutiae of Isabella’s betrothal arrangements and movement to the English court, where Isabella is one of many characters, and her voice does not dominate the dialogue in spite of her being the central character.48 In the novel shortly after her marriage to John, Isabella states, “the king has me in his bed and I will have power.”49 Indicative of Isabella’s wilfulness and transition from a noble daughter to now queen consort, this statement and the following chapters demonstrates Isabella’s desire to have status and control, which can be seen in the historical evidence with Isabella’s fight for her dower lands and power plays with the English and French courts as dowager queen.50
Lisa Hilton’s depiction of Isabella offers a stark portrayal compared with Lainé. The beginning of The Stolen Queen focuses on Isabella as a young girl, betrothed to Hugh X de Lusignan, when in reality she was betrothed to his father, Hugh IX de Lusignan.51 Isabella is portrayed as a strong-willed child, echoing Lainé’s portrayal; however, the core focus of the novel is her marriage to John and subsequent activities as queen consort of England. Isabella is presented as somewhat tempestuous, and with her family giving credence to a series of clandestine beliefs, particularly devil worship. On the eve of her wedding to John, Isabella is raped by The Horned Man, namely the devil in another guise.52 The substantial departures from reality as Hilton weaves her fanciful tale are rather unconvincing: although many readers familiar with Isabella will be aware of Paris’ report that she kept John abed with enchantments and witchcraft, there is no substantive proof that Isabella engaged with any pagan beliefs or rituals.53
Hilton presents John as impotent during his marriage to Isabella, noting Isabella cringing away from John’s touch and his inability to consummate the relationship when they are in close quarters.54 In 1202, after the siege of Mirabeau, Isabella seduces and embarks upon an illicit affair with Arthur, duke of Brittany.55 When caught in the act by John, she accuses Arthur of rape to explain her loss of virginity.56 This representation of Isabella as a sordid, incestuous adulterer builds upon her poor historical reputation, largely owed to Paris’ writings, and employs the trope of gratuitous sex for entertainment purposes. The depiction of Isabella and Arthur’s affair is entirely fictional: no medieval chronicler has ever made reference to this, and it would be highly unlikely that a young Isabella would engage with her husband’s enemy regardless of any tensions between Isabella and John at this early stage of the marriage.
The sensationalist approach taken by Hilton continues in the novel: after the death of Arthur, Isabella then conducts a liaison with her half-brother Pierre de Joigny in order to bear a child to John. Hilton writes that “for a few shameless, helpless moments, I abandoned myself to the throb of the Lusignan blood.”57 As with Eleanor, the notion that either queen would lower themselves to the point of first-degree incest is untenable. Both women would have been well aware of the consequences of being caught as an adulterer, and doubly so with the risk of incest threatening to malign their names and reputations. Risking the king’s displeasure would have been serious pause for thought, with Eleanor and Isabella aware of the potential consequences that would have arisen from the discovery of infidelity. In sum, Hilton’s characterisation of Isabella fulfils its purpose of entertaining historical fiction, more than historical accuracy given that the historical Isabella was not an enchantress, pagan, or adulterer, and although such titillation may garner interest from the audience, it contributes more to the romance genre than that of authentic historical fiction, as it is based on the work of Strickland rather than detailed research. Readers of the novel would find little inspiration or perhaps even empathy with the life of Isabella; therefore the purpose of Hilton’s work must be largely to entertain rather than spark an interest in the historical Isabella.
Eleanor and Family Politics
The second of Chadwick’s volumes, The Winter Crown, focuses on the accession of Eleanor to the English throne and her early years of rulership in England, ending with her imprisonment in Sarum Castle after her participation in the 1173 rebellion against her husband Henry. Although the historical Eleanor’s exact role in the rebellion and her motivations are contested, it is plausible that Henry’s attempts to curb both her and her sons’ powers led to dispute after attempts to negotiate her exercise of authority failed.58 In the novel, Eleanor’s family life takes just as central a role as courtly politics. Eleanor’s relationship with her mother-in-law, the Empress Matilda, of which we know little, is developed at the beginning of the novel after the death of Eleanor’s firstborn son, William. Chadwick writes that Matilda “had been compassionate and concerned for her [Eleanor’s] welfare,” although “she was the patronising matriarch showing a younger subordinate how much she still had to learn.”59 In reality it is likely that Eleanor and Matilda operated a policy of tacit co-operation with one another for the benefit of the Angevins and therefore the early Plantagenet dynasty; however, no letters between the pair survive and it cannot be proven that there was a strong, friendly relationship between the two rulers or otherwise.60 What is also of interest here is the emphasis on motherhood: both Eleanor and Matilda are presented as having great concerns and care for their children, and a vested personal and political interest in their future and wellbeing. Though there have been assumptions of a maternal disconnect between royal and noble women and their children due to the children being raised in separate households or religious institutions, the historical Matilda and Eleanor both held strong connections with their children and worked for their interests and inheritance throughout their lives, even as dowagers and widows.61
The Eleanor presented in The Autumn Throne is a more mature but just as defiant figure, as the novel commences on the eve of Eleanor’s release from Sarum Castle, where she has been held prisoner after her part in the 1173 rebellion. Refusing to annul her marriage to Henry, the depiction of Eleanor then turns to one of her as a mother: it shows her strong bonds with Henry the Young King, Richard, and Joanna.62 This novel does not discuss Eleanor’s sexual desires, but instead draws a more relational figure for its audience, that of a mother attempting to garner the best outcome for her children, though the idea of a woman trapped in a struggling marriage and prioritising other matters may also garner sympathy from the readers. Eleanor’s battle to regain her power under her husband’s rule is shown, with due attention paid to the events of 1185 wherein Henry subjugates Eleanor and his sons by reinstalling Eleanor in Aquitaine and removing Richard from power, while keeping them under tight control.63 Hivergneaux has proven the extent of Henry’s control of Aquitaine as Henry, Richard, and John’s assent was needed in an 1185 charter alongside Eleanor’s, demonstrating that Eleanor’s power in Aquitaine was only a pretence.64 Therefore the Eleanor represented here is more nuanced than expected, delving into the power plays which affected her ability to exercise authority and rule in the Angevin domains.
Isabella and Family Life
The second novel in Lainé’s series introduces Isabella in the year following John’s death (1217), whereby we can see Isabella’s determination in full force as she breaks the betrothal between her daughter Joan and Hugh X de Lusignan, the son of the count Isabella was betrothed to prior to her marriage to John. Isabella “had discovered that she could turn her wilfulness into steely resolve.”65 This Isabella is far more representative of the historical Isabella based on the surviving evidence, as one who sought to exercise her own power and be able to wield authority in her domains effectively. Like her mother-in-law Eleanor, she was also aware of the importance of marital alliances in assisting this exercise of power. Both Eleanor and Isabella faced obstructions to their power, particularly by their husbands; however, they were both able to overcome these obstacles through their diplomatic strengths and political acumen. The Isabella of The Tangled Queen series allows us to see her development in the political arena and thus provides an interesting break from other historical fiction heroines and queens, although, as with any historical fiction, there are dramatic liberties taken. The historical Isabella, or at least the historical Isabella known to the general public, is one associated with captivating the king sexually, abandoning her children for her interests in France, stealing her daughter’s husband, and then causing friction between the English and French courts as she sought to protect her own power, as shown in Plaidy’s Plantagenet novels noted above. As discussed, criticism of the king via the queen can undoubtedly account for much of the critique Isabella has borne, and Wilkinson’s work on Isabella highlights the nuances behind Isabella’s decision to return to Angoulême in 1217.66 Isabella may have driven by the defence of her own interests and the protection of Angoulême primarily; however, she was also keen to work for her familial interests, though with perhaps less devotion than Eleanor had for her children.
The final volume of the fictional series focuses on Isabella from the mid-1220s until her death in 1246. Notably estranged from her children after her return to the continent, Lainé notes a reunion between Isabella and three of her Angevin children, Henry, Richard, and Eleanor, in France in 1230, based on a historical meeting during the English campaign against the Capetians. Isabella takes pride in the appearance of her sons; however, there is no strong affection between Isabella and her Plantagenet children, with all three keen to impress Isabella with their actions.67 Little reference is made to Isabella’s Lusignan children, with the main discussion of them in the novel depicting them as Isabella’s pawns as she plans alliances, although she displays fondness for her daughter Yolande and her grandchildren.68 The historical Isabella had little choice but to leave her Plantagenet children after being excluded by the regency council, and as much work focuses on her relationships within the Angevin domains or her networks with royal and noble men, it is difficult to ascertain whether her relationships with her Lusignan children were any more or less affectionate.69 Taken together, Lainé’s trilogy provides a well-rounded representation of Isabella that investigates several facets of her life and relationships, and portrays the essence of Isabella that survives from the historical evidence: a determined and resolute woman who was capable of playing political figures against one another in order to achieve her own ends, regardless of how it affected her popularity.
Conclusion
Eleanor and Isabella’s reputations have suffered historically owing to medieval chroniclers’ inability to accept women as powerful sexual beings, and unfortunately this image has carried down to historical fiction. This image has also been propagated by early biographers, such as Strickland. It is unlikely we will know the true characters and actions of Eleanor and Isabella when it comes to both their exercise of power and their sex lives; however, it would seem somewhat uncharacteristic of both to be overtly expressive of their wants and desires in a society which viewed faithful marriage as the only legitimate sexual outlet.70 What this examination tells us about how queens and women are written in fiction is that historical fiction continues to focus on the standout moments of these women’s lives, whether proven to be true or not, and will embellish these for the author’s own ends, primarily the interest of the reader. Though this is nothing new to a critic of historical fiction, there is ample material through which an author can provide a more convincing and realistic depiction of queens in this period. The motivations of the authors to focus on the touchpoints outlined above are to solicit readers with an entertaining tale. The motivations of medieval chroniclers when writing about scandalous queens have been briefly touched upon above, and this chapter follows the theory posited by Ekholst and Bagerius that being able to critique the king through his wife was one such method. Undoubtedly Eleanor and Isabella were both politically active women, keen to defend their own interests, and work on behalf of their children, which comes across strongly in the books examined here. The figures of Eleanor and Isabella may be relatable to some readers, looking for inspiration in a strong woman who took control of their situation whilst balancing conflicting priorities. Nonetheless, these works serve the purpose of entertaining the reader and bringing two famous women to new audiences.
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27. Roger of Wendover. Roger of Wendover’s Flowers of History Comprising The History of England From the Descent of the Saxons to A. D. 1235, Formerly Ascribed to Matthew Paris. Translated and edited by John Allen Giles. 2 volumes. London: George Bell & Sons, 1892.
28. Walter Map. De Nugis Curialium. Courtiers Trifles. Translated and edited by M. R. James. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1983.
29. Weir, Alison. The Captive Queen. London: Arrow, 2010.
30. William of Newburgh, History of English Affairs Book I. Edited and translated by P. G. Walsh and M. J. Kennedy. Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1998.
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2. Atwal, Priya. Royals and Rebels. The Rise and Fall of the Sikh Empire. London: Hurst Publishers, 2020.Crossref
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4. Bagerius, Henric and Christine Ekholst. “For Better or For Worse: Royal Marital Sexuality as Political Critique in Late Medieval Europe.” in The Routledge History of Monarchy, edited by Elena Woodacre, Lucinda H. S. Dean, Zita Eva Rohr, and Russell Martin. Abingdon: Routledge, 2019.
5. Biancotto, Gabriel, Robert Favreau and Piotr Skubiszewski, eds. Isabelle d’Angoulême: Comtesse-reine et son temps. Actes du colloque tenu à Lusignan du 8 au 10 novembre 1996. Poitiers: Université de Poitiers, 1999.
6. Chibnall, Marjorie. The Empress Matilda, Queen Consort, Queen Mother and Lady of the English. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1993, 1991.
7. Cockerill, Sara. Eleanor of Aquitaine. Queen of France and England, Mother of Empires. Stroud: Amberley Publishing, 2019.
8. De Groot, Jerome. The Historical Novel. Abingdon: Routledge, 2009.Crossref
9. Evans, Michael R. “A Remarkable Woman? Popular Historians and the Image of Eleanor of Aquitaine.” In Studies in Medievalism XVIII: Defining Medievalism(s) II, edited by Karl Fugelso, 244–264. Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2009.
10. ———. Inventing Eleanor, The Medieval and Post-Medieval Image of Eleanor of Aquitaine. London: Bloomsbury, 2014.
11. Fleiner, Carey. “‘She Is My Eleanor:’ The Character of Isabella of Angoulême on Film—A Medieval Queen in Modern Media.” In Premodern Rulers and Postmodern Viewers. Gender, Sex, and Power in Popular Culture, edited by Janice North, Karl C. Alvestad, and Elena Woodacre, 91–110. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.
12. Flori, Jean. Eleanor of Aquitaine. Queen and Rebel. Translated by Olive Classe. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007.
13. Hanley, Sarah. “Configuring the Authority of Queens in the French Monarchy, 1600s–1840s.” Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 32.2 (2006): 453–464.
14. Harper, April. “Bodies and Sexuality.” In A Cultural History of Women in the Middle Ages, edited by Kim M. Phillips, 39–58. London: Bloomsbury, 2016.
15. Hivergneaux, Marie. “Queen Eleanor and Aquitaine: 1137–1189.” In Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord and Lady, edited by Bonnie Wheeler and John Carmi Parsons, 55–76. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.
16. Kafantaris, Mira Assaf. Royal Marriage, Foreign Queens, and Constructions of Race in the Early Modern Period. Forthcoming.
17. Karras, Ruth Mazo. Sexuality in the Middle Ages. Doing Unto Others. 2nd edition. Abingdon: Routledge, 2012.
18. Kelly, Amy. Eleanor of Aquitaine and the Four Kings. London: Harvard University Press, 1950.
19. Kibler, William W. Eleanor of Aquitaine, Patron and Politician. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1976.
20. Markale, Jean. La vie, la légende, l’influence d’Aliénor Comtesse de Poitou, Duchesse d’Aquitaine, Reine de France, puis d’Angleterre, Dame des Troubadours et des Bardes bretons. Paris: Payot, 1979.
21. Meade, Marion. Eleanor of Aquitaine. A Biography. London: Phoenix Press, 1977.
22. Pernoud, Regine. Aliénor d’Aquitaine. Paris: Éditions Albin Michel, 1965.
23. Rohr, Zita Eva, and Lisa Benz, eds. Queenship and the Women of Westeros. Female Agency and Advice in Game of Thrones and A Song of Ice and Fire. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020.
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25. Shahar, Shulamith. Childhood in the Middle Ages. Translated by Chaya Galai. London: Routledge, 1992.
26. Stafford, Pauline. Queen Emma & Queen Edith, Queenship and Women’s Power in Eleventh-Century England. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997.
27. Storey, Gabrielle. “Co-Operation, Co-Rulership and Competition: Queenship in the Angevin Domains, 1135–1230.” University of Winchester: PhD thesis, 2020.
28. Tanner, Heather J., ed. Medieval Elite Women and the Exercise of Power, 1100–1400. Moving Beyond the Exceptionalist Debate. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019.
29. Turner, Ralph V. “Eleanor of Aquitaine, Twelfth-Century Chroniclers and her ‘Black Legend’.” Nottingham Medieval Studies 52 (2008): 17–42.Crossref
30. ———. Eleanor of Aquitaine. London: Yale University Press, 2011.
31. Vincent, Nicholas. “Isabella of Angoulême: John’s Jezebel.” In King John: New Interpretations, edited by Stephen D. Church, 165–219. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1999.
32. Weikert, Katherine. “Feminism, Fiction, and the Empress Matilda.” In Premodern Rulers and Postmodern Viewers. Gender, Sex, and Power in Popular Culture, edited by Janice North, Karl C. Alvestad, and Elena Woodacre, 69–90. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.
33. Wheeler, Bonnie and John Carmi Parsons, eds. Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord and Lady. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.
34. Woodacre, Elena. ed. A Companion to Global Queenship. Leeds: Arc Humanities, 2018.
35. Woodacre, Elena, Lucinda H. S. Dean, Chris Jones, Russell E. Martin, and Zita Eva Rohr, eds. The Routledge History of Monarchy. London: Routledge, 2019.
Footnotes
1
Anne O’Brien, Devil’s Consort (Surrey: MIRA Books, 2011), 124.
2
See Jerome de Groot, The Historical Novel (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009); Janice North, Karl C. Alvestad, and Elena Woodacre, eds., Premodern Rulers and Postmodern Viewers. Gender, Sex, and Power in Popular Culture (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018).
3
George R. R. Martin, A Song of Ice and Fire (London: Harper Collins, 1991–present); David Nutter, Alan Taylor, Alex Graves, et al, dir., Game of Thrones (California: Warner Bros. Home Entertainment, 2012–2019), DVD; Zita Eva Rohr and Lisa Benz, eds., Queenship and the Women of Westeros. Female Agency and Advice in Game of Thrones and A Song of Ice and Fire (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020).
4
For example, there is an unfortunate common thread that by and large, white women tend to write white women for white women, with little consideration to expanding their character base to be representational and more inclusive.
5
See Mira Assaf Kafantaris, Royal Marriage, Foreign Queens, and Constructions of Race in the Early Modern Period (forthcoming); Priya Atwal, Royals and Rebels. The Rise and Fall of the Sikh Empire (London: Hurst Publishers, 2020); Elena Woodacre, ed., A Companion to Global Queenship (Leeds: Arc Humanities, 2018); Elena Woodacre, Lucinda H. S. Dean, Chris Jones, Russell E. Martin, and Zita Eva Rohr, eds., The Routledge History of Monarchy (London: Routledge, 2019), for more discussion of diverse societies in the medieval period and as part of the growing corpus on non-white queenship.
6
Carey Fleiner, “‘She Is My Eleanor:’ The Character of Isabella of Angoulême on Film—A Medieval Queen in Modern Media,” in Premodern Rulers and Postmodern Viewers, 91–110.
7
Elizabeth Chadwick, The Summer Queen (London: Sphere, 2013); Elizabeth Chadwick, The Winter Crown (London: Sphere, 2014); Elizabeth Chadwick, The Winter Crown (London: Sphere, 2014); O’Brien, Devil’s Consort; Lisa Hilton, The Stolen Queen (London: Corvus, 2015); Erica Lainé, Isabella of Angoulême. The Tangled Queen Part I (Bristol: SilverWood Books, 2015); Erica Lainé, The Tangled Queen Part 2 (Bristol: SilverWood Books, 2018); Erica Lainé, The Tangled Queen Part 3 (Bristol: SilverWood Books, 2018).
8
De Groot, Novel, 68.
9
Elizabeth Chadwick, “The Summer Queen Behind the Scenes,” 3 June 2013, http://livingthehistoryelizabethchadwick.blogspot.com/2013/06/tomorrow-ill-be-starting-series-of.html, accessed 10 April 2021.
10
Chadwick, The Summer Queen, 100.
11
Marie Hivergneaux, “Queen Eleanor and Aquitaine, 1137–1189,” in Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord and Lady, eds. Bonnie Wheeler and John Carmi Parsons (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 62.
12
Hivergneaux, “Eleanor,” 62.
13
Hivergneaux, “Eleanor,” 55–76; Gabrielle Storey, “Co-Rulership, Co-operation and Competition: Queenship in the Angevin Domains, 1135–1230,” (PhD Diss., University of Winchester, 2020), chapter 3.
14
The title of Devil’s Consort is undoubtedly due to the alleged descent of the Plantagenets from the devil: Evans, Inventing Eleanor, 31; Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione in Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, ed. George F. Warner (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1891), 301, 309.
15
O’Brien, Devil’s Consort, 265.
16
For further discussion of exceptionalism, see Heather J. Tanner, ed., Medieval Elite Women and the Exercise of Power, 1100–1400. Moving Beyond the Exceptionalist Debate (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019).
17
Sarah Hanley, “Configuring the Authority of Queens in the French Monarchy, 1600s–1840s,” Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 32.2 (2006): 456.
18
William of Newburgh, History of English Affairs Book I, ed. and trans. P. G. Walsh and M. J. Kennedy (Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1998), 128–129.
19
Alison Weir, The Captive Queen (London: Arrow, 2010); Jean Plaidy, The Courts of Love (London: Robert Hale, 1987); Sharon Kay Penman, When Christ and His Saints Slept (London: Michael Joseph, 1994); Sharon Kay Penman, Time and Chance (London: Michael Joseph, 2002); Sharon Kay Penman, Devil’s Brood (London: Michael Joseph, 2008).
20
Fleiner, “Eleanor,” 91–110.
21
Jean Plaidy, The Prince of Darkness (London: Robert Hale, 1978); Rachel Bard, Isabella: Queen Without a Conscience (Bloomington: Trafford Publishing, 2006); Susanna Kearsley, The Splendour Falls (London: Corgi, 1995).
22
Amy Kelly, Eleanor of Aquitaine and the Four Kings (London: Harvard University Press, 1950); Marion Meade, Eleanor of Aquitaine. A Biography (London: Phoenix Press, 1977); Ralph V. Turner, Eleanor of Aquitaine (London: Yale University Press, 2011); Jean Flori, Eleanor of Aquitaine. Queen and Rebel, trans. Olive Classe (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007); Bonnie Wheeler and John Carmi Parsons, eds. Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord and Lady (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002). See also Regine Pernoud, Aliénor d’Aquitaine (Paris: Éditions Albin Michel, 1965); Jean Markale, La vie, la légende, l’influence d’Aliénor Comtesse de Poitou, Duchesse d’Aquitaine, Reine de France, puis d’Angleterre, Dame des Troubadours et des Bardes bretons (Paris: Payot, 1979); William W. Kibler, Eleanor of Aquitaine, Patron and Politician (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1976); Martin Aurell, “Aliénor d’Aquitaine (1224–1203) et ses historiens: la destruction d’un mythe?” in Guerre, pouvoir et noblesse au Moyen Age: Mélanges en l’honneur de Philippe Contamine, eds. Jacques Paviot and Jacques Verger (Paris: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 2000), 43–49; Hivergneaux, “Eleanor,” 55–76. The most recent popular biography of Eleanor by Sara Cockerill is also worthy of mention here for its rigorous research and attention to detail, see Sara Cockerill, Eleanor of Aquitaine. Queen of France and England, Mother of Empires (Stroud: Amberley Publishing, 2019).
23
Nicholas Vincent, “Isabella of Angoulême: John’s Jezebel,” in King John: New Interpretations, ed. Stephen D. Church (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1999), 165–219; Louise J. Wilkinson, “Maternal Abandonment and Surrogate Caregivers: Isabella of Angoulême and Her Children by King John,” in Virtuous or Villainess? The Image of the Royal Mother From the Early Medieval to the Early Modern Era, eds. Carey Fleiner and Elena Woodacre (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 101–124; Gabriel Biancotto, Robert Favreau, and Piotr Skubiszewski, eds. Isabelle d’Angoulême: Comtesse-reine et son temps. Actes du colloque tenu à Lusignan du 8 au 10 novembre 1996 (Poitiers: Université de Poitiers, 1999). Isabella’s life, although not her representation in popular fiction, will be examined in Sally Spong’s forthcoming thesis: Sally Spong, “Isabella of Gloucester and Isabella of Angoulême: Female Lordship, Queenship, Power, and Authority 1189–1220,” (PhD diss., University of East Anglia, forthcoming).
24
Katherine Weikert, “Feminism, Fiction, and the Empress Matilda.” in Premodern Rulers and Postmodern Viewers, 69–90, especially 77.
25
De Groot, Novel, 70.
26
Pauline Stafford, Queen Emma & Queen Edith, Queenship and Women’s Power in Eleventh-Century England (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997); Marjorie Chibnall, The Empress Matilda, Queen Consort, Queen Mother and Lady of the English (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1993, 1991); Joan Wallach Scott, “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis” The American Historical Review 91.5 (1986): 1067, 1070–1071.
27
Ralph V. Turner, “Eleanor of Aquitaine, Twelfth-Century Chroniclers and her ‘Black Legend’,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 52 (2008): 17–42; Michael R. Evans, Inventing Eleanor, The Medieval and Post-Medieval Image of Eleanor of Aquitaine (London: Bloomsbury, 2014). See also Michael R. Evans, “A Remarkable Woman? Popular Historians and the Image of Eleanor of Aquitaine,” in Studies in Medievalism XVIII: Defining Medievalism(s) II (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2009), ed. Karl Fugelso, 244–264.
28
See further discussion below for Map and Devizes’ comments.
29
Vincent, “Isabella,” 165–219.
30
“que quasi duodenis videbatur,” Ralph of Coggeshall, Radulphi de Coggeshall Chronicon Anglicanum, De Expugatione Terræ Sanctæ Libellus, Thomas Agnellus de Morte et Sepultura Henrici Regis Angliæ Junioris, Gesta Fulconis Filii Warini, Excerpta Ex Otiis Imperialibus Gervasii Tileburiensis, ed. Joseph Stevenson (London: Longman & Co.; Trübner & Co.; Parker & Co.; Macmillan & Co.; A & C. Black; A. Thom, 1875), 103.
31
Henric Bagerius and Christine Ekholst, “For Better or For Worse: Royal marital sexuality as political critique in late medieval Europe,” in The Routledge History of Monarchy, 648.
32
Roger of Wendover, Roger of Wendover’s Flowers of History Comprising The History of England From the Descent of the Saxons to A. D. 1235, Formerly Ascribed to Matthew Paris, trans. and ed. John Allen Giles. 2 vols. (London: George Bell & Sons, 1892), ii, 207.
33
Matthew Paris, Matthæi Parisiensis, Monachi Sancti Albani, Chronica Majora, ed. Henry Richards Luard. 7 vols. (London: Longman & Co., 1872–1880), ii, 563.
34
Vincent, “Isabella of Angoulême,” 185–193; Gabrielle Storey, “Co-Rulership, Co-operation and Competition: Queenship in the Angevin Domains, 1135–1230,” (PhD Diss., University of Winchester, 2020), chapter 5.
35
April Harper, “Bodies and Sexuality,” in A Cultural History of Women in the Middle Ages, ed. Kim M. Phillips (London: Bloomsbury, 2016), 45.
36
Harper, “Bodies,” 47–49.
37
Chadwick, The Summer Queen, 268.
38
Chadwick, The Summer Queen, 288–291.
39
O’Brien, Devil’s Consort, 321.
40
Paul Marchegay, “Chartes de Fontevraud concernant l’Aunis et La Rochelle,” Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 19 (1858): 132–179 and 321–347; Hivergneaux, “Eleanor,” 55–76; Calendar of Documents preserved in France, Illustrative of the History of Great Britain and Ireland, I, 918–1206, trans. and ed. James Horace Round (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1899), nos. 1107 and 1108.
41
See Evans, Eleanor, 19–44.
42
O’Brien, Devil’s Consort, 369.
43
John of Salisbury, The Historia Pontificalis of John of Salisbury, trans. and ed. Marjorie Chibnall (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1986), 52.
44
Evans, Eleanor, 22–24.
45
Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium. Courtiers Trifles, trans. and ed. M. R. James (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1983), 475–477.
46
O’Brien, Devil’s Consort, 242–243.
47
Lainé, The Tangled Queen Part 1, 17–26.
48
Hilton, The Stolen Queen.
49
Lainé, The Tangled Queen Part 1, 88.
50
For Isabella’s fight for her dower lands, see Isabel of Angoulême, “Letter from Isabel of Angoulême to Henry III (1218–1219),” Epistolae: Medieval Women’s Latin Letters, accessed 18 November 2020, epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/2416.html; Isabel of Angoulême, “Letter from Isabel of Angoulême to Henry III (1220),” Epistolae: Medieval Women’s Latin Letters, accessed 18 November 2020, epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/457.html; Vincent, Isabella of Angoulême, 184–190, 208–211.
51
Hilton, The Stolen Queen, 21, 304.
52
Hilton, The Stolen Queen, 89–90.
53
“Sponsam habet sibi exosam et ipsum odientem, incestam, maleeficam, et adulteram,” Paris, Chronica Majora, ii, 563.
54
Hilton, The Stolen Queen, 154, 158.
55
Hilton, The Stolen Queen, 162.
56
Hilton, The Stolen Queen, 174–178.
57
Hilton, The Stolen Queen, 211.
58
For discussion of the rebellion, see Turner, Eleanor, 205–230 for context and the events of 1173–1174.
59
Chadwick, The Winter Crown, 48–49.
60
For discussion of Matilda and Eleanor’s relationship, see Gabrielle Storey, “Co-Operation, Co-Rulership and Competition: Queenship in the Angevin Domains, 1135–1230,” (University of Winchester: PhD thesis, 2020), chapter 5.
61
For more on medieval childhood, see Philippe Ariès, Centuries of Childhood, A Social History of Family Life, trans. Robert Baldick (New York: Vintage Books, 1962); and conversely Shulamith Shahar, Childhood in the Middle Ages, trans. Chaya Galai (London: Routledge, 1992).
62
Chadwick, The Autumn Throne, 19–20, 29, 37, 39.
63
Chadwick, The Autumn Throne, 174–178.
64
Hivergneaux, “Eleanor,” 71; Marchegay, “Chartes,” 330–331.
65
Lainé, The Tangled Queen Part 2, 98.
66
Wilkinson, “Abandonment,” 101–124.
67
Lainé, The Tangled Queen Part 3, 117, 120–122.
68
Lainé, The Tangled Queen Part 3, 185–187.
69
Wilkinson, “Abandonment,” 114.
70
Ruth Mazo Karras, Sexuality in the Middle Ages. Doing Unto Others, 2nd ed. (Abingdon: Routledge, 2012), 76.