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Witchcraft

H. C. Erik Midelfort

One of the standard scholarly exercises is the literature review, the effort to describe recent contributions to a specific field of research. Over the past generation, several useful reviews of research into the history of witchcraft, varying dramatically in ambition and scope, have appeared, ranging from the discussion of a few titles to the consideration of hundreds.¹ The literature review has become so well established in witchcraft research that the well-meaning scholar attempting this genre runs the risk of writing not secondary literature (discussions of primary sources) nor even tertiary literature (discussions of secondary sources), but what one would have to call quaternary literature (discussions of discussions of secondary sources)—an unsavory prospect. With the recent publication of Richard Golden’s Encyclopedia of Witchcraft: The Western Tradition, moreover, students and scholars now have a remarkable and up-to-date four-volume survey of what the best researchers have discovered and concluded about the whole history of witchcraft in the West.² There seems little point in trying to compete with so thorough a survey.

What is less clear in all this flood of information and opinion is in what direction this large field of endeavor is going and what is left to be done. This essay, therefore, will attempt to describe the future of witchcraft research—a project for which historical studies usually provide only approximate and unsteady guidance. History, however, does illuminate our present and make certain futures more likely than others. Taking one’s bearings from the course or direction of research over the past circa forty years provides a better position to understand and even to predict what is coming next.

The Situation around 1960

When I began working on witchcraft in 1962 there were a few facts that seemed perfectly clear—today these facts no longer seem as solid as they did then. For example, back in those dim days, everyone “knew” that the great turn toward massive witch-hunting in the West had occurred in the first half of the fourteenth century. The great scholar Joseph Hansen wrote in 1900 that the Inquisition in southern France had detected a huge conspiracy of novel heretics in the 1330s—men and women who stood accused of sorcery (harmful magic) and of worshiping the devil.³ It seemed that Toulouse and Carcassonne had seen perhaps as many as one thousand trials leading to over six hundred executions. This sudden eruption cried out for explanation and students of the Inquisition rushed in, for it seemed that these massive chain-reaction trials were the obvious key to understanding the whole subsequent history of witchcraft. And as a result, scholars (especially liberal scholars) concluded that inquisitorial proceedings (or, more luridly, the Inquisition) were responsible for the construction and deployment of a dangerous delusion, an amalgam of maleficium (harmful magic) and diabolism that came to be called the “conglomerate crime” of witchcraft. Heresy seemed to be at the very heart of this newly discovered or newly invented crime. Standard histories of witchcraft depended on Hansen’s source collection and his account down into the 1970s.⁴ In 1975/76, however, the major source upon which this version of the past rested was debunked as a forgery by the independent researches of Norman Cohn and Richard Kieckhefer.⁵ The result of this subtraction from what we knew about witchcraft was sensational because it now became possible to consider that heresy was only one of the historical roots of witchcraft, that the church was not the only source of witchcraft panic, and that the Inquisition was not the sole incubator of this novel crime. Indeed, historians are now finally beginning to recognize that maleficium remained always one of the major foci of concern, straight through the early modern period.⁶

Forty years ago, it also seemed plausible to many that the historical witch hunts had actually targeted existing groups of heretics or even surviving practitioners of pagan religions in Europe. The more flamboyant aspects of Margaret A. Murray’s theories along these lines had, to be sure, been discounted for decades, but Carlo Ginzburg appeared in 1966 to give her interpretation a new and solid underpinning as he described a group of peasants in Friuli who thought that men born “with the caul” were fated to battle witches who endangered their crops. Over a period of decades, roughly 1560 to 1640, Ginzburg appeared to show that these benandanti were persuaded by the Venetian Inquisition to regard themselves as actual witches.⁷ It seemed a perfect case of a surviving pagan agrarian cult that had been turned into witches by the overzealous inquiries of churchmen.

At that time, in the 1960s, little was known about the religious world of ordinary people. They belonged to a “world we have lost” in the famous phrase of Peter Laslett, and few historians then suspected that social historians would turn to this question with vigor and imagination, turning up heaps of hitherto neglected source material and proving, to almost everyone’s satisfaction, that the common people of late medieval and early modern Europe were not pagan in any serious sense. Instead, they were Christians in the sense that they thought of themselves as Christian, attended church when they could, and partook of the rites of the church when they were available.⁸ This does not at all mean that most common Christians were theologically orthodox, for many did not entertain theological convictions of any developed sort. It does mean that most of the time ordinary parishioners were unaware that their rituals, beliefs, and practice might (if they had been examined closely) have placed them in conflict with representatives of the official church. The mere fact that such questions have arisen in this way in the history of witchcraft suggests the importance or even the centrality of witchcraft studies to the analysis of popular religion.

Forty years ago, the prodigious works of Henry Charles Lea, Joseph Hansen, and Wilhelm Gottlieb Soldan were the standard works on the history of witchcraft—works dating from the nineteenth century or its turn to the twentieth.⁹ Although these great historians worked scrupulously with original sources, their works breathe an air of liberal, anticlerical, and anti-Catholic prejudice. Lea, for example, knew better from his own research into various inquisitions, but his generation of historians often wrote as if the Inquisition had first invented the crime of witchcraft and only later discovered it all over Europe. It was not yet clear where the hot spots of witch-hunting were, and scholars were far from possessing an accurate epidemiology of proven witchcraft trials. Beginning with the assumption that the largest trials had begun in southern France in the fourteenth century, it seemed fairly simple to follow the wave of persecution northward and eastward. It was far too easy to assume that almost every European village and every region experienced high rates of suspicion, accusations, trials, and executions. It was too easy to assume that any apparent differences from region to region could be explained by the variable survival of trial records. And so, lacking better information, most historians around 1960 merely assumed that France and Germany would present roughly the same numbers of witchcraft executions, because both nations possessed the same deadly ingredients: a broadly accepted demonology, an energetic ecclesiastical organization with powers of inquisition, a tough-minded legal practice based upon a newly received Roman law (with its use of torture), and a tense religious atmosphere characterized by claims that one’s enemies were working with the devil. With such general assumptions, it did not even seem worth looking at the actual trial records even if they could be located. When H. R. Trevor-Roper published his attractive summary in 1967, it seemed plausible to argue, as he did, that witchcraft trials were always to be found wherever confessional conflicts were at their fiercest. How then could there have been major differences between the French- and German-speaking parts of Europe?¹⁰ For him, it also seemed natural that only the most courageous and enlightened persons, allies of the skeptical party of humanists such as Erasmus of Rotterdam, were able to oppose the escalating wave of witchcraft prosecutions. By the 1960s, a few of these individuals were already well known: Reginald Scot in England, Michel de Montaigne in France, and Johann Weyer and Friedrich Spee in Germany. These were men whose courage seemed as laudable as their acumen and skepticism. But courage was imagined as their most important quality, because it was commonly thought that they ran the risk of falling victim to the same panic, the same fanaticism as the witches themselves. A generation ago, it was common knowledge that four hundred years earlier, everyone believed in witchcraft and magic. Only isolated skeptics exercised an unfettered reason and saw through the “nonsense” of magic and the supposed pact with the devil. Over the intervening years, this picture has changed almost beyond recognition. Perhaps most importantly, one no longer finds leading scholars in this field claiming that witchcraft and magic were irrational. Instead, it might more easily be maintained that learned demonology suffered rather from a surfeit of (untested) reason.¹¹ As Stuart Clark has shown in massive detail, scholars are now better advised to conclude that demons were useful tools with which to think, not a means of evading thought.¹²

A generation ago, scholars generally knew little about witchcraft trials outside western Europe. The best national surveys were perhaps those of Notestein, Kittredge, and Ewen for England,¹³ but local and regional historians had already performed excellent research for various territories of the Holy Roman Empire, such as Bavaria (by Sigmund Riezler), the Tyrol (by Ludwig Rapp and Fritz Byloff), and the Lorraine (by Etienne Delcambre), to name only three noteworthy examples.¹⁴ Aside from a couple of Swiss dissertations, there was little known about Swiss witchcraft trials and extremely little about the crucial early trials from the fifteenth century. For Scandinavia and broad tracts of eastern Europe, one would have had to write “terra incognita” on the map. The best scholars already knew that Spain and Portugal had experienced very few witchcraft trials, comparatively speaking, and that many regions of Italy, too, were virtually free of witch-hunting, but these contentions were also widely doubted. These regions were after all the core lands of a victorious Catholicism in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, where it was assumed that the nexus of religious zeal and awe-inspiring witchcraft trials should have been more obvious than anywhere else. Again, a few scholars knew that in Ireland among the native Irish, there had been few or actually no trials at all for witchcraft, but this fact fitted so poorly with British anticlericalism and anti-Catholicism that it was usually forgotten when larger theories were floated.¹⁵ Until the 1970s, the black legend often overwhelmed scholars even when the evidence they were looking at pointed in other directions.¹⁶

A generation ago, historians were also well aware of the distinct gender bias to be found in accusations and executions for the crime of witchcraft. This subject did not have to wait for feminist or gender historians before firm (and premature) conclusions were reached, but it must be said that the reasons for the vast overrepresentation of women among those suspected of witchcraft were rarely given any searching attention. Sometimes the supposed feminine nature of witchcraft was deployed as part of a larger (and often undocumented) account of feminine power in ages past.¹⁷ It was, however, common to read the famous Malleus Maleficarum as an extreme exercise in misogyny, and a few scholars attempted to examine this problem through the lens of psychoanalysis.¹⁸ Without much careful thought, it seemed only sensible to connect the misogyny of Heinrich Kramer (and his supposed coauthor Jakob Sprenger) with their benighted Scholastic views of women and with the assumed pressures of Dominican (celibate) life. In this way, one could hit two birds with one stone: one could use the Malleus Maleficarum to explain the rise of mass witchcraft trials in the sixteenth century and simultaneously explain the overproportion of women among those convicted of this newly concocted crime. Working in this way, it became conventional to divide the history of witch-hunting at the Malleus. Before 1486, one concentrated upon the Scholastic construction of a new crime. After 1486, one watched, perhaps in horror, as the logic of persecution relentlessly unrolled in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.¹⁹ An added advantage for liberal or Protestant historians lay in the fact that the authors of the accursed Malleus were prominent, pious members of the Dominican Order.

Scholarly Progress, 1960 to 2005

Since the 1960s, this picture has changed not only in many of its details, but also in its basic form. When I began my dissertation research in 1967, I thought I had chosen a region for study (southwest Germany) that had experienced a surprising paucity of witchcraft trials. I imagined I would be explaining why there were so few executions in this large area, but the construction of a comprehensive list of trials and victims from the surviving evidence made it plain that southwest Germany had been far from lacking in witchcraft trials. Indeed, it emerged as a region with dramatically varied rates of prosecution: here perhaps only a few convictions over the course of a century, but over there huge chain-reaction trials, such as those in Ellwangen, Marchtal, Offenburg, or Mergentheim, with hundreds of executions.²⁰ Since 1967, the map of witch-hunting based on the surviving trial records has slowly been filled in, so that there are today relatively few territories and cities that are still blank spots.²¹

Moreover, scholars today possess a relatively useful explanation for the varying density of the worst witchcraft trials. This model connects the intensity of witch trials to the varying development of the early modern state, especially in the form of its legal apparatus.²² In those areas where an early modern state—such as the duchies of Bavaria or Württemberg, or kingdoms such as France or England—enjoyed control over a well-centralized judicial apparatus with an established appeals process, jurists in the central courts might look with contempt upon the ugly rumors and superstitious accusations bubbling up from villages.²³ The closer jurists were to the local conflicts that generated angry accusations, the more likely they were to believe and follow up on claims of maleficium (harmful magic). Thus, territories with better developed judicial systems were often better able to resist village demands for witchcraft trials. Such states did not necessarily resist or abolish such trials, but the greater social distance between village headmen and élite jurists often did nurture a certain haughty disdain for, or indifference and skepticism toward what courtiers and magistrates called the “ignorant, coarse, superstitious” nonsense of crude and illiterate villagers. Other states with less well-developed levels of appellate courts fell victim all the more easily to the fears and suspicions of rural people. This was perhaps especially true of the many ecclesiastical territories of the Holy Roman Empire, in prince bishoprics such as those of Augsburg, Trier, and Cologne, or in imperial abbeys such as Fulda, or princely prebendaries such as Ellwangen, but also in secular territories such as the duchy of Lorraine or the kingdom of Scotland. Scholars have learned to notice the importance of differences between the fears and imaginings of the learned and those of ordinary villagers.²⁴

In this model, one can recognize at once the remarkable progress that has been made over the past thirty to forty years. Scholars now possess a basis for research that allows for generalizations, and a thesis that can be tested against new data. Perhaps we will refine a thesis that helps explain why witch trials were severe in one place and not so severe in another; perhaps it will prove incapable of truly general extension. While the model helps in understanding regional variation, it has not yet illuminated temporal patterns of witch-hunting: when and why witchcraft trials broke out in specific places and then spread or stopped. But the contrast with the uninformed and basically anticlerical explanations of the 1960s is obvious.

Meanwhile, scholars have also built up a better picture of witchcraft trials as they expanded in the late Middle Ages. Here the researches of Richard Kieckhefer and Norman Cohn have proved crucial. As mentioned above, they were the first to debunk the supposed mass witchcraft trials of the fourteenth century. It has become clear that the earliest real witchcraft trials (that is, trials in which suspects were accused of having a pact with the devil) were found not in the fourteenth century, but in the 1420s and 1430s. Secular judges and magistrates, such as Peter von Greyerz and Claude Tholosan, were involved in these trials from the start, and they were at least as much concerned with the physical ravages caused by harmful magic as they were with any supposed heresy.²⁵ A research team at the University of Lausanne has made major contributions to this area of research by locating hitherto unknown trial documents, and by paying close attention to the exact transitions or developments in the alpine understanding of heresy and witchcraft.²⁶ The new waves of persecution emerged not from inquisitorial proceedings against surviving Cathars, but (at least in part) from continuing efforts to eradicate Waldensian survivors. Interestingly, townsmen looked for heretics in their towns, but when townsmen pursued criminals in their outlying countryside, they looked for witches and rebels.²⁷ Witchcraft fears and beliefs of the 1430s were also connected to strivings for ecclesiastical and social reform associated with the Council of Basel (which ran from 1431 to 1449, although after 1439, it was declared schismatic and heretical).²⁸ This major church council brought together bishops, abbots, and other churchmen, who absorbed and spread the current alpine rumors of heretical witches whose crimes now ominously combined maleficium, flight to a sabbath, cannibalism, infanticide, and a pact with the devil. One of the most important writers on witchcraft during the 1430s, Johannes Nider, was a Dominican reformer actively involved in the Council of Basel, which has thus emerged as a crucible for the new and newly dangerous doctrine.²⁹ Another reformer active at about the same time in Italy was the Franciscan friar Bernardino of Siena (1380–1444), whose fervent devotions and intended reforms also blurred the lines between witchcraft, sodomy, and heresy. He triggered witchcraft trials and executions, and wanted more than he was able to achieve during the years 1426 through 1428.³⁰ Richard Kieckhefer has made the general point that in the early fifteenth century the “vigorous drive for reform of the Church in head and members” may well have been the spark that sufficed to ignite a conflagration beginning in the 1420s.³¹

Just as importantly, however, scholars have now recognized (and are beginning to digest) the fact that the major demonologies of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries seem rather to have followed the most virulent witchcraft trials rather than preceding and inspiring them. In other words, scholarly understandings of witchcraft usually emerged as an effort to understand what had already happened in judicial proceedings. This was as true for Johannes Nider’s Formicarius (1437) and the Malleus Maleficarum (1486) as for Jean Bodin’s De la démonomanie des sorciers (1580) and Nicholas Remy’s Daemonolatria (1595).³² We can no longer maintain, as scholars used to do, that a horrid book (or a whole library of horrid books) kicked off the European witch hunt.

In view of the burgeoning literature about the devil, magic, and witchcraft in early modern Europe, scholars have also become much more cautious about labeling such treatises and their authors as superstitious or mad. We have perhaps outgrown Baconian or Protestant objections to the darkest Scholasticism, and it can easily be shown that even the most progressive intellects of the early modern period lived in a different world of ideas. Notions of magic, mysterious influences, demons, and the devil did not only comport well with tradition; they had their own inner, rational coherence and helped early modern scholars understand such diverse fields of study as medicine, politics, law, psychology, natural philosophy, and theology. In the words of Stuart Clark, demons were not just “good to think,” but virtually indispensable for a culture that believed in a fairly literal interpretation of the Bible.³³ A better question, therefore, has emerged: under what conditions did this demon-filled and magical worldview come to seem insufficient or worn out? Learning to ask this question is also a sign of the progress made over the past forty years.

Since 1960, scholars have developed a quantifying social historical and juridical model for research that has cast a flood of welcome light on conditions in early modern villages as well as on the world of officials and magistrates. The inquisitorial records held in Madrid, Venice, and Rome are slowly revealing their secrets, with the astonishing result that in precisely those courts where the Catholic Church could control judicial procedures most closely, inquisitors revealed an early and deep skepticism and such a deep juridical caution that, after about 1520, they allowed extremely few witches to be condemned.³⁴ These early results will surely prompt further investigations that will reveal more about the intellectual world, the prejudices, and the practice of these inquisitors. But it has become obvious that one can no longer speak one-sidedly of a misogynistic church bent on destroying witchcraft with any means available.³⁵

The records of witchcraft trials from early modern Europe have illuminated much more than just legal history. Already in the great work of Keith Thomas, it was clear how much one could learn about social and cultural history from trial documents and witchcraft treatises.³⁶ And in Thomas’s work, one cannot neglect the great influence of social and cultural anthropology on witchcraft studies. If the past is another country, then one might be well advised to prepare oneself for such a foreign country with theories and examples, so that we, as travelers, might learn to see more than the illusory mirror image of our own face in the train window. Thomas tried to teach his readers how to step out of the train of their own Weltanschauung in order, so to speak, to mix and converse with the foreign natives of the past. His book, Religion and the Decline of Magic (1971), pointed a whole generation of historians to problems and themes that could be better understood with the help of social and cultural anthropology. Unfortunately, his effort was not welcomed by many British and American anthropologists, so that the projected collaboration between these two disciplines too often ground to a halt. The works of Wolfgang Behringer, Rainer Walz, Bob Scribner, Alan Macfarlane, Eva Labouvie, and David Sabean have shown, however, how much historians stand to gain from the insights of anthropology.³⁷

Something similar could be said for insights coming from psychology. Forty years ago, the only efforts in this field were rather stiff and formulaic psychoanalytic attempts to explain witchcraft trials everywhere through a few easily identified traits or tendencies.³⁸ Because of the opposition of Johann Weyer (Wier) to witch trials, he was often celebrated as a father of modern psychiatry.³⁹ But over the last generation, a few scholars have succeeded in extracting careful analyses from a close reading of witchcraft trial records. Lyndal Roper is a good example (drawing on German evidence), but John Demos (using New England sources) provides another.⁴⁰ Such works have had the result that today, we are likely to find more valuable content in village accusations and in confessions, even if they were extracted by torture, than we used to when we saw them as nothing more than the crude application of force or the brutal impress of patriarchy. Roper has succeeded in using these difficult sources to illumine the lived world of mothers and postmenopausal women, a world in which other women and not men established the formative pressures of many gender expectations. Although one runs a risk in viewing the past through the psychological lenses of the present, careful work has brought real insights here.⁴¹

What else? In recent decades we have finally succeeded in freeing the history of demonic possession from the history of superstition. We now recognize the exemplary force of successful exorcisms. They formed a topos that actually began with the healing miracles of Jesus and that continues today.⁴² It has also become clear that this history is not the same as that of witchcraft. They could flow together in such a way that possession cases might lead to accusations of witchcraft, but this connection was far from necessary. The notion of superstition, too, has come in for much more searching analysis than ever before.⁴³ The best works on this topic were hardly imaginable thirty or forty years ago.

And finally, one must mention a series of comparative studies such as the exemplary work of Johannes Dillinger, who has systematically studied two separate territories (Swabian Austria in the German southwest and Electoral Trier in the west) in order to isolate common features along with sharp contrasts.⁴⁴ In addition to such works, we now also have a series of excellent local investigations, ranging from village studies to outbreaks in imperial cities, monasteries, and counties.⁴⁵ There is no space here to do more than refer to the tidal wave of German studies that began about twenty years ago and that continues to grow increasingly complex and subtle with every passing year.⁴⁶ Separate scholarly workshops and conference groups have formed over the past twenty years for the German south-west,⁴⁷ the region around Trier in the west,⁴⁸ and for the German north.⁴⁹ Dissertations have proliferated in the last generation in the fields of history, gender studies, anthropology, literature, folklore, and classics—works that reflect the current fascination with this topic. A new journal has even been founded to gather, channel, and evaluate the recent torrents of research.⁵⁰ Recently, the Internet has allowed scholars, especially in Germany, to keep track of the burgeoning literature on various aspects of witchcraft.⁵¹

It is surely not too much to say that in the midst of all this scholarly effort witchcraft research has come of age, with thriving international websites, conferences, exhibitions, and publication series. We are a long way from 1960.

The Future of Witchcraft Research

So what should this mature research topic with its various methods undertake now? What is still lacking? We will of course continue to see more of what we have already noticed: research that evaluates the European, colonial, and global dimensions of witchcraft steadily filling in the shrinking blank spots on the map with bright, assertive colors or with the scholarly gray tones of imperfect knowledge. Studying the sociology or epidemiology of witchcraft trials is a procedure that at least implicitly examines every surviving witch trial and places it under the lenses of gender, legal, social, anthropological, and confessional history. In Britain and the German-speaking lands, this great project is nearing its end. As with any mature industry, this is not the sort of research from which one can reasonably expect large or rapid future gains. It is unlikely that the best work will follow the model of legal or social epidemiology. For one thing, witchcraft studies (like most other areas of history) have been affected by the linguistic turn, and many scholars are no longer persuaded that the sources make it possible to tell a referential story of what really happened. As Marion Gibson has pointed out, even narrative sources that seem relatively unproblematic deployed plot devices and authorial selves that impede any straightforward reading from text to event.⁵²

And yet there will remain much to do, for certain deficits are already evident. Scholars will have to seek out specific episodes in which they can find overlapping and linked sources (not just trial records), but sources from which they can hope to reconstruct a more exact picture of the politics, economy, wealth relations, neighborhood tensions, and the church history of communities, rather than the one-dimensional picture obtained from even the densest judicial records. In most cases, a diverse array of sources is not available, or they survive only in fragments. A classic example of what this sort of research can achieve, however, can be found in the notorious panic at Salem, Massachusetts, in 1692. There, the literate and zealous New Englanders preserved such exact tax, settlement, council, and probate records, such careful church memoranda and minutes, such complete accounts of judicial proceedings, such remarkable manuscript caches of letters, diaries, and sermons, along with so many helpful maps, that historians continue to make discoveries almost every year. In 1950, historians already knew what had happened at Salem, but since that date scholars have produced well over twenty substantial books that exploit the surviving wealth of records. These books do more than illustrate the various virtues of microhistory; they also display the progress that comes with the most diverse sets of questions.⁵³ Scholars can now study themes that the general history of witchcraft in Europe (including Britain) has only rarely examined. We can compare the relations of rich and poor in witchcraft accusations,⁵⁴ study the theological views of the Salem Village minister, Samuel Parris, both before and during the panic,⁵⁵ study the involvement of village leaders and estimate their various reasons for the views they expressed,⁵⁶ and examine the practice of medicine in Salem and see how and why physicians came to conclude that the afflicted girls were suffering from unnatural or supernatural assaults.⁵⁷ Scholars now know much more about the position of women and girls in Salem: which ones were more likely to become victims of the devil, which ones more likely the victims of their neighbors.⁵⁸ We can now better evaluate the tardy involvement of Governor Phips and the colonial Massachusetts magistracy in the affair.⁵⁹ Scholars have begun to learn more about the impact of Indian raids and frontier troubles upon the local fears in Salem,⁶⁰ and are approaching a better understanding of racial problems in New England, starting from the important fact that a West Indian slave, Tituba, had practiced (and taught?) magic of a sort to the children in Samuel Parris’s household, children who later claimed to be afflicted by witchcraft.⁶¹ And scholars now know that the life histories of several of the actors in Salem were intertwined in ways that we never suspected a generation ago.⁶² After some years of neglect, religious tensions in and around Salem are coming back into focus.⁶³

This list of themes could be extended almost ad libitum, even without noting the remarkable outpouring of popular literature, readers, collections of essays, and children’s books.⁶⁴ But one conclusion should be clear: with so many interlinked and overlapping sources, and with so many different scholars working through them, much more is known today than ever was before about the religious, family, economic, gender, racial, political, legal, medical, and military conditions that together shaped the witchcraft trials of colonial New England. No one historian could have achieved this result alone, and no team could have done so either. This richness was possible only because ambitious and competitive scholars have been eager to make their mark by disagreeing with much that they had read on their chosen topic. In a word, despite solid work done in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the last generation has not remained content with the “definitive” works of yesterday’s masters.

The moral of this little American tale would seem to be that we should perhaps place less emphasis upon composing final and exhaustive habilitation-worthy accounts of the trial records as we find them all over Europe. Instead, scholars should seek out especially favored caches of sources, where various points of view might find grist for their various mills. As an example, consider the records that survive for the ducal town of Calw in Württemberg, where a major outbreak of witchcraft panic was narrowly avoided in 1684. Even knowing Calw had been a hotbed of proto-industry and early Pietism, I was simply overwhelmed on encountering this episode in the state archives of Stuttgart and Ludwigsburg.⁶⁵ If one stacked up the records on Calw alone, the pile would be over three meters in height. I struggled to tell a little story that I hoped would get the basic story straight, but it was clear that other sources such as the tax records, church accounts, and personal letters would certainly extend the primary source base in a manner that might illumine the history of much more than just the witchcraft trials. What if Calw (or other cases like it) could become another Salem?⁶⁶

More intensive histories are needed, But also needed are legal studies that take more than witchcraft trials into account. Here the works of Gerd Schwerhoff and Andreas Blauert provide models,⁶⁷ but their approach is extended in the recent dissertation of Laura Stokes, who is considering the broad context of punishment for felonies in fifteenth-century Swiss and German towns.⁶⁸

Concepts that defined witchcraft also need to be handled more carefully. It should not be assumed (as too many have done) that every magistrate and inquisitor had read everything that is available today on demonology. And there needs to be noted what might be called an epidemiology of the competing concepts of witchcraft in order to see, if possible, which ideas spread, and where, and when. Here, folklorists have already done good work, and Wolfgang Behringer made some use of their work in his little book, Shaman of Oberstdorf.⁶⁹ But generally, it is still not known where the chief ideas of the Malleus Maleficarum were deployed, and where one must rather suspect the influence of Peter Binsfeld, Jean Bodin, Johann Weyer (Wier), Martin Delrio, or others. Even if one read everything that had been published on witchcraft in the German southwest (a useful project in itself), this method is obviously inadequate to the task of seeing what ideas were available here or there at specific times.

In the future, more attention should be spent on the “small” witchcraft trials that were so common throughout northern Europe. So much effort has been poured into examining the worst cases, the massive chain reaction trials that sent hundreds of victims to the stake, that there is a risk of ignoring the far more common small-scale suspicions, resentments, and trials they provoked. The supposedly sharp distinction between trials for magic (sorcery) and trials for witchcraft (heresy) needs to be examined much more closely, or simply set aside, as Wolfgang Behringer does in his recent Witches and Witch-Hunts. The imperial legal code of 1532, called the Carolina, made no such distinction, choosing to punish harmful magic with death by fire, and harmless magic in some milder manner.

It is also time to discover what happened to those accused of witchcraft who were not executed. Some large number was exiled, for example, but there exists no good history of exiles in most parts of northern Europe. What did exile mean for a single woman or for an old man?⁷⁰ The sources for such a question may be unusually difficult because when a person was exiled, he or she usually disappeared from the local judicial records. Did such persons regularly resurface elsewhere as beggars or vagabonds?

It should also be recognized that cultural history does not always (or even usually) follow the lead or intentions of the cultural leaders or intellectuals. Important events often run directly counter to intent and expectation. Witchcraft historians have spent a lot of energy examining those figures who openly and explicitly opposed witchcraft trials: Johann Weyer (Wier), Reginald Scot, Cornelius Loos, Anton Praetorius, Friedrich Spee, Balthasar Bekker, and Christian Thomasius.⁷¹ Scholars have also begun to appreciate even the lesser-known skeptics, such as Hermann Löher (author of the Wehmütige Klage, printed in 1676).⁷² It has, however, turned out to be difficult to find any direct influence of the skeptic upon actual witchcraft trials. More often, a wave of trials ended in exhaustion or in the chastened recognition that one no longer knew how exactly to eradicate witches. Judges andmagistrates almost never condemned their own prosecutions as unfair, illegal, fanatic exercises, or as procedures that were essentially wrong or evil. But they did, often enough, recognize that waves of trials had succeeded mainly because procedural safeguards had been relaxed, leading to confusion and the acceptance of false testimony. And so, again and again, from place to place, witchcraft trials were locally stopped by men who still believed in witchcraft. That also helps explain why the statutes permitting witch trials were usually revised only long after actual trials had dried up.⁷³ There are deep ironies here that scholars will need to explore more fully in the future.

It is in this limited sense that one may welcome a recent book by Walter Stephens, who has concluded that the demonological writings of the late Middle Ages do not at all mean what we have thought. He has argued that when theologians and jurists emphasized that witches had real and fleshly intercourse with demons, when they assembled confessions of diabolical sex and looked for almost pornographic details of what demonic sex was like, it was because these thinkers were actually seeking physical evidence for the existence of the world of spirits.⁷⁴ According to Stephens, this quest stemmed from their anxiety and hidden doubts that the reciprocal relations of spirits and human beings could not be demonstrated, and that without proof crucial Christian doctrines might be vulnerable to critique. On these lines, the theorists of witchcraft were not deeply persuaded of their theories, but were, in truth, writhing in an agony of doubt. The more fanatic they seemed, the more anxious they must have been. The real struggle between the skeptic and the believer was, therefore, an inner one, and the witch hunt was fueled not by faith or credulity, but by doubt.⁷⁵ Stephens has not proven such a counterintuitive and postmodern claim, one that might suggest the even stranger thesis that those figures who have seemed to be the great early modern skeptics, such as Johann Weyer, were actually far more credulous than the desperate demonologists.⁷⁶ But he has at least read the fifteenth-century demonologists closely enough to suggest important revisions of how Kramer composed and altered his Malleus Maleficarum, and he has reminded us that history can be full of strange ironies.

Hans Peter Broedel has presented a related argument in his 2003 book on the Malleus Maleficarum, in which he argues that the extraordinary emphasis in that text upon female fleshly lusts as a source of witchcraft rested not upon male confidence in masculine superiority to women, but on an anxiety concerning the supposedly insatiable appetites and sexual energy of women.⁷⁷ How and why such an anxiety grew and under what circumstances will surely be an important question for the coming generation. The past decade has seen some good work on critical episodes of gender panic in the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries, but it may be that this concept needs to be extended back to the late Middle Ages in order to comprehend the gender anxieties of zealous demonologists.⁷⁸ There may turn out to be connections between the reforming impulse of fifteenth-century churchmen and the hitherto neglected anxieties of the later Middle Ages. In the recent work of Tamar Herzig, for example, Heinrich Kramer’s views of witches have been compared with his newly discovered views of the female mystics of northern Italy, whom Kramer extravagantly admired and even envied. His attitude, in other words, cannot be simply summarized as one of misogyny.⁷⁹

Scholars are just beginning to realize how deeply witchcraft was intertwined with more general questions regarding nature, miracles, and the supernatural. It is known that the devil and his demons were regularly conceived as fallen angels, and that as such they provided theologians with important evidence concerning the world of the spirit and of spirits. In the seventeenth century, Joseph Glanvill spoke for many of his contemporaries when he remarked that unbelief often took its first step as a denial of witchcraft and the physical reality of the devil. For that reason, he worked tirelessly in the years between 1660 and his death in 1680 to collect eyewitness accounts of demonic presence, pressing the new natural sciences into the service of his theological goals and investigating every rumor of poltergeists.⁸⁰

That is also the reason that the biblical passages describing Jesus’ encounters with unclean spirits and his exorcisms remained so controversial all the way to the end of the eighteenth century. Thomas Hobbes, Anton Van Dale, and Balthasar Bekker might declare that demons had no physical effects in this world and that priests had generally served to defraud the pious, but such a conclusion seemed to require a much more elaborate and well-argued hermeneutic before mainline Protestant theologians could overcome their suspicion that this sort of skepticism might undermine the whole Christian message.⁸¹ It was not before the second half of the eighteenth century that Lutheran theologians began to recognize what this might involve.⁸² Meanwhile, Methodists and Roman Catholics tended to maintain a more literal understanding of Christ’s exorcisms, and with it a more physical understanding of the devil and witchcraft. These theological problems will need more attention as we realize just how thoroughly the devil and notions of magic infused the history of Christianity. Meanwhile, ordinary people held fast to notions of magic and witchcraft long after their fashionable social superiors had grown embarrassed over the topic. Good work has been done here, especially for England and the Netherlands, but much more needs to be done.⁸³

The future of witchcraft research will not necessarily run along the lines adumbrated above, but it is safe to say that a wide variety of problems of various sorts will continue to haunt and stimulate scholarship. Even if scholars can manage to get the sociology of the great witch hunt straight, and can describe the conditions under which men, rather than women, were the favored suspects, or groups of deviants fell victim, as opposed to isolated members of a community, large questions of theory and interdisciplinary practice remain. It is only when a definitive history of witchcraft is finally achieved that it can be said that the field sadly no longer has any future at all.

Bibliography

This list includes works discussed or cited in the text and more recent scholarly works. For a much more extensive bibliography, see the list of electronic sources or Richard Golden’s Encyclopedia of Witchcraft.

ELECTRONIC RESOURCES

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Gersmann, Gudrun. Das Lexikon zur Geschichte der europäischen Hexenverfolgung: http://www.sfn.uni-muenchen.de/hexenverfolgung/frame_lexikon.html

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Schwerhoff, Gerd. Dresdner Auswahlbibliographie zur Hexenforschung: http://rcswww.urz.tu-dresden.de/~frnz/dabhex/navigation.html

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