Notes

Introduction

1.John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, ed. Peter Laslett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960), 272.

2.Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract and Other Later Politics Writings, ed. Victor Gourevitch (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 64–65.

3.Dan Edelstein, The Terror of Natural Right: Republicanism, the Cult of Nature, and the French Revolution (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 18–20.

4.Maximilien Robespierre, “On the Principles of Revolutionary Government” (25 December 1793), in Maximilien Robespierre, Virtue and Terror, trans. John Howe (New York: Verso, 2007), 98–107, at 100.

5.Ibid., 102.

6.Bugeaud to Saint-Arnaud (24 June 1845) and Suchet to Monseigneur l’Evêque d’Algérie (17 February 1853), cited in Benjamin Claude Brower, A Desert Named Peace: The Violence of France’s Empire in the Algerian Sahara, 1844–1902 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 23, 88–89. Brower describes Suchet’s remarks as expressing an “apocalyptic-redemptive paradigm.”

7.Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, “War and Peace,” in Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, ed. Stewart Edwards, trans. Elizabeth Fraser (New York: Doubleday & Company, 1969), 202–14, at 202–03.

8.“Déclaration au Peuple Français” (19 April 1871), Journal Officiel de la Commune, April 20, 1871; reprinted in Victor Bunel, ed., Réimpression du Journal Official de la République française sous la Commune, du 19 mars au 24 mai 1871 (Paris: Bunel, 1871).

9.Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon, “Déclaration,” Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon 1 (1912), 1–2, at 2.

10.Georges Sorel, Reflections on Violence, ed. Jeremy Jennings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 [1908]), 251.

11.Arno J. Mayer, The Furies: Violence and Terror in the French and Russian Revolutions (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000); Lucien Jaume, Le religieux et le politique dans la Révolution française: l’idée de régénération (Paris: PUF, 2015); Jesse Goldhammer, The Headless Republic: Sacrificial Violence in Modern French Thought (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005); Richard Bernstein, Violence: Thinking Without Banisters (New York: Polity, 2013); Dominick LaCapra, History and Its Limits: Human, Animal, Violence (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009); Gareth Stedman Jones, “The Redemptive Power of Violence? Carlyle, Marx and Dickens,” History Workshop Journal 65, no. 1 (2008): 1–22; Emilio Gentile, “Fascism As Political Religion,” Journal of Contemporary History 25, no. 2/3 (1990): 229–51.

12.Paul Friedland, Seeing Justice Done: The Age of Spectacular Capital Punishment in France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); Isaiah Berlin, “Joseph de Maistre and the Origins of Fascism,” in The Crooked Timber of Humanity: Chapters in the History of Ideas, ed. Henry Hardy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013 [1991]), 95–177; David William Bates, States of War: Enlightenment Origins of the Political (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012); Marjorie Perloff, The Futurist Moment: Avant-Garde, Avant-Guerre, and the Language of Rupture (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1986); Zeev Sternhell, Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France, trans. David Maisel (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996 [1983]); Daniel Lee, Pétain’s Jewish Children: French Jewish Youth and the Vichy Regime, 1940–1942 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014); Enzo Traverso, The Origins of Nazi Violence, trans. Janet Lloyd (New York: The New Press, 2003).

13.Richard Slotkin, Regeneration Through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600–1860 (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1973); Matthew Rainbow Hale, “Regenerating the World: The French Revolution, Civic Festivals, and the Forging of American Democracy, 1793–1795,” Journal of American History 103, no. 4 (2017): 891–920.

14.Joseph de Maistre, St Petersburg Dialogues: Or Conversations on the Temporal Government of Providence, trans. Richard A. Lebrun (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1993 [1821]), 30.

15.Filippo Marinetti, “The Necessity and Beauty of Violence” (1915) in Critical Writings, ed. Gunter Berghaus, trans. Doug Thompson (New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 2006), 60–74, at 62; Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1963), 93.

16.LaCapra, History and Its Limits, 92.

17.On how the French Revolution altered preexisting meanings of “terror” and bound it to the experience of revolution, see George Armstrong Kelly, “Conceptual Sources of the Terror,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 14, no. 1 (1980): 18–36; Ronald Schechter, A Genealogy of Terror in Eighteenth-Century France (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2018).

18.Jason Frank, Constituent Moments: Enacting the People in Postrevolutionary America (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010), 5–6.

19.Margaret Canovan, “Trust the People! Populism and the Two Faces of Democracy,” Political Studies 47, no. 1 (1999): 2–16.

20.Melvin L. Rogers, “The People, Rhetoric, and Affect: On the Political Force of Du Bois’s The Souls of Black Folk,” American Political Science Review 106, no. 1 (2012): 188–203; Alan Keenan, Democracy in Question: Democratic Openness in a Time of Political Closure (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003); Sofia Näsström, “The Legitimacy of the People,” Political Theory 35, no. 5 (2007): 624–58.

21.Mona Ozouf, La fête révolutionnaire, 1789–1799 (Paris: Gallimard, 1988 [1976]), 441–74; Charles Taylor, A Secular Age (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007).

22.Jean-Baptiste Cousin de Grainville, “Oraison funèbre des citoyens morts dans la journée du dix août” (1792), in Le Dernier Homme (Paris: Payot, 2010), 189–204, at 202.

23.William Blake, “The French Revolution” (1791), in The Selected Poems of William Blake (Herfordshire: Wordsworth Poetry Library, 2000), 209–23, at 219.

24.Friedrich Hölderlin, “The Voice of the People” (1801), in Odes and Elegies, trans. Nick Hoff (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 2008), 37.

25.Hervé Drévillon speaks of a “military humanism,” in which war comes to name a terrain devised by human agency rather than the “just wars” of divine providence, in L’individu et la guerre: du chevalier Bayard au Soldat inconnu (Paris: Belin, 2013), 15–22.

26.Christopher Meckstroth, The Struggle for Democracy: Paradoxes of Progress and the Politics of Change (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015).

27.Maximilien Robespierre, “On the Principles of Political Morality That Should Guide the National Convention in the Domestic Administration of the Republic, 5 February 1794,” in Robespierre, Virtue and Terror, 108–25, at 110–12.

28.Pierre Joseph Proudhon, “Solution of the Social Problem” (1848), in Pierre Joseph Proudhon, Property Is Theft! A Pierre-Joseph Proudhon Anthology, ed. Iain McKay (Oakland, CA: AK Publishing, 2011), 257–80.

29.Georges Sorel, “Science and Morals” (1900), in Georges Sorel, From Georges Sorel: Vol. 2, Hermeneutics and the Sciences, ed. John L. Stanley, trans. John and Charlotte Stanley (New Brunswick, NJ: Transactions Publishers, 1990), 136.

30.Lucien Jaume, Tocqueville: The Aristocratic Sources of Liberty, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013 [2008]), 16–17, 64.

31.Louise Michel, The Red Virgin: Memoirs of Louise Michel, ed. and trans. Built Lowry and Elizabeth Ellington Gunter (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1981 [1886]), 28, 30.

32.Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America: Historical-Critical Edition of De la démocratie en Amérique, 4 vols., ed. Eduardo Nolla, trans. James T. Schleifer (Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Fund, 2010 [1835, 1840]), 12.

33.Historians disagree on how to periodize the emergence of French republican political culture. Keith Baker has argued that it emerges in transformations in classical republicanism in the eighteenth century. These arguments are defended by Johnson Kent Wright’s study of Mably. More recently, Andrew Jainchill has argued that France’s version of the “Machiavellian Moment” came under the Directory. Pierre Rosanvallon locates its emergence squarely in the political culture formed between 1789 and 1794. And Patrice Guennifey has tried to distinguish between two distinct currents of French republicanism after 1789, one associated with the Cordeliers club and one with the Girondins. This book remains agnostic on the question of French republicanism’s “origins.” What concerns me is its overall effect on political thought. See Keith Michael Baker, Inventing the French Revolution: Essays on French Political Culture in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Johnson Kent Wright, A Classical Republican in Eighteenth Century France: The Political Thought of Mably (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997); Andrew Jainchill, Reimagining Politics After the Terror: The Republican Origins of French Liberalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008); Pierre Rosanvallon, Le modèle politique français: la société civile contre le jacobinisme de 1789 à nos jours (Paris: Seuil, 2004); Patrice Gueniffey, La politique de la Terreur: essai sur la violence révolutionnaire, 1789–1794 (Paris: Fayard, 2000).

34.The classic statement is Philip Pettit, Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), which formalized in normative language the historical insights of J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975) and Quentin Skinner, Liberty Before Liberalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).

35.Mark Greif, The Age of the Crisis of Man: Thought and Fiction in America, 1933–1973 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2015), xi, 24.

36.Jainchill, Reimagining Politics After the Terror; K. Steven Vincent, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French Republican Socialism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984); Naomi J. Andrews, Socialism’s Muse: Gender in the Intellectual Landscape of French Romantic Socialism (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2006); Jeremy Jennings, Revolution and the Republic: A History of Political Thought in France Since the Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011).

37.Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (New York: Oxford, 1993), 60.

38.Joseph de Maistre, Considerations on France, trans. Richard A. Lebrun (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994 [1797]), 41, 53.

39.Ibid., 53.

40.Jules Michelet, The People, trans. John P. McKay (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1973 [1846]), 198.

41.The relationship between “French” and “Classical” republicanism continues to befuddle. Philip Pettit has recently glossed it as the distinction between a Rousseau-inspired, “continental” republicanism and an Italian-Atlantic “classical” republicanism. Whereas the former emphasizes popular sovereignty, universalism, and political rationalism, the latter emphasizes mixed constitutionalism and political contestation. Keith Baker has drawn it in opposite ways. For him, the French/Rousseauian republicanism is closer to the classical tradition, whereas the constitutionalism of Condorcet points to a “republicanism of the moderns.” See Philip Pettit, On the People’s Terms: A Republican Theory and Model of Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 11–18; Keith Michael Baker, “Transformations of Classical Republicanism in Eighteenth-Century France,” The Journal of Modern History 73, no. 1 (2001): 32–53. My own position is closer to that of Cécile Laborde’s since one of the distinctive features of French republicanism that I identify is its antipathy to constitutionalism and its emphasis on the social. In both these features, republicanism in modern France is at odds with its civic Roman variety; see Cécile Laborde, Critical Republicanism: The Hijab Controversy and Political Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008) and Joan Wallach Scott, Parité! Sexual Equality and the Crisis of French Universalism (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005). For other statements on the matter, see Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment; Gregory Claeys and Christine Lattek, “Radicalism, Republicanism and Revolution: From the Principles of ’89 to the Origins of Modern Terrorism,” in The Cambridge History of Nineteenth-Century Political Thought, eds. Gareth Stedman Jones and Gregory Claeys (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 200–54, at 212–15; Edelstein, The Terror of Natural Right; Jennings, Revolution and the Republic.

42.Count de Clermont Tonnerre, “Speech on Religious Minorities and Questionable Professions (23 December 1789),” in Lynn Hunt, ed. The French Revolution and Human Rights: A Brief Documentary History (Boston and New York: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 1996), 86–88.

43.Karl Marx, “On the Jewish Question,” in Early Political Writings, ed. Joseph O’Malley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 28–56, at 49.

44.Gary Wilder, The French Imperial Nation-State: Negritude & Colonial Humanism Between the Two World Wars (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 15; Joan Wallach Scott, Only Paradoxes to Offer: French Feminists and the Rights of Man (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996); Todd Shepard, The Invention of Decolonization: The Algerian War and the Remaking of France (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006); Judith Surkis, Sexing the Citizen: Morality and Masculinity in France, 1870–1920 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006); Camille Robcis, The Law of Kinship: Anthropology, Psychoanalysis, and the Family in France (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2013); Carolyn Dean, The Frail Social Body: Pornography, Homosexuality, and Other Fantasies in Interwar France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000).

45.John Rawls, Political Liberalism, Expanded Edition (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005 [1993]), 147; see also his comparison of a modus vivendi with an overlapping consensus in John Rawls, Justice as Fairness: A Restatement, ed. Erin Kelly (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), 192–95.

46.Charles Péguy, Temporal and Eternal, trans. Alexander Dru (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1958 [1932]), 22–25.

47.Claude Blanckaert, La nature de la société: organicisme et sciences sociales au XIXe siècle (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2004).

48.Dean, The Frail Social Body, 14; Michael C. Behrent, “The Mystical Body of Society: Religion and Association in Nineteenth-Century French Political Thought,” Journal of the History of Ideas 69, no. 2 (2008): 219–43.

49.Robespierre, “On the Principles of Political Morality,” 110.

50.François Guizot, The History of Civilization in Europe, trans. William Hazlitt (New York: Penguin, 1997 [1828]), 19–20.

51.Emile Durkheim, “Organic Solidarity and Contractual Solidarity,” in On Morality and Society: Selected Writings, ed. Robert N. Bellah (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1973), 86–113, at 99–100.

52.Ibid., 112.

53.Stathis Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Rob Nixon, Slow Violence and the Environmentalism of the Poor (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011); Andrew Dilts, “Revisiting Johan Galtung’s Concept of Structural Violence,” New Political Science 34, no. 2 (2012): 191–94.

54.Robert M. Cover, “Violence and the Word,” Yale Law Journal 95 (1986): 1601–629; Goldhammer, The Headless Republic; Yves Winter, Machiavelli and the Orders of Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018).

55.Bonnie Honig, “Declarations of Independence: Arendt and Derrida on the Problem of Founding a Republic,” American Political Science Review 85, no. 1 (1991): 97–113; Melissa M. Matthes, The Rape of Lucretia and the Founding of Republics (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000); Bonnie Honig, “Between Decision and Deliberation: Political Paradox in Democratic Theory,” American Political Science Review 101, no. 1 (2007): 1–17; Joan Cocks, “The Violence of Structures and the Violence of Foundings,” New Political Science 34, no. 2 (2012): 221–27; Angélica Maria Bernal, Beyond Origins: Rethinking Founding in a Time of Constitutional Democracy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017).

56.Sternhell, Neither Right nor Left; Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, and Maia Ashéri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994); Alice Yaeger Kaplan, Reproductions of Banality: Fascism, Literature, and French Intellectual Life (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986); Jack J. Roth, “The Roots of Italian Fascism: Sorel and Sorelismo,” The Journal of Modern History 39, no. 1 (1967): 30–45; Mark Antliff, Avant-Garde Fascism: The Mobilization of Myth, Art, and Culture in France, 1909–1939 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007).

57.Perloff, The Futurist Moment; Ernst Jünger, On Pain, trans. David C. Durst (Candor, NY: Telos Press, 2008); Sheila Fitzpatrick, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000); Traverso, The Origins of Nazi Violence, 77–100.

58.Tracy Strong, Politics Without Vision: Thinking Without a Banister in the Twentieth Century (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2012), 4.

59.Isaiah Berlin, “The Counter-Enlightenment,” in Against the Current: Essays in the History of Ideas, ed. Henry Hardy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), 1–24.

60.Sternhell, Neither Right nor Left; Judith Shklar, “Bergson and the Politics of Intuition,” The Review of Politics 20, no. 4 (1958): 634–56.

61.Jeffrey Herf, Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture, and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002).

62.Jacob L. Talmon, The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy (London: Secker and Warburg, 1952); François Furet, The Passing of an Illusion: The Idea of Communism in the Twentieth Century (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1999 [1983]).

63.Unlike in the American context, contemporary French intellectuals do not call themselves liberals but are often considered either “liberal republicans” or “neo-Republicans.” See Emile Chabal, “Writing the French National Narrative in the Twenty-First Century,” The Historical Journal 53, no. 2 (2010): 495–516.

64.A classic statement is Michael Walzer, “Political Action: The Problem of Dirty Hands,” Philosophy & Public Affairs 2, no. 2 (1973): 160–80; for more contemporary examples of realism against perfectionism, see William A. Galston, “Realism in Political Theory,” European Journal of Political Theory 9, no. 4 (2010): 385–411.

65.The classic statement of this position is the “immunity” thesis of René Rémond, The Right Wing in France: From 1815 to de Gaulle, trans. James M. Laux (Philadelpha: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1969), but the tendency to narrate French republican history as a gradual perfection of universalism continues in Philip Nord, The Republican Moment: Struggles for Democracy in Nineteenth-Century France (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995) and Pierre Rosanvallon, Le sacre du citoyen: histoire du suffrage universel en France (Paris: Gallimard, 1992).

66.Sunil Khilnani, Arguing Revolution: The Intellectual Left in Postwar France (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993); Abbott Gleason, Totalitarianism: The Inner History of the Cold War (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 108–20; Michael Scott Christofferson, French Intellectuals Against the Left: The Antitotalitarian Moment of the 1970s (New York: Bergahn Books, 2004); Anson Rabinbach, “Moments of Totalitarianism,” History and Theory 45, no. 1 (2006): 72–100; James Chappel, “The Catholic Origins of Totalitarianism Theory in Interwar Europe,” Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 3 (2011): 561–90; Enzo Traverso, “Totalitarianism Between History and Theory,” History and Theory 56, no. 4 (2017): 97–118.

67.Christofferson, French Intellectuals Against the Left, 17–21, 113–47; Julian Bourg, From Revolution to Ethics: May 1968 and Contemporary French Thought (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2007), 37–38, 247–52; Andrew Jainchill and Samuel Moyn, “French Democracy Between Totalitarianism and Solidarity: Pierre Rosanvallon and Revisionist Historiography,” The Journal of Modern History 76, no. 1 (2004): 107–54; Stephen S. Sawyer and Iain Stewart, eds., In Search of the Liberal Moment: Democracy, Anti-Totalitarianism, and Intellectual Politics in France Since the 1950s (New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2016).

68.Bourg, From Revolution to Ethics, 37–38.

69.Kristin Ross, Fast Cars, Clean Bodies: Decolonization and the Reordering of French Culture (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1994); Tamara Chaplin, Turning on the Mind: French Philosophers on Television (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2007).

70.Cornelius Castoriadis, “The Problem of the USSR and the Possibility of a Third Historical Solution” (1947) in Political and Social Writings, Vol. 1, 1946–1955: From the Critique of Bureaucracy to the Positive Content of Socialism, trans. David Ames Curtis (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), 49–52.

71.Kevin Duong, “‘Does Democracy End in Terror?’ Transformations of Antitotalitarianism in Postwar France,” Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 2 (2017): 537–63.

72.Christophe Prochasson has argued that Furet’s relation to antitotalitarianism has been overblown, although both Moyn and Christofferson have made a case otherwise; Christophe Prochasson, François Furet: les chemins de la mélancolie (Paris: Stock, 2013); Christofferson, French Intellectuals Against the Left, 229–66; Michael Scott Christofferson, “A Mind of the Left?”, New Left Review 88 (2014), 131–37; Samuel Moyn, “On the Intellectual Origins of François Furet’s Masterpiece,” The Tocqueville Review/La Revue Tocqueville 29, no. 2 (2008): 59–78.

73.Jainchill and Moyn, “French Democracy Between Totalitarianism and Solidarity,” 107; by the 1970s, Lefort had turned away from defining totalitarianism as a type of bureaucratic rule and toward seeing it as an attempt to “fill” the “empty place” of power in democracy, to overcome its “dissolution of the markers of certainty.” See Claude Lefort, “The Question of Democracy,” in Democracy and Political Theory, trans. David Macey (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1988 [1983]), 9–20, at 17, 19; Claude Lefort, “The Image of the Body and Totalitarianism,” in The Political Forms of Modern Society: Bureaucracy, Democracy, Totalitarianism, ed. John B. Thompson (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1986), 292–306; Claude Lefort, “Reflections on the Present,” in Claude Lefort, Writing: The Political Test, trans. David Ames Curtis (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000 [1991]), 252–79. Samuel Moyn has argued that Furet’s appropriation of Lefort was motivated and idiosyncratic. See Moyn, “On the Intellectual Origins of François Furet’s Masterpiece.”

74.François Furet, Interpreting the French Revolution, trans. Elborg Forster (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981 [1978]), 25.

75.Ibid., 38–39.

76.Pierre Manent, An Intellectual History of Liberalism, trans. Rebecca Balinski (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995 [1987]); Marcel Gauchet, “Préface: Benjamin Constant: l’illusion lucide du libéralisme,” in Benjamin Constant, De la liberté chez les modernes (Paris: Livre de poche, 1980), 11–91; Pierre Rosanvallon, Le moment Guizot (Paris: Gallimard, 1985); Serge Audier, Tocqueville retrouvé: genèse et enjeux du renouveau tocquevillean français (Paris: Vrin, 2004); Emile Chabal, A Divided Nation: Nation, State, and Citizenship in Contemporary France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 135–85.

77.Prochasson, François Furet, 251–304.

78.Marcel Gauchet, “Tocqueville, l’Amérique et nous,” Libre, 7 (1980), 43–76; I have quoted here from the English version, reprinted as “Tocqueville,” in Mark Lilla, ed, New French Thought: Political Philosophy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 91–111, at 91–92.

79.Pierre Rosanvallon, “Revolutionary Democracy,” in Pierre Rosanvallon, Democracy Past and Future, ed. Samuel Moyn (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), 79–97, at 82–83.

80.Ibid., 90, 93.

81.Iain Stewart, “France’s Anti-68 Liberal Revival,” in France Since the 1970s: History, Politics and Memory in the Age of Uncertainty, ed. Emile Chabal (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015), 199–223.

82.Tony Judt, Past Imperfect: French Intellectuals, 1944–1956 (New York: New York University Press, 2011).

83.Gueniffey, La politique de la Terreur, 231.

84.Dan Edelstein, “Do We Want a Revolution Without Revolution? Reflections on Political Authority,” French Historical Studies 35, no. 2 (2012): 269–89.

85.Nadia Urbinati, Democracy Disfigured: Opinion, Truth, and the People (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014).

86.Jainchill and Moyn, “French Democracy Between Totalitarianism and Solidarity,” 110.

87.Lefort, “The Question of Democracy,” 18–19.

88.It is stunning now to see how much democratic theory focuses on division, pluralism, and disagreement in opposition to homogeneity, uniformity, or bureaucracy. This is the basic orientation of radical democracy; see Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (New York: Verso, 1985); Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, “Post-Marxism Without Apologies,” in Ernesto Laclau, New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time (New York: Verso, 1990), 97–132. It is true of those, like Jacques Rancière or Bonnig Honig, who identify democratic contestation with politics tout court; see Jacques Rancière, Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy, trans. Julie Rose (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999 [1995]); Bonnie Honig, Political Theory and the Displacement of Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993). It is an article of faith for theorists of pluralism like William E. Connolly, The Ethos of Pluralization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995). There is plenty to defend in these theories, but their emphases on democracy as contestation leaves to the side what Sheldon Wolin always remembered to honor alongside democracy’s transgressive acts: the experience of democracy as “the self-discovery of common concerns and of modes of action for realizing them,” in “Fugitive Democracy,” Constellations 1, no. 1 (1994): 11–25, at 11.

89.Enzo Traverso, “Intellectuals and Anti-Fascism: For a Critical Historicization,” New Politics 9, no. 4 (2004): 91–101.

90.Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Humanism and Terror: An Essay on the Communist Problem, trans. John O’Neill (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1969), 64.

91.Merleau-Ponty writes of “the real tragedy of historical contingency” in the context of the 1938 Moscow Trials: “Whatever his goodwill, man undertakes to act without being able to appreciate exactly the objective sense of his action; he constructs his own image of the future which has only a probable basis and in reality solicits that future so that he can be condemned for it because the event in itself is not unequivocal. A dialectic whose course is not entirely foreseeable can transform a man’s intentions into their opposite and yet one has to take sides from the very start. In brief . . . ‘fate is politics,’—destiny here not being a fatum already written down unbeknown to us, but the collision in the very heart of history between contingency and the event, between the multiplicity of the eventual and the uniqueness of the necessity in which we find ourselves when acting to treat one of the possibilities as a reality, to regard one of the futures as present. Man can neither suppress his nature as freedom and judgment—what he calls the course of events is never anything but its course as he sees it—nor question the competence of history’s tribunal, since in acting he has engaged others and more and more the fate of humanity,” in Humanism and Terror, 64.

92.Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France, 7–8.

93.I join contemporary critics of the revisionist school even as I refuse to conclude that violence was a “contamination” of the language of democratic politics or reducible to alibis for private acts of vengeance or approbation, as in Jean-Clément Martin, Violence et révolution: essai sur la naissance d’un mythe national (Paris: Seuil, 2006).

94.Max Weber, “Politics as a Vocation,” in The Vocation Lectures, ed. David Owen and Tracy Strong, trans. Rodney Livingston (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, 2004), 91–92.

Chapter 1

1.Maximilien Robespierre, Speech to the Assembly, 30 May 1791, in Archives parlementaires de 1789 à 1860, première série (1787 à 1799), eds. M. J. Mavidal and M. E. Laurent, 82 vols. (Paris: Librairie administrative de P. Dupont, 1862–1913), vol. 26, 622–23. Archives parlementaires henceforth cited by volume and page number.

2.Thomas Paine, Speech to the Convention, 7 January 1793, in Michael Walzer, ed. Regicide and Revolution: Speeches at the Trial of Louis XVI, trans. Marian Rothstein (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), 208–14, at 213.

3.Maximilien Robespierre, Speech to the Convention, 3 December 1792, in Walzer, Regicide and Revolution, 130–38, at 138.

4.John Laurence Carr, Robespierre: The Force of Circumstance (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1973).

5.Robespierre, Speech to the Convention, 3 December 1792, 133.

6.Ibid.; Peter McPhee, Robespierre: A Revolutionary Life (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2012), 146.

7.Louis-Antoine de Saint-Just, Speech to the Convention, 13 November 1792, in Walzer, Regicide and Revolution, 120–26, at 125, 123.

8.Archives parlementaires 47:458. This unattributed couplet, which opens the section’s address to the Assembly, is originally Voltaire’s.

9.Albert Soboul, Le procès de Louis XVI (Paris: Julliard, 1966), 87.

10.Arno J. Mayer, The Furies: Violence and Terror in the French and Russian Revolutions (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 102; Dan Edelstein, The Terror of Natural Right: Republicanism, the Cult of Nature, and the French Revolution (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 128.

11.Another common trope is to construe regicide as “sacrificial violence,” as in Jesse Goldhammer, The Headless Republic: Sacrificial Violence in Modern French Thought (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005); Antoine de Baecque, Glory and Terror: Seven Deaths Under the French Revolution, trans. Charlotte Mandell (New York: Routledge, 2001 [1997]); Richard D. E. Burton, Blood in the City: Violence and Revelation in Paris, 1789–1945 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001).

12.Ronald Schechter, A Genealogy of Terror in Eighteenth-Century France (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 2018); Mayer, The Furies, 73.

13.Susan Dunn, The Deaths of Louis XVI: Regicide and the French Political Imagination (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 36; Patrice Gueniffey, “Cordeliers and Girondins: the prehistory of the republic?” trans. Laura Mason, in The Invention of the Modern Republic, ed. Biancamaria Fontana (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 86–106, at 93; Jonathan Israel, Revolutionary Ideas: An Intellectual History of the French Revolution from The Rights of Man to Robespierre (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2014), 27.

14.Walzer, Regicide and Revolution, 70–71.

15.Ibid., 78–79.

16.Jacques Godechot, The Taking of the Bastille: July 14, 1789, trans. Jean Stewart (New York: Scribners, 1970); William H. Sewell, Jr., “Historical Events as Transformations of Structures: Inventing Revolution at the Bastille,” Theory and Society 25, no. 6 (1996): 841–81.

17.Timothy Tackett, “Rumor and Revolution: The Case of the September Massacres,” French History and Civilization 4 (2011): 54–64.

18.The classic figures are from Donald Greer, The Incidents of the Terror During the French Revolution: A Statistical Interpretation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1935).

19.Given the conflictual place of the Vendée in the historiography, Jean-Clément Martin has urged us to “humbly acknowledge the limits of historical writing,” especially when it comes to assessing the facts of the civil war and the number of deaths, in “La Vendée et sa guerre, les logiques de l’événement,” Annales ESC 40, no. 5 (1985): 1067–85, at 1082; see also Jean-Clément Martin, “Est-il possible de compter les morts de la Vendée?” Revue d’histoire moderne & contemporaine 38, no. 1 (1991): 105–21.

20.Jean-Clément Martin, Violence et révolution: essai sur la naissance d’un mythe national (Paris: Seuil, 2006), 123–53.

21.Walzer, Regicide and Revolution, 71.

22.Invoking what would become a long-standing motif of nineteenth-century French thought, Brissot defended it thus: “War is actually a national benefit,” and indeed “our salvation lies that way, for strong doses of poison remain in the body of France, and strong measures are necessary to expel them.” Quoted in David P. Jordan, The King’s Trial: The French Revolution vs. Louis XVI (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 30.

23.Timothy Tackett, When the King Took Flight (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), 179–202.

24.“Petition to the National Assembly, Drawn Up on the Altar of the Patrie (17 July 1791),” in Keith Michael Baker, ed., The Old Regime and the French Revolution (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 275–76.

25.Archives parlementaires 47:69–70.

26.Ibid., 47:70.

27.As Patrice Guenniffey has observed, from the beginning, the English precedent made French counter-revolutionaries worried that their own revolution was fated to destroy the monarchy, in Patrice Guenniffey, La politique de la Terreur: essai sur la violence révolutionnaire, 1789–1794 (Paris: Fayard, 2000), 46–47.

28.Archives parlementaires 55:15.

29.Ibid., 45:163–64.

30.Soboul, Le procès, 18–19.

31.“The Constitution of 1791” (3 September 1791), in John Hall Stewart, ed. A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (New York: Macmillan, 1951), 230–62, at 240.

32.Quoted from Soboul, Le procès, 114–15.

33.Charles-François-Gabriel Morrison, Speech to the Convention, 13 November 1792, in Walzer, Regicide and Revolution, 110–20, at 111–13.

34.Ibid., 119.

35.From a pamphlet of the Marquis de Condorcet appended to the Convention records on 3 December 1792, in Walzer, Regicide and Revolution, 139–58, at 140, 146, 148.

36.Soboul, Le procès, 83–87.

37.Jean-Baptiste Mailhe, Speech to the Convention, 7 November 1792, in Walzer, Regicide and Revolution, 93–110, at 98.

38.Mailhe, Speech to the Convention, 7 November 1792, 98.

39.Ibid., 97, 100–01.

40.Ibid., 107.

41.This cuts against interpretations like those of Richard Burton, who adopts a commonplace position when he argues that “the premises of the trial ultimately permitted one verdict and one punishment only,” in Burton, Blood in the City, 43.

42.Maximilien Robespierre, Oeuvres complètes de Maximilien Robespierre, Tome IV, ed. Gustave Laurent (Paris: Félix Alcan, 1939), 9.

43.Mailhe, Speech to the Convention, 7 November 1792, 103.

44.Condorcet, 3 December 1792 pamphlet, 156.

45.St. Just, Speech to the Convention, 13 November 1792, 122.

46.Robespierre, Speech to the Convention, 3 December 1792, 135.

47.In his first speech to the Convention, St. Just argued that “The forms of judicial procedure here are not to be sought in positive law, but in the law of nations.” Robespierre later followed suit, arguing “You confuse the rules of positive and civil law with those of the law of nations.” See St. Just, Speech to the Convention, 13 November 1792, 121; Robespierre, Speech to the Convention, 3 December 1792, 132.

48.Pierre-Victurnien Vergniaud, Speech to the Convention, 31 December 1792, in Walzer, Regicide and Revolution, 194–208, at 195.

49.St. Just, Speech to the Convention, 13 November 1792, 121.

50.Ibid., 123.

51.Robespierre, Speech to the Convention, 3 December 1792, 131.

52.Daniel Gordon, Citizens Without Sovereignty: Equality and Sociability in French Thought, 1670–1789 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 4–5.

53.Keith Michael Baker, Condorcet: From Natural Philosophy to Social Mathematics (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1975); Karuna Mantena, Alibis of Empire: Henry Maine and the Ends of Liberal Imperialism. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), 56–88; Edelstein, The Terror of Natural Right, 109.

54.William Sewell, Work & Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 34–39.

55.Louis de Jaucourt, “Morale (Science des moeurs),” in Encyclopédie, ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, etc., eds. Denis Diderot and Jean le Rond d’Alembert. University of Chicago: ARTFL Encyclopédie Project, ed. Robert Morrisey, Vol. 10, 699–700.

56.Jacques Turgot, “On Foundations,” in Baker, The Old Regime and the French Revolution, 89–97, at 96; Michael Sonenscher, Before the Deluge: Public Debt, Inequality, and the Intellectual Origins of the French Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007), 283–90.

57.Daniel Roche, France in the Enlightenment, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 521–22; Camille Robcis, The Law of Kinship: Anthropology, Psychoanalysis, and the Family in France (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2013), 20–25.

58.Archives parlementaires 8:127.

59.Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès, “What Is the Third Estate?,” in Political Writings, ed. and trans. Michael Sonenscher (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, 2003 [1789]), 92–162, at 128.

60.“The ‘Chapelier’ Law” (14 June 1791), in Stewart, A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution, 165–66; for a description of the law’s reception, see Sewell, Work & Revolution in France, 90–91.

61.Jean Terrier, Visions of the Social: Society as a Political Project in France, 1750–1950 (Leidsen: Brill, 2011).

62.Walzer, Regicide and Revolution, 22.

63.Paul Friedland, Political Actors: Representative Bodies and Theatricality in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002), 47–50; see also Keith Michael Baker, “Transformations of Classical Republicanism in Eighteenth-Century France,” The Journal of Modern History 73, no. 1 (2001), 32–53.

64.Sieyès, “What Is the Third Estate?” 99.

65.Keith Michael Baker, Inventing the French Revolution: Essays on French Political Culture in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 227–51.

66.Maximilien Robespierre, “On Subsistence,” (2 December 1792) in Maximilien Robespierre, Virtue and Terror, trans. John Howe (New York: Verso, 2007), 49–56, at 51, 53.

67.St. Just, Speech to the Convention, 13 November 1792, 121.

68.Robespierre, Speech to the Convention, 3 December 1792, 133.

69.St. Just, Speech to the Convention, 13 November 1792, 122.

70.St. Just, Speech to the Convention, 27 December 1792, in Walzer, Regicide and Revolution, 166–77, at 176.

71.St. Just, Speech to the Convention, 13 November 1792, 126.

72.Robespierre, Speech to the Convention, 3 December 1792, 133.

73.Maximilien Robespierre, “Answer to Louvet’s Accusation” (5 November 1792), in Virtue and Terror, 39–48, at 43.

74.St. Just, Speech to the Convention, 13 November 1792, 125.

75.Jürgen Habermas, “Constitutional Democracy: A Paradoxical Union of Contradictory Principles?” Political Theory 29, no. 6 (2001): 766–81; Jan-Werner Müller, Constitutional Patriotism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).

76.Albert Camus, The Rebel: An Essay on Man in Revolt, trans. Anthony Bower (New York: Vintage, 1956), 112.

77.Maximilien Robespierre, “On the Principles of Political Morality That Should Guide the National Convention in the Domestic Administration of the Republic” (5 February 1794), in Virtue and Terror, 108–25, at 109.

78.Robespierre, “Answer to Louvet’s Accusation,” 44.

79.Maximilien Robespierre, “Report on the Political Situation of the Republic” (17 November 1793) in Virtue and Terror, 80–90, at 88–89.

80.Robespierre, “Response of the National Convention to the Manifesto of the Kings,” in Robespierre, Virtue and Terror, 90–97, at 93, 95, 97.

81.Maximilien Robespierre, “On the Principles of Revolutionary Government” (25 December 1793), in Robespierre, Virtue and Terror, 98–107, at 100.

82.Ibid., 100; see also McPhee, Robespierre, 174–75.

83.Edelstein, The Terror of Natural Right; Ferenc Fehér, The Frozen Revolution: An Essay on Jacobinism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).

84.Mona Ozouf, L’homme régénéré: essais sur la Révolution française (Paris: Gallimard, 1989); Lucien Jaume, Le religieux et le politique dans la Révolution française: l’ idée de régénération (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2015).

85.Michel Foucault, Discipline & Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage, 1995 [1975]), 48.

86.Paul Friedland, Seeing Justice Done: The Age of Spectacular Capital Punishment in France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 204–17.

87.Ernst Hans Gombrich, “The Dream of Reason: Symbolism of the French Revolution,” Journal of 18th-Century Studies 2, no. 3 (1979): 187–205; Mona Ozouf, La fête révolutionnaire, 1789–1799 (Paris: Gallimard, 1988); Marie-Hélene Huet, Mourning Glory: The Will of the French Revolution (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997); Lynn Hunt, Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004 [1984]); Edelstein, The Terror of Natural Right.

88.Lorraine Daston, “The Morality of Natural Orders: The Power of Medea,” and “II. Nature’s Customs versus Nature’s Laws,” in The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, vol. 24, ed. Grethe B. Peterson (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 2004), 371–411.

89.Mary Ashburn Miller, A Natural History of the Revolution: Violence and Nature in the French Revolutionary Imagination, 1789–1794 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011), 72–103.

90.Robespierre, Speech to the Convention, 3 December 1792, 132.

91.Ibid., 133.

92.Robespierre, “On the Principles of Morality,” 115.

93.Maximilien Robespierre, “Report on Religious Ideas and Moral Principles and Republican Principles” (7 May 1794), quoted in Miller, A Natural History, 73.

94.Many biographies of Marat exist that discuss his political career, such as Olivier Coquard, Jean-Paul Marat (Paris: Fayard, 1993), but the only one that I know which fully treats Marat the scientist is Clifford D. Connor, Jean Paul Marat: Scientist and Revolutionary (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1998). Connor argues that Marat belonged to the group of scientists holding a “materialist” theory of heat; namely, that it was a fluid that moved between objects and that lightning was one particularly pure and visible expression of the general phenomenon of material heat. It is also on the topic of electricity, Connor concludes, that “Marat the scientist most resembled the revolutionary politician” (114). Louis Jacob has argued that Marat’s scientific writing was considered the work of “a fool, decried and ridiculed,” in Louis Jacob, “Marat Physicien,” Revue du Nord 29, no. 114 (1947): 81–86, at 85, but Connor believes Marat’s ideas were taken seriously by many scientists despite being controversial.

95.Miller, A Natural History, 77–78.

96.Robert Darnton, Mesmerism and the End of the Enlightenment in France (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1968), vii, 3. Mesmerism was not only popular in France; see Tim Fulford, “Conducting the Vital Fluid: The Politics and Poetics of Mesmerism in the 1790s,” Studies in Romanticism 43, no. 1 (2004): 57–78.

97.Darnton, Mesmerism, 106–25.

98.Madame de Lorsange cries after Justine has been struck down by a “flash of lightning” whose “thunderbolt has entered her right breast,”: “Oh, my friend! The prosperity of crime is but a trial that Providence wishes virtue to undergo. It is like a thunderbolt whose deceptive fires embellish the skies for an instant, merely to plunge the wretch they have dazzled into the chasms of death,” in Marquis de Sade, Justine: or the Misfortunes of Virtue (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012 [1791]), 263.

99.Jérôme Pétion de Villeneuve, séance du 11 mars 1792, quoted in Le Moniteur, ou la Gazette Universel (14 March 1792), cited in Miller, A Natural History, 86.

100.Jessica Riskin, “The Lawyer and the Lightning Rod,” Science in Context 12, no. 1 (1999): 61–99; McPhee, Robespierre, 35–36.

101.Maximilien Robespierre, “Letter to Benjamin Franklin, 1 October 1783” in The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, Vol. 41, ed. Ellen R. Cohn (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014), 61.

102.Soboul, Le procès, 113.

103.Archives parlementaires 57:90.

104.Jordan, The King’s Trial, 178–92.

105.Quoted in Soboul, Le procès, 216.

106.Jean Jaurès, A Socialist History of the French Revolution, trans. Mitchell Abidor (London: Pluto Press, 2015), 138–39.

Chapter 2

1.Jennifer E. Sessions, By Sword and Plow: France and the Conquest of Algeria (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011), 47–65.

2.Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison, “Guerre coloniale: guerre totale? Brèves remarques sur la conquête de l’Algérie,” Drôle d’epoque 12 (2003): 59–73; Mahfoud Bennoune, The Making of Contemporary Algeria, 1830–1987: Colonial Upheavals and Post-independence Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 41–42.

3.Alexis de Tocqueville, “Notes on the Voyage to Algeria in 1841,” in Writings on Empire and Slavery, ed. and trans. Jennifer Pitts (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 36–58, at 56.

4.Alexis de Tocqueville, “Essay on Algeria (October 1841),” in Tocqueville, Writings on Empire and Slavery, 59–116, at 71.

5.Cheryl B. Welch, “Colonial Violence and the Rhetoric of Evasion: Tocqueville on Algeria,” Political Theory 31, no. 2 (2003): 235–64, at 237.

6.Ibid., 253–54; Melvin Richter, “Tocqueville on Algeria,” The Review of Politics 25, no. 3 (1963): 362–98, at 390.

7.Isaiah Berlin, “The Thought of de Tocqueville,” History 50, no. 169 (1965): 199–206, at 204; Jennifer Pitts, “Empire and Democracy: Tocqueville and the Algeria Question,” Journal of Political Philosophy 8, no. 3 (2000): 295–318, at 297, 311.

8.Ibid., 298; Cheryl B. Welch, “Tocqueville’s Resistance to the Social,” History of European Ideas 30, no. 1 (2004): 83–107.

9.Ibid., 247.

10.Richter, “Tocqueville on Algeria,” 396; Roger Boesche, “The Dark Side of Tocqueville: On War and Empire,” The Review of Politics 67, no. 4 (2005): 737–52, at 739.

11.Pitts, “Empire and Democracy,” 316; Margaret Kohn, “Empire’s Law: Alexis de Tocqueville on Colonialism and the State of Exception,” Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 2 (2008): 255–78.

12.Tocqueville, “First Report on Algeria” (1847), in Tocqueville, Writings on Empire and Slavery, 129–73, at 129.

13.Jennifer Sessions, “‘Unfortunate Necessities’: Violence and Civilization in the Conquest of Algeria,” in France and Its Spaces of War: Experience, Memory, Image, eds. Patricia M. E. Lorcin and Daniel Brewer (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 29–44, at 39.

14.Thomas Rid, “Razzia: A Turning Point in Modern Strategy,” Terrorism and Political Violence 21, no. 4 (2009): 617–35; William Gallois, A History of Violence in the Early Algerian Colony (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013).

15.Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison, Coloniser, exterminer: sur la guerre et l’État colonial (Paris: Fayard, 2005).

16.Sudhir Hazareesingh, “Memory, Legend and Politics: Napoleonic Patriotism in the Restoration Era,” European Journal of Political Theory 5, no. 1 (2006): 71–84; Sudhir Hazareesingh, The Saint-Napoleon: Celebrations of Sovereignty in Nineteenth-Century France (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004).

17.Thomas Hippler, Soldats et citoyens: naissance du service militaire en France et en Prusse (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2006), 75–176.

18.Robert Morrissey, The Economy of Glory: From Ancien Régime France to the Fall of Napoleon, trans. Teresa Lavender Fagan (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2014 [2010]), 89.

19.Patrick Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” Journal of Genocide Research 8, no. 4 (2006): 387–409.

20.Alexis de Tocqueville, “Second Letter on Algeria (22 August 1837),” in Writings on Empire and Slavery, 14–26, at 25.

21.Tocqueville, “Essay on Algeria,” 63.

22.Rid, “Razzia,” 621.

23.Tocqueville, “Second Letter on Algeria,” 24.

24.Morrissey, The Economy of Glory, 84.

25.Andrew Jainchill, Reimagining Politics After the Terror: The Republican Origins of French Liberalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), 12.

26.Larry Siedentop, “Two Traditions of Liberalism,” in Alan Ryan, ed., The Idea of Freedom: Essays in Honour of Isaiah Berlin, ed. Alan Ryan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), 153–74, at 166.

27.Aurelian Craiutu, “Rethinking Political Power: The Case of the French Doctrinaires,” European Journal of Political Theory 2, no. 2 (2003): 125–55, at 135.

28.Roger Boesche, The Strange Liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987), 46.

29.Karuna Mantena, “Social Theory in the Age of Empire,” in Sankar Muthu, ed., Empire and Modern Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 324–50; Karuna Mantena, Alibis of Empire: Henry Maine and the Ends of Liberal Imperialism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), 56–61; Robert A. Nisbet, “The French Revolution and the Rise of Sociology in France,” American Journal of Sociology 49, no. 2 (1943): 156–64; Lorraine J. Daston, “Rational Individuals versus Laws of Society: From Probability to Statistics,” in The Probabilistic Revolution, Vol. 1: Ideas in History, ed. Lorenz Krüger, Lorraine J. Daston, and Michael Heidelberg (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1987), 295–304.

30.Siedentop, “Two Traditions of Liberalism,” 160; Michael C. Behrent, “Liberal Dispositions: Recent Scholarship on French Liberalism,” Modern Intellectual History 13, no. 2 (2016): 447–77; Jainchill, Reimagining Politics After the Terror, 108–40. Accounts of “the social” in nineteenth-century French liberalism abound. See Pierre Rosanvallon, “Political Rationalism and Democracy in France,” in Democracy Past and Future, ed. Sam Moyn (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), 127–43; Aurelian Craiutu, Liberalism Under Siege: The Political Thought of the French Doctrinaires (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2003); Cheryl Welch, Liberty and Utility: The French Idéologues and the Transformation of Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984); Welch, “Tocqueville’s Resistance to the Social”; Stephen Holmes, Benjamin Constant and the Making of Modern Liberalism (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1984); both Rosanvallon and Jacques Donzelot distinguish the French liberal program by its commitment to “produce the social,” in Pierre Rosanvallon, L’État en France de 1789 à nos jours (Paris: Seuil, 1990) and Jacques Donzelot, L’invention du social: essai sur le déclin des passions politiques (Paris: Fayard, 1984).

31.Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Library of America, 2004 [1835, 1840]). Future citations to this edition abbreviated as DA.

32.Boesche, The Strange Liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville, 27.

33.“Letter to Gustave de Beaumont, December 14, 1846,” in Alexis de Tocqueville, Selected Letters on Politics and Society, ed. Roger Boesche, trans. James Toupin and Roger Boesche (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 177–83, at 181–82.

34.“Letter to Pierre-Paul Royer-Collard, August 20, 1837,” in Tocqueville, Selected Letters, 118.

35.“Letter to John Stuart Mill, March 18, 1841,” in Tocqueville, Selected Letters, 150–51.

36.“Letter to Pierre-Paul Royer-Collard, August 15, 1840,” in Tocqueville, Selected Letters, 144.

37.Michael Drolet, “Carrying the Banner of the Bourgeoisie: Democracy, Self and the Philosophical Foundations to François Guizot’s Historical and Political Thought,” History of Political Thought 32, no. 4 (2011): 645–90; Michael Drolet, “Manners, Method, and Psychology: The Enduring Relevance of Tocqueville’s Reflections on Democracy,” European Journal of Political Theory 11, no. 4 (2012): 487–98.

38.Jaume has traced the roots of Tocqueville’s analysis not to French debates in psychology, but to Lamennais. For Tocqueville’s analysis of the symbiosis between democracy and capitalism, see Laura Janara, “Commercial Capitalism and the Democratic Psyche: The Threat to Tocquevillean Citizenship,” History of Political Thought 22, no. 2 (2001): 317–50.

39.Stephen Gaukroger, The Collapse of Mechanism and the Rise of Sensibility: Science and the Shaping of Modernity, 1680–1760 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2010), 11–16, 162–86, 387–420; John C. O’Neal, The Authority of Experience: Sensationist Theory in the French Enlightenment (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996).

40.Jan Goldstein, The Post-Revolutionary Self: Politics and Psyche in France, 1750–1850 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 21–102, 182–232.

41.Victor Cousin, Fragmens philosophiques, Seconde Edition (Paris: Ladrange Libraire, 1833), xiii.

42.Goldstein, The Post-Revolutionary Self, 8–11.

43.Cousin, Fragmens philosophique, xvii.

44.Ibid., xii–xiv.

45.Ibid., 210.

46.“Letter to Gobineau, September 16, 1858,” in Tocqueville, Selected Letters, 374–76, at 376.

47.Cousin, Fragmens philosophique, vii–viii.

48.Melvin Richter, “Tocqueville and Guizot on Democracy: From a Type of Society to a Political Regime,” History of European Ideas 30 (2004): 61–82.

49.Lucien Jaume, L’individu effacé. Ou le paradoxe du libéralisme français (Paris: Fayard, 1997); Pierre Rosanvallon, Le moment Guizot (Paris: Gallimard, 1985).

50.François Azouvi, Maine de Biran: la science de l’homme (Paris: Vrin, 1995), 174, 294–98; Drolet, “Carrying the Banner.”

51.Cousin, Fragmens philosophiques, 209.

52.François Guizot, The History of Civilization in Europe, trans. William Hazlitt (New York: Penguin, 1997 [1828]), 18.

53.Guizot, The History of Civilization in Europe, 18–19, 21.

54.“Letter to Pierre-Paul Royer Collard, August 20, 1837,” in Tocqueville, Selected Letters, 117–23, at 118.

55.“Letter to Gustave de Beaumont, August 9, 1840,” in Tocqueville, Selected Letters, 142.

56.Alexis de Tocqueville, The Ancien Régime and the French Revolution, trans. Gerald Bevan (New York: Penguin, 2008 [1856]), 14.

57.“Letter to Paul Clamorgan, April 17, 1842,” in Tocqueville, Selected Letters, 157–58 at 158.

58.Alexis de Tocqueville, The European Revolution & Correspondence with Gobineau, trans. John Lukacs (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1959), 149–50.

59.Sudhir Hazareesingh, “Memory and Political Imagination: The Legend of Napoleon Revisited,” French History 18, no. 4 (2004): 463–83, at 481; see also Nancy L. Rosenblum, “Romantic Militarism,” Journal of the History of Ideas 43, no. 2 (1982): 249–68.

60.Richard Boyd, “Tocqueville and the Napoleonic Legend,” in Tocqueville and the Frontiers of Democracy, eds. Ewa Atanassow and Richard Boyd (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 264–87, at 265.

61.Barbara Ann Day-Hickman, Napoleonic Art: Nationalism and the Spirit of Rebellion in France (1815–1848) (Newark, NJ: University of Delaware Press, 1999), 116.

62.Todd Porterfield, The Allure of Empire: Art in the Service of French Imperialism, 1798–1836 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), 7.

63.Morrissey, The Economy of Glory, 7–8.

64.Richter, “Tocqueville on Algeria,” 364; Boesche, “The Dark Side of Tocqueville”; Jaume, Tocqueville; Pitts, “Empire and Democracy.”

65.David Owen, “Machiavelli’s Il Principe and the Politics of Glory,” European Journal of Political Theory 16, no. 1 (2017): 41–60.

66.Tracy Strong, “Glory and the Law in Hobbes,” European Journal of Political Theory 16, no. 1 (2017): 61–76.

67.For a brief description of glory’s decline after the Renaissance, see Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism Before Its Triumph (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013 [1977]), 9–12.

68.Morrissey, The Economy of Glory, 84–85, 91.

69.Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America: Historical-Critical Edition of De la démocratie en Amérique, 4 vols., ed. Eduardo Nolla, trans. James T. Schleifer (Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Fund, 2010 [1835, 1840]), 795, fn. c.

70.Ibid., 12.

71.“Letter to Arthur de Gobineau, October 2, 1843,” in Tocqueville, The European Revolution & Correspondence with Gobineau, 207.

72.Alexis de Tocqueville, “The Emancipation of Slaves (1843),” in Tocqueville, Writings on Empire and Slavery, 199–226, at 209.

73.“Letter to Pierre-Paul Royer-Collard, September 27, 1841,” in Tocqueville, Selected Letters, 157.

74.Tocqueville, “Second Letter on Algeria,” 24.

75.André Jardin, Tocqueville: A Biography, trans. Lydia Davis with Robert Hemenway (New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1988 [1984]), 321–24.

76.Tocqueville, “Second Letter on Algeria,” 25.

77.Tocqueville, “First Letter on Algeria (23 June 1837),” in Tocqueville, Writings on Empire and Slavery, 5–13, at 7; Tocqueville, “First Report on Algeria,” 140, 144–45.

78.Tocqueville, “Second Letter on Algeria,” 25.

79.Tocqueville, “Essay on Algeria,” 61.

80.Ibid., 81.

81.Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism,” 388.

82.Tocqueville, “Essay on Algeria,” 65, 87.

83.Tocqueville, “First Report on Algeria,” 167.

84.Tocqueville, “Essay on Algeria,” 59.

85.Ibid., 71.

86.Alexis de Tocqueville, “Intervention in the Debate Over the Appropriation of Special Funding (1846),” in Tocqueville, Writings on Empire and Slavery, 117–28, at 127–28.

87.Tocqueville, “Essay on Algeria,” 59.

88.Tocqueville, “Letter to Henry Reeve, April 12, 1840,” in Tocqueville, Selected Letters, 141–42, at 142.

89.Tocqueville, “First Report on Algeria,” 146.

90.Alan Forrest, The Legacy of the French Revolutionary Wars: The Nation-in-Arms in French Republican Memory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Hazareesingh, “Memory and Political Imagination.”

91.Sessions, By Sword and Plow, 154.

92.Nina Athanassoglou, “Under the Sign of Leonidas: The Political and Ideological Fortune of David’s Leonidas at Thermopylae under the Restoration,” The Art Bulletin 63, no. 4 (1981): 633–49.

93.Gallois, A History of Violence, 14; William Gallois, “Dahra and the History of Violence in Early Colonial Algeria,” in The French Colonial Mind, Volume 2: Violence, Military Encounters, and Colonialism, ed. Martin Thomas (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2012), 3–25.

94.Jennifer Sessions, “ ‘Unfortunate Necessities,’ ” at 33–34.

95.Kim Munholland, “Michaud’s History of the Crusades and the French Crusade in Algeria under Louis-Philippe,” in The Popularization of Images: Visual Culture under the July Monarchy, eds. Petra ten-Doesschate Chu and Gabriel P. Weisberg (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 144–65, at 154; Sessions, By Sword and Plow, 32–40.

96.Mantena, Alibis of Empire.

97.Tocqueville, “First Letter on Algeria,” 7.

98.Tocqueville, “Essay on Algeria,” 69.

99.Ibid., 64,

100.Ibid., 67, 69.

101.Ibid., 71.

102.Ibid., 67.

103.Ibid., 62.

104.Ibid.

105.Ibid., 63.

106.Ibid.

107.Ibid., 81.

108.Jeanne Morefield, Empires Without Imperialism: Anglo-American Decline and the Politics of Deflection (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014).

109.Tocqueville, “First Report on Algeria” 129.

110.Tocqueville, “Essay on Algeria,” 68.

111.Ibid., 71.

112.Ibid., 70.

113.Enzo Traverso, The Origins of Nazi Violence, trans. Janet Lloyd (New York: The New Press, 2003), 47–75.

114.Rid, “Razzia,” 620, 624.

115.As Tocqueville put it, “Nothing struck me more in Algeria than to see the difference in bearing and language between the officers living in Algeria permanently and those belonging to regiments that were merely passing through. It is said that both are equally brave on the battlefield. I would like to believe it. But, for all the rest, they differ so much that one would think they formed two distinct races. The first are ardent, ambitious, full of energy; they love the country and are passionate about its conquest. The others are sad, mournful, sickly, and disheartened; they think and speak only of France. In truth, the first wage war, the second endure it,” in Tocqueville, “Essay on Algeria,” 76.

116.Jennifer E. Sessions, “Ambiguous Glory: The Algerian Conquest and the Politics of Colonial Commemoration in Post-Revolutionary France,” Outre-Mers 94, no. 350–351 (2006): 91–102, at 93–94; see also Hazareesingh, “Memory, Legend, and Politics.”

117.Mazagran has been well studied, both in its place in historical memory and in literature and arts. See Charles Dejob, “La défense de Mazagran dans la littérature et les arts du dessin,” Revue d’histoire littéraire de la France 19, no. 2 (1912): 318–40; Bethany S. Oberst, “Algeria and the Algerians in the French Theater: 1800–1850,” Proceedings of the Meeting of the French Colonial Historical Society 8 (1985): 70–78; Sessions, By Sword and Plow, 125–73; Xavier Guégan, “Transmissable Sites: Monuments, Memorials and Their Visibility on the Metropole and Periphery,” in Sites of Imperial Memory: Commemorating Colonial Rule in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, eds. Dominik Geppert and Frank Lorenz Müller (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2015), 21–38, at 32–33.

118.Paul de Mont Rond, Histoire de la conquête de l’Algérie de 1830 à 1847. Tome 2 (Paris: Marc-Aurel, 1847), 46.

119.Alison McQueen, “Politics and Public Sculpture in Nineteenth-Century Colonial French Algeria,” Sculpture Journal 28, no. 1 (2019): 7–34.

120.Yves Winter, Machiavelli and the Orders of Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 194.

121.Morrissey, The Economy of Glory, 107.

122.Tocqueville, “First Report on Algeria,” 142.

123.Sessions, By Sword and Plow, 166–68.

124.Tocqueville, “First Report on Algeria,” 135.

125.Ibid., 135–36.

126.David A. Bell, The First Total War: Napoleon’s Europe and the Birth of Warfare as We Know It (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2007), 3.

Chapter 3

1.Edmond Goncourt, “Monday, 30 January,” in Edmond and Jules Goncourt, Pages From the Goncourt Journals, trans. Robert Baldick (New York: New York Review of Books, 2007), 183.

2.This number has been the object of ongoing revision and dispute. Originally, the number of casualties reached more than twenty thousand, as in Jacques Rougerie, “Composition d’une population insurgée: L’exemple de la Commune,” Mouvement social 48 (1964): 31–47. Robert Tombs has tried to modify that number down to as few as six thousand. See Robert Tombs, “How Bloody Was La Semaine Sanglante of 1871? A Revision,” The Historical Journal 55, no. 3 (2012): 679–704. Others have pressed back on his method of counting, for example, Karine Varley, “Reassessing the Paris Commune of 1871: A Response to Robert Tombs,” H-France Salon 3, no. 1 (2011): 20–25.

3.Those who see it as the greatest monument to working class radicalism typically belong to the canonical, Marxist tradition of social history. This view is well represented in Jean Bruhat, Jean Dautry, and Emile Tersen, who write in their magisterial book that the Commune’s splendor lies in its emphasis on communal autonomy, “effective democracy,” and abolition of the separation of powers; La Commune de 1871 (Paris: Editions sociales, 1960), 187–88. Others who see it as a riot, anarchy, and disorder include military historians like Alan Forrest, who sees in communard violence “disorder,” “a loss of political control,” “lack of discipline and marked taste for violence,” which “helped to increase levels of disorder in Paris and added to the sense of anarchy in the city.” See Alan Forrest, The Legacy of the French Revolutionary Wars: The Nation-in-Arms in French Republican Memory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 128. In a contemporary antitotalitarian idiom, Adam Gopnik has denounced the Commune, associating it with the naïvety of the American New Left, the Terror, and the Bolshevik Revolution; Adam Gopnik, “The Fires of Paris,” The New Yorker, 15 December 2014.

4.Kristin Ross, Communal Luxury: The Political Imaginary of the Paris Commune (New York: Verso, 2015), 6.

5.Louise Michel, The Red Virgin: Memoirs of Louise Michel, ed. and trans. Bullit Lowry and Elizabeth Ellington Gunter (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1981 [1886]), 64.

6.Dominique Desanti, Visages de femmes (Paris: Editions Sociales, 1955), 9–67; Edith Thomas, Louise Michel ou La Velléda de l’anarchie (Paris: Gallimard, 1971).

7.Michel Cordillot, Aux origines du socialisme moderne: la Première Internationale, la Commune de Paris, l’exil. Recherches et travaux. (Paris: Editions de l’Atelier, 2010), 71–116.

8.Gavin Bowd, The Last Communard: Adrien Lejeune, the Unexpected Life of a Revolutionary (New York: Verso, 2016).

9.Karl Marx, The Civil War in France (New York: International Publishers, 1940), 22.

10.David A. Shafer, The Paris Commune: French Politics, Culture, and Society at the Crossroads of the Revolutionary Tradition and Revolutionary Socialism (New York: Palgrave, 2005), 187.

11.“Déclaration au Peuple Français” (19 April 1871), Journal officiel de la Commune de Paris, 20 April 1871.

12.Jules Vallès, The Insurrectionist, trans. Sandy Petrey (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1971 [1886]), 118.

13.Stanley Hoffman, “Paradoxes of the French Political Community,” in In Search of France, ed. Stanley Hoffman et al, (New York: Harper & Row, 1963), 1–117, at 3–21; Philip Nord, The Republican Moment: Struggles for Democracy in Nineteenth-Century France (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995).

14.Julian Wright, “Socialism and Political Identity: Eugène Fournière and Intellectual Militancy in the Third Republic,” French Historical Studies 36, no. 3 (2013): 449–78; Julian Wright, Socialism and the Experience of Time: Idealism and the Present in Modern France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).

15.Serge Bianchi and Roger Dupuy, eds., La Garde nationale entre nation et peuple en armes: mythes et réalités, 1789–1871 (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2006); Roger Dupuy, Le Garde nationale, 1789–1872 (Paris: Gallimard, 2010).

16.Benoît Malon, La troisième défaite du proletariat français (Neuchâtel: Guillaume Fils, 1871); Jeanne Gaillard, Communes de province, Commune de Paris, 1870–1871 (Paris: Flammarion, 1971); Samuel Bernstein, Auguste Blanqui and the Art of Insurrection (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1971); Eugene Schulkind, The Paris Commune of 1871: The View from the Left (London: Jonathan Cape, 1972); Maurice Paz, “Le mythe de la Commune: les deux reproches majeurs,” Est et Ouest 482 (1972): 23–28; David Barry, Women and Political Insurgency: France in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (New York: St Martin’s, 1996); Carolyn J. Eichner, Surmounting the Barricades: Women in the Paris Commune (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004); Kristin Ross, The Emergence of Social Space: Rimbaud and the Paris Commune (New York: Verso, 2008 [1988]); Jacques Rougerie, Paris libre 1871 (Paris: Seuil, 2004).

17.Patrick H. Hutton, The Cult of the Revolutionary Tradition: The Blanquists in French Politics, 1864–1893 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981); Ian H. Birchall, The Spectre of Babeuf (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997).

18.Madelaine Rebérioux, “Le mur des Fédérés: rouge ‘sang craché,’” in Les lieux de mémoire, tome 1: La République, ed. Pierre Nora (Paris: Gallimard, 1984), 626–37.

19.Henri de Saint-Simon, “The Catechism of the Industrialists” (1823–6), in The Political Thought of Saint-Simon, ed. Ghita Ionescu (London: Oxford University Press, 1976), 182–203, at 184.

20.“Déclaration,” La Commune, 20 March 1871.

21.André Léo, “Les soldats de l’idée,” La sociale, 28 April 1871.

22.Michel, The Red Virgin, 51.

23.Martin Phillip Johnson, The Paradise of Association: Political Culture and Popular Organizations in the Paris Commune of 1871 (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1996).

24.Richard D. Challener, The French Theory of the Nation in Arms, 1866–1939 (New York: Russel & Russel, 1965).

25.Johnson, The Paradise of Association, 34.

26.David Armitage, Civil Wars: A History in Ideas (New York: Vintage, 2017), 12.

27.Robert Tombs describes the Commune’s plan “to build a democratic political system” as something “pushed into the background by military events,” therefore analytically separating them as essentially different; see Robert Tombs, The Paris Commune 1871 (London and New York: Longman, 1999), 6. Kristin Ross has made the most magnificent effort to reconstruct the communard achievements in emancipation, but she does so by separating those achievements from the Commune’s nationalist and republican dimensions in Communal Luxury. Martin Breaugh, for his part, describes the military centralization of the Commune as a “betrayal” of its democratic promise in The Plebeian Experience: A Discontinuous History of Political Freedom, trans. Lazer Lederhendler (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013 [2007]), 173–200.

28.Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray, History of the Paris Commune of 1871, trans. Eleanor Marx (New York: Verso, 2012 [1876]), 194–95.

29.Gérard Noiriel, Workers in French Society in the 19th and 20th Centuries (New York: Berg, 1990 [1986]), 33–35, 247.

30.Rosalind H. Williams, Dreamworlds: Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth-Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 7–14.

31.Noiriel, Workers in French Society, 40–41.

32.Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 1789–1848 (New York: Vintage, 1996), 44, 168–72.

33.Claude Fohlen, Qu’est-ce que la révolution industrielle? (Paris: Robert Laffont, 1971), 16–20.

34.Noiriel, Workers in French Society, 40–41, 64–65.

35.Robert Bezucha, The Lyon Uprising of 1834: Social and Political Conflict in the Early July Monarchy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974).

36.William Sewell, Work & Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 208.

37.Daniel Pick, Faces of Degeneration: A European Disorder, c. 1848– c. 1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Andrew R. Aisenberg, Contagion: Disease, Government, and the ‘Social Question’ in Nineteenth-Century France (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999); Pamela Pilbeam, French Socialists Before Marx: Workers, Women and the Social Question in France (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2000); Denise Riley, “Am I That Name?” Feminism and the Category of “Women” in History (London: Macmillan-Palgrave, 1988).

38.Holly Case, “The ‘Social Question,’ 1820–1920,” Modern Intellectual History 13, no. 3 (2016): 747–75.

39.Maurice Agulhon, The Republican Experiment, 1848–1852 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 6–9; Holly Case, The Age of Questions: Or, A First Attempt at an Aggregate History of the Eastern, Social, Woman, American, Jewish, Polish, Bullion, Tuberculosis, and Many Other Questions over the Nineteenth Century, and Beyond (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018).

40.Frank E. Manuel’s The Prophets of Paris (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1962); Naomi J. Andrews, Socialism’s Muse: Gender in the Intellectual Landscape of French Romantic Socialism (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2006); John Tresch, The Romantic Machine: Utopian Science and Technology After Napoleon (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2012); Christopher H. Johnson, Utopian Communism in France: Cabet and the Icarians, 1839–1861 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1974); K. Steven Vincent, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French Republican Socialism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984); Pilbeam, French Socialists Before Marx; Sewell, Work & Revolution.

41.Henri de Saint-Simon, “On the Reorganization of European Society” (1814), in The Political Thought of Saint-Simon, 83–98, at 89.

42.Saint-Simon, “The Catechism of the Industrialists” (1823–6), in The Political Thought of Saint-Simon, 182–203, at 184.

43.Henri de Saint-Simon, “New Christianity” (1825), in Henri de Saint-Simon, Selected Writings, ed. and trans. F. M. H. Markham (Oxford: Blackwell, 1952), 81–116, at 81–82, 87.

44.Ibid., 103.

45.Ibid., 114.

46.Andrews, Socialism’s Muse, 6–7; Leo Loubére, “Intellectual Origins of Jacobin Socialism,” International Review of Social History 4, no. 3 (1959): 415–31; Pilbeam, French Socialists Before Marx, 15–20; Jonathan Beecher, Victor Considerant and the Rise and Fall of French Romantic Socialism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001).

47.Andrew Wernick, Auguste Comte and the Religion of Humanity: The Post-Theistic Program of French Social Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

48.Joan Roelofs and Victor Considerant, “Considerant’s ‘Principes du socialisme,’” Science & Society 74, no. 1 (2010): 114–27.

49.Wernick, Auguste Comte and the Religion of Humanity.

50.Cited in Tresch, The Romantic Machine, 208.

51.Maurice Agulhon, “Le problème de la culture populaire en France autour de 1848,” Romantisme 9 (1975): 50–64, at 57.

52.R. J. W. Evans and Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann, eds., The Revolutions in Europe 1848–1849: From Reform to Reaction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); Maurice Agulhon, Les Quarante-huitards (Paris: Gallimard, 1975).

53.Douglass Moggach and Gareth Stedman Jones, eds., The 1848 Revolutions and European Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018).

54.“Manifeste du peuple,” Le Peuple, no. 1 (2 September 1848).

55.Michael C. Behrent, “The Mystical Body of Society: Religion and Association in Nineteenth-Century French Political Thought,” Journal of the History of Ideas 69, no. 2 (2008): 219–43, at 220.

56.Andrews, Socialism’s Muse, 3.

57.Sewell, Work & Revolution, 163–68.

58.Jonathan Beecher, Charles Fourier: The Visionary and His World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986).

59.Flora Tristan, The Workers’ Union, trans. Beverly Livingston (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2007 [1843]), 38.

60.Pierre Rosanvallon, The Society of Equals, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013), 35; see also Michel Offerlé, Un homme, une voix? Histoire du suffrage universel (Paris: Gallimard, 1993).

61.Adam Przeworski, “Minimalist Conception of Democracy: A Defense,” in Democracy’s Value, ed. Ian Shapiro and Casiano Hacker-Cordon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 23–55.

62.Alexandre-Auguste Ledru-Rollin, “Manifeste aux travailleurs” (1844) in Discours politiques et écrits divers, tome premier (Paris: Germer Baillière, 1879), 117–24, at 117.

63.Alexandre-Auguste Ledru-Rollin, Discours prononcé par le Citoyen Ledru-Rollin au banquet du Mans (Bourdeaux: Impr. des ouvrièrs-associés, 1849), 2.

64.“Banquet de la République démocratique et sociale du mardi 17 octobre 1848.” Paris: Imprimerie de Schneider, 1848.

65.Rosanvallon, The Society of Equals, 37–40.

66.Florence Faucher and Colin Hay, “Les rituels de vote en France et au Royaume-Uni,” Revue française de science politique 65, no. 2 (2015): 213–36, at 219–20; Olivier Ihl, “Une autre représentation. Sur les pratiques d’acclamatio dans la France de la seconde à la troisième république,” Revue française de science politique 65, no. 3 (2015): 381–403.

67.Kevin Duong, “What Was Universal Suffrage?” Theory & Event, forthcoming.

68.Louis Blanc, Organization of Work, trans. Marie Paula Dickoré (Cincinnati, OH: University of Cincinnati Press, 1911 [1840]), 46.

69.Ibid., 2, 51.

70.Ibid., 57.

71.Ibid., 51, 53.

72.Lucien Jaume has characterized Blanc as a typical Jacobin statist in Le discours Jacobin et la démocratie (Paris: Fayard, 1989). David Shafer arrives at a similar conclusion when studying Blanc’s conflictual relationship with Proudhon in The Paris Commune. Stephen Sawyer, however, has argued that such characterizations misunderstand Blanc’s project, which is better described as an attempt to theorize the democratic state as a site for articulating the social nature of individual pursuits, not as a bureaucratic means of repressing individual interests. See Stephen W. Sawyer, “Louis Blanc’s Theory of the Liberal Democratic State,” The Tocqueville Review/La revue Tocqueville 33, no. 2 (2012): 141–63.

73.Blanc, Organization of Work, 49.

74.Louis Blanc, Letter to M. Marie Escudier, 22 September 1850. Gustave Gimon Collection, Stanford University, Misc 482.

75.Maurice Dommanget, Auguste Blanqui et la Révolution de 1848 (Paris: Mouton, 1972); Bernstein, Auguste Blanqui and the Art of Insurrection.

76.Auguste Blanqui, “Equality Is Our Flag” (2 February 1834), in Louis Auguste Blanqui, The Blanqui Reader: Political Writings, 1830–1880, ed. Philippe Le Goff and Peter Hallward, trans. Philippe Le Goff, Peter Hallward, and Mitchell Abidor (New York: Verso, 2018), 36–41, at 38.

77.Auguste Blanqui, “Report to the Society of the Friends of the People” (2 February 1832), in The Blanqui Reader, 20–35, at 33; Blanqui, “Equality is Our Flag,” 37.

78.Auguste Blanqui, “Defense Speech at the ‘Trial of the Fifteen,’ ” (12 January 1832) in Blanqui, The Blanqui Reader, 8–19, at 14.

79.Auguste Blanqui, “Democratic Propaganda” (1835), in The Blanqui Reader, 59–61, at 59.

80.Bulletin de la République, no. 9, 30 March 1848; quoted from Rosanvallon, The Society of Equals, 73, original emphasis.

81.Samuel Hayat, Quand la République était révolutionnaire: citoyenneté et représentation en 1848 (Paris: Seuil, 2014); Malcolm Crook, “Universal Suffrage as Counter-Revolution? Electoral Mobilisation under the Second Republic in France, 1848–1851,” Journal of Historical Sociology 28, no. 1 (2015): 49–66; William Fortescue, France and 1848: The End of Monarchy (London and New York: Routledge, 2005).

82.For an analysis of Bonapartism, see Melvin Richter, “Toward a Concept of Political Illegitimacy: Bonapartist Dictatorship and Democratic Legitimacy,” Political Theory 10, no. 2 (1982): 185–214; Melvin Richter, “A Family of Political Concepts: Tyranny, Despotism, Bonapartism, Caesarism, Dictatorship, 1750–1917,” European Journal of Political Theory 4, no. 3 (2005): 221–48.

83.Karl Marx, “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte” (1852), in Later Political Writings, ed. Terrell Carver (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 31–127, at 36.

84.Ibid., 45.

85.Leo Loubère, “Louis Blanc’s Theory of History,” Journal of the History of Ideas 17, no. 1 (1956): 70–88; Stephen W. Sawyer, Demos Assembled: Democracy & the International Origins of the Modern State, 1840–1880 (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2018), 173–74.

86.Blanqui writes, “There can be no lasting Revolution without enlightenment!” and “The futility of so many sacrifices is indeed the saddest part of these Revolutions. So much blood spilled, so much pain and suffering endured, only to fall even deeper into the abyss! . . . This dismal denouement has one and only one cause: ignorance!” (2 February 1850), in Blanqui, The Blanqui Reader, 141.

87.Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, “The Mystification of Universal Suffrage” (30 April 1848), in Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Property Is Theft! A Pierre-Joseph Proudhon Anthology, ed. Iain McKay (Oakland, CA: AK Publishing, 2011), 315–18.

88.Pierre Joseph Proudhon, “Solution of the Social Problem” (1848), in Property Is Theft!, 257–80.

89.Ibid., 261.

90.Ibid., 267–68.

91.Ibid., 275–76.

92.Ibid., 276.

93.Ibid., 280.

94.Pierre Rosanvallon distinguishes between “substantialist” and “symbolic” conceptions of the people in Le peuple introuvable: histoire de la répresentation démocratique en France (Paris: Gallimard, 1998); Pierre Rosanvallon, Le sacre du citoyen: histoire du suffrage universel en France (Paris: Gallimard, 1992).

95.“Le Socialisme et la Politique,” Le Peuple, no. 3 (September 1848).

96.Walter Benjamin, “Paris: Capital of the Nineteenth Century,” Perspecta 12 (1969): 163–72; David Harvey, Paris, Capital of Modernity (New York: Routledge, 2003); Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Capital: 1848–1875 (New York: Vintage, 1996 [1975]).

97.Philip Nord, “Republicanism and Utopian Vision: French Freemasonry in the 1860s and 1870s,” The Journal of Modern History 63, no. 2 (1991): 213–29; Bernstein, Auguste Blanqui and the Art of Insurrection.

98.Roger Price, The French Second Empire: An Anatomy of Political Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 255–403.

99.Most of the credit for the revival of public meetings in France is given to the 6 June 1868 law and the work of men like Jules Simon; see Alain Dalotel, Alain Faure, and Jean-Claude Freiermuth, Aux origines de la Commune: le mouvement des réunions publiques à Paris. 1868–1870 (Paris: Maspero, 1980); Paula Cossart, Le meeting politique: de la déliberation à la manifestation, 1868–1939 (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2010).

100.Edouard Dentu, ed., Les réunions publiques à Paris: 1868–1869 (Paris, 1869), 9. Hoover Institute, Stanford University. History of the Second Empire in France: Pamphlet Collection, Box 715, Fol 4.

101.Ibid., 9.

102.Michel, The Red Virgin, 54.

103.Ibid., 52.

104.Ibid., 59

105.Ibid., 65.

106.M. G. de Molinari, Les clubs rouges pendant le siege de Paris (Paris: Garnier Frères, 1874), 140.

107.Ibid., 193.

108.Johnson, The Paradise of Association, 30–31.

109.Michel, The Red Virgin, 54.

110.Johnson, The Paradise of Association, 34.

111.Ibid., 43.

112.Molinari, Les clubs rouges, 221–22.

113.Odilon Delimal, “Autonomie de Paris,” La Commune, 21 March 1871.

114.Niccolò Machiavelli, Discourses on Livy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 113–14.

115.Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Government of Poland (Indianapolis, IL: Hackett, 1985), 81.

116.Forrest, The Legacy of the French Revolutionary Wars; David Bell, The Cult of the Nation in France: Invention Nationalism, 1680–1800 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003).

117.Jean-Paul Betraud, Valmy, la démocratie en armes (Paris: Gallimard, 1973).

118.Forrest, The Legacy of the French Revolutionary Wars, 16.

119.Jean-Paul Bertaud, La révolution armée: les soldats-citoyens et la Révolution française (Paris: Robert Laffont, 1979); Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison, Les citoyennetés en révolution, 1789–94 (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1992).

120.Challener, The French Theory of the Nation in Arms.

121.Forrest, The Legacy of the French Revolutionary Wars, 112.

122.Arthur Waldron, “Looking Backward: The People in Arms and the Transformation of War,” in The People in Arms: Military Myth and National Mobilization since the French Revolution, eds. Daniel Moran and Arthur Waldron (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 256–62, at 258.

123.Daniel Moran, “Introduction: The Legend of the Lévee en masse,” in Moran and Waldron, The People in Arms, 1–7.

124.Breaugh, The Plebeian Experience, 173–200.

125.Forrest, The Legacy of the French Revolutionary Wars, 118–21.

126.Lissagaray, History of the Paris Commune, 7.

127.Ibid., 8.

128.Ibid., 16–17.

129.Ibid., 27.

130.Ibid., 27.

131.Ibid., 30.

132.Ibid., 14.

133.Ibid., 26.

134.Ibid., 85, 68.

135.Ibid., 69.

136.Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975).

137.Lissagaray, History of the Paris Commune, 105.

138.Ibid., 80, 103–04.

139.Ibid., 105.

140.Ibid., 106.

141.Vallès, The Insurrectionist, 166.

142.Jules Vallès, “Les fausses promesses,” Le Cri du peuple, 26 March 1871. For other descriptions of the election, see Rougerie, Paris libre, 136–38; John Merriman, Massacre: The Life and Death of the Paris Commune (New York: Basic Books, 2014), 38–9; Donny Gluckstein, The Paris Commune: A Revolution in Democracy (Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, 2006), 39–42.

143.Jules Vallès, “Le Scrutin,” Le Cri du peuple, 29 March 1871.

144.Jules Vallès, “La Fête,” Le Cri du peuple, 30 March 1871.

145.Breaugh, The Plebeian Experience, 189.

146.The debate has been republished in Mitchel Abidor, ed., The Voices of the Paris Commune (Oakland, CA: PM Press), 27–50.

147.Lissagaray, History of the Paris Commune, 194–95.

148.Ibid., 196.

149.Ibid., 241.

150.Michel, The Red Virgin, 56.

151.Ibid., 64.

152.Ibid., 54.

153.Dana Simmons, Vital Minimum: Need, Science & Politics in Modern France (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2015), 79–80.

154.Michel, The Red Virgin, 64

155.Ibid., 65.

156.Ibid., 1, 51.

157.Ibid., 52.

158.Ibid., 60.

159.André Léo, “Aventures de neuf ambulancières,” La Sociale, 6 May 1871.

160.Louise Michel, La Commune (Paris: Stock, 1978 [1898]), 165–66.

161.Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 75–76.

162.Michel, The Red Virgin, 42–43.

163.Ibid., 51.

164.Vallès, The Insurrectionist, 91.

165.Ibid., 94, 97.

166.Ibid., 99.

167.Michel, The Red Virgin, 26.

168.Vallès, The Insurrectionist, 101.

169.Ibid., 118.

170.Ibid., 129.

171.Ibid., 130.

172.Ibid., 132.

173.Ibid., 157.

174.Ibid., 157.

175.Ibid., 166–67.

176.Ibid., 191–92.

177.Ibid., 203.

178.Eric Hazan, A History of the Barricade, trans. David Fernbach (New York: Verso, 2015 [2013]), 111–13.

179.Eugène Pottier, “L’Internationale,” in Appendix 2, Tombs, The Paris Commune, 220–23.

Chapter 4

1.Jean Jaurès, “Discours de Jaurès,” L’Humanité, 23 January 1914.

2.Harvey Goldberg, The Life of Jean Jaurès (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1968), 417–76.

3.Eugen Weber, The Nationalist Revival in France, 1905–1914 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 69–84, 120–44.

4.Charles Péguy, Temporal and Eternal, trans. Alexander Dru (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1958), 22–23.

5.Gustave Hervé, My Country, Right or Wrong?, trans. G. Bowman (London: Jonathan Cape, 1910 [1906]), 157; Paul B. Miller, From Revolutionaries to Citizens: Antimilitarism in France, 1870–1914 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002), 201–12.

6.Robert Wohl defends the idea of a “generation of 1914,” not as a sociological description, but as a self-reflexive idealization. For those who lived during the first half of the twentieth century, it was how they made sense of themselves. See Robert Wohl, The Generation of 1914 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979), 2–3.

7.Charles Péguy, “Ève,” Cahiers de la Quinzaine 15, no. 4 (1913).

8.Weber, The Nationalist Revival in France; Frank Field, British and French Writers of the First World War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Christophe Prochasson and Anne Rasmussen, Au nom de la patrie: les intellectuels et la Première Guerre mondiale, 1910–1919 (Paris: Découverte, 1996); Martha Hanna, The Mobilization of Intellect: French Scholars and Writers during the Great War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996); Hans Joas and Wolfgang Knöbl, War in Social Thought: Hobbes to the Present, trans. Alex Skinner (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013), 116–55.

9.Rene Avord (Raymond Aron), Les dictateurs et la mystique de la violence (New Delhi: Bureau d’information de la France combattante, undated), 3, 13.

10.Judith Shklar, “Bergson and the Politics of Intuition,” The Review of Politics 20, no. 4 (1958): 634–56, at 635, 646.

11.Mark Antliff, Avant-Garde Fascism: The Mobilization of Myth, Art, and Culture in France, 1909–1939 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007); Pierre Birnbaum, “Catholic Identity, Universal Suffrage and ‘Doctrines of Hatred,’” in The Intellectual Revolt Against Liberal Democracy, 1870–1945, ed. Zeev Sternhell (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1996), 233–51.

12.Zeev Sternhell, Neither Right Nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France, trans. David Maisel (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996 [1983]), 1.

13.J. W. Burrow, The Crisis of Reason: European Thought, 1848–1914 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000); Irving Louis Horowitz, Radicalism and the Revolt Against Reason: The Social Theories of Georges Sorel (New York: The Humanities Press, 1961); Frederick Brown, The Embrace of Unreason: France, 1914–1940 (New York: Knopf, 2014); S. P. Rouanet, “Irrationalism and Myth in Georges Sorel,” The Review of Politics 26, no. 1 (1964): 45–69, at 45.

14.Romain Rolland, Péguy, 2 vols. (Paris: Albin Michel, 1944), I: 246.

15.For a good account of the relation between the prewar and interwar generations of reactionaries, which was one of creative reappropriation rather than fidelity, see Sandrine Sanos, The Aesthetics of Hate: Far-Right Intellectuals, Antisemitism, and Gender in 1930s France (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2013), 43–74.

16.The phrase “populist” appears frequently in the writings of the extraparliamentary left, such as Hubert Lagardelle, to discuss the “vague parti populiste” of Boulangism.

17.Maurice Barrès, “Les enseignements d’une année de Boulangisme,” Le Figaro, 3 February 1890.

18.Péguy, Temporal and Eternal, 21.

19.Jack J. Roth, “The Roots of Italian Fascism: Sorel and Sorelismo,” The Journal of Modern History 39, no. 1 (1967): 30–45; Lawrence Wilde, “Sorel and the French Right,” History of Political Thought 2, no. 2 (1986): 361–74; Shlomo Sand, “Legend, Myth, and Fascism,” The European Legacy 3, no. 5 (1998): 51–65; Mark Antliff, “Bad Anarchism: Aestheticized Mythmaking and the Legacy of Georges Sorel,” Anarchist Developments in Cultural Studies 2 (2011): 155–87.

20.Georges Sorel, Reflections on Violence, ed. Jeremy Jennings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 [1908]), 72. Hereafter cited parenthetically in text as RV.

21.The encyclical reads, “a difficulty presents itself. ‘This Republic,’ it is said, ‘is animated by such anti-Christian sentiments that honest men, Catholics particularly, could not conscientiously accept it.’ This, more than anything else, has given rise to dissensions, and in fact aggravated them. . . . Legislation is the work of men invested with power, and who, in fact, govern the nation; therefore it follows that, practically, the quality of the laws depends more upon the quality of these men than upon the power. The laws will be good or bad accordingly as the minds of the legislators are imbued with good or bad principles, and as they allow themselves to be guided by political prudence or by passion.” Therefore, Leo XIII continues, Catholics should work on improving legislation while maintaining “respect due to constituted power”—namely the Republic. “Au milieu des solicitudes,” http://w2.vatican.va/content/leo-xiii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-xiii_enc_16021892_au-milieu-des-sollicitudes.html

22.Joan Wallach Scott, The Politics of the Veil (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007), 98–99.

23.Hanna, The Mobilization of Intellect, 142–49.

24.John Merriman, The Dynamite Club: How a Bombing in Fin-de-Siècle Paris Ignited the Age of Modern Terror (New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2009).

25.Susanna Barrows, Distorting Mirrors: Visions of the Crowd in Late Nineteenth Century France (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1981), 24–35.

26.Jeremy Jennings, Georges Sorel: The Character and Development of His Thought (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985), 116–21.

27.Georges Sorel, “Lettre de Georges Sorel à Charles Maurras” (6 July 1909), in Pierre Andreu, Notre Maître, M. Sorel (Paris: Bernard Grasset, 1953), 325–26.

28.Gerald C. Friedman, “Revolutionary Unions and French Labor: The Rebels Behind the Cause; Or, Why Did Revolutionary Syndicalism Fail?” French Historical Studies 20, no. 2 (1997): 155–81; for a broader context of this alliance, see Gabriel Goodliffe, The Resurgence of the Radical Right in France: From Boulangisme to the Front National (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 115–96.

29.Michael Curtis, Three Against the Third Republic: Sorel, Barrès, and Maurras (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959), 6.

30.Both believed science had to reject all forms of theology, but they also tended to see scientists as new priests. See Sheridan Gilley and Ann Loades, “Thomas Henry Huxley: The War between Science and Religion,” The Journal of Religion 61, no. 3 (1981): 285–308.

31.Ernest Renan, The Future of Science (Boston: Roberts Bros., 1891), 97.

32.Jimena Canales, The Physicist and the Philosopher: Einstein, Bergson, and the Debate That Changed Our Understanding of Time (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2015), 3.

33.Henri Bergson, Time and Free Will: An Essay on the Immediate Data of Consciousness, trans. F. L. Pogson (Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 2001 [1889]), 98, 164–65.

34.Ibid., 128.

35.Ibid., 128.

36.Donna Jones, “Mysticism and War,” in Annales bergsoniennes VII: Bergson, l’Allemagne, la guerre de 1914, eds. Arnaud François, Nadia Yala Kisukidi, Camille Riquier, Caterina Zanfi, and Frédéric Worms (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2014), 167–79, at 174.

37.George Boas, “Bergson (1859–1941) and His Predecessors,” Journal of the History of Ideas 20, no. 4 (1959): 503–14.

38.Bergson, Time and Free Will, 176.

39.Mark Sinclair, “Bergson’s Philosophy of Will and the War of 1914–1918,” Journal of the History of Ideas 77, no. 3 (2016): 467–87.

40.Mark Antliff, Inventing Bergson: Cultural Politics and the Parisian Avant-Garde (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Malcolm Vout and Lawrence Wilde, “Socialism and Myth: The Case of Bergson and Sorel,” Radical Philosophy 46 (1987): 2–7

41.Alice Yaeger Kaplan, Reproductions of Banality: Fascism, Literature, and French Intellectual Life (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986), 63.

42.R. C. Grogin, The Bergsonian Controversy in France, 1900–1914 (Calgary: The University of Calgary Press, 1988), ix.

43.F. W. H. Myers, Science and a Future Life, With Other Essays (London and New York: MacMillan, 1893), 88.

44.Anatole France, “Pourquoi sommes-nous tristes?” in Oeuvres completes illustrées de Anatole France, Tome VII, eds. L. Carias and G. Le Prat (Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1925–35), 22.

45.Antliff, Inventing Bergson.

46.François Azouvi, La gloire de Bergson: essai sur le magistère philosophique (Paris: Gallimard, 2007).

47.Hisashi Fujita, “Anarchy and Analogy: The Violence of Language in Bergson and Sorel,” in Bergson, Politics, and Religion, eds. Alexandre Lefebvre and Melanie White (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2012), 126–43, at 130; Shklar, “Bergson and the Politics of Intuition,” 644.

48.H. Stuart Hughes, Consciousness and Society: The Reorientation of European Social Thought, 1890–1930 (New York: Knopf, 1958), 341.

49.A terrific overview of its evolution can be found in Marion de Flers, “Le Mouvement socialiste (1899–1914),” Cahiers Georges Sorel 5 (1987): 49–76.

50.Sternhell, Neither Right nor Left, 16; Jennings, Georges Sorel, 118.

51.“L’affaire des fiches” was a scandal in which efforts to “republicanize” the army and administration involved using Freemasons to collect information on the religious activity of officers. It occurred discretely for years until it broke in 1904.

52.Michel Prat, ed. “Lettres de Georges Sorel à Daniel Halévy (1907–1920),” Mil neuf cent: Revue d’histoire intellectuelle 12 (1994): 151–223.

53.The journal’s pages were filled with essays by revisionists like Eduard Bernstein or, far more commonly, Sorel and his French and Italian admirers. See Jack J. Roth, “Revolution and Morale in Modern French Thought: Sorel and the Sorelians,” French Historical Studies 3, no. 2 (1963): 205–23, at 209.

54.“Déclaration,” Le Mouvement socialiste, 1 (1899): 1–5.

55.Eduard Bernstein was responsible for stirring this crisis, and some of his essays were republished in Le Mouvement socialiste as topics of conversation. For a discussion of this interpretative crisis, see Jennings, Georges Sorel, 62–72.

56.Samuel Bernstein, “Jules Guesde, Pioneer of Marxism in France,” Science & Society 4, no. 1 (1940): 29–56; Michelle Perrot, “Le premier journal marxiste français: ‘L’Égalité’ de Jules Guesde (1877–1883),” L’Actualité de l’histoire 28 (1959): 1–26.

57.Pierre Rosanvallon, Le peuple introuvable: histoire de la répresentation démocratique en France (Paris: Gallimard, 1998), 223.

58.Steven Lukes, Emile Durkheim: His Life and Work (Middlesex: Penguin, 1975), 542–45.

59.J. B. Severac, “Influence de la philosophie de M. Bergson,” Le Mouvement socialiste 29 (1911): 182–83, at 182. On their self-understanding as the “Bergsonian Left,” see also Shklar, “Bergson and the Politics of Intuition,” 645–46; James Jay Hamilton, “Georges Sorel and the Inconsistencies of a Bergsonian Marxism,” Political Theory 1, no. 3 (1973): 329–40; Vout and Wilde, “Socialism and Myth.”

60.Edouard Berth, “Marchands, Intellectuels et Politiciens,” Le Mouvement socialiste 22 (1907): 1–12, 302–16, 384–98; 23 (1908), 202–22; Edouard Berth, “Le procès de la Démocratie,” Revue critique des idées et des livres 13 (1911): 9–46; see also Jeremy Jennings, “Syndicalism and the French Revolution,” Journal of Contemporary History 26, no. 1 (1991): 71–96, at 85.

61.Hubert Lagardelle, “Socialisme ou Démocratie?” Le Mouvement socialiste 7 (1902): 625–32, 673–87, 774–81, 889–97, 1009–16, 1081–88, at 1014.

62.Jennings, “Syndicalism and the French Revolution,” 91.

63.Hubert Lagardelle, “De l’homme abstrait à l’homme réel,” Plans 1 (1931): 24–32.

64.Daniel Halévy, Charles Péguy and the Cahiers de la Quinzaine (New York and Toronto: Longmans, Green and Co., 1947), 131.

65.And yet, as Eugen Weber has observed, “when faced with the choice between his Left-Wing Dreyfusard past and those Catholic influences of the Right, which had been heartened by the publication of his Jeanne d’Arc in 1909 and were pulling towards nationalism, Péguy chose the former,” in Weber, The Nationalist Revival, 122.

66.Halévy, Charles Péguy, 74.

67.Charles Péguy, Note sur M. Bergson et la philosophie bergsonienne (Paris: Cahiers de la Quinzaine, 1914), 18–19.

68.Charles Péguy, Basic Verities: Prose and Poetry, trans. Anne and Julian Green (New York: Pantheon, 1943), 9.

69.Péguy, Temporal and Eternal, 31; emphasis in the original.

70.Ibid., 21–22.

71.Anthony Edward Pilkington, Bergson and His Influence: A Reassessment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 27–98.

72.Georges Sorel, “Science and Morals” (1900), in From Georges Sorel: Vol 2, Hermeneutics and the Sciences, ed. John L. Stanley, trans. John and Charlotte Stanley (New Brunswick: Transactions Publishers, 1990), 123–38, at 133: “pain is found in all manifestations of our activity. . . . Perhaps we could better translate this observation by saying that pain is the primordial manifestation of life, the one that gives irrefutable proof (for our consciousness) of our immersion in the physical world and demonstrates our existence and the existence of the world simultaneously. . . . Thus, the role of pain is very great in the world.”

73.K. Steven Vincent, “Citizenship, Patriotism, Tradition, and Antipolitics in the Thought of Georges Sorel,” The European Legacy 3, no. 5 (1998): 7–16.

74.“Déclaration,” Le Mouvement socialiste 1 (1899): 2–4.

75.Sorel, “Science and Morals,” 133.

76.Péguy, Temporal and Eternal, 20–24, 29.

77.Lagardelle, “Socialisme ou Démocratie?” 890–91, 1013.

78.Ibid., 890–91, 893–95.

79.Richard Vernon, “‘Citizenship’ in ‘Industry’: The Case of George Sorel,” American Political Science Review 75, no. 1 (1981): 17–28.

80.Georges Sorel, “The Socialist Future of the Syndicates” (1898) in From Georges Sorel: Essays in Socialism and Philosophy, ed. John Stanley (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1987), 71–93, at 80–81, 93.

81.Sorel, “Science and Morals,” 136–37.

82.Eric Brandom, “Georges Sorel, Émile Durkheim, and the Social Foundations of La Morale,” Proceedings of the Western Society for French History 38 (2010): 201–15, at 202.

83.Judith Surkis, Sexing the Citizen: Morality and Masculinity in France, 1870–1920 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006); Philip Nord, The Republican Moment: Struggles for Democracy in Nineteenth-Century France (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995); Eugen Weber, Peasants Into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870–1914 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1976).

84.Nord, The Republican Moment, 4.

85.Jacques Donzelot, L’invention du social: essai sur le déclin des passions politiques (Paris: Fayard, 1984).

86.Hanna, The Mobilization of Intellect, 106–41.

87.Péguy, Temporal and Eternal, 21.

88.Zeev Sternhell, “The ‘Anti-Materialist’ Revision of Marxism as an Aspect of the Rise of Fascist Ideology,” Journal of Contemporary History 22, no. 3 (1987): 379–400.

89.Interpretative work on Sorel has occurred in roughly two waves. The first, classical interpretation of Sorel located him squarely in the prehistory of fascism and interpreted the Reflections on Violence extracted from his broader intellectual biography. Besides Sartre’s infamous reference to Sorel’s “fascist utterances” in the preface to Fanon’s Wretched of the Earth, this was the view of Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt, as well as his scholarly interpreters like Jack Roth and later Zeev Sternhell. See Isaiah Berlin, “Georges Sorel,” in Against the Current: Essays in the History of Ideas, ed. Henry Hardy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), 296–332; Hannah Arendt, On Violence (New York: Harcourt, 1970), 66–83; Roth, “The Roots of Italian Fascism”; Sternhell, Neither Right Nor Left; Zeev Sternhell, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, with Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri, trans. David Maisel (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994 [1989]), 36–91; Horowitz, Radicalism and the Revolt Against Reason; Hughes, Consciousness and Society; Kaplan, Reproductions of Banality; Curtis, Three Against the Republic. Recently, scholars have corrected Sorel’s canonization as a protofascist by turning to his philosophy of science, especially his scientific conventionalism. The result is that he become a liberal pragmatist or a radical democrat: Jennings, Georges Sorel; John Stanley, The Sociology of Virtue: The Political and Social Theories of Georges Sorel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981); John L. Stanley, “Sorel’s Study of Vico: The Uses of the Poetic Imagination,” The European Legacy 3, no. 5 (1998): 17–34; Arthur L. Greil, Georges Sorel and the Sociology of Virtue (Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1981); Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (New York: Verso, 1985). For an attempt at squaring these two together, see K. Steven Vincent, “Interpreting Georges Sorel: Defender of Virtue or Apostle of Violence?” History of European Ideas 12, no. 2 (1990): 239–57.

90.Arendt, On Violence, 66.

91.Dominick LaCapra, History and Its Limits: Human, Animal, Violence (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009), 97.

92.Shklar, “Bergson and the Politics of Intuition,” 648.

93.Consider Moishe Postone, who describes Sorel’s aimless violence as an escape valve from structural domination, and Martin Jay, who views it as a clarion call for revolutionary violence. See Moishe Postone, “History and Helplessness: Mass Mobilization and Contemporary Forms of Anticapitalism,” Public Culture 18, no. 1 (2006): 93–110; Martin Jay, Refractions of Violence (New York: Routledge, 2003), 1.

94.George Ciccariello-Maher, Decolonizing Dialectics (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017), 23–46.

95.Surkis, Sexing the Citizen, 4.

96.Georges Sorel, “The Trial of Socrates” (1889), in Sorel, From Georges Sorel, 62–70, at 67.

97.Georges Sorel, “The Ethics of Socialism” (1989), in Sorel, From Georges Sorel, 94–110, at 97–98.

98.“All of Sorel’s writings,” Arthur Greil argues, “display a profound concern with morality. Whenever he spoke of ‘crisis,’ he meant ‘moral crisis’; whenever he spoke of ‘decadence,’ he meant ‘moral decadence,’ ” in Greil, Georges Sorel and the Sociology of Virtue, 22.

99.Jennings, Georges Sorel, 79.

100.J. E. S. Hayward, “The Official Social Philosophy of the French Third Republic: Léon Bourgeois and Solidarism,” International Review of Social History, 6, no. 1 (1961): 19–48.

101.Robert A. Nye, The Origins of Crowd Psychology: Gustave Le Bon and the Crisis of Mass Democracy in the Third Republic (London: Sage, 1975); Robert A. Nye, Crime, Madness & Politics in Modern France: The Medical Concept of National Decline (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984); Daniel Pick, Faces of Degeneration: A European Disorder, c. 1848–c. 1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 42–73; Donna Jones, The Racial Discourses of Life Philosophy: Négritude, Vitalism, and Modernity (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), 8–9; Jennings, Georges Sorel, 40–41.

102.Sorel discusses Le Bon often sympathetically but critically; see Georges Sorel, “Sorel, lecteur de Le Bon: Huit Comptes Rendus (1895–1911),” Mil neuf cent. Revue d’histoire intellectuelle 1, no. 28 (2010): 121–54; for his relationship to Lombroso and criminal anthropology, see Jennings, Georges Sorel, 40–41.

103.Georges Sorel, “On Revolution Without Politics” (1902), in Richard Vernon, ed., Commitment and Change: Georges Sorel and the Idea of Revolution (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978), 93–111. See also Stanley, “Sorel’s Study of Vico.”

104.Sorel makes this case earlier in “Necessity and Fatalism in Marxism” (1898) in Sorel, From Georges Sorel, 111–29, at 123: “We should never lose sight of the fact that it is in the economic order and under the regime of free competition that chance furnishes ‘average’ results, capable of being regularized in such a way as to draw attention to tendencies analogous to mechanical processes; these average results can be suitably expressed in the form of natural laws.”

105.Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons (New York: Routledge, 1990 [1905]), 123.

106.Jennings, Georges Sorel, 45–49.

107.Sorel, “On Revolution Without Politics,” 93.

108.Sorel, “Science and Morals,” 126.

109.Sorel, “The Socialist Future of Syndicates,” 84.

110.Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (London: Penguin, 1985 [1651]), 200.

111.Jules Vallès, The Insurrectionist, trans. Sandy Petrey (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1971 [1886]), 166–67.

112.Again, Bergson is Sorel’s influence. The general strike “groups them all in a coordinated picture . . . it colours with an intense life all the details of the composition presented to consciousness. We thus obtain that intuition of socialism which language cannot give us with perfect clearness—and we obtain it as a whole, perceived instantaneously” (RV 118).

113.Sorel, “The Socialist Future of the Syndicates,” 91.

114.Georges Sorel, “On Revolution and Terror” (1901), in Vernon, Commitment and Change, 76–81, at 78.

115.“Déclaration de la ‘Cité Française’ ” in Andreu, Notre Maître, 327–28.

116.“L’ ‘Indépendance Française,’ ” in Andreu, Notre Maître, M. Sorel, 329–31.

117.Antliff, Avant-Garde Fascism, 65.

118.Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon, “Déclaration,” Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon 1 (1912): 1–2.

119.Wilde, “Sorel and the French Right.”

120.Georges Sorel, “Le réveil de l’âme française,” L’Action française, 14 April 1910; Georges Sorel, “Socialistes antiparlementaires,” L’Action française, August 22, 1909.

121.Henri Bergson, The Meaning of the War: Life and Matter in Conflict (London: T. Fisher Unwin, Ltd., 1915), 18, 32–33.

122.Ibid., 36.

123.Ibid., 37–38.

124.Filippo Marinetti, “The Foundation and Manifesto of Futurism,” in Critical Writings, ed. Gunter Berghaus, trans. Doug Thompson (New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 2006), 11–17, at 14.

125.Filippo Marinetti, “Futurism: An Interview with Mr. Marinetti in Comoedia,” in Critical Writings, 18–21, at 19.

126.Jack Roth, The Cult of Violence: Sorel and the Sorelians (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980).

127.Sand, “Legend, Myth, and Fascism,” 56.

128.Eugen Weber, Action Française: Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth-Century France (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1962), 442.

129.Roth, The Cult of Violence, 186–87.

Conclusion

1.Élie Halévy, L’ère des tyrannies (Paris: Gallimard, 1938); Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes: A History of the World, 1914–1991 (New York: Vintage, 1996 [1994]); Enzo Traverso, Fire and Blood: The European Civil War, 1914–1945 (New York: Verso, 2016 [2006]).

2.George Kateb, “The Adequacy of the Canon,” Political Theory 30, no. 4 (2002): 482–505, at 482–83.

3.Ira Katznelson, Enlightenment and Desolation: Political Knowledge After Total War, Totalitarianism, and the Holocaust (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003).

4.Timothy Snyder, Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin (New York: Basic Books, 2010).

5.Claudia Verhoeven, The Odd Man Karakozov: Imperial Russia, Modernity, and the Birth of Terrorism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009).

6.Filippo Marinetti, “The Necessity and Beauty of Violence” (1915) in Critical Writings, ed. Gunter Berghaus, trans. Doug Thompson (New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux), 60–74, at 62.

7.Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (New York, NY: Grove Weidenfeld, 1963), 93.

8.Richard Slotkin, Regeneration Through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600–1860 (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1973); Matthew Rainbow Hale, “Regenerating the World: The French Revolution, Civic Festivals, and the Forging of American Democracy, 1793–1795,” Journal of American History 103, no. 4 (2017): 891–920.

9.Jürgen Habermas, “Constitutional Democracy: A Paradoxical Union of Contradictory Principles?” Political Theory 29, no. 6 (2001): 766–81; Jan-Werner Müller, Constitutional Patriotism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007); Patchen Markell, “Making Affect Safe for Democracy?: On ‘Constitutional Patriotism,’” Political Theory 28, no. 1 (2000): 38–63.

10.Müller, Constitutional Patriotism, 6; the case for constitutional patriotism as a form of moral minimalism is made in Jan-Werner Müller, “A European Constitutional Patriotism? The Case Restated,” European Law Journal 14, no. 5 (2008): 542–57.

11.Françoise Gaspard, A Small City in France, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995).

12.This is an enormous debate, but see, for a classic position, Iris Marion Young, “Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship,” Ethics 99, no. 2 (1989): 250–74; Joan Wallach Scott, Only Paradoxes to Offer: French Feminists and the Rights of Man (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996).

13.Michaele Ferguson, Sharing Democracy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012).

14.Jacob Levy, “Against Fraternity: Democracy Without Solidarity,” in The Strains of Commitment: The Political Sources of Solidarity in Diverse Societies, eds. Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 107–24, at 107.

15.Ibid., 107.

16.Robert A. Nisbet, “Rousseau and Totalitarianism,” The Journal of Politics 5, no. 2 (1943): 93–114; David Ciepley, Liberalism in the Shadow of Totalitarianism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006); Duncan Bell, “What Is Liberalism?” Political Theory 42, no. 6 (2014): 682–715.

17.Eugen Weber, Peasants Into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870–1914 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1976); Philip Nord, The Republican Moment: Struggles for Democracy in Nineteenth-Century France (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995).

18.John Rawls, “The Idea of an Overlapping Consensus,” Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 7, no. 1 (1987): 1–25, at 10.

19.Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval, Commun: Essai sur la révolution au XXIe siècle (Paris: Découverte, 2014).

20.Élisabeth Roudinesco, Lacan: In Spite of Everything, trans. Gregory Elliot (New York: Verso, 2014).

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