7

Cross-border cooperation between Óláfr Haraldsson and the clan of Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson

Maciej Lubik

Around 1015, Óláfr Haraldsson began his bid for power in Norway against the jarls of Lade (Hlaðir), who wielded authority in the country not only on their own behalf but also on behalf of the ruling elites of Denmark and Sweden. It had not been long before that Óláfr emerged victorious from this power struggle, which provokes a question about the foundations of this success. During his Viking career that preceded his return to Norway, Óláfr had many opportunities to gain wealth and respect that could be turned into political resources for his rise to power. Additionally, saga tradition indicates that there were some regions in eastern Norway in which Óláfr was able to rally support from the locals. All of this, however, accounts for the short spectrum of uncertain premises that mark our current knowledge of the mysterious beginnings of Óláfr’s reign. Another point shrouded in uncertainty is the role of Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson – most probably the jarl of the Swedish district of Västergötland or Svealand – and his clan in the military actions that led Óláfr to victory. Skaldic poetry, which constitutes a group of firsthand sources of information about Óláfr’s reign, suggests that the clan of Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson not only provided military means for the future saint in his struggle for power but also supported him in his relations with Óláfr Eiríksson, the king of Sweden. Moreover, this cooperation between Rǫgnvaldr’s clan and the Norwegian king seems to be of some importance to the beginnings of the Varangian career of Haraldr Sigurðarson, a half-brother of the latter. Although Rǫgnvaldr and his relatives were subordinate to Óláfr Eiríksson, they seem to have been more politically connected to Óláfr Haraldsson, whose relations with his Swedish counterpart were complex and rather strained. Therefore, the aim of this chapter is to take a closer look at the source material in order to extract information indicating the role that Rǫgnvaldr’s clan played or may have played in the political endeavors of Óláfr Haraldsson and to set these pieces of information in the context of unstructured relations between political elites of early medieval Scandinavia.

Old Norse historiographical tradition points to two episodes that were crucial in Óláfr Haraldsson’s acquisition of power in Norway. The first is the capture of Hákon Eiríksson, son of Jarl Eiríkr Hákonarson of Lade.¹ At that time, Hákon was wielding authority over a part of Norway on behalf of his father, who had gone overseas to support the Danish royal Cnut the Great in his struggle for power in England. The second is the victorious battle of Nesjar on 26 March 1016 against Jarl Sveinn Hákonarson of Lade,² a kinsman of Eiríkr. The latter two were subordinate to the Danish royal house, and Sveinn seems to have governed some territories under King Óláfr Eiríksson of Sweden, at whose court – as the sagas hold – he appeared after losing the battle.³ According to tradition, Óláfr Haraldsson deprived Hákon (and consequently Eiríkr) of power in a bloodless way, using a relatively small number of warriors and a clever stratagem. This cannot be said of the battle of Nesjar, which was fierce and involved considerable forces on either side. Colorful and detailed or fragmented and inconsistent descriptions of the deeds of Norwegian kings offered by the Old Norse tradition – comprising late sources written down mostly in the 12th and 13th centuries – do not testify to its credibility regarding the late Viking age. The role of these sources – which are not free from conventions and characteristic motifs – in conducting historical studies on Óláfr Haraldsson’s reign may tend to be seen as supportive, whereas the pieces of information that seem to stick more closely to the past reality should be sought among the skaldic verses (often embedded in kings’ sagas) composed by poets who knew the participants of the investigated events or witnessed these events themselves. The two episodes mentioned previously belong to these events.

Óláfr Haraldsson’s court poets do not pay scrupulous attention to the capture of Hákon. Only scant references are found in Óttarr svarti’s and Sigvatr Þórðarson’s poems.⁴ More attention is drawn to the battle of Nesjar, in which Sigvatr took part and to which he devoted a whole poem called Nesjavísur.⁵ Sigvatr does not provide details concerning the size of the armies. He also tells almost nothing about Óláfr’s and Sveinn’s personal allies, only suggesting that Óláfr was supported by the people of Oppland and Hedmark,⁶ while Sveinn mustered his warriors in the north,⁷ and that Óláfr was betrayed by some men who are unspecified in the poem.⁸ In one stanza, however, the poet underscores that Óláfr gained many more troops than his opponent; additionally, Sigvatr calls the latter vinlauss vísi (a “friendless leader”) and suggests that Sveinn did not gather sufficient forces because of his parsimony.⁹ In another part of the poem, on the other hand, the poet states that Óláfr had fewer forces at his disposal.¹⁰ Nonetheless, Sigvatr emphasises that the fight was hard.¹¹

A decisive battle for power in Norway must have engaged large forces on both sides – no matter which was more numerous – and it comes as no surprise that this is suggested by the prose sources. Regardless of whether we believe Óttarr’s words – that Óláfr and his companions had come to Norway with only two ships¹² – the new claimant had to endear himself to many followers and gain allies who were influential enough to provide him with suitable military support. Óláfr’s influences spanned the Oslofjord area and inland eastern regions, which means that his opportunities for getting ships for his army to fight in a sea battle were limited.¹³ It may then be assumed that some Óláfr’s warriors were of different origins, considering that his forces attacked,¹⁴ defeated, and possibly outnumbered Sveinn’s fleet. The latter gathered his army at least in the north (Trøndelag) – a prosperous region strategically important for wielding authority over Norway and a natural and traditional power base of the jarls of Lade – and might have had the opportunity to gather forces along some coasts stretching towards the south to Vestfold.¹⁵

Although Nesjavísur provide much valuable information on the battle, it is futile to look there for details concerning Óláfr Haraldsson’s supporters and allies, apart from the reference to the people of Oppland and Hedmark. Fortunately, there is another of Sigvatr Þórðarson’s poems – Austrfararvísur – that seems to contain some clues. The poem is thought to have been composed in 1019¹⁶ as an account from Sigvatr’s diplomatic mission to Jarl Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson. The assumed number of its stanzas is 21. One of them reads as follows:

Folk réð of sik, fylkir,

flest, es ek kom vestan,

ætt sem áðr of hvatti

Eireks svika þeira.

En, þvít jarla frænda

eins þats tókt af Sveini,

yðr, kveðk jǫrð es nǫ́ðuð,

Ulfs bróður lið stóðusk.

Most people considered their options, chieftain, when I came from the west, as the kinsman of Eiríkr earlier had incited [them] to that treason. But I declare that you got hold of the land only because the troop of the jarls’ kinsman, Úlfr’s brother, which you took away from Sveinn, supported you.¹⁷

Interpretation of the stanza quoted is not univocal. “The kinsman of Eiríkr” may be a person connected with Sweden – Óláfr Eiríksson (son of Eiríkr the Victorious) or Sveinn Hákonarson (kinsman of Eiríkr Hákonarson)¹⁸ – who incited some Norwegians to treason before or after the battle of Svǫlðr (c. 1000).¹⁹ As other words of the stanza indicate, the traitors were rethinking their stance when Sigvatr came to Norway “from the west”, that is, from Iceland – and, as it is held by Snorri Sturluson, soon after joined Óláfr Haraldsson²⁰ (before the battle of Nesjar in which he took part on Óláfr’s side) – or from overseas as Óláfr’s companion and follower. This implies that the traitors changed their allegiance in the face of Óláfr Haraldsson’s return to Norway.²¹ On the other hand, Sigvatr’s words about the support given to Óláfr Haraldsson in his struggle for power and his mention of “Sveinn” allow one to assume that “the kinsman of Eiríkr” is Sveinn Hákonarson, who gathered warriors (“incited” them) against Óláfr before the battle of Nesjar. The poet calls the compliance with Sveinn’s incitement “treason” – probably seeing in Óláfr Haraldsson a rightful candidate to rule in Norway. It seems, then, that some of the people who had earlier declared their support for Sveinn changed their minds and supported Óláfr. Nevertheless, as Sigvatr seems to suggest, it is not they but the forces of “the jarls’ kinsman”/“Úlfr’s brother” – who had left Sveinn too – that constituted the main factor contributing to Óláfr’s victory. “Jarls’ kinsman”/“Úlfr’s brother” may be Eilífr – son of Jarl Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson and brother of Úlfr Rǫgnvaldsson – or Rǫgnvaldr’s uncle. However, regarding the latter, there are no sources – in contrast to Rǫgnvaldr’s sons – that mention a word about such a person. Another problem is that, in 1016, Eilífr (as well as his brother) could have been too young to play a significant part in political and military affairs.²²

The support previously given to Sveinn by the member(s) of Rǫgnvaldr’s clan is not surprising. Jarl Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson governed some territories that belonged to the sphere of influence of the Swedish king. Hence, he was subordinate to Óláfr Eiríksson, who was politically connected with the jarls of Lade and who, most probably, controlled some Norwegian regions thanks to Sveinn’s governance. Unfortunately, not much is known about this figure. There are also many uncertainties as to Sigvatr’s mission to Rǫgnvaldr.

According to the saga tradition, Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson was the jarl of Västergöt-land and the brother-in-law of King Óláfr Tryggvason of Norway. In historical research, he is also associated with Svitjod/Svealand,²³ which is based on Sigvatr’s account that “Svíþjóð” was the destination of Óláfr Haraldsson’s messengers heading to Rǫgnvaldr.²⁴ Västergötland is not mentioned in Austrfararvísur at all, nor is Rǫgnvaldr expressly called the jarl.²⁵ On the other hand, Sigvatr describes him, for example, as “powerful”/“mighty” (ríkr), mentions his “town” (Rǫgnvalds … bý), but calls him heiðmaðr,²⁶ which means a man who takes payment for some service. Thus, Sigvatr’s words imply that Rǫgnvaldr was a high-ranking man who governed some area within the Swedish realm and was at the service of the Swedish king. Nonetheless, there are no other contemporary sources proving or suggesting that Rǫgnvaldr held the position of a jarl or that it was in Västergötland or in Svitjod/Svealand. Moreover, the contemporary sources attesting the existence of jarls within the Swedish realm in the 11th century are scant and limited to rune stones.²⁷ Therefore, it is difficult to investigate the relationship between the two positions of king and jarl in Sweden at that time.

Despite being subordinate to Óláfr Eiríksson, Rǫgnvaldr also seems to be politically related to the Norwegians kings – not only to Óláfr Haraldsson but to Óláfr Tryggvason as well. Apart from the prose sources, Rǫgnvaldr’s marriage to Óláfr Tryggvason’s sister is reported in Sigvatr Þórðarson’s Flokkr about Erlingr Skjálgsson. There Rǫgnvaldr is mentioned by name and as “Úlf’s father” (Ulfs feðr), and Óláfr Tryggvason’s decision to marry his sister to Rǫgnvaldr is seen as “aldrgipta” (“the luck of life”) for the jarl.²⁸ Behind “aldrgipta” may be a beloved wife or, what is more probable, Rǫgnvaldr’s elevation to become one of the most important political figures in Scandinavia. This is indicated by the fact that, in the given stanza, Sigvatr also mentions Jarl Erlingr Skjálgsson as Óláfr Tryggvason’s brother-in-law. In this way, Sigvatr seems to underscore in the stanza the high ranks of Erlingr and Rǫgnvaldr by recalling their affinity to Óláfr Tryggvason. It is worth noting that Rǫgnvaldr’s elevated political position in Scandinavia may be seen as the result not only of his relatedness to Óláfr Tryggvason by the marriage to the latter’s sister but also – thanks to this marriage – of his relatedness to Erlingr, who was a popular and powerful ruler of southwestern Norway.²⁹

The friendly relations with Óláfr Tryggvason seem to be – in a way – continued by Rǫgnvaldr during Óláfr Haraldsson’s reign, which is not only suggested by the stanza quoted earlier but also evidenced by other parts of Austrfararvísur. The poem has been considered by scholars not once³⁰; however, there are still many uncertainties regarding its content. Sigvatr does not explicitly define the aim of his mission – commissioned by Óláfr Haraldsson – to Rǫgnvaldr, nor does he present its context. Stanzas 1–16³¹ constitute only a description of his journey, whereas the rest of Austrfararvísur (stanzas 17–21)³² refers to Sigvatr’s meeting with Rǫgnvaldr, forming (partly) a kind of report delivered in front of Óláfr and the king’s retinue. In the report, Sigvatr reassures the king that during the meeting he kept to the arrangements he had made with Óláfr. Then the poet emphasises that Rǫgnvaldr plainly expressed his loyalty and informs the king about the jarl’s petition for good treatment of his men who appear, as it may be assumed, in Norway. At the same time, Sigvatr reassures Óláfr about Rǫgnvaldr’s support for the king’s fellows who will travel “east” (austr), which probably refers to the territories governed by Rǫgnvaldr. It appears, therefore, that at the meeting the jarl requested mutual support for his and Óláfr’s men traveling through their respective territories. In order to be more convincing in reference to the jarl’s loyalty (or the loyalty of Rǫgnvaldr’s clan), the poet recites the stanza (quoted previously) on the military assistance Óláfr had been provided by some Rǫgnvaldr’s relative at the time of the battle of Nesjar. Then Sigvatr informs the king that “wise Úlfr” (spakr Ulfr) – which may refer to Rǫgnvaldr’s father or son³³ – accepted (or effectively supported) some peace proposals that, as the poet’s words imply, were offered by Óláfr. Sigvatr does not specify these peace proposals, nor does he give details about the conflict which, according to his further words, is ended in this way. His report only suggests that the conflict was caused by the breaking of some – unspecified again – arrangement. At the same time, the poet underlines Rǫgnvaldr’s attitude – the jarl behaved as if there were no enmity caused by the breach, conceding (or persuading other members of his clan to concede) the conflict to Óláfr. Sigvatr seems to be a great proponent of Rǫgnvaldr, praising the jarl and emphasising his and his clan’s loyalty to Óláfr. This is clearly visible in stanza 21, which is considered to be the last stanza of the poem. It reads as follows:

Fast skalt, ríkr, við ríkan Rǫgnvald, konungr, halda — hann es þýðr at þinni

þǫrf nǫ́tt ok dag — sǫ́ttum. Þann veitk, þinga kennir, þik baztan vin miklu á austrvega eiga

allt með grœnu salti.

You must, powerful king, hold fast this covenant with the powerful Rǫgnvaldr; he is well-disposed to your needs night and day. In him I know you, master of assemblies [i.e., ruler], to have by far the best friend in the east all along the green brine [i.e., the Baltic].³⁴

Sigvatr’s report implies that there had been a strong alliance between Óláfr Haraldsson and Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson’s clan, which had led Óláfr to victory in his struggle for power in Norway. However, at some point the alliance was violated by the breaking of some agreement. Sigvatr’s firm and repeated assurances about the ongoing loyalty of Rǫgnvaldr and his clan suggest that the discord was caused by them. Nonetheless, Óláfr seems to be concerned about the mutual relations with Rǫgnvaldr as he offers some peace proposals in order to heal the breach. The proposals are presented by Sigvatr, who meets with a positive response at the jarl’s court. Unfortunately, no contemporary sources give any clues about the factors that affected good relations between Óláfr Haraldsson and Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson’s clan. Though Sigvatr’s report from the meeting with Rǫgnvaldr is addressed to the king, stanza 1 indicates that the main recipient of his poem was the king’s retinue,³⁵ who seem to regard Sigvatr and his mission with suspicion. Therefore, the poet puts stress on the hardships he suffered during the mission, his status as a royal envoy, the credibility of the arrangements he made with Rǫgnvaldr, and the pledges of loyalty. As the proponent of peace and an alliance between Óláfr Haraldsson and Rǫgnvaldr’s clan, Sigvatr seems to provide justification for his actions commissioned by the king.³⁶ The only indications regarding the context of Austrfararvísur and the controversy that Sigvatr’s mission could have provoked among Óláfr Haraldsson’s hirdmen are provided by Friðgerðar-saga, which is contained or referred to in several prose sources.

Friðgerðarsaga, regardless of its variant, tells the story of a feud over disputed territories between Óláfr Eiríksson and Óláfr Haraldsson, which is to be ended by Óláfr Eiríksson’s decision to marry Ingigerðr, his legitimate daughter, to the Norwegian king. Óláfr Eiríksson does not keep his word and gives Ingigerðr in marriage to Rus’ prince Yaroslav the Wise. The story ends with Óláfr Haraldsson marrying Ástríðr, an illegitimate daughter of the Swedish king.³⁷ According to Snorri Sturluson – the author of Óláfs saga helga in Heimskringla and in a separate version – Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson played an important role in the negotiations with the Swedish king. The jarl was then responsible for the arrangement of Óláfr Haraldsson and Ingigerðr’s marriage. Hence, after Óláfr Eiríksson’s breach of the agreement, some of the Norwegian king’s followers believed that Rǫgnvaldr had not bothered to make the Swedish king keep his word. Then, as Snorri holds, Sigvatr visited the jarl in order to learn about the stance of the Swedish king and to determine whether a settlement could be reached. The visit resulted in Sigvatr’s report delivered in front of the king and his retinue.³⁸ Snorri’s work is the only source that mentions Rǫgnvaldr’s role in the peace negotiations between the two kings. The first helmingr of stanza 21 and the second helmingr of stanza 18 of Sigvatr’s report are also quoted in Fagrskinna, but the saga does not provide much information about their context. They are quoted right after the story of the unfulfilled marriage between Óláfr Haraldsson and Ingigerðr, and the saga informs the reader that Sigvatr recited them after his mission on behalf of the king to Garðaríki, where Rǫgnvaldr resided at that time (no details of this mission are given). Slightly earlier, Fagrskinna informs that Sigvatr composed Austrfararvísur in which he described his expedition to the Swedish king, on which he was sent by Óláfr Haraldsson in order to seek reconciliation after Óláfr Eiríksson breached the agreement.

Friðgerðarsaga seems to be more a piece of literature than a historical source. However, all texts that present or refer to this story have something in common – they correspondingly provide four specific pieces of information upon which the colourful Fridgerdarsaga seems to have been built: (1) Óláfr Haraldsson was to marry Ingigerðr, but (2) something went wrong (we do not known exactly what, but the writers blame Óláfr Eiríksson) and (3) Ingigerðr married Yaroslav the Wise, whereas (4) Ástríðr became the wife of Óláfr Haraldsson. Hence, these pieces of information seem to constitute undisputed historical knowledge that formed a part of collective memory upheld by certain Scandinavian societies in the 12th and 13th centuries (when the texts containing or referring to Friðgerðarsaga were written). Nonetheless, the extent to which this knowledge corresponds to the historical reality remains unclear. Even less can be said about the presumptive role of Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson in these events. Having no other sources than Snorri’s narrative and taking into account Fagrskinna linking Austrfararvísur to the peace negotiations between the two kings, one may only speculate that the breach of the agreement mentioned by Sigvatr and the controversy that the poet’s mission stirred in Norway may be related to Rǫgnvaldr’s unsuccessful representation of Óláfr Haraldsson’s interests in Sweden.³⁹

Whatever caused the relations between the Norwegian king and Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson’s clan to deteriorate, the former was eager or even desperate – assuming that the clan was blamed for the deterioration – to restore them. This is why he decided to send Sigvatr – another supporter of fostering good relations with Rǫgnvaldr and his kinsmen – with peace proposals to the jarl’s court. This implies that Óláfr Haraldsson highly valued the alliance with Rǫgnvaldr’s clan not only because it once had helped him to seize power in Norway but because it could be still useful and, therefore, worth sustaining. Thanks to this alliance, Óláfr could possibly be more capable of securing his power in Norway and/or normalising relations – or maintaining newly normalised relations – with the Swedish king, who, most probably, questioned Óláfr’s rules at least for the territories that he himself claimed. Óláfr’s policy towards Sweden proved to be successful, which is shown by further events. This time, too, Rǫgnvaldr’s clan may have played its part.

The normalisation of Norwegian-Swedish relations was also in Óláfr Eiríksson’s interest. Like his Norwegian counterpart, Óláfr Eiríksson was an exponent of the new form of authority – centralised and legitimised through Christianity – which, as in Norway, gave rise to resentment among the local aristocracy. This unfavorable circumstance arose from the political structure of the country he had the ambition to rule. Rather than being a solid monarchy with a structure of elites resembling some future feudal models, early medieval Sweden comprised a loose set of petty kingdoms and regional chieftaincies. Neither Óláfr Eiríksson nor his son and successor Anund Jakob changed much of the political landscape of the country, though they managed to centralise some power in Svealand (in the area of Lake Mälar including Sigtuna) and gain influence in Västergötland; because of this, Óláfr Eiríksson is often considered as the first king of Sweden. This fragmented realm was still a scene of competition between local leaders inflamed by individuals who reaped the benefits of traveling abroad for trade and/or raiding, for example, as the warriors supporting Cnut the Great in his English campaign.⁴⁰ So, having or making a new enemy abroad was not to Óláfr Eiríksson’s advantage.

Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson seems to be one of these regional leaders, and a distinguished one – the only “Swedish” political leader of that time mentioned by name in historical sources (excluding Óláfr Eiríksson, Anund Jakob, and Rǫgnvaldr’s kinsmen) – who was influential and powerful enough to engage deeply in foreign affairs. Rǫgnvaldr and the clan he seems to have led appear to be the link connecting the two kings who expressed similar political ideas and needs, especially the need for allies to strengthen their position against domestic and foreign rivals. So, it may be assumed that Rǫgnvaldr did not object to the new form of kingship implemented by the two kings. Moreover, the same model of authority was being enforced by Óláfr Tryggvason. As noted previously, Rǫgnvaldr was married to Óláfr Tryggvason’s sister. The information in the only reliable source that mentions this marriage (i.e., Sigvatr Þórðarson’s Flokkr about Erlingr Skjálgsson) is, however, scant. More information is provided by the prose tradition, according to which Rǫgnvaldr – in order to keep friendly relations with the Norwegian king – married Óláfr Tryggvason’s sister (Ingibjǫrg) on the condition that he and his retinue be baptised.⁴¹ Though the reliability of the Old Norse prose sources is contested, it would not be entirely reasonable to presume that Óláfr Tryggvason would marry his sister to a non-Christian. And there is no reason to reject the assumption that this marriage was a token of an alliance or friendly relations established or kept for some political reason. This raises the question of whether Rǫgnvaldr’s relations with Óláfr Tryggvason were the source of the jarl’s friendly attitude towards Óláfr Haraldsson. If so, was this an expression of Rǫgnvaldr’s loyalty to Haraldr Fairhair’s line to which the two Norwegians were thought to belong or an expression of his advocacy for the political vision that both kings shared? All of these questions remain unanswered.

Alongside the domestic threats and, possibly, the similar model of kingship, there was another factor that brought Óláfr Haraldsson and Óláfr Eiríksson together – the Danish bid for supremacy in the North. Though the Swedish king cooperated with the Danish royal house, he wished to break free from the Danish dominion under which he struggled.⁴² Óláfr Haraldsson and Ástríðr’s marriage is interpreted as one of the measures Óláfr Eiríksson took to pursue this course.⁴³ Anund Jakob continued this policy after his father’s death in 1021–1022, which led to the joint military invasion of Denmark launched by the two kings in 1026.⁴⁴ Apart from the skaldic poetry and the Scandinavian prose sources, the conflict is referred to briefly by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (E text) and the Gesta Regum Anglorum of William of Malmesbury. The latter two mention mysterious “Ulf” and “E(i)glaf” as the persons involved in these events.⁴⁵ The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle informs the reader that a battle took place in Denmark where the Danish and English forces of Cnut the Great faced the army of “Ulf” and “Eglaf” and the army that came from Sweden. The source underscores that the victory was gained by “the Swedes” (“⁊ þa Sweon heafdon weallstowe ge weald”). William of Malmesbury suggests that “Ulf” and “Eiglaf” were “the kings” (“reges”) of the Swedes whose forces had caught Cnut in some ambush, but then were put to flight by him. Neither source provides many details, nor do they even mention Óláfr Haraldsson (or the Norwegians in general) and Anund Jakob. Cnut’s only opponents are “Ulf”, “E(i)glaf”, and the Swedes. The two mysterious individuals are often associated with the brothers Úlfr and Eilífr Þórgilsson – prominent Danish political figures who were cooperating with Cnut.⁴⁶ This assumption corresponds to the accounts telling of the revolt led by Úlfr Þórgilsson against the king in Denmark at the time of the invasion. However, Ove Moberg suggests that “Ulf” and “E(i)glaf” are Úlfr and Eilífr Rǫgnvaldsson – the sons of Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson – who, according to this assumption, engaged in the Swedish-Norwegian invasion as commanders of the Swedish fleet.⁴⁷ Moberg’s postulate should not be rejected. There are only two late sources that mention Úlfr Þórgilsson’s revolt – that is, Snorri Sturluson’s Óláfs saga helga and the Gesta Danorum of Saxo Grammaticus⁴⁸ – and only the latter informs the reader about the military support that Úlfr Þórgilsson gave the invaders. It is also worth noting that the English sources mention “Ulf” and “E(i)glaf” in the context of the Swedish military operation, making no reference to any revolt (or plot) led by the Danish aristocrat(s). Moreover, according to Sigvatr Þórðarson’s Knútsdrápa, the aim of Óláfr Haraldsson and Anund Jakob was to seize power in Denmark,⁴⁹ which seems to be counter to the supposed interest of the revolting aristocracy, who (if at all) aimed to deprive Cnut of power primarily for their own benefit.⁵⁰ Hence, Moberg’s presumption appears to be at least as plausible as the previous one.⁵¹ This allows one to assume that, in 1026, Rǫgnvaldr’s clan and Óláfr Haraldsson may have cooperated again, protecting the interests of the latter and the Swedish king.

Nothing is more certain regarding any further relations between the future saint and the jarl’s clan. There are some clues in the late Old Norse prose sources, but they do not offer an unequivocal answer to the speculations. According to Snorri Sturluson’s Óláfs saga helga, Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson left Sweden with Princess Ingigerðr when she was going to Rus’ to marry Prince Yaroslav. Then he settled in Aldeigjuborg (Ladoga/Staraya Ladoga, to the north of Novgorod), which Ingigerðr bestowed upon him with some jarl’s dominion that belonged to it. He stayed there for a long time and was a renowned man.⁵² There is a slight suggestion in Snorri’s text that Úlfr and Eilífr Rǫgnvaldsson (both mentioned by name) went to Rus’ with their father.⁵³ Fagrskinna does not mention this episode, but it does state that Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson was granted a jarldom in Rus’ in order to keep heathens away from the prince’s realm. According to the source, Rǫgnvaldr died around the time of the battle of Stiklarstaðir (in which Óláfr Haraldsson fell) and the consequent flight of the Norwegian exiles – including Óláfr Haraldsson’s half-brother Haraldr Sigurðarson – to Rus’ (ca. 1031). Then his authority was taken over by “Jarl Eilífr”.⁵⁴ It seems that Aldeigjuborg and its surroundings constituted the “jarldómr” that, according to Fagrskinna, Eilífr inherited. The presence of this son of Rǫgnvaldr in Rus’ around the time that the Norwegian exiles appeared there is also mentioned in Óláfs saga helga and Hulda-Hrokkinskinna.⁵⁵ Sometime before the battle of Stiklarstaðir, as the result of Cnut the Great’s intervention in Norway, Óláfr Haraldsson also decided to leave his country (1028–1029) and found refuge at Yaroslav the Wise’s court. To what extent Óláfr owed this to the presumed presence (and intercession) of Rǫgnvaldr or his kinsmen in Rus’ remains unknown. It is quite probable that Óláfr’s marriage to Ingigerðr’s half-sister – as a token of the tripartite alliance between the rulers of Norway, Sweden, and Rus’ – was the only sufficient means to ensure his safety after power waned in his realm.

According to Óláfs saga helga and Hulda-Hrokkinskinna, after arriving in Rus’, Haraldr Sigurðarson became a chieftain charged with the defence of the country together with Eilífr. While mentioning Rǫgnvaldr’s/Eilífr’s jarldom and the arrival of the Norwegian exiles, Fagrskinna states that Haraldr became second in command over Yaroslav’s army. In these fragments, all three sources quote the stanza (Fagrskinna quotes only its first helmingr) composed by Haraldr’s court poet Þjóðólfr Arnórsson.⁵⁶ The stanza refers to a military action conducted by Haraldr and an individual named Eilífr during the campaign of the Rus’ against the Poles in 1031.⁵⁷ Although Þjóðólfr provides no further details about the Eilífr he mentions, the prose context of the stanza suggests that this person was Jarl Rǫgnvaldr’s son. Acceptance of this suggestion would mean that Þjóðólfr’s stanza is the only contemporary source that refers to the presence of Rǫgnvaldr’s clan (or at least one of its members) in Rus’⁵⁸ and that friendly relations between the Norwegian kings and Rǫgnvaldr’s clan found their continuation during Haraldr’s stay in that country.

Abbreviations

Ágrip =

Ágrip af Nóregskonungasǫgum. A Twelfth-Century Synoptic History of the Kings of Norway, ed. M. J. Driscoll, 2nd ed. (London: Viking Society for Northern Research, 2008)

HN =

Historia Norwegie, eds. I. Ekrem, L. B. Mortensen, trans. P. Fisher (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2003, e-book 2006)

ÍF26–28 =

Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla, vols. 1–3, ed. Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson (Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag, 2002)

ÍF29 =

Ágrip af Nóregskonunga sǫgum. Fagrskinna – Nóregs konunga tal, ed. Bjarni Einarsson (Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag, 1984)

LS =

Olafs saga hins helga. Die “Legendarische Saga” über Olaf den Heiligen, eds. A. Heinrichs et al. (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1982)

ÓttHfl =

Óttarr svarti, Hǫfuðlausn, ed. M. Townend. SP1, 739–767

SigvAustv =

Sigvatr Þórðarson, Austrfararvísur, ed. R. D. Fulk. SP1, 578–614

SigvNesv =

Sigvatr Þórðarson, Nesjavísur, ed. R. Poole. SP1, 558–578

SP1 =

Skaldic Poetry from the Scandinavian Middle Ages. Vol. 1, Poetry from the Kings’ Sagas 1: From Mythical Times to c. 1035, ed. D. Whaley (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012)

SP2 =

Skaldic Poetry from the Scandinavian Middle Ages. Vol. 2, Poetry from the Kings’ Sagas 2: From c. 1035 to c. 1300, ed. K. E. Gade (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009)

Theodoricus =

Theodoricus, De antiquitate regum Norwagiensium. On the Old Norwegian Kings, ed. E. Kraggerud (Oslo: Novus forlag, 2018)

Notes

· 1 Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla, vols. 1–3, ed. Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson (Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag, 2002) (hereafter ÍF26–28): ÍF27, 36–39; Ágrip af Nóregskonunga sǫgum. Fagrskinna – Nóregs konunga tal, ed. Bjarni Einarsson (Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag, 1984), 171–72 (hereafter ÍF29); Olafs saga hins helga. Die “Legendarische Saga” über Olaf den Heiligen, eds. Anne Heinrichs et al. (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1982), c. 19–22 (hereafter LS); Ágrip af Nóregskonungasǫgum. A Twelfth-Century Synoptic History of the Kings of Norway, ed. Matthew J. Driscoll, 2nd ed. (London: Viking Society for Northern Research, 2008), c. 23 (hereafter Ágrip); Theodoricus, De antiquitate regum Norwagiensium. On the Old Norwegian Kings, ed. Egil Kraggerud (Oslo: Novus forlag, 2018), c. 15 (hereafter Theodoricus).

· 2 ÍF27, 39–70; ÍF29, 172–7; LS, c. 22–25; Ágrip, c. 24; Theodoricus, c. 15.

· 3 ÍF27, 71. According to the Legendary Saga of St. Olaf and Fagrskinna (LS, c. 25; ÍF29, 177), Sveinn came to Sweden after he had journeyed to Denmark. The prose sources inform the reader that earlier Óláfr Eiríksson left the Norwegian regions that he acquired after the battle of Svǫlðr under Sveinn’s control (ÍF26, 370–1; ÍF29, 164; Theodoricus, c. 14; cf. Ágrip, c. 21 and LS, c. 39; see Per S. Andersen, Samlingen av Norge og kristningen av landet 800–1130 (Bergen: Universitetsforlaget, 1977), 106–9). Snorri Sturluson also suggests that Sveinn was related to Óláfr Eiríksson by marriage (ÍF26, 370; ÍF27, 67, 71; cf. Egil Kraggerud’s comment in Theodoricus, 230).

· 4 Óttarr svarti, Hǫfuðlausn, ed. Matthew Townend. SP1, 761 (hereafter ÓttHfl); Sigvatr Þórðarson, Víkingarvísur, ed. Judith Jesch. SP1, 555.

· 5 Sigvatr Þórðarson, Nesjavísur, ed. Russel Poole. SP1, 558–78 (hereafter SigvNesv).

· 6 SigvNesv, 575.

· 7 SigvNesv, 558, 572.

· 8 SigvNesv, 573–75 (including notes). Fagrskinna explains this part of the poem by saying that Óláfr was betrayed by the people of Trøndelag, who had pledged allegiance to him, but then fought against him on Sveinn’s side (ÍF29, 177).

· 9 SigvNesv, 565.

· 10 SigvNesv, 573. There are various theories concerning this discrepancy. For their overview, see Jakub Morawiec, Między poezją a polityką. Rozgrywki polityczne w Skandynawii XI wieku w świetle poezji ówczesnych skaldów (Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego, 2016), 341–42; also see bibliographical indications in Russel Poole’s commentary (SigvNesv, 574).

· 11 SigvNesv, 561, 563.

· 12 ÓttHfl, 759. Óttarr’s information is then repeated by the prose sources (ÍF27, 35; ÍF29, 170; LS, c. 19; Theodoricus, c. 15; Ágrip, c. 23; Historia Norwegie, eds. Inger Ekrem, Lars B. Mortensen, trans. Peter Fisher (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2003, e-book 2006), c. 18 (hereafter HN)).

· 13 Sverre Bagge, “Olav den Hellige som norsk konge (1015–28),” Historisk tidsskrift (Norway) 94 (2015): 563.

· 14 SigvNesv, 559.

· 15 Cf. Bagge, “Olav den Hellige som norsk konge (1015–28),” 563. However, it should be taken into account that the engagement of Eiríkr Hákonarson in England could have left Sveinn with reduced military potential of the regions supporting the jarls of Lade.

· 16 Sigvatr Þórðarson, Austrfararvísur, ed. Robert D. Fulk. SP1, 578 (hereafter SigvAustv) (Robert D. Fulk’s introduction to the poem).

· 17 SigvAustv, 609.

· 18 See Notes in SigvAustv, 610 (including bibliographical references).

· 19 Which led Norwegian king Óláfr Tryggvason to his death and resulted in seizing power in Norway by King Sveinn Forkbeard of Denmark, Óláfr Eiríksson and the jarls of Lade.

· 20 ÍF27, 54–55.

· 21 See Notes in SigvAustv, 609.

· 22 See Morawiec, Między poezją a polityką, 368–69, and Notes in SigvAustv, 610–11 (including bibliographical references in both cases).

· 23 See Bo Gräslund, “Snorre, Ragnvald Ulfsson och Brunnsbo Storäng. Till frågan om ett jarlssäte i Västergötland vid skiftet mellan forntid och medeltid,” Västergötlands fornminnesförenings tidsskrift (1983–1984): 42–44; Vadim Kazanskij, “Till frågan om det svenska jarlämbetets ursprung,” Scandia: Tidskrift för historisk forskning 67, no. 2 (2001): 202–4 (including bibliographical references in both cases).

· 24 SigvAustv, 583.

· 25 However, some phrases used in the poem allow one to assume that he was holding this title. In stanza 18, Sigvatr refers, most probably, to Rǫgnvaldr, calling him “the kinsman of jarls” (nefi jarla), which may be interpreted as “the jarl” (see SigvAustv, 608). In another stanza, the one quoted previously, Rǫgnvaldr’s rank may be suggested by a quite similar phrase (jarla frændi) attributed to one of his kinsmen.

· 26 SigvAustv, 600, 606, 613.

· 27 Cf. Kazanskij, “Till frågan,” 197ff.; Gräslund, “Snorre, Ragnvald Ulfsson och Brunnsbo Storäng,” 39.

· 28 Sigvatr Þórðarson, Flokkr about Erlingr Skjálgsson, ed. Judith Jesch. SP1, 640.

· 29 General information on Erlingr Skjálgsson in SP1, ccvii.

· 30 See Hans Toll, “Sigvat skalds resa till Svithjod,” Historisk Tidsskrift (Norway) 26(5 ser. 5) (1924): 546–65; Finnur Jónsson, Austrfararvísur (Oslo: Dybwad, 1932); Ove Moberg, Olav Haraldsson, Knut den store och Sverige: studier i Olav den heliges förhållande till de nordiska grannländerna (Lund: Gleerup, 1941); Otto von Friesen, “Fredsförhandlingarna mellan Olov Skötkonung och Olav Haraldsson,” Historisk tidskrift (Sweden) 62 (1942): 205–70; Morawiec, Między poezją a polityką, 360–70.

· 31 SigvAustv, 583–605.

· 32 SigvAustv, 606–13.

· 33 For the opinions with regard to spakr Ulfr, see Notes in SigvAustv, 612.

· 34 SigvAustv, 613–14.

· 35 SigvAustv, 583. In this stanza, Sigvatr asks the king’s retinue – not the king – to hear his poem about the journey he made.

· 36 See the discussion in Morawiec, Między poezją a polityką, 360–70.

· 37 ÍF27, 74–100, 109–17, 129–48; ÍF29, 178–80; LS, c. 39–44. There are minor references to this story in Ágrip (c. 25), Theodoricus (c. 16), and HN (c. 18).

· 38 Snorri also quotes some other parts of Austrfararvísur in the context of this mission (stanzas 1–8, 13–16). The rest of the poem (stanzas 9–12) is quoted earlier in the saga in reference to the previous mission in which, according to the text, Sigvatr took part; the aim of this mission was to make pace with Óláfr Eiríksson. En route, Óláfr Haraldsson’s envoys visited Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson in order to find support.

· 39 Another hypothesis about the dissonance between Óláfr Haraldsson and Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson can be built over Bengt Holmström’s interpretation of a mysterious figure witnessing Cnut’s charter from 1019 (WCM 12093). This figure is Regnold dux, who, according to B. Holmström, refers to Jarl Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson. The researcher assumes that the jarl – “a Swedish career diplomat” – probably appeared in England to inform Cnut about the marriage between Óláfr Haraldsson and Ástríðr (see Bengt Holmström, “‘Ego Cnuto’ – a Winchester Document with Scandinavian Implications,” in The Fantastic in Old Norse/Icelandic Literature: Preprint Papers of the 13th International Saga Conference, Durham and York 6th–12th August 2006, vol. 1, eds. John S. McKinnell, David Ashurst, and Donata Kick (Durham: Centre for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2006), 399–406). That being the case, Rǫgnvaldr’s diplomatic mission to Cnut may have caused a negative reaction among Óláfr Haraldsson’s followers. Unfortunately, there are no other sources that could at least partly support these assumptions.

· 40 See Timothy Bolton, The Empire of Cnut the Great. Conquest and the Consolidation of Power in Northern Europe in the Early Eleventh Century (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2009), 246–49. For more on the formation of Sweden, see Peter Sawyer, The Making of Sweden (Alingsås: Viktoria Bokförlag, 1989); Thomas Lindkvist, “Kings and Provinces in Sweden,” in The Cambridge History of Scandinavia, vol. 1, Prehistory to 1520, ed. Knut Helle (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 221–34.

· 41 Gräslund, “Snorre, Ragnvald Ulfsson och Brunnsbo Storäng,” 43; Kazanskij, “Till frågan,” 202. See the latter’s opinion on Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson’s role in the Christianisation of Sweden (202–3).

· 42 It is worth noting that an alliance between the kings of Sweden and Norway could have been less feasible at the turn of the 10th and 11th centuries due to Óláfr Eiríksson’s deeper submission to King Sveinn Forkbeard of Denmark, which resulted in Óláfr’s support being given to the Danish king at the battle of Svǫlðr.

· 43 Bolton, The Empire of Cnut the Great, 242–43; Jakub Morawiec, Knut Wielki. Król Anglii, Danii i Norwegii (ok. 995–1035) (Kraków: Avalon, 2013), 223; Maciej Lubik, Olaf Haraldsson. Wiking, król, święty (Zielona Góra: Oficyna Wydawnicza Uniwersytetu Zielonogórskiego, 2020), 154–61.

· 44 Bolton, The Empire of Cnut the Great, 235–38, 243–45; Morawiec, Knut Wielki, 230–42; Lubik, Olaf Haraldsson, 161–71.

· 45 Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, vol. 1, ed. Charles Plummer (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892), 157; William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum. The History of the English Kings, vol. 1, eds. Roger A. B. Mynors, Rodney M. Thomson, and Michael Winterbottom (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), c. 181: 6.

· 46 Bolton, The Empire of Cnut the Great, 232–38; Morawiec, Knut Wielki, 230–33, 239.

· 47 Ove Moberg, “Knut den stores motståndare i slaget vid Helgeå,” Scandia: Tidskrift för historisk forskning 51, no. 1–2 (1985): 13–15.

· 48 ÍF27, 275–77, 284–86; Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum. The History of the Danes, vol. 1, eds. Karsten Friis-Jensen, trans. Peter Fisher (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), X.16.4–17.6.

· 49 Sigvatr Þórðarson, Knútsdrápa, ed. Matthew Townend. SP1, 657. This may also be suggested in Knútsdrápa composed by Óttarr svarti (Óttarr svarti, Knútsdrápa, ed. Matthew Townend. SP1, 781).

· 50 See Morawiec, Knut Wielki, 238–39.

· 51 Cf. Michael K. Lawson, Cnut: England’s Viking King, 2nd ed. (Stroud: Tempus, 2004), 94–95.

· 52 ÍF27, 146–48.

· 53 Úlfr is mentioned only in the context of Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson moving to Rus’, while Eilífr is mentioned again (later in the text) as an important figure in Yaroslav the Wise’s army (ÍF28, 70).

· 54 ÍF29, 227.

· 55 “Hulda-Hrokkinskinna,” Fornmanna søgur. Eptir gömlum handritum, vol. 6 (Kaupmannhøfn: Hið konúngliga norræna fornfræða fèlag, 1831), 132. Snorri Sturluson, referring to the same episode, states that Eilífr was Jarl Rǫgnvaldr’s son, but he does not specify which Rǫgnvaldr exactly (ÍF28, 70). However, the position of a jarl ascribed to the latter and the previous content of Óláfs saga helga suggest that this was Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson.

· 56 Þjóðólfr Arnórsson, Runhent poem about Haraldr, ed. Diana Whaley. SP2, 103.

· 57 Maciej Lubik, “Haraldr Sigurðarson’s Arrival in Rus’ and His Participation in the Campaign Against Poland in 1031,” Historisk tidsskrift (Norway) 99, no. 1 (2020): 6–20.

· 58 It is worth noting that Eilífr Rǫgnvaldsson is not mentioned by name in any other Scandinavian contemporary source.