INTRODUCTION
1. For the earliest case in the twelfth century, see E. M. Rose, The Murder of William of Norwich: The Origins of Blood Libel in Medieval Europe (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), and for sixteenth-century Germany, R. Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988); for a broader look, see Alan Dundes (ed.), The Blood Libel Legend: A Casebook in Anti-Semitic Folklore (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991).
2. R. Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475: Stories of a Ritual Murder Trial (New Haven, CT: Yale University, 1992).
3. Stephen Bowd, “Tales from Trent: The Construction of ‘Saint’ Simon in Manuscript and Print, 1475–1511,” in The Saint Between Manuscript and Print: Italy 1400–1600, ed. Alison K. Frazier (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2015), 188n20.
4. The first passio was written by Giovanni Mattia Tiberino, one of the doctors who examined Simon’s body the day after it was discovered. Passio beati Simonis pueri Tridentini (Rome: Bartholomaeus Guldinbeck, 1475). For the complications of the exact date that Tiberino actually wrote the text, see Wolfgang Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess: Voraussetzungen—Abläufe—Auswirkungen (1475–1588) (Hannover: Verlag Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1996), 293–95. I would like to thank Margaret Meserve for sharing her work and insight with me.
5. Bowd, “Tales from Trent,” 183.
6. Raffaele Zonvenzoni, “Divo Ioanni Inderbacchio,” in “On Everyone’s Lips”: Humanists, Jews, and the Tale of Simon of Trent, ed. Stephen Bowd, tr. J. Donald Cullington (Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2012), 58; adapted translation, 59.
7. Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475, 70.
8. Battista de’ Giudici, Apologia Iudaeorum; Invectiva contra Platinam: Propaganda antiebraica e polemiche de Curia durante il pontificato di Sisto IV (1471–1484), ed. and tr. Diego Quaglioni (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 1987).
9. Lorenzo Di Fonzo, “Il processo di canonizzazione di S. Bonaventura da Bagnoregio O. Min. (1474–82),” in San Bonaventura, maestro di vita francescana e di sapienza Cristiana: Atti del Congresso Internazionale per il VII Centenario di San Bonaventura da Bagnoregio; Roma, 19–26 settembre 1974, ed. Alfonso Pompei (Rome: Pontificia Facoltà Teologica “San Bonaventura,” 1976), 227–89; Alberto Forni and Paolo Vian, “Bernardino da Siena e Bonaventura da Bagnoregio: Due santi francescani fra Giovanni da Capestrano e Sisto IV,” in Giovanni da Capestrano e la riforma della Chiesa: Atti del V Convegno di Greccio; Greccio, 4–5 maggio 2007, ed. Alvaro Cacciotti and Maria Melli (Milan: Edizioni Biblioteca Francescana, 2008), 97–140. For a broader context, see Ronald C. Finucane, Contested Canonizations: The Last Medieval Saints, 1482–1523 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2011), 33–70. Sixtus also made the feast day of Saint Francis a holy day of obligation. Alison Knowles Frazier, Possible Lives: Authors and Saints in Renaissance Italy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), 236.
10. De’ Giudici, Apologia Iudaeorum, 112.
11. Margaret Meserve, “News from Negroponte: Politics, Popular Opinion, and Information Exchange in the First Decade of the Italian Press,” Renaissance Quarterly 59 (2006): 440–80.
12. Reports of massacres emerged within days of the conquest: see the letters of the ambassador of Ferrara, Niccolò Sadoleto, in Naples, quoted in Karen-edis Barzman, The Limits of Identity: Early Modern Venice, Dalmatia, and the Representation of Difference (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 27–28.
13. War began again almost immediately after Otranto was liberated; by 1482 the papacy had allied with Venice against Naples and Ferrara, and the Neapolitans had sent a Turkish cavalry unit recruited at Otranto to attack the Roman countryside. Kenneth Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 1204–1571, vol. 2, The Fifteenth Century (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1978), 376.
14. Penny Cole, “Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, MS McClean 51, Pope Sixtus IV, and the Fall of Otranto (August 1480),” in A Distinct Voice: Medieval Studies in Honor of Leonard E. Boyle, O.P., ed. Jacqueline Brown and William P. Stoneman (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997), 103–20, esp. 105.
15. Cole, “Fall of Otranto,” 106.
16. Alphonso of Calabria, heir to the throne, brought some of the bodies back to Naples, where they were installed as relics, first in the church of Santa Maria Maddalena (Sixtus IV attended this installation, Frazier, Possible Lives, 236) and then a few years later in the church of Santa Caterina a Formiello. In many ways, the shrine of the relics commemorated Alphonso’s victory over the Turks more than it did the glories of the martyrs. Alfonso did not commission the writing of the passio of the martyrs, nor did he request the papacy to consider canonizing them; that only began in 1539.
17. This passio dates to the later fourteenth century, and was the one that most likely accompanied the canonization.
18. Chronica XXIV generalium ministrorum ordinis fratrum minorum, in Analecta Franciscana (Quaracchi: Ex Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1898), 3:18. One of the miracles of the martyrs referred to a girl who had been baptized by a chaplain associated with their story; the account did not make clear, however, how the girl came to be converted. Chronica XXIV, 595.
19. Accounts of a few other miracles did not specify where they had occurred; it may have been in Moroccan territory, but they were miracles that preserved the purity of the relics from the approach of sinful Christians. The only exception is recounted in the appendix of some versions of the Chronica, which recorded that one Christian was healed of an eye injury after a fly that had landed on the relics subsequently rested on his eye. Chronica XXIV, 594.
20. The Moroccan chronicler Ibn Abī Zar’ al-Fāsī did record a famine in these years. See the citation in Clara Maillard, Les papes et le Maghreb aux XIème et XVème siècles: Étude des lettres pontificales de 1199 a 1419 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014), 63.
21. Curiously, the sultan of Morocco at this time died a few years later in 1224, still quite young and without heirs. No source, however, connects his early death to the martyrs.
22. I have discussed this separation more fully in “Martyrdom and the Muslim World Through Franciscan Eyes,” Catholic Historical Review 97 (2011): 1–23.
23. One of the companions of Francis, Giles of Assisi, grumbled that the leaders of the order had failed to promote the cause of the five friars at the papal court (Dicta beati Aegidii Assisiensis [Quaracchi: Ex Typographia Collegi S. Bonaventurae, 1905], 75), and a push was made in the early fourteenth century by Jaime II of Aragon to no avail.
24. Also underway was a campaign to canonize the Franciscan Giovanni da Capestrano, whose defense of Belgrade against the Ottomans was widely celebrated, but who was not a martyr. Sixtus may have avoided canonizing John because he was an Observant Franciscan, that is, from a branch of the order devoted to a strict interpretation of poverty and often in conflict with the Conventual branch that Sixtus himself belonged to. Instead, he canonized Bonaventure, from whom the Conventuals derived much of their position on poverty. Bonaventure’s canonization may also have been a response to the canonization of the Observant Bernardino da Siena (1450). Forni and Vian, “Bernardino da Siena e Bonaventura da Bagnoregio.”
25. Antonio Antonaci, I processi nella causa di beatificazione dei martiri di Otranto ([Galatina]: Editrice Salentina, 1960). See the appendix for further details of the place of the martyrs in the modern era.
26. Anna Esposito, “Il culto del ‘beato’ Simonino e la sua prima diffusione in Italia,” in Il principe vescovo Johannes Hinderbach (1465–1486); fra tardo Medioevo e Umanesimo: Atti del Convegno promosso dalla Biblioteca Communale di Trento, 2–6 ottobre 1989, ed. Iginio Rogger and Marco Bellabarba (Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane Bologna, 1992), 430.
27. It is not clear when Sixtus learned of the massacre. Ilarione da Verona, a Benedictine monk, penned a letter describing the conquest of the city by the Turks and the massacres that followed in dramatic and classicizing language just a few months later. Though his letter was not widely circulated, it may have reached the papal court. Ilarione sent his letter to the Sienese cardinal Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini, nephew of Pius II and future Pius III (in 1503). He also dedicated his edition of the Compendium Aristotelis in naturali philosophia et metaphysica to Sixtus in 1478–79. The monk was unlikely to have been an eyewitness. His account is instead testimony to the information that had reached Naples. Lucia Gualdo Rosa, “Una lettera di Ilarione da Verona sulla presa di Otranto,” in Fonseca, Otranto 1480, 257–79.
28. Francesco Tateo has pointed out that the archbishop of Otranto, traditionally described as having been killed at the altar by the Turks, was recorded as being killed by fear in the earliest source. Francesco Tateo, “L’ideologia umanistica e il simbolo ‘immane’ di Otranto,” in Fonseca, Otranto 1480, 175. The citizens who were killed probably were not threatened with death unless they converted; this is a martyrological trope that developed later. For more, see Nancy Bisaha, Creating East and West: Renaissance Humanists and the Ottoman Turks (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), 157–61.
29. Antonaci, I Processi, 63–65.
30. As far as I am aware, the papacy did not promote any women as martyrs until the nineteenth century.
31. For further discussion, see Chapter 4. This account has been published as an appendix to the trial of the Franciscan Michele da Calci for heresy in Florence in 1388. Francesco Flora, Storia di Fra Michele Minorita (Florence: Felice le Monnier, 1942), 99; translation in Patrick Nold, Pope John XXII and His Franciscan Cardinal (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003), 14.
32. Jacques de Vitry, Historia occidentalis, ed. John Frederick Hinnebusch, O.P. (Fribourg: Fribourg University Press, 1972), 158; translation in Francis of Assisi: The Early Documents, vol. 1, The Saint, ed. Regis Armstrong, J. Wayne Hellman, and William J. Short (New York: New City Press, 1999), 582.
33. Jacques de Vitry, Historia occidentalis, 161; translation in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Saint, 584.
34. The bibliography on the origins of the Franciscan order is vast. The best recent introductory works are Jacques Dalarun, The Misadventure of Francis of Assisi: Towards a Historical Use of the Franciscan Legends, tr. Edward Hagman, O.F.M. Cap. (Saint Bonaventure, NY: Franciscan Institute Publications, 2002); Michael F. Cusato, The Early Franciscan Movement (1205–1239): History, Sources and Hermaneutics (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 2009); and Neslihan Şenocak, The Poor and the Perfect: The Rise of Learning in the Franciscan Order, 1209–1310 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012).
35. Jacques de Vitry, Historia occidentalis, 158; translation in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Saint, 582.
36. Thomas of Celano, “Vita secunda,” in Fontes Franciscani, ed. Enrico Menesto and Stefanò Brufani (Assisi: Porziuncula, 1995), 459. Thomas was drawing from the “Legend of the Three Companions”; Théophile Desbonnets (ed.), “Legenda trium Sociorum: Edition critique,” Archivium Franciscanum Historicum 67 (1974): 127.
37. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima S. Francisci Assisiensis,” in Analecta Franciscana (Quaracchi: Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1926), 10:69; translated in Thomas of Celano, “The Life of Saint Francis,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Saint, 261.
38. Chronica XXIV, 560. There is, of course, a great deal to be suspicious of in this story. For example, it is unlikely that there was any king in Gaza in 1354; Gaza was part of the Mamluk realm, and the sultan normally resided in Cairo.
39. Guilelmo also appeared in the fifteenth-century vernacular La Franceschina, by the Observant friar Giacomo Oddi, but this account was entirely dependent on that of the Chronica XXIV. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina: Testo volgare Umbro del secolo XV, ed. Nicola Cavanna, O.F.M. (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1931), 2:261–62.
40. He attributed this information to Saint Jerome. Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ed. Alessandro Vitale Brovarone and Lucetta Vitale Brovarone (Turin: G. Einaudi, 1995), 2:1101.
41. See Elizabeth Castelli, Martyrdom and Memory: Early Christian Culture Making (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), for an excellent discussion of this dynamic in early Christian experience and memory making.
42. Edith Wyschogrod, Saints and Postmodernism: Revisioning Moral Philosophy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 6.
43. The martyrs of Ceuta were nevertheless canonized in 1516. Luke Wadding, Annales minorum, seu Trium Ordinum a S. Francisco institutorum, 3rd ed. (Rome: Typis Rochi Bernabò, 1732), 2:34.
44. Bernard McGinn, The Flowering of Mysticism: Men and Women in the New Mysticism, 1200–1350 (New York: Crossroad, 1998), 31–152.
45. Amanda Power has warned that “Franciscans had no word to distinguish ‘missionary’ work from any other manifestation of their vocation, which suggests that the term may be better avoided by the historian.” “Going Among the Infidels: The Mendicant Orders and Louis IX’s First Mediterranean Campaign,” Medieval Historical Review 25 (2010): 189.
46. Martin Goodman, Mission and Conversion: Proselytizing in the Religious History of the Roman Empire (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), offers a typology; see 3–7.
47. Bert Roest, “Medieval Franciscan Mission,” in Strategies of Medieval Communal Identity: Judaism, Christianity and Islam, ed. Wout J. van Bekkum and Paul M. Cobb (Leuven: Peeters, 2004), 137–62.
48. For more, see Chapter 3.
49. Bernardino da Feltre had been preaching in Trent during the Christmas season before Simon’s death, and the prince-bishop corresponded with Michele Carcano, another Observant preacher linked to anti-usury and anti-Jewish campaigns, who included Simon in his preaching. Domenico Gobbi, “Presenze minoritiche nel Quattrocento Trentino,” Le Venezie francescane, n.s., 6 (1989): 239–52. For the origins and development of mendicant anti-Semitism, see Jeremy Cohen, The Friars and the Jews: The Evolution of Medieval Anti-Judaism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1982).
50. The reliquary is now in the Hermitage. See Debra Higgs Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews: Making Monsters in Medieval Art (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), 174; and the image of Saint Vincent, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms nouv. Acq. 16251, fol. 78r, accessed online at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b72000827/f169.item.r=. Similarly, the Cathar killer of the Dominican Peter Martyr was sometimes depicted similarly to a stereotypical Saracen. See, for example, the devotional book images (c. 1300) known as Madame Marie’s Book of Images: Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms nouv. Acq. 16251, fol. 93v, accessed online at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b72000827/f199.item.r=.
51. Jacques de Vitry, Lettres de Jacques de Vitry, ed. R. B. C. Huygens (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960), 75, ep. 1; translated in “Writings of Jacques de Vitry,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Saint, 579.
52. “Sacrum commercium sancti Francisci cum Domina Paupertate,” in Menestò and Brufani, Fontes Franciscani, 1729; translated in “The Sacred Exchange Between Saint Francis and Lady Poverty,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Saint, 552.
53. See, for example, the thirteenth-century arguments of mendicants and masters at the University of Paris, where the Dominican and Franciscan conceptions of poverty were seen as a clear attack on the propertied church. Andrew Traver, “The Forging of an Intellectual Defense of Mendicancy in the Medieval University,” in The Origin, Development, and Refinement of Medieval Religious Mendicancies, ed. Donald S. Prudlo (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 157–95.
54. See, for example, Kenneth B. Wolf, “The Earliest Lives of Muhammad,” in Conversion and Continuity: Indigenous Christian Communities in Islamic Lands, Eighth to Eighteenth Centuries, ed. Michael Gervers and Ramzi Jibran Bikhazi (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1990), 89–101.
55. Elaine Pagels, The Origin of Satan (New York: Random House, 1995), 49.
56. The Prophet of Islam in Old French: “The Romance of Muhammad” (1258) and “The Book of Muhammad’s Ladder” (1264), tr. Reginald Hyatte (Leiden: Brill, 1997); Lester Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1978).
57. Roger Bacon, Opus majus, ed. John Henry Bridges (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1897), for more, see Amanda Power, “Infideles in the Opus Maius of Roger Bacon,” in Travel and Travelers from Bede to Dampier, ed. Geraldine Barnes and Gabrielle Singleton (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars, 2005), 25–44. Amanda Power has also pointed out the unreliability of the published edition of the Opus maius: see “A Mirror for Every Age: The Reputation of Roger Bacon,” English Historical Review 121 (2006): 657–92, particularly 677–78.
58. Benjamin Kedar, Crusade and Mission: European Approaches Towards the Muslims (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984); see also Jessalynn Bird, “Crusade and Conversion After the Fourth Lateran Council (1215): Oliver of Paderborn’s and James of Vitry’s Missions to Muslims Reconsidered,” Essays in Medieval Studies 21 (2004): 23–48.
59. Marjorie Reeves, Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future (New York: Harper & Row, 1977), 29–58; for the conversion of Jews specifically, see Robert E. Lerner, The Feast of Saint Abraham: Medieval Millenarians and the Jews (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001). See also Kedar, Crusade and Mission, 154–55; and E. Randolph Daniel, The Franciscan Concept of Mission in the High Middle Ages (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1975), 14–22. As discussed below, the Franciscan commitment to mission to infidels was encoded in the rule of the order, and in the example of their founder. The Dominicans, in contrast, had only a general vocation for “preaching and the salvation of souls,” which could of course include infidels and Jews, but did not explicitly name them. At the time of Dominic’s canonization, some believed that he had the desire to preach to either pagans or Muslims, but was never able to act on it. See Robin Vose, Dominicans, Muslims and Jews in the Medieval Crown of Aragon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 34–38.
60. Joseph Bédier (ed.), Les Chansons de croisade (Paris: H. Champion, 1909), 253; translated in Kedar, Crusade and Mission, 161.
61. Quoted in Vose, Dominicans, Muslims and Jews, 138. This letter also mentioned the possibility of conversion among the Muslims, particularly in Tunis. See Maillard, Les papes, 91.
62. Muslims used his eagerness to convert them to stage a surprise attack on the French camp. Michael Lower, “Conversion and St. Louis’s Last Crusade,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 58 (2007): 211–30. Robin Vose agrees with Lower’s argument that conversion was the primary motivation for the crusade, though he suggests that Lower falls prey to the “maximalist” interpretation that sees Dominicans as extensively engaged in missionary activities. Vose, Dominicans, Muslims and Jews, 231n31. Kedar also sees conversion as an important part of the motivation for the diversion to Tunis. Crusade and Mission, 167–68.
63. Vose, Dominicans, Muslims and Jews, 7.
64. Robert I. Burns, “Christian-Islamic Confrontation in the West: The Thirteenth-Century Dream of Conversion,” American Historical Review 76 (1971): 1386–1434.
65. Vose, Dominicans, Muslims and Jews, 44.
66. Kedar, Crusade and Mission, 155.
67. William of Tripoli [Wilhelm von Tripolis], Notitia de Machometo, ed. Peter Engels (Würzburg: Echter, [1992]), 260.
68. [Pseudo]-William of Tripoli, De Statu Saracenorum, in Notitia de Machometo, ed. Peter Engels (Würzburg: Echter, [1992]): extermination of Muslims, 330; baptized one thousand, 370.
69. Ricoldo de Monte Croce, “Epistolae V commentatorie de perditione Acconis 1291,” Archives de L’Orient latin 2 (1884): 258–96.
70. Magister Thadeus, Ystoria de desolatione et conculcatione civitatis Acconensis et tocius terre sancte, ed. R. B. C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio Medievalis, 202 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), 157.
71. Castelli, Martyrdom and Memory.
72. Angelo Clareno, Liber Chronicarum sive Tribulationum Ordinis Minorum, ed. P. Giovanni Boccali, O.F.M. (Assisi: Edizioni Porziuncola, 1999), 540; translation in A Chronicle or History of the Seven Tribulations of the Order of the Brothers Minor, tr. David Burr and E. Randolph Daniel (St. Bonaventure, NY: Franciscan Institute, 2005), 151.
73. Lucy Grig, Making Martyrs in Late Antiquity (London: Duckworth, 2004), 26.
CHAPTER 1
1. 1 Clem. 5:7, Clément de Rome, Épltre aux Corinthiens, ed. and tr. Annie Jaubert, Sources chrétiennes, 167 (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1971), 108; translation from Bart Ehrman, Lost Scriptures: Books That Did Not Make It into the New Testament (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 170.
2. Grig, Making Martyrs, 1.
3. As late Roman readers realized. Augustine commented that in Latin they properly should be called “testes,” the Latin word for a witness. See Elena Martin, “Commemoration, Representation and Interpretation: Augustine of Hippo’s Depictions of the Martyrs,” Studies in Church History 47 (2011): 39.
4. For a recent discussion of the origins of martyrdom, see Candida R. Moss, Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2012), 3–16.
5. Ignatius of Antioch, “Lettre aux Tralles,” in Lettres, ed. Th. Camelot, O.P., Sources chrétiennes, 10, 3rd ed. (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1958), 114.
6. 1 Thess. 3:3–4.
7. See the catalogue of Paul’s suffering in 2 Cor. 11:23–29.
8. Stefan Krauter, “The Martyrdom of Stephen,” in Engberg, Eriksen, and Petersen, Contextualizing Early Christian Martyrdom, 45–74. Nevertheless, the martyr acta and passiones of the second and third centuries did not generally specifically evoke the first-century models of Stephen or Paul, but more often looked to Jewish martyr stories such as the Maccabees instead. (The Lyons martyrs account does mention Stephen). See also Moss, Ancient Christian Martyrdom, 117–18.
9. Mark 13:9–13.
10. Robin Darling Young goes so far as to call it a public liturgy. In Procession Before the World: Martyrdom as a Public Liturgy in Early Christianity (Milwaukee, WI: Marquette University Press, 2001).
11. 2 Tim. 4:6.
12. Herbert Musurillo, ed., The Acts of the Christian Martyrs (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 16–17.
13. Origen [Origenes], “Eis Marturion Protreptikos,” in Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller der Ersten Drei Jahrhunderte, vol. 1 of Origenes Werke: Die Schrift vom Martyrium, Buch 1–IV Gegen Celsus, ed. Paul Koetschau (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung, 1899), 6; translation adapted from “Exhortation to Martyrdom,” in Alexandrian Christianity, tr. John Ernest Leonard Oulton and Henry Chadwick (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, [1954]), 395.
14. Origen [Origenes], “Eis Marturion Protreptikos,” 4; translation adapted from Origen, “Exhortation to Martyrdom,” 394.
15. Rev. 6:9–11. In the book of Revelation, we have the first potential reference to the term “martyr” being applied to someone who had suffered and died for Jesus. Jesus, in John’s vision, refers to Antipas, proclaiming, “I know where you dwell, [even] where Satan’s throne is; and you hold fast my name, and did not deny my faith, even in the days of Antipas my witness, my faithful one, who was killed among you, where Satan dwells” (Rev. 2:13). Antipas is here called a “martyr”—but does this mean simply a witness in life who later was killed, or one who is a “martyr” because he died? Tertullian acclaimed him a martyr, at least. “Scorpiace,” in Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani Opera, Pars II: Opera Montanistica, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina II (Turnhout: Brepols, 1954), 1093; 12:7. Translated in Geoffrey D. Dunn, Tertullian (London: Routledge, 2004), 130.
16. See Moss on the significance of Eusebius’s edits to the story of the martyrs of Lyons, for example: Ancient Christian Martyrdom, 104.
17. See Gary A. Bisbee for a fuller discussion, Pre-Decian Acts of Martyrs and Commentarii (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988), 81–87.
18. A. A. R. Bastiaensen et al., Atti e passioni dei martiri ([Rome]: Fondazione Lorenzo Valla, 1987); Musurillo, Acts of the Christian Martyrs.
19. Moss, Ancient Christian Martyrdom, 14.
20. The seven are Polycarp, Carpus et al., Ptolemaeus, Justin, Lyons, the Scillitan Martyrs, and Apollonius. Bisbee, Pre-Decian Acts, 82. In the case of Justin, the likelihood is that entire sections have been “interpolated or substantially edited.” Bisbee, Pre-Decian Acts, 118.
21. Bisbee, Pre-Decian Acts, 132. See Candida R. Moss for a clear summary of the many issues surrounding the text of Polycarp: “On the Dating of Polycarp: Rethinking the Place of Polycarp in the History of Christianity,” Early Christianity 1 (2010): 539–74. Moss argues for a third-century date for the text at the earliest.
22. Éric Rebillard, Greek and Latin Narratives About the Ancient Martyrs (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).
23. Alison Goddard Elliott, Roads to Paradise: Reading the Lives of the Early Saints (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1987), 24.
24. This is a citation of Acts 4: 24. Sabina in Musurillo, “Martyrdom of Pionus,” in Acts of the Christian Martyrs, 148, as does Pionus himself, makes a similar statement, at 156, and again at 160–62. See also “Cyprian,” 168; “Fructosus,” 178; “Irene,” 288; and “Euplus,” 316.
25. Musurillo, “Carpus,” 22; “Justin, Recension B,” 56; “Apollonius,” 90; “Conon,” 190; “Marcellus,” 250; “Irenaeus,” 296; “Crispina,” 304–6; all in Acts of the Christian Martyrs.
26. Musurillo, “Polycarp,” 10; “Conon,” 190; both in Acts of the Christian Martyrs.
27. Musurillo, “Apollonius,” 92. Apollonius indulged in a long speech denouncing the irrationality of pagan worship, 94–96, and is also able to give a brief theological statement about Jesus, which is relatively rare in the martyrial acts, 100. This is probably a late text in Acts of the Christian Martyrs.
28. Musurillo, “Maximilian,” in Acts of the Christian Martyrs, 246.
29. Musurillo, “Julius the Veteran,” in Acts of the Christian Martyrs, 262.
30. Musurillo, “The Acts of Phileas,” in Acts of the Christian Martyrs, 332. See Judith Lieu for the intertextual connections between acta and apologetic texts: “The Audience of Apologetics: The Problem of the Martyr Acts,” in Engberg, Eriksen, and Petersen, Contextualising Early Christian Martyrdom, 205–24.
31. Elizabeth Castelli points out that “the two main features of this conflict focus on the contests over ‘law’ and ‘sacrifice’—two foundational aspects of civic and religious existence that are both sources for metanarratives concerning justice.” Martyrdom and Memory, 34.
32. There are some exceptions, of course. See below for thirteenth-century interest in fourth- and fifth-century martyrs.
33. The martyrs were deployed to bolster a number of different forms of authority in Late Antiquity besides that of bishops; they were employed to bolster civic identity as well (see Lisa D. Maugans Driver, “The Cult of Martyrs in Asterius of Amaseia’s Vision of the Christian City,” Church History 74:2 (2005): 236–54). For an example of a passio serving as a guarantee to a claim of episcopal authority in the early Middle Ages, see Giorgia Vocino, “Under the Aegis of the Saints: Hagiography and Power in Early Carolingian Northern Italy,” Early Medieval Europe 22 (2014): 26–52, esp. 31–34.
34. Ambrose, Opera: Pars Decima; Epistularum Liber Decimus, Epistulae extra Collectioneum, Gesta Concili Aquileiensis, ed. Michaela Zelzer, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiastorvm Latinorvm, 82 (Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1982), ep. 77 (22): 12, p. 134; translated in Ambrose, Letters, tr. Sister Mary Melchior Beyenka, O.P., Fathers of the Church, 26 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America, 1954), 380.
35. Ambrose pointed out that demons recognize the martyrs, but Arians do not. Opera, ep. 77 (22): 16, 19, p. 136; translation in Letters, 381–83.
36. Vasiliki M. Limberis, Architects of Piety: The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the Martyrs (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 31.
37. Grig, Making Martyrs, 49.
38. Jean Guyon, Le cimetière aux deux lauriers: Recherches sur les catacombs romaines (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 1987), 323–25. Guyon argues that, before the late fourth century, the appeal of the cemetery as a place of burial came from the basilicas built over them, not from the martyrs the basilicas commemorated.
39. Carole Straw, “Martyrdom and Christian Identity: Gregory the Great, Augustine, and Tradition,” in The Limits of Ancient Christianity: Essays on Late Antique Thought and Culture in Honor of R. A. Markus, ed. William E. Klingshirn and Mark Vesey (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999), 251.
40. Ambrose, Opera, ep. 77 (22): 10, p. 132; translation in Letters, 379. See also Kate Cooper on how the gesta martyrum gives evidence for lay-clerical coalitions in Rome and conflict between them. “The Martyr, the Matrona, and the Bishop: The Matron Lucina and the Politics of Martyr Cult in Fifth- and Sixth-Century Rome,” Early Medieval Europe 8 (1999): 297–317.
41. See Grig, Making Martyrs, 86–104, for the beginning of the movement of relics around the Mediterranean world. See also the new translation of Victricius of Rouen for the paean to the relics of the martyr entering Rouen, Gillian Clark, “Victricius of Rouen: Praising the Saints,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 7 (1999): 365–99, and the accompanying commentary by David Hunter putting Victricius in the context of polemics around relics and chastity in Roman Gaul, “Vigilantius of Calagurris and Victricius of Rouen: Ascetics, Relics, and Clerics in Late Roman Gaul,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 7 (1999): 401–30.
42. Lucy Grig, “Torture and Truth in Late Antique Martyrology,” Early Medieval Europe 11 (2002): 321–36, esp. 325. Likewise, the devil speaks the truth when tortured by the martyrs! Ambrose, Opera, ep. 77 (22): 19, p.132; translated in Letters, 383. For torture in the Coptic tradition, see Arietta Papaconstantinou, “Historiography, Hagiography, and the Making of the ‘Church of the Martyrs’ in Early Islamic Egypt,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 60 (2006): 65–86.
43. Prudentius, Crowns of Martyrdom, in Prudentius, tr. H. J. Thomson (London: Heinemann, 1953), 2:291.
44. Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1900–1901), 2: #7599: Acta sanctorum (Paris: Victor Palmé, 1866), Oct. III: 863D–70F; translation from “The Passion of St. Sergius and Bacchus” (BHL 7599), accessed online, http://www.ucc.ie/archive/milmart/BHL7599.html.
45. Christ as the first martyr was avenged by God by the destruction of Jerusalem, a punishment of his persecutors. For a longue durée discussion of these themes in western culture, see Phillipe Buc, Holy War, Martyrdom, and Terror: Christianity, Violence, and the West (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015).
46. Athanase d’Alexandrie [Athanasios of Alexandria], Vie d’Antoine, ed. and tr. G. J. M. Bartelink, Sources chrétienne, vol. 400 (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 1994), 258. Anthony of Egypt may well have been the source for the model of the “desire for martyrdom.” A similar “martyr without blood” was Felix, patron of Paulinus of Nola (see Grig, Making Martyrs, 105–10). The desire for martyrdom became a trope in the life of a saint; part of the trope included the notion that the desire for martyrdom precluded the possibility of achieving it.
47. The works of Ignatio have been controversial for well over a century. The martyrdom itself is widely considered to be a late composition, but the “Letter to the Romans” within the martyrdom is, in contrast, held to be authentic. Gary Bisbee has argued against this division, stating “either the Acts of Ignatius must be taken more seriously or the Epistle to the Romans less seriously.” Bisbee argues for the first approach. Pre-Decian Acts, 134.
48. For more on the debate over voluntary martyrdom, see Paul Middleton for a discussion of recent scholarship on the subject, and for an argument in favor of the importance of voluntary martyrdom in early Christianity, in “Early Christian Voluntary Martyrdom: A Statement for the Defense,” Journal of Theological Studies 64 (2013): 556–73, as well as Candida R. Moss, “The Discourse of Voluntary Martyrdom: Ancient and Modern,” Church History 81 (2012): 531–55.
49. Musurillo, “Polycarp,” 4–5. Furthermore, the account points out Quintus’s voluntary path to martyrdom is not “the teaching of the Gospel,” suggesting that Polycarp’s own path is the teaching of the Gospel. Musurillo, “Polycarp,” 4–5. Martyrdom is thus evangelically mandated. See Candida R. Moss, The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 48.
50. Middleton argues that the episode with Quintus was interpolated into the text. “Early Christian Voluntary Martyrdom,” 570. For the opposite view, see Moss, Ancient Christian Martyrdom, 49–76, for a longer discussion of the structure of Polycarp and attempts to discern different layers.
51. Musurillo, “Cyprian,” in Acts of the Christian Martyrs, 168–70.
52. Musurillo, “The Acts of Euplus,” in Acts of the Christian Martyrs, 312.
53. Ismo Dunderberg, “Early Christian Critics of Martyrdom,” in The Rise and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries C.E., ed. Clare K. Rothschild and Jens Schöter (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013), 419–40. Scholars are increasingly rejecting the dichotomy which argued that “gnostic” Christians rejected martyrdom. Philip L. Tite, “Voluntary Martyrdom and Gnosticism,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 23 (2015): 27–54. For more on the polemical use of martyrdom, see also Moss, Ancient Christian Martyrdom, 145–58.
54. Musurillo, “Montanus,” in Acts of the Christian Martyrs, 226.
55. Clément d’Alexandrie [Clement of Alexandria], Les Stromates: Stromate IV, ed. Annewies van den Hoek, Sources chrétiennes, 463 (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 2001), 4:14, 3; p. 78; Moss, “Discourse of Voluntary Martyrdom,” 543.
56. Annewies van den Hoek, “Clement of Alexandria on Martyrdom,” Studia Patristica 26 (1993): 329.
57. Augustine and Gregory the Great (among others) extended martyrdom to encompass acts of discipline, or as Gregory put it, “to bear insults, to love one who hates us, is martyrdom in our secret thought.” Quoted in Straw, “Martyrdom,” 255. In the Irish tradition, martyrdom could be divided into three kinds: red martyrdom (death), white martyrdom (asceticism and in some cases exile), and blue (penitential regime). Red and white martyrdom drew upon early Continental traditions. Clare Stancliffe, “Red, White, and Blue Martyrdom,” in Ireland in Early Medieval Europe: Studies in Memory of Kathleen Hughes, ed. Dorothy Whitelock, Rosamond McKitterick, and David Dumville (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 21–46.
58. Páedraig Ó Riain, “A Northumbrian Phase in the Formation of the Hieronymian Martyrology: The Evidence of the Martyrology of Tallaght,” Analecta Bollandiana 120 (2002): 311–63.
59. Conrad Leyser, “The Temptations of Cult: Roman Martyr Piety in the Age of Gregory the Great,” Early Medieval Europe 9 (2000): 293.
60. The earliest such manuscripts date from the middle of the eighth century, but François Dolbeau suggests that they may have had their origins as early as the fifth century. “Naissance de homélaires et de passionaires,” in L’Antiquité tardive dans les collections médievales: Textes et representations, VIe–XIVe siècle, ed. Stéphane Gioanni and Benôit Grévin (Rome: École franccaise de Rome, 2008), 13–35.
61. Leyser, “Temptations of Cult,” 307.
62. Vocino, “Under the Aegis of the Saints,” 50.
63. There were, of course, martyrs of the Merovingian age, often bishops killed in the course of political struggles. They were frequently elevated as martyrs by their murderers as a way to end the feud and for the victor to solidify his victory by making his victim a martyr advocating in heaven on his behalf. See Paul Fouracre, “Merovingian History and Merovingian Hagiography,” Past and Present 127 (1990): 3–38.
64. Patrick Geary, “The Ninth-Century Relic Trade: A Response to Popular Piety?,” in Religion and the People, 800–1700, ed. James Obelkevich (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 12.
65. Geary argues that the cult of Roman martyrs was “encouraged in an attempt to supplant the cults of other persons,” living holy men who were not a part of the hierarchical, Rome-focused institution that Boniface and others favored. Geary, “Ninth-Century Relic Trade,” 10.
66. Julia M. H. Smith, “Old Saints, New Cults: Roman Relics in Carolingian Francia,” in Early Medieval Rome and the Christian West: Essays in Honour of Donald A. Bullough, ed. Julia M. H. Smith (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 317–39; Katrinette Bodarwé, “Roman Martyrs and Their Veneration in Ottonian Saxony: The Case of the Sanctimoniales of Essen,” Early Medieval Europe 9 (2000): 346. In Italy, in contrast, martyr cult remained focused on local figures whose cults were established in Late Antiquity. See Vocino, “Under the Aegis of the Saints.”
67. Janet Nelson, “The Franks, the Martyrology of Usuard, and the Martyrs of Cordoba,” in Martyrs and Martyrologies, ed. Diana Wood (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), 68.
68. Martyrs were significant in the Merovingian era, as well. The Gallo-Roman bishops of Merovingian France looked back to their martyred predecessors with pride. In some cases, those martyrs were also evangelists. Ian Wood, “The Cult of the Saints in the South-East of Gaul in the Fifth and Sixth Centuries,” in L’Empreinte chréetienne en Gaule du IVe au IXe siècle, ed. Michèle Gaillard (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014), 257–69. The principal martyrs of the Merovingian period were bishops killed in political feuds, as mentioned above. James Palmer, “The Frankish Cult of Martyrs and the Case of the Two Saints Boniface,” Revue bénédictine 114 (2004): 329.
69. Tertullian, “Apologeticum,” in Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani Opera, Pars I: Opera Catholica, 50, 13, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina (Turnhout, 1954), 171. Tertullian’s claim “semen est sanguis Christianorum” soon became “sanguis martyrum semen Christianorum.” For a brief history of the adaptation of Tertullian’s aphorism, see William S. Walsh, Handy-Book of Literary Curiosities (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1893), 693.
70. There are some exceptions, such as the Passio Sebastiani. See Kate Cooper, “Ventriloquism and the Miraculous: Conversion, Preaching, and the Martyr Exemplum in Late Antiquity,” Studies in Church History 41 (2005): 22–45.
71. Herman of Scheda, Hermannus quondam Judaeus, Opusculum de conversion sua, ed. G. Niemeyer, in Monumenta Germaniae historica. Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters, Bd. 4 (Weimar: H. Böhlaus Nachfolger, 1963), 69–127; Augustine, Confessions, ed. James J. O’Donnell (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 1: VII, 12, p. 101. For a comparison of the two conversion stories, see Karl Morrison, Conversion and Text: The Cases of Augustine of Hippo, Herman-Judah, and Constantine Tsatos (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1992).
72. Rimbert, Vita Anskarii, ed. G. Waitz, MGH: Scriptores Rerum Germanicum (Hannover: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1884), 2:60–62.
73. Translatio Sancti Viti martyris, ed. Irene Schmale-Ott (Münster: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1979), 32; translated in Eric Shuler, “The Saxons Within Carolingian Christendom: Post-Conquest Identity in the Translationes of Vitus, Pusinna and Liborius,” Journal of Medieval History 36 (2010): 39–54.
74. Palmer, “Frankish Cult of Martyrs,” 335–36.
75. Willibald, Vita Bonifatii, ed. Wilhelm Levison, MGH: Scriptores Rerum Germanicum (Hannover: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1905), 57:1–58; Ian Wood, The Missionary Life: Saints and the Evangelisation of Europe, 400–1500 (New York: Longman, 2001), 61–63.
76. Alcuin, Vita Willibrordi archiepiscopi Traiectensis, ed. Wilhelm Levison, in Passiones vitaeque sanctorum aevi Merovingici, MGH: Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum (Hannover: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1920), 7:81–141, esp. 125. This can also be seen in the work of Alcuin’s student Hrabanus Maurus. See Palmer, “Frankish Cult of Martyrs,” 341–42.
77. Alcuin, Vita Willibrordi, 140.
78. Walter Carruthers Sellar and Robert Julian Yeatman, 1066 and All That (New York: E. P. Dutton, [c. 1931]), 7.
79. Bede, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Bertram Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (1969; repr., Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 152–53.
80. Bede, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, 242–54.
81. Christian Sahner, Christian Martyrs Under Islam: Religious Violence and the Making of the Muslim World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018); Sidney Griffith, “Christians, Muslims, and Neo-Martyrs: Saints’ Lives and Holy Land History,” in Sharingthe Sacred: Contacts and Conflicts in the Holy Land, First—Fifteenth Centuries CE, ed. Arieh Kofsky and Guy G. Strousma (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben Zvi, 1998), 163–207; see also John C. Lamoreaux, “Early Eastern Christian Responses to Islam,” in Medieval Christian Perceptions of Islam, ed. John Victor Tolan (New York: Garland, 1996), 3–32. For detail on other martyrdom texts, see David Thomas and Barbara Roggema (eds.), Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographic History, vol. 1, (600–900) (Leiden: Brill, 2009); and David Thomas and Alex Mallet (eds.), Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographic History, vol. 2, (900–1050) (Leiden: Brill, 2010).
82. See Mark Swanson, “The Martyrdom of ‘Abd al-Masih, Superior of Mount Sinai (Qays al-Ghassani),” in Syrian Christians Under Islam: The First Thousand Years, ed. David Thomas (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 107–29; and Ignace Dick, “La passion arabe de S. Antoine Ruwah, neomartyr de Damas (+ 25 dec. 799),” Le Muséon 74 (1961): 108–33. For the thirteenth century, see Jason R. Zaborowski, The Coptic Martyrdom of John of Phanijoit: Assimilation and by Mawhub ibn Mansur ibn Mufarrij and Its “The Martyrdom of Bifam Ibn Conversion to Islam in Thirteenth-Century Egypt (Leiden: Brill, 2005); Johannes den Heijer, Fatimid Background,” Medieval Encounters 21 (2015): 452–84.
83. This life has been preserved only in a Georgian translation, but a short version of Petros’s life also appeared in the chronicle of Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. Carolus de Boor (Lipsiae: B. G. Teubner, 1883; repr., Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1963), 1:416–17; translated in The Chronicle of Theophanes the Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History, AD 284–813, tr. Cyril Mango and Roger Scott (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 1:577–78. See also Griffith, “Christians, Muslims, and Neo-Martyrs.” For asimilar Coptic martyr, see Febe Armanios and Bogac Ergene, “A Christian Martyr Under Mamluk Justice: The Trials of Salib (d. 1512) According to Muslim and Coptic Sources,” Muslim World 96 (2006): 115–44.
84. Kenneth B. Wolf, Christian Martyrs in Muslim Spain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Jessica A. Coope, The Martyrs of Cordoba: Community and Family Conflict in an Age of Mass Conversion (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995). Wolf points out that while there were an unusual number of deaths between 850 and 859, Islamic chronicles record the deaths of many more in the years after the period who were not commemorated as martyrs by the Christian community. Why not? Because nobody composed a passio in their honor. Thus, it is not the martyr who matters, but the martyrographer.
85. La pasioén de S. Pelayo, ed. and tr. Celso Rodreiguez Fernaendez (Santiago de Compostela: Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, 1991).
86. The parallels between the Franciscans and the Coerdobans have been noted by Allan Cutler, “The Ninth-Century Spanish Martyrs’ Movement and the Origins of Western Christian Missions to the Muslims,” Muslim World 55 (1969): 321–39.
87. Wolf, Christian Martyrs, 78–81 (miracles), 97–100 (voluntary martyrs).
88. Of course, there are also passiones from eastern Christian communities as well as some Franciscan accounts that do feature miracles and torture: for an example, see Sydney Griffith, “Michael, the Martyr and Monk of Mar Sabas Monastery, at the Court of the Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik; Christian Apologetics and Martyrology in the Early Islamic Period,” Aram 6 (1994): 115–48.
89. Nelson, “Franks.”
90. Ann Christys, Christians in al-Andalus, 711–1000 (Richmond, UK: Curzon, 2002), 54. See Christys’s article for the political context of the translatio of the relics of the Cordoban martyrs (George, Aurelio, and Natalia) to the Parisian convent of St. Germain, “St-Germain des Pres, St Vincent and the Martyrs of Cordoba,” Early Medieval Europe 7 (1998): 199–216.
91. James Craigie Robertson and J. Brigstocke Sheppard (eds.), Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury (London: Longmans, 1885), VII: #735, pp. 429–35. Translated in Anne Duggan, Thomas Becket (London: Hodder Education, 2004), 226.
92. The dead included nine Dominicans and two Franciscans. Bullarium Franciscanum, Romanorum Pontificum Constitutiones, Epistolas, ac Diplomata continens, ed. Joannis Hyacinth Sbaralea (Rome: Typis Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide, 1759), 1:302. See Christine Caldwell Ames, Righteous Persecution: Inquisition, Dominicans, and Christianity in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 60–62.
93. See Michael Goodich, Vita Perfecta: The Ideal of Sainthood in the Thirteenth Century (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1982), 154; or Andre Vauchez, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages, tr. Jean Birrell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 416. As Vauchez putit, “Between 1254 and 1481, the Roman Church did not recognize as a saint a single servant of God who had died a violent death.”
94. See, for example, Catherine Saucier on the way in which the liturgy of the Corpus Christi drew upon martyr cult: “Sacrament and Sacrifice: Conflating Corpus Christi and Martyrdom in Medieval Liege,” Speculum 87 (2012): 682–723.
95. Caroline Smith, Crusading in the Age of Joinville (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2006), 98–108, 139–49; and Caroline Smith, “Martyrdom and Crusading in the Thirteenth Century: Remembering the Dead of Louis IX’s Crusades,” Al-Masaq 15 (2003): 189–96.
96. For the place of martyrdom in the consideration of Louis’s sanctity, see M. Cecilia Gaposchkin, The Making of Saint Louis: Kingship, Sanctity, and Crusade in the Later Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008).
97. It is difficult to be precise; the collection includes not only saints’ lives but also describes other important feasts in the church, such as those dedicated to Jesus, Mary, All Saints’, and so forth, but also many entries discuss multiple martyrs, in cases when they died together, or when they share the same name, and James had difficulty distinguishing among them.
98. Goodich, Vita Perfecta, 157; Robert I. Burns, The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: Reconstruction ofa Thirteenth-Century Frontier (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967), vol. 2:305, app. 2.
99. Michael Goodich enumerates a long list of such thirteenth-century martyrs in the “Master List of Thirteenth-Century Saints” in the appendix of his book Vita Perfecta, 213–41.
100. Nicholas Vincent, “Simon of Atherton: A Martyr to His Wife,” Analecta Bollan-diana 113 (1995): 349–61. In a somewhat similar vein, the Carolingian hermit Gangulf was hailed as a martyr after his wife’s lover killed him. Vita Gangulfi martyris Varennensis, ed. Wilhelm Levison, in Passiones vitaeque sanctorum aevi Merovingici, MGH: Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum (Hannover: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1920), 7:142–74.
101. (2 September) Acta sanctorum Sept. I: 582–92, Caesarius Heisterbacensis [Caesar of Heisterbach],” Margareta habitans Lovanii (BHL 5320),” accessed online, http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:acta-us&rft_dat=xri:acta:ft:all:Z400021721; “Dignissimae cujusdam virginis,” accessed online, http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:acta-us&rft_dat=xri:acta:ft:all:Z400021723.
102. Miri Rubin, “Choosing Death?,” in Martyrs and Martyrologies: Papers Read at the 1992 Summer Meeting and the 1993 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, ed. Diana Wood (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), 153–84.
CHAPTER 2
1. Jason R. Zaborowski, The Coptic Martyrdom of John of Phanajoit: Assimilation and Conversion to Islam in Thirteenth-Century Egypt (Leiden: Brill, 2005). For Asad, see Sawirus ibn Muqaffa’, History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, ed. and tr. Yassa ‘Abd al-Masih and O. H. E. Khs-Burmester (Cairo: [n.p.], 1943), 40. For the challenges of using the Historyof the Patriarchs, see Johannes den Heijer, “The Martyrdom of Bifam Ibn Baqura al-Sawwaf by Mawhub ibn Mansur ibn Mufarrij and Its Fatimid Background,” Medieval Encounters 21 (2015): 452–84, and Mawhub ibn Mansur ibn Mufarrig et lhistoriographie copto-arabe: Etude sur la composition de “LHistoire des Patriarches d’Alexandrie”(Louvain: E. Peeters, 1989).
2. Asad was buried in the church of the Melkites in Harat al-Rum in Cairo, but the History did not ascribe either miracles or a cult to him.
3. London, British Library, ms. Cotton Nero A IX, fol. 94v. For more on the martyrs of Morocco, see Chapter 4. In Chapter 3, I will discuss Franciscan missions in greater detail.
4. “Vita beati fratris Egidii,” in Scripta Leonis, Rufini et Angeli sociorum S. Francisci, ed. Rosalind Brooke (1970; repr., Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 346. A longer version of the “Life” appears first with the late fourteenth-century Chronica XXIV generalium ministrorum ordinis fratrum minorum, which inserted a passage at the beginning of the long life describing his missionary activity in Tunis and suggesting that he desired death. Chronica XXIV, 78. For a full discussion, see Chapter 6.
5. According to the late fourteenth-century “Life,” the citizens of Perugia had posted armed guards at his deathbed to ensure that his body would remain in the city, but Giles had foretold that he would never be canonized and would not work miracles except “the sign of Jonah” (cf. Matt. 12:39). Chronica XXIV, 113.
6. And like the search for the historical Jesus, the bibliography on Francis and the early order is vast. The discussion began with Paul Sabatier’s seminal examination of the sources for Francis’s life, Vie de Saint Francois d’Assise (Paris: Librairie Fischbacher, n.d.). That work was continued by Raoul Manselli, with a particular emphasis on the work of the companions of Francis: Raoul Manselli, Nos qui cum eo fuimus: Contributo alla questione francescana (Roma: Biblioteca seraphico-capuccina, 1980). Jacques Dalarun has devoted much of his career to the subject; his Misadventure of Francis of Assisi: Towards a Historical Use of the Franciscan Legends, tr. Edward Hagman, O.F.M. Cap. (Saint Bonaventure, NY: Franciscan Institute, 2002), provides a methodological guide to the sources from Thomas of Celano to the “Legend of the Three Companions.” His 2007 book provides a cogent argument untangling the skein ofinter-related texts about Francis written in the middle of the thirteenth century. Vers une résolution de la question fianciscaine: La “Legende ombrienne” de Thomas de Celano ([Paris]: Fayard, 2007).
7. Thomas de Celano, “Vita prima S. Francisci Assisiensis,” 42; translated in Thomas of Celano, “Life of Saint Francis,” 230.
8. Francis’s visit to Egypt and conversation with al-Kamil has been a subject of fascination for generations of scholars. John V. Tolan has examined the numerous textual and visual depictions of this meeting from the thirteenth century to the present in Saint Francis and the Sultan. Most recent scholarship has focused on the relationship between Francis and the crusade, and has argued that Francis’s mission should not be read as a criticism of the crusade. See Kedar, Crusade and Mission, 116–31; Christoph Maier, Preaching the Crusades: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 9–17; and Adam L. Hoose, “Francis of Assisi’s Way of Peace?: His Conversion and Mission to Egypt,” Catholic History Review 96 (2010): 449–69. James M. Powell argues that Francis did see conversion as an alternative to war. In “St. Francis of Assisi’s Way of Peace,” in “Crusades and Interfaith Relations,” ed. Michael Lower, special issue, Medieval Encounters 13 (2007): 271–80, he expands on arguments he made earlier in “Francesco d’Assisi e la Quinta Crociata: Una missione di pace,” Schede Medievali 4 (1983): 67–77. Steven J. McMichael mostly recently has suggested that Francis did disapprove of the crusade, though his arguments are less persuasive: “Francis and the Encounter with the Sultan (1219),” in Cambridge Companion to Francis of Assisi, ed. Michael J. P. Robson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012),127–42. For similar arguments, see Leonhard Lehmann, “Franziskanische Mission als Friedenmission: Ein Vergliech der fruhen Quellen,” Zeitschrift fur Missionswissenschaf und Religionswissenschaft 92 (2008): 238–71. Pacifico Sello argues that Francis’s mission of peace was to obtain free access to the holy places in Jerusalem for Christian pilgrims, “Francesco e il Sultano: L’Incontro,” Studi francescani 108 (2011): 493–507, as does Isaac Vazquez Janeiro, “I Francescani e il dialogo con gli Ebrei e i Saraceni nei secoli XIII—XV,” Antonianum 65 (1990): 533–49.
9. See William J. Short for a discussion of this first rule and attempts to reconstruct it: briefly, “The Rule and Life of the Friars Minor,” in Robson, Cambridge Companion to Francis of Assisi, 50–67, and more extensively “The Rule of the Lesser Brothers: The Earlier Rule, Fragments, Later Rule, the Rule for Hermitages,” in The Writings of Francis of Assisi, ed. Michael W. Blastic, Jay Hammond, and Wayne Hellman (St. Bonaventure, NY: Franciscan Institute, 2011), 17–139.
10. Francis of Assisi, “Regola non bollata,” in Scripta, ed. Carlo Paolazzi (Grottaferrata [Rome]: Editiones Collegii S. Bonaventurae ad Claras Aquas, 2009), 266; translated in “The Earlier Rule,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Saint, 74.
11. Francis of Assisi, “Regola non bollata,” 266; translated in “Earlier Rule,” 74.
12. Matt. 10:28. Francis of Assisi, “Regola non bollata,” 268; translated in “Earlier Rule,” 74–75.
13. Francis of Assisi, “Regola non bollata,” 266; translated in “Earlier Rule,” 74.
14. Michael F. Cusato sees the second path as dependent on the first, rather than being a complete alternative. “From Conversion of Heart to the Conversion of Souls: Franciscan Mission and Missiology in the Early Thirteenth Century,” in From La Florida to La California: Franciscan Evangelization in the Spanish Borderlands, ed. Timothy J. Johnson and Gert Melville (Berkeley, CA: Academy of American Franciscan History, 2013), 1–22.
15. Francis of Assisi, “Regola non bollata,” 276; translated in “Earlier Rule,” 79.
16. Bernard Vollot, “Hugh of Digne and the Rule of 1216,” Greyfriars Review 15 (2000): 35–85, esp. 47.
17. The Worcester Fragment, which contained variant readings of the Regula non bullata as well as Francis’s “Testament,” linked martyrdom to the more traditional motivation of love for God, reminding the friars that “for love of Him, they must endure persecution and death from enemies, both visible and invisible.” “Fragmenta di un’altra redazione della Regola non bollata,” in Scripta, ed. Carlo Paolazzi (Grottaferrata [Rome]: Editiones Collegii S. Bonaven-turae ad Claras Aquas, 2009), 298; translated in “Worcester Fragment,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Saint, 89.
18. Bonaventure, “Expositio super regulam fratrum minorum,” in Opera Omnia (Quarac-chi: Ex Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1898), 8:431; translated in E. Randolph Daniel, “The Desire for Martyrdom: A Leitmotiv of St. Bonaventure,” Franciscan Studies 32 (1972): 74–87, esp. 74.
19. Vollot, “Hugh of Digne and the Rule of 1216,” 35–85.
20. Hugh of Digne made it clear that he used the earlier rules of the order to explicate the official rule: Hugh of Digne, Hugh of Digne’s Commentary, ed. and tr. David Flood (Grot-taferrata [Rome]: Collegii S. Bonaventurae ad Claras Aquas, 1979), 92. He used the same opening line of “sending you like sheep among wolves” (a quote from Luke 10:3) that is the opening line of the chapter in the Regula non bullata (191), as well as discussing the two paths (192). David Flood points out that his historical understanding of the rule was unusual; other commentators (the Four Masters, Bonaventure) tend to treat the rule “as purely juridical text and explicate it as law” (70).
21. Hugh of Digne, Hugh of Digne’s Commentary, 192.
22. Hugh of Digne, Hugh of Digne’s Commentary, 192. See also Damien Ruiz, “Le manuscript CL. I. 18 (258) de L’Archivio Generale des Freres Mineurs Conventuels a Rome,” Franciscana 6 (2004): 73–94.
23. Hugh of Digne, Hugh of Digne’s Commentary, 191.
24. Speculum Perfectionis seu S. Francisci Assiensis Legenda Antiquissima, ed. Paul Sabatier, Collection de documents pour l’histoire religieuse et littéraire du Moyen age, 1 (Paris: Librairie Fischbacher, 1898), 4: 48, p.84; translation adapted from “An Old Legend (Legenda Vetus),” in Francis of Assisi: The Early Documents, vol. 3, The Prophet, ed. Regis Armstrong, J. Wayne Hellman, and William J. Short (New York: New City Press, 2001),119.
25. “For by your patience you will possess your souls; whoever perseveres to the end will be saved” (Luke 21:29; Matt. 10:22, 24:13). This, of course, applies to both potential converts and the friars themselves.
26. Matt. 10:24.
27. The Bardi Dossal may present the first depiction of one of Francis’s journeys. It shows him preaching to a group of Muslims with the sultan seated on a throne in the background. The Dossal is dated to between 1230 and 1270. Tolan points out that the depiction does not show the violence that Thomas argued Francis was subjected to, and it emphasizes the eagerness with which the Muslims heard the saint. Tolan, Saint Francis and the Sultan: The Curious Historyofa Christian-Muslim Encounter (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 93–108.
28. Thomas de Celano, “Vita prima,” 42; “Life,” 229.
29. In the Scripta Leonis, Francis is quoted as having praised Roland, Oliver, and Charlemagne as martyrs. Scripta Leonis, Rufini et Angeli sociorum S. Francisci, ed. and tr. Rosalind B. Brooke (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), chap. 72, pp. 214–15. See Vauchez for a discussion of Francis’s progression from aspiring to secular knightly values to seeking to be a “knight of Christ.” André Vauchez, Francis of Assisi: The Life and Afterlife of a Medieval Saint, tr. Michael F. Cusato (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2012), 28–29.
30. Thomas de Celano, “Vita prima,” 43; “Life,” 229.
31. Thomas de Celano, “Vita prima,” 43; “Life,” 231.
32. Thomas did not give the name of his companion in the Vita prima, but in his book on the miracles of Saint Francis, he named him as Bernard. See “Tractatus de miraculis,” in Menesto and Brufani, Fontes Franciscani, 670; and “The Treatise on the Miracles of Saint Francis,” in Francis of Assisi: The Early Documents, vol. 2, The Founder, ed. Regis Armstrong, J. Wayne Hellman, and William J. Short (New York: New City Press, 2000), 416.
33. Gal. 2:11.
34. The passage caused considerable problems for early theologians and exegetes. Clement of Alexandria, for example, argued that Paul must have been writing about some other Cephas (Peter). For this and other responses, see Margaret M. Mitchell, “Peter’s ‘Hypocrisy’ and Paul’s: Two ‘Hypocrites’ at the Foundation of Earliest Christianity,” New Testament Studies 58 (2012): 213–34.
35. Thomas was writing not only in response to Francis’s own journeys to the Middle East, but also to the Moroccan martyrs, whom he never explicitly mentioned. Thomas’s account of Francis’s Moroccan misadventure might have been as much a swipe at the martyred friars as it was a critique of Francis himself.
36. Thomas de Celano, “Vita prima,” 44; “Life,” 231.
37. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 43–44; “Life,” 231.
38. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 44; “Life,” 231.
39. Matt. 10:9–10; Luke 9:2; Mark 6:12; Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 19; “Life,” 201.
40. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 54; “Life,” 245.
41. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 13; “Life,” 191.
42. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 14; “Life,” 193.
43. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 15; “Life,” 194.
44. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 30; “Life,” 217.
45. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 32; “Life,” 219.
46. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 43; “Life,” 230.
47. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 44; “Life,” 231.
48. See Carolyn Muessig for the long prehistory of the stigmata; it had long been discussed and envisioned before Francis. “Signs of Salvation: The Evolution of Stigmatic Spirituality Before Francis of Asssi,” Church History 82 (2013): 40–68. Giles Constable points out examples that may predate Francis: “The Ideal of the Imitation of Christ,” in Three Studies in Medieval Religious and Social Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 145–248, esp. 201–3. Yet the claim by Franciscans that Francis had received the stigmata was not universally accepted: Andreé Vauchez, “The Stigmata of Saint Francis and Its Medieval Detractors,” Greyfriars Review 13 (1999): 61–89.
49. From the perspective of Thomas, as Chiara Frugoni has shown. Francesco e l invenzione delle stimmate: Una storia per parole e immagini fino a Bonventura e Giotto (Turin: Giulio Einaudi editore, 1993), 137–201. For further discussion, see Jacques Dalarun, “The Great Secret of Francis,” in The Stigmata of Francis of Assisi: New Studies, New Perspectives (St. Bonaventure, NY: Franciscan Institute, 2006), 9–26.
50. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 71; “Life,” 262.
51. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 71; “Life,” 263.
52. See Dalarun for the vagueness of date and place, and for the origin of the imagery of the seraph: “Great Secret,” 14, 21–23.
53. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 72; “Life,” 264.
54. Chiara Frugoni has shown the ways in which the understanding and depiction of the stigmata shifted over the course of the thirteenth century, until Bonaventure and Giotto produced an authoritative description and image. Thomas of Celano described the stigmata as emerging from within Francis, and the nails themselves appearing in Francis’s flesh, while Bonaventure depicted the wounds as inflicted on Francis by the seraph. Francesco e l’invenzione delle stimmate, 137–201.
55. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 88; “Life,” 280.
56. Luke 22:42.
57. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 83; “Life,” 275. Thomas’s notion that Francis’s suffering while dying in his last years was another kind of martyrdom, however, was not picked up by other Franciscans who adapted his vita. It is interesting to contrast the description of Clare of Assisi’s suffering at the end ofher life: “When a kind man, Brother Raynaldo, encouraged her to be patient in the long martyrdom of so many illnesses, she responded with a very unrestrained voice: “After I once came to know the grace of my Lord Jesus Christ through his servant Francis, no pain has been bothersome, no penance too severe, no weakness, dearly beloved brother, has been hard.” Giovanni Boccali, O.F.M. (ed.), Legenda Latina Sanctae Clarae Virginis Assisiensis (Assisi: Edizioni Porziuncola, 2001), 192–94; translation adapted in “The Legend of Saint Clare,” in Clare of Assisi: Early Documents, ed. Regis J. Armstrong, O.F.M., Cap. (New York: Paulist Press, 1988), 228.
58. Thomas de Celano, “Legenda ad Usum Chori,” in Menesto and Brufani, Fontes Fran-ciscani, 432; translation in Thomas of Celano, “The Legend for the Use of the Choir,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Saint, 322.
59. Iulianus de Spira, “Officium S. Francisci,” in Menesto and Brufani, Fontes Francis-cani, 1117; translated in Julian of Speyer, “The Divine Office of St. Francis,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Saint, 339.
60. Iulianus de Spira, “Officium S. Francisci,” 1078; translation, Julian of Speyer, “Divine Office,” 409.
61. Iulianus de Spira, “Officium S. Francisci,” 1078; translation, Julian of Speyer, “Divine Office,” 410.
62. Julian also included Francis’s desire for martyrdom in the vita of the saint that he wrote around 1235, and here he followed Thomas’s vita prima. Julian in some ways did not know how to deal with the contradictory nature of martyrdom. The friar wrote that while traveling to Morocco, Francis “rushed on so impetuously that, intoxicated by the Spirit, he left his traveling companion behind.” Despite the goading of this divine spirit, the Lord “afflicted him with serious ailments so that he returned to Italy.” In his final attempt, his journey to Egypt, Julian explicitly linked his failure to achieve martyrdom to the stigmata, which Thomas had just hinted at: “But in all these things the blessed man did not find his desire fulfilled: for the Lord had wonderfully reserved for him the privilege of a unique grace: bearing the emblems of Christ’s own wounds.” Iulianus de Spira, “Vita Sancti Francisci,” in Menesto and Brufani, Fontes Franciscani, 1057–58; translated in Julian of Speyer, “Life of Saint Francis,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Saint, 395.
63. Johannes Schlageter, “Die Chronica des Bruders Jordan von Giano. Einfuhring und kritische Edition nach den bisher bekannten Handschriften,” Archivium Franciscanum Histor-icum (2011): 36. For the older edition, see Jordan of Giano, Chronica fratris Jordani, ed. Heinrich Boehmer (Paris: Librairie Fischbacher, 1908), 7.
64. Leéon de Kerval (ed.), Sancti Antonii de Padua: Vitae duae quarum altera hucusque inedita (Paris: Librairie Fischbacher, 1904), 25–33.
65. From the testimony of Sora Cecilia concerning the canonization of Clare: “Anche dise che la predicta madonna Chiara era tanto fervore de spiritu, che voluntieri voleva sostenere el martirio per amore del Signore: et questo lo demonstro quando, havendo inteso che a Mar-rochio erano state martiricati certi Frati, epsa diceva che ce volvea andrae; unde per questo epsa testimonia pianse: et questo fo prima che cosi infirmasse.” Zeffirino Lazzeri (ed.), “Il processo di canonizzazione di S. Chiara d’Assisi,” Archivium Franciscanum Historicum 13 (1920): 465. These martyrs could also be the seven who were reputed to have died in Ceuta in 1227, but as the martyrs of 1220 were in general better known, Clare was more likely inspired by them. The Dominican Margaret of Hungary (1242–70) and the Franciscan tertiary Chiara di Montefalco (c. 1268–1308) also desired martyrdom. See Vauchez, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages, 351.
66. Thomas de Papia, Dialogus de gestis sanctorum fratrum minorum, ed. Ferdinand Delorme (Quaracchi: Ex Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1923), 9–10. This continues to be true throughout the thirteenth century; William of Tripoli, writing about 1271, still mentioned the Moroccan martyrs as those who inspired Anthony, rather than lauding them on their own accomplishments. Wilhelm von Tripolis, Notitia de Machometo, ed. and tr. Peter Engels (Wurzburg: Echter, [1992]), 206.
67. “Tractatus de miraculis B. Francisci,” in Analecta Franciscana (Quaracchi: Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1926), 10:272; new edition in Menesto and Brufani, Fontes Franciscani, 644, translated in Thomas of Celano, “The Treatise on the Miracles of Saint Francis,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Founder, 400. The martyrs were also mentioned in the Dicta of Giles of Assisi, which date to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth centuries; Giles thought that the leaders of the church were negligent in not canonizing them. “Dicta Beati Aegidii Assisiensis,” chap. 25, p. 75.
68. Bernard of Bessa, “Liber de laudibus beati Francisci,” in Analecta Franciscana (Quar-rachi: Collegi S. Bonaventurae, 1898), 3:669.
69. This can be seen in the earliest references to the martyrs of 1220, which often give the martyrs the names that later came to be given to the martyrs of Ceuta of 1227 (Leo, Ugo, and Dompnus). Isabelle Heullant-Donat briefly made this suggestion in “Martyrdom and Identity in the Franciscan Order (Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries),” Franciscan Studies 70 (2012): 446n38.
70. Leoén Amoroés Payaé, “Los Santos Martires Franciscanos B. Juan de Perusa y B. Pedro de Saxoferrato en la Historia de Teruel,” Teruel 15–16 (1956): 18–19. Ibn ‘Idari al-Marrakusi (fourteenth century) mentioned that Zayd converted to Christianity, but did not mention the martyrs. Al-Bayan al-mugrib fi ijtisar ajbar muluk al-Andalus wa al-Maghrib, in Coleccionde Crónicas Árabes de la Reconquista, tr. Ambrosio Huici Miranda (Tetuéan: Editora Marroqui, 1953), 1:321. Also, Tomas Jordan wrote a history of the convent of Zaragossa in the late fourteenth century and mentioned them. See Agustin Sales, Memorias historicas delantiguo santuario del Santo Sepulcro de Valencia (Valencia: En la Oficina de J. E. Dolz, 1746), 74–83.
71. Salimbene de Adam, Cronica, ed. Giuseppe Scalia, Corpus Christianorum: Continuado Mediaevalis, 125 (Turholt: Brepols, 1998), 1:485 (463:9); for more, see G. A. Loud, “The Case of the Missing Martyrs: Frederick II’s War with the Church, 1239–1250,” in Martyrs and Martyrologies, ed. Diana Wood (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), 141–83.
72. Leonhard Lemmens, Dialogus Sanctorum Fratrum Minorum (Rome: Typis Sallus-tianis, 1902), 96; Thomas of Eccleston, “Liber de adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam,” in Analecta Fransciscana (Quaracchi: Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1885), 1:223–24.
73. “Sacrum commercium sancti Francisci cum Domina Paupertate,” 1705; translated in “The Sacred Exchange Between Saint Francis and Lady Poverty,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Saint, 529.
74. “Sacrum commercium,” 1700.
75. “Sacrum commercium,” 1717; translated in “Sacred Exchange,” 540.
76. “Sacrum commercium,” 1718; translated in “Sacred Exchange,” 541.
77. “Sacrum commercium,” 1732; translated in “Sacred Exchange,” 554.
78. Desbonnets, “Legenda trium Sociorum,” 38–144, esp. chap. 14, p. 133; translation adapted from The Legend of Saint Francis by the Three Companions, tr. E. G. Salter (London: J. M. Dent, 1905), 91.
79. Desbonnets, “Legenda trium Sociorum,” chap. II, p. 121; translated in Legend of Saint Francis, 69.
80. Thomas de Celano, “Vita secunda S. Francisci Assisiensis,” in Analecta Franciscana (Quarrachi: Ex Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1926–41, 10:149, translation adapted from Thomas de Celano, “The Remembrance of the Desire of a Soul,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Founder, 265.
81. Thomas de Celano, “Vita secunda,” 144; translated in “Remembrance,” 259.
82. Thomas de Celano, “Vita secunda,” 250; translated in “Remembrance,” 381.
83. Bonaventure, “Legenda Maior S. Francisci,” in Analecta Franciscana (Quaracchi: Ex Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1926–41), 10:574;translated in Bonaventure,” The Major Legend of Saint Francis,” in Armstrong Hellmann, and Short, Founder, 554–55.
84. Bonaventure, “Legenda Maior,” 598; translated in “Major Legend,” 599.
85. Bonaventure, “Legenda Maior,” 599; translated in “Major Legend,” 599.
86. Bonaventure here is quoting the Office of Saint Martin of Tours. Bonaventure, “Legenda Maior,” 601; translated in “Major Legend,” 604.
87. Bonaventure, “Legenda Maior,” 574; translated in “Major Legend,” 554–55.
88. Bonaventure, “Legenda Minor S. Francisci,” in Analecta Franciscana (Quaracchi: Ex Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1926–41), 10:665, translated in Bonaventure, “The Minor Legend of Saint Francis,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Founder, 706–7.
89. Ubertino da Casale, “The Tree of the Crucified Life of Jesus,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Prophet, 175.
90. Stanislaus of Krakow (d. 1079) was the only other martyr. The saints were Edmund Rich of Canterbury (d. 1240); William, bishop of St. Brieuc (d. 1234); and Margaret of Scotland (d. 1093). Donald Prudlo, The Martyred Inquisitor: The Life and Cult of Peter of Verona (1252) (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2008), 77–78.
91. Bartolomeo da Trento, Liber epilogorum in gesta sanctorum, ed. Emore Paoli (Florence: SISMEL, Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2001), 210.
92. Jordan of Saxony, “Libellus de initiis Ordinis Praedicatorum,” ed. H. C. Scheeben and A. Walz, in Monumenta Historiae Sancti Patris Nostri Dominici (Rome: Institutum Histor-icum FF. Praedicatorum 1935), 16:25–88, sec. 34.
93. Prudlo, Martyred Inquisitor, 118, 121–24; Fra Angelico’s painting is in the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Strossmayer Gallery of Old Masters.
94. John Clyn, The Annals of Ireland, ed. and tr. Bernadette Williams (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2007), 143.
CHAPTER 3
1. Simon’s account of his journey survived only within the pages of the Speculum histori ale. For more, see Jean Richard, Au-dela de la Perse et de l’Armonie l’Orient latin et la découverte de l’Asie interieure: Quelques textes inegalement connus aux origines de l alliance entre Francs et Mongols (1145–1262) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005).
2. A third set of envoys was sent to the Mongols fighting against the Mamluks. Peter Jackson, “Franciscans as Papal and Royal Envoys to the Tartars (1245–1255),” in Robson, Cambridge Companion to Francis of Assisi, 225.
3. Salimbene de Adam, Cronica, 305; The Chronicle of Salimbene de Adam, tr. Joseph L. Baird (Binghamton, NY: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, 1986), 203.
4. See, for example, Thomas of Eccleston’s account of the Franciscans in England, “De adventu fratrum minorum in Angliam,” in Monumenta Franciscana, ed. J. S. Brewer, Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores (London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1858), 1:3–72. For a discussion of Franciscans in Germany, see below.
5. Mendicant engagement in the Mongol world has stimulated an enormous amount of scholarship. Including the other material cited here, see Jean Richard, “The Missions to the North of the Black Sea (Thirteenth to Fifteenth Centuries),” in The Spiritual Expansion of Medieval Latin Christendom: The Asian Missions, ed. James D. Ryan, Expansion of Latin Europe, 1000–1500, II (Farnham, UK: Ashgate Variorum, 2013), 343–56. See also the work of James D. Ryan cited throughout this chapter, as well as E. Randolph Daniel, “Franciscan Missions,” in Robson, Cambridge Companion to Francis of Assisi, 240–57; and Pamela Drost Beattie, “Dreams of Missions and Monsters in the East,” Scintilla 8 (1991): 1–24.
6. Significant contributions have been made recently by Brett Whalen and Michael Lower (see below), building on earlier work by James Muldoon, Popes, Lawyers, and Infidels (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979), 36–41, and the foundational work by early twentieth-century Spanish scholars: see particularly Atanasio Loépez, O.F.M., La Provincia de Espana de los frailes menores (Santiago, Spain: Tip. de del Eco Franciscano, 1915), and Los Obispos in el Africa septentrional desde el siglo XIII: El Cristianismo en el Africa del Norte (Tan-giers: Taénger Instituto General Franco para la Investigacioén Hispano-Arabe, 1941). See also Karl-Ernst Lupprian, Die Beziehungen der Päpste zu Islamischen und Mongolischen Herrschern im 13. Jahrhundert anhand ihres Briefwechels (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1981), and Clara Maillard, Les papes et le Maghreb aux XIIIème et XIVe;me siecles: Etude des lettres pontificales de à 1419 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014). For a broader perspective, see the work of Allen James Fromherz, The Near East: Medieval North Africa, Latin Europe and the Mediterranean in the Second Axial Age (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2016), though it is not particularly reliable when it comes to the Franciscans.
7. Translatio Sancti Viti martyris, 32.
8. Robin Vose, Dominicans, Muslims and Jews in the Medieval Crown of Aragon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 21.
9. Brett Whalen, “Corresponding with Infidels: Rome, the Almohads, and the Christians of Thirteenth-Century Morocco,” Journalof Medievaland Early Modern Studies 41, no. 3 (2011): 489.
10. Schlageter, “Die Chronica des Bruders Jordan von Giano,” 35. For the older edition, see Jordan of Giano, Chronica fratris Jordani, 5–6.
11. Schlageter, “Die Chronica des Bruders Jordan von Giano,” 36; Jordan of Giano, Chronica fratris Jordani, 6–7.
12. Schlageter, “Die Chronica des Bruders Jordan von Giano,” 40; Jordan of Giano, Chronica fratris Jordani, 19.
13. Peter Jackson has pointed out that it was not until Arghun’s successor Oljeitu (1304–16) that the Ilkhanids turned clearly to support Muslim institutions and require Christians to pay the jizya. “The Mongols and the Faith of the Conquered,” in Ryan, The Spiritual Expansion of Medieval Latin Christendom, 326–27. See also Jackson’s magnum opus, Mongols and the Islamic World: From Conquest to Conversion (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2017).
14. Laetamur quod ecclesia (12 June 1237), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:225, #236.
15. Tertullian, “Apologeticum,” 171.
16. Barbara Bombi, “Celestine III and the Conversion of the Heathen on the Baltic Frontier,” in Pope Celestine III (1191–1198): Diplomat and Pastor, ed. John Doran and Damian J. Smith (Farnham, UK: Ashgate, 2008), 145–59, esp. 148.
17. Thomas de Celano, “Vita prima,” 43; translated in Thomas of Celano, “Life,” 230.
18. Benjamin Z. Kedar suggests that the title was widely transliterated from Arabic because its translation into Latin would have been something like dux fidelium, which would be unacceptable from a Christian perspective. “Religion in Catholic-Muslim Correspondence and Treaties,” in Diplomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean, 1000–1500: Aspects of Cross-Cultural Communication, ed. Alexander D. Beihammer, Maria G. Parani, and Christopher D. Schabel (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 409. The title was most commonly used for the Almohad caliph. Allen James Fromherz points out that the first Almohad caliph was named ‘Abd al-Mu’min, which has the same root as the caliphal title; “Miramolinus” might thus also be intended as a dynastic marker for the Almohads specifically. Near East, 18. Jacques de Vitry used Miramummelin of the ruler of Marrakesh, and gave a translation of the term (“Historia Iherosolimitana Abbreviata,” in Gesta Dei per Francos, ed. Jacques Bongars [Hanover: Typis Wechelianis, 1611], 2:col. 1061). The Chronica Pisani also used it, and Matthew Paris styled the title as Admiralius Murmelinus. It was applied to other Muslim leaders as well; Mirmuraenus, apparently a version of Miramolinus, referred to Saladin in a letter from the sultan to Frederick I translated into Latin: Hans E. Mayer (ed.), Das Itinerarium peregrinorum (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1962), 288 (Ioseph, filii Iob, suscitatoris progeniorum Mirmuraeni). For more ways in which the Mira-molin was denominated, see Martin Alvira Cabrer, “La imagen del Miramamolín al-Nasir (1199–1213) en las fuentes cristianas del siglo XIII,” Annuario de estudios medievales 26 (1996): 1007.
19. Maribel Fierro, “The Madhi Ibn Tumart and al-Andalus,” tr. Ed McAllister in The Almohad Revolution: Politics and Religion in the Islamic West During the Twelfth—Thirteenth Centuries (Farnham, UK: Ashgate, 2012), 3:1–20; Derek W. Lomax, “Heresy and Orthodoxy in the Fall of Almohad Spain,” in God and Man in Medieval Spain: Essays in Honour of J. R. L. Highfield, ed. Derek W. Lomax and David Mackenzie (Warminster, UK: Aris & Phillips, 1989), 37–48.
20. Hugh Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History ofal-Andalus (London: Longman, 1996), 246.
21. See Joseph F. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 66–74.
22. Innocent ordered that the clergy and people of Rome process through the city on 16 May 1212 in order to pray for victory against the Muslims in Spain. Demetrio Mansilla (ed.), Documentación hasta Inocencio III (965–1216) (Rome: Instituto español de estudios eclesiasticos, 1955), 503–4, #473.
23. James D. Ryan cautions against using the preponderance of papal evidence as proof that the popes directed the missions. “To Baptize Khans or to Convert Peoples?: Missionary Aims in Central Asia in the Fourteenth Century,” in Christianizing Peoples and Converting Individuals, ed. Guyda Armstrong and Ian N. Wood (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), 248.
24. Hussein Fancy, “The Last Almohads: Universal Sovereignty Between North Africa and the Crown of Aragon,” Medieval Encounters 19 (2013): 102–36. For more on Christian and Muslim mercenaries in the Mediterranean, see also Hussein Fancy, The Mercenary Mediterranean: Sovereignty, Religion, and Violence in the Medieval Crown of Aragon (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016); and Robert I. Burns, “Renegades, Adventurers, and Sharp Businessmen: The Thirteenth-Century Spaniard in the Cause of Islam,” Catholic Historical Review 58 (1972): 352–53.
25. The letter is often quoted because of the argument that Gregory makes that “most certainly you and we ought to love each other in this way more than other races of men, because we believe and confess one God, albeit in different ways, whom each day we praise and reverence as the creator of all ages and the governor of this world.” Translation from Bernard Hamilton, “Knowing the Enemy: Western Understanding of Islam,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, ser. 3, 7 (1997): 373, original text in M. L. de Mas-Latrie (ed.), Trait Ees de paix et de commerce et documents divers concernant les relations des Chretiens avec les Arabes de l’Afrique septentrionale au moyen age (Paris: Henri Plon, 1866; repr., New York: Burt Franklin, [1964]), 2:7–8.
26. Inter cetera que (4 June 1192), Fidel Fita, “Noticias,” in Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia II (1887): 455–56; Iben Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, 1147–1254 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 75.
27. John Flannery, “The Trinitarian Order and the Ransom of Captives,” Al-Masaq 23, no. 2 (2011): 135–44; Maillard, Les papes, 53–54.
28. For Honorius III’s engagement with the Latin East based on papal archives, see Pierre-Vincent Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient (1216–1227) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013).
29. Ne si secus (25 March 1221), in Regesta Honorii Papae III, ed. Pietro Pressutti (Rome: Ex Typographia Vaticana, 1888), 1:523–24, #3209.
30. Simon Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?: Christian Mercenaries in al-Andalus and the Maghreb,” in Medieval Spain: Culture, Conflict, and Coexistence, ed. Roger Collins and Anthony Goodman (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 23–45; Simon Barton, “From Mercenary to Crusader: The Career of Alvar Pérez de Castro (d. 1239) Re-Examined,” in Church, State, Vellum, and Stone: Essays on Medieval Spain in Honor of John Williams, ed. Therese Martin and Julie A. Harris (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 111–29.
31. Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris, ed. Luis Sanchez Belda (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1950), 104–6, 81–83.
32. Francois Clément, “Reverter et son fils, deux officiers catalans au service des sultans de Marrakesh,” Medieval Encounters 9 (2003): 79–106.
33. For more on the Almohad army, see Victoria Aguilar, “Instituciones militares: El ejeército,” in El Retroceso territorial de al-Andalus: Almora Evides y Almohades siglos XI al XIII, ed. Maréia Jesués Viguera Moléins (Madrid: Espasacalpe, 1997), 187–208, esp. 197–98.
34. Alejandro Garcéia Sanjuaén, “Mercenarios cristianos al servicio de los musulmanes en el norte de África durante el siglo XIII,” in La Península Ibérica entre el Mediterraáeo y el Atlantico: Siglos XIII—XV; Cédiz, 1–4 de abril de 2003, ed. Manuel Gonzalez Jimenez and Isabel Montes Romero-Camacho (Céadiz: Diputacioén de Caédiz, Servicio de Publicaciones; [Madrid]: Sociedad Española de Estudios Medievales, 2006), 435–47. See also Burns, “Renegades, Adventurers, and Sharp Businessmen.”
35. Olivia Remie Constable, Housing the Stranger: Lodging, Trade, and Travel in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); David Niren-berg, “Christian Merchants in the Almohad Cities,” Journalof Medieval Iberian Studies 2 (2010): 251–57.
36. Pope Honorius first wrote to Al-Mustan^ir in 1219. This letter accompanied a Hospitaller, and sought to protect the rights of Christians in the Almohad Empire, particularly mercenaries. Expedire tibi (5 September 1219), in La documentación pontificia de Honorius III (1216–1227), ed. Demetrio Mansilla (Rome: Instituto español de historia eclesiastica, 1965), 185–86, #243.
37. Vinee domini custodes (10 June 1225), in Mansilla, La documentacion pontificia de Honorius III, 416–17, #562. Dominic and Martin are identified only in the superscription. Dominic is identified as a prior of the Dominican order, while Martin is simply identified as a friar, leading some to identify him as a Franciscan. Manuel P. Castellanos, Apostolado serafico en Marruecos ósea Historia de las misiones franciscanas en aquel imperio desde el siglo XIII hasta neustros días (Madrid: Libreria de D. Gregorio del Amo; Santiago: Biblioteca de “El Eco Franciscano,” 1896), 100.
38. Nimia sumus orribilitate (13 May 1223), in Regesta Honorii Papae III, ed. Pietro Pres-sutti (Rome: Ex Typographia Vaticana, 1888), 2:134, #4532; a full transcription of the bull with translation into French and English is available at http://www.cn-telma.fr/relmin/extrait268735/.
39. Ex parte vestra (17 March 1226), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:26, #25.
40. Diplomatarium Danicum, ed. Niels Skyum-Nielsen (Copenhagen: Ejnar Munks-garrds Forlag, 1957), I. Raekke, 5. Bind (1211–1223), nr. 192, pp. 243–44; Fonnesberg-Schmidt, Popes and the Baltic Crusades, 164. On the other hand, Innocent III had seen the possibility of martyrdom as a strong disincentive for clergy in newly Christianized Finland.
41. The Dominicans did claim that one of their number died during this time, but very little was made of his death, and he was not acclaimed a martyr, even by his own order. See citation given in Maillard, Les papes, 74.
42. While we cannot be certain, this Dominic is assumably the same as the first one. Ea que nuper (8 November 1225), in Mansilla, La documentación de Honorius III, 444–45, #590 (rector); Konrad Eubel (ed.), Bullarii Franciscani Epitome sive Summa Bullarum in eiusdem Bullarii quattuor prioribus tomis relatarum (Quaracchi: Typis Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1908), 3, #24 (27 October 1225). Vose suggests that the tone of the bull indicates surprise on Honor-ius’s part, implying that someone else elevated Dominic, probably Ximenez, archbishop of Toledo. Vose, Dominicans, Muslims and Jews, 202–3. Honorius also issued it four months later (7 October 1225) to the Franciscans. Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:24, #23.
43. Ea que nuper (8 November 1225), in Mansilla, La documentación de Honorius III, 444–45, #590.
44. Urgente officii nostri (20 February 1226), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:24–25, #24. Lucy K. Pick, Cooperation and Coexistence: Archbishop Rodrigo and the Muslims and Jews of Medieval Spain (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004), 52–63; Vose, Dominicans, Muslims and Jews, 200–203. The area is defined as the “regnum Miramolini.” Where Dominic, Martin, and others were within the Almohad Empire is not clear. The most common geographic term used in the bulls (when one was used at all) was “Marochium”—a name that applied to both the city of Marrakesh and the kingdom over which the city ruled. In a letter the year before to the archbishop of Toledo, however, Honorius asked that he give aid to any Dominicans or Franciscans who were on their way to the kingdom of the Miramolin, “whether in Africa or in Barbaria,” to convert infidels (Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:24–25, #25). It appears that Dominic eventually ended up as bishop, by 1228, of the Andalusian city of Baeza, which had fallen under Christian domination around 1226, as part of the long-term consequences of the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (according to Loépez, La Provincia, 74–75). Later tradition suggests that he was martyred, but no medieval evidence supports this (Loépez, La Provincia, 80). It is unclear whether the Dominic of Baeza is the same as the Dominic sent to the lands of the Miramolin; it is even possible that Baeza, so recently under Almohad rule, is part of the “lands of the Miramolin” referred to. The references to the lands of the Miramolin and terra Marochium may have referred to Almohad lands in al-Andalus that were recently conquered. It is possible that the friars may have remained in al-Andalus, and not ventured to North Africa at all, but the use of “Marochium” and the issues that the bulls engaged suggest that they were in Morocco itself.
45. Whalen, “Corresponding with Infidels,” 487–513.
46. He may have been as young as ten. Roger Le Tourneau, The Almohad Movement in North Africa (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1969), 89.
47. This is according to the fourteenth-century chronicler Ibn ‘Idar! al-Marräkusi. Al-Bayan al-mughrib, 1:318–20. However, Ibn ‘Idar! was writing under the succeeding Marinid dynasty, and may have been inclined to cast the Almohads in a bad light.
48. Al-’Adil had crossed over to Morocco to claim power in the Almohad center, but was murdered in a palace coup. Al-Ma’mun moved against his nephew Yahyä, who had claimed the caliphate in Marrakesh.
49. Ibn Abi Zar’, Rawd al-Qirtas, tr. Ambrosio Huici Miranda (Valencia: Anubar, 1964), 2:486.
50. Joseph F. O’Callaghan, A History of Medieval Spain (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1975), 339. For the assumption that it did, see Loépez, Los Obispos, 401. For the church, see Lopez, La Provincia, 65–66. The treaty between Alfonso III of Aragon and ‘Abd al-Wahid in 1287 was part of a plan to reestablish the son of the last Almohad caliph in Tunis; part of the alliance mandated that the churches in the funduqs of Tunis would be allowed to ring their bells. Hussein Fancy, “Last Almohads,” 121.
51. In aliis litteris (27 May 1233), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:106, #106.
52. Referred to in the letter only by the initial “A.” He is identified in a bull of 1246, Cum sicut intelleximus (19 December 1246), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:444, #178. Later Franciscan historians imagined a great role of this first Franciscan bishop. By the seventeenth century, his relics were believed to be preserved in the Franciscan convent of Zaragoza. Loépez, La Provincia, 32.
53. Vinee domini custodes (10 June 1225), in Mansilla, La documentacion pontificia de Hon-orius III, 416–17, #562.
54. Mark 12:9, Matt. 21:40.
55. Fonnesberg-Schmidt, Popes and the Baltic Crusades, 162.
56. The correspondence is not word for word. The bull reads, “Cum messis multa sit, operarii vero pauci,” while both gospels say, “messis quidem multa operarii autem pauci.” Cum messis multa (24 March 1233), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:100, #97.
57. Thomas cited a méelange of gospel quotations, including Matt. 10:9–10, Luke 9:2, and Mark 6: 12. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” 19; “Life,” 201.
58. Kienzle claims that “the scriptural image of the vineyard serves as a unifying motif for the various phases of Cistercian activity in Occitania and for the many texts that relate to it.” Beverly Mayne Kienzle, Cistercians, Heresy, and the Crusade in Occitania, 1145–1229: Preaching in the Lord’s Vineyard (Woodbridge, UK: York Medieval Press, 2001), 8–9; Brenda Bolton, “Philip Augustus and John: Two Sons in Innocent III’s Vineyard?,” in The Church and Sovereignty c. 590–1918: Essays in Honour of Michael Wilks, ed. Diana Wood (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), 113–34, esp. 113; for an example, see Othmar Hageneder et al. (eds.), Die Register Innocenz III (Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1997), 7:225–27, #139.
59. “Ad hoc periculum de terra Ecclesiae submovendum, magnus ille Pater familias mane saeculi usque ad nostrum vespere non cessat mittere operarios in vineam suam, qui spinas et vepres in eis succrescentes, mox ut oriri coeperint, radicitus amputare festinent. Hoc est enim, quod Jeremiae dicitur, in persona omnium cultorum vineae Domini: Ecce constitui te hodie super gentes et regna, ut evellas, et destruas, et disperdas, et aedifices, et plantes (Jer. I).” Patrologia Latina 212: 712C.
60. Kienzle, Cistercians, 78.
61. For the text of the letter, see PL 216, col. 823. It is also reprinted with some discussion in Alberto Melloni, “Vineam Domini–10 April 1213: New Efforts and Traditional Topoi—Summoning Lateran IV,” in Pope Innocent IIIand His World, ed. Brenda Bolton and John C. Moore (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999), 63–71.
62. Nicholas R. Havely, “The Blood of the Apostles: Dante, the Franciscans and Pope John XXII,” Italian Studies 52 (2013): 38–50.
63. Cum messis multa (8 April 1233), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:100–101, #97.
64. Cum hora undecima (II June 1239), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:269–70, #296.
65. James D. Ryan, “Conversion or the Crown of Martyrdom: Conflicting Goals for Fourteenth-Century Missionaries in Central Asia?,” in Medieval Cultures in Contact, ed. Richard Gyug (New York: Fordham University Press, 2003), 23.
66. Brett Whalen, Dominion of God: Christendom and Apocalypse in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 164.
67. Matt. 28:16–20.
68. The bull was issued to Dominicans in this iteration. Augustin Theiner (ed.), Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia (Rome: Typis Vaticana, 1859), 1:223–24. Felicitas Schmeider noted that the Mongols disappear from the bulls in 1307, as bishoprics are established in their territories. “Cum hora undecima: The Incorporation of Asia into the orbis Christianus,” in Christianizing Peoples and Converting Individuals, ed. Guyda Armstrong and Ian N. Wood (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), 264.
69. Kedar, Crusade and Mission.
70. Francis of Assisi, “Regola non bollata,” 266; translated in “Earlier Rule,” 74.
71. Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:435, 437–39, 441–42—##165, 169,170, 173; Lupprian, Die Beziehungen der Papste, 176–78. Another reference to Lope in a letter of 1246 is in Lupprian, Die Beziehungen der Papste, 204–5. See Maillard, Les papes, 105^333, 336, for other unpublished bulls. Ludwig Vones suggests that he transferred his seat to Ceuta at some point, but gives no citation. “Mission et frontière dans l’espace Mediterraneen: Tentatives d’une société guerriere de la foi,” in Christianizing Peoples and Converting Individuals, ed. Guyda Armstrong and Ian N. Wood (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), 210. It is presumably Lope whom the Almohad caliph Murtada referred to in his letter to Innnocent IV in 1250 as bringing the letter; he did not remain in Morocco. E. Tisserant and G. Wiet, “Une lettre de l’Almohade Murtadä au Pape Innocent IV,” Hesperis 6 ([1926]): 27–53. Lope may also have had some lower clergy associated with him in Marrakesh, such as the archdeacon Garcia Péerez, but there is no evidence for his presence in Marrakesh itself. Peter Linehan, The Spanish Church and the Papacy in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 123. See also Maillard for discussion of Murtada’s letter: Les papes, 108–9. Many scholars have added Fr. Blanco to the list of bishops of Marrakesh in the thirteenth century; this is based on a claim by the eighteenth-century collector of papal bulls related to the Franciscans, Giovanni Giacinto Sbaraglia, in a footnote to a bull issued by Innocent IV to his nuncio, Fr. Blanco. Sbaraglia noted that he was made bishop in 1257, and appeared in a letter by Nicholas IV in 1290, which I have not been able to locate. Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:419, #140. See Maillard, Les papes, 132. In 1311 a Franciscan bishop named Francisco was again resident in Fez (though he may have been bishop of Marrakesh). See Mariano Gual de Torrella, “Milicias christianas en Berberia,” Boletin de la Sociedad Arqueologica Luliana 34 (1973): 54–63. The Dominican Alfonso Buenhombre was bishop of Marrakesh in 1343, though it is not clear whether he was resident in Morocco. In 1375 a bishop was sent to the Marinids: Maillard, Les papes, 111. See John V. Tolan, Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 253–54. There were still Dominicans in the Maghreb (Tunis) in 1260 (Maillard, Les papes, 125), and Ramon Marti writing there in 1257, though no bishop was ever established there in the medieval period.
72. La documentacion pontificia de Inocencio IV, ed. Augusto Quintana Prieto (Rome: Instituto Espanol de historia eclesiastica, 1987), 244–46, #332; Michael Lower, “The Papacy and Christian Mercenaries of Thirteenth-Century North Africa,” Speculum 89 (2014): 621.
73. Lower, “Papacy,” 623.
74. Ex parte tua (9 March 1247), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:449, #184. Bull #182 seems to be referring to the same case.
75. The enthusiasm that Innocent had for al-Sa’id can be seen in the bill Gaudemus in domino, in which the pope praised the caliph for following in the footsteps of his predecessors and Catholic rulers (!). M. L. de Las Matrie, Traites depaix et de commerce et documents divers concernant les relations des Chretiens avec les Arabes de l’Afrique septentrionale au moyen age (Paris: Henri Plon, 1866; reprint, New York: Burt Franklin, [1964]), 1:14–15, #15; Maillard, Les papes, 98–99.
76. Constitutus in praesentia (17 March 1250), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:573, #366. For reconstructions of his itinerary, see Maillard, Les papes, 107^47. This is the last letter addressed to an Almohad caliph by a pope (Maillard, Les papes, 110).
77. The bull carissimus in Christo (4 October 1252) was issued in support of a Castilian war directed against “the Saracens of Africa.” Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:628–29, ##185, 186. This did not necessarily mean the Almohads exclusively, but certainly encompassed them.
78. Ad regimen universalis (13 May 1255), in Bullarium Franciscanum, Romanorum Pontifi-cum Constitutiones, Epistolas, ac Diplomata continens, ed. Joannes Hyacinthus Sbaralea (Rome: Typis Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide, 1761, 2:46–47, #57. There are fourteen letters associated with Lope and the crusade; see Maillard, Les papes, 102n316.
79. Cum per strenuitatem (27 November 1255), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 2:89, #124. (See also the bull of 18 March 1255; Maillard, Les papes, 114.) For more on Lope and the crusade, see Olga Cecilia Méendez Gonzaélez, “Lope Fernaéndez, Bishop of Morocco: His Diplomatic Role in the Planning of an Anglo-Castilian Crusade into Northern Africa,” in Thirteenth-Century England XIV: Proceedings of the Aberystwyth and Lampeter Conference, 2011, ed. Janet Burton Phillipp Schofield and Bjorn Weiler (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2013), 101–13; and Joseph F. O’Callaghan, The Gibraltar Crusade: Castile and the Battle for the Strait (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 16. Maillard points out that the letters of Alexander IV (1254–61) on Morocco no longer mention conversion, and focus largely on crusade. Maillard, Les papes, 114.
80. Historians have suggested that Lawrence of Portugal, who had been the third papal legate sent to the Mongols in 1245 alongside Giovanni da Pian del Carpine and Simon de St. Quentin, became the bishop of Ceuta, but the evidence is fragmentary, and again there is no evidence that he was ever in residence. Girolamo Golubovich (ed.), Bio-Biblioteca Bibliografica della Terra Santa e dell Oriente francescano (Quaracchi: Collegio di S. Bonaventura, 1906), 2:319–24; Castellanos, Apostolado, 167.
81. Cunctis ecclesiisprelatorum (10 January 1312), Regestum Clementispapae V: Ex Vaticanis archetypis sanctissimi domini nostri Leonis XIIIpontificis maximi iussu et munificentia (Rome: Ex Typographia Vaticana, 1887), Annus VII, pp. 12–13, no. 7659.
82. The closest we have are the questions from a group of Franciscans and Dominicans in Tunis sent to the pope in 1234. They generally deal with the appropriate response to a number of issues they were confronting, such as Christians trading with Muslims, slavery, commuting vows, heresy, and religiously mixed families. The friars did not ask any questions about martyrdom and generally seemed to face few threats. Raymundiana seu documenta quae pertinent ad S. Raymundi de Pennaforti: Vitam et Scripta, ed. Franciscus Balme, Ceslaus Paban, and Joachim Collomb, Monumenta Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum Historica, 4 (2) (Rome: In Domo Generalita; Stuttgart: Jos. Roth, 1901), 29–38. An internet edition and translation have also recently been produced by John Tolan, which uses a newly discovered manuscript absent in earlier editions, “Ramon de Penyafort’s Responses to Questions Concerning Relations Between Chrsitians and Saracens: Critical Edition and Translation, 2012, hal-00 761257,” accessed online, http://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/76/12/57/PDF/Penyafort.pdf. For more on the letter in terms of trade, see John V. Tolan, “Taking Gratian to Africa: Raymond de Penyafort’s Legal Advice to the Dominicans and Franciscans in Tunis (1234),” in A Faithful Sea: The Religious Cultures of the Mediterranean, 1200–1700, ed. Adnan A. Husain and K. E. Fleming (Oxford: Oneworld, 2007), 47–63.
83. Giovanni da Pian del Carpine, Storia dei Mongoli, ed. Paolo Daffum et al. (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi sull’alto Medioevo, 1989), 228.
84. Giovanni da Pian del Carpine, Storia dei Mongoli, 227–28; translated in Christopher Dawson (ed.), The Mongol Mission, tr. A Nun of Stanbrook Abbey (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1955), 3.
85. Giovanni da Pian del Carpine, Storia dei Mongoli, 237–38; translated in Dawson, Mongol Mission, 10.
86. Giovanni da Pian del Carpine, Storia dei Mongoli, 310; translated in Dawson, Mongol Mission, 56.
87. Giovanni da Pian del Carpine, Storia dei Mongoli, 308; translated in Dawson, Mongol Mission, 54.
88. Giovanni da Pian del Carpine, Storia dei Mongoli, 236; translated in Dawson, Mongol Mission, 9.
89. Marianus de Florentia [Mariano da Firenze], Compendium chronicorum Ordinis FF Minorum (Quaracchi: Typis Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1911), 49–50, original pagination 465–66. See also Golubovich (ed.), Biblioteca Bio-Bibliografica, 1:429; and Jean Richard, Papauté et les missions d’Orient au Moyen Age (Rome: Ecole francaise de Rome, 1977), 107.
90. William of Rubruck sought to ally himselfwith Muslims as monotheists in a religious debate at the Mongol court with tuins, who were probably Buddhist monks. William of Rubruck [Guglielmo di Rubruk], Viaggio in Mongolia (Itinerarium), ed. Paolo Chiesa ([Rome]: Fondazione Lorenzo Valla, 2011), 246.
CHAPTER 4
1. One wonders if this difference may be because of the difference in sources. If a passio of the spiritual martyrs existed, it might well have ascribed to them a saintly desire for martyrdom. Sancia of Naples expressed her willingness to die for the rule as the spirituals did in a letter to the Franciscans, but this is not necessarily the desire to be martyred. Her declaration was originally made in 1329, but she included it in a letter written to a general meeting of the Franciscans in 1334: Chronica XXIVgeneralium ordinis minorum, 511; Ronald G. Musto, “Queen Sancia of Naples (1286–1345) and the Spiritual Franciscans,” in Women of the Medieval World: Essays in Honor of John H. Mundy, ed. Julius Kirshner and Suzanne F. Wemple (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985), 203.
2. For a discussion of the Marseilles martyrs and the beguines who venerated and followed them, see Louisa A. Burnham, So Great a Light, So Great a Smoke: The Beguin Heretics of Languedoc (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008).
3. Italo Calvino, The Uses of Literature, tr. Patrick Creagh (San Diego: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1986), 67.
4. Suzanne Conklin Akbari, Idols in the East: European Representations of Islam and the Orient, 1100–1450 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009), 54.
5. Of course, the five martyrs of Morocco, contemporaries of Francis himself, were well known, but no passio survives dating from before the appearance of the accounts of the martyrs of Tana in the 1320s. See below for a discussion of this first passio.
6. See, in comparison, Guy Geltner’s work on medieval antifraternalism, and friars’ claims of persecution by their fellow Christians. The Making of Medieval Antifraternalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012).
7. Michael Goodich enumerates a long list of such thirteenth- and fourteenth-century martyrs in the appendix of his book Vita Perfecta. See, for example, Margaret of Louvain, a maid raped and murdered, (2 September) Acta Sanctorum, Sept. 1: 582–92, Caesarius Heisterba-censis [Caesar of Heisterbach], “Margareta habitans Lovanii (BHL 5320),” accessed online, http://gateway.proquest.com/openurlPurl_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:acta-us&rft_dat=xri:acta:ft:all:Z400021721; “Dignissimae cujusdam virginis,” accessed online at http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:acta-us&rft_dat=xri:acta:ft:all:Z400021723; Jean-Claude Schmitt, The Holy Greyhound: Guinefort, Healer of Children Since the Thirteenth Century, tr. Martin Thom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Paris: Editions de la maison des sciences de l’homme, 1983).
8. Daniel E. Randolph, “The Desire for Martyrdom: A Leitmotiv of St. Bonventure,” Franciscan Studies 32 (1972): 74–87.
9. David Burr, Spiritual Franciscans: From Protest to Persecution in the Century After Saint Francis (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2001), 11–34. John Fleming, in contrast, suggests that we can see distinct spiritual and conventual groups in 1260 or even earlier. An Introduction to the Franciscan Literature of the Middle Ages (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1977), 43.
10. “Regula Bullata,” in Menesto and Brufani, Fontes Franciscani, 171; “The Later Rule,” in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, Saint, 100. For an exploration of what this might mean, see Jacques Dalarun, “D’un testament a l’autre,” in Institution und Charisma: Festschrift fur Gert Melville zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Franz J. Felten, Annette Kehnel, and Stefan Weinfurter (Cologne: Bohlau Verlag, 2009), 503–11; reprinted in Jacques Dalarun, Francois d’Assisi en questions (Paris: CNRS Editions, 2016), 17–28.
11. For the vow the friars took, see Michael Bihl, “Statuta generalia ordinis edita in capi-tulis generalibus celebratis Narbonae an. 1260, Assisii an. 1279 atque Parisiis an. 1292,” Archi-vium Franciscanum Historicum 34 (1941): 40.
12. David Burr, “The Correctorium Controversy and the Origins of the Usus Pauper Controversy,” Speculum 60 (1985): 331–42.
13. Exiit qui seminat (14 August 1279), in Jules Gay (ed.), Registres de Nicholas III (1277–1280): Receueil des bulles de ce pape (Paris: Albert Fontemoing, 1898), 1:234, #564.
14. Exiit qui seminat (14 August 1279), in Gay, Registres de Nicholas III, 1:234, #564; translation from Peter Garnsey, Thinking About Property: From Antiquityto the Age of Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 99.
15. Sean Kinsella, “The Poverty of Christ in the Medieval Debates Between the Papacy and the Franciscans,” Laurentianum 36 (1995): 477–509, 494.
16. Burr, Spiritual Franciscans, 51.
17. For more, see the many books and articles by David Burr, including “The Persecution of Peter Olivi,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 66 (1976): 3–98; and Olivi and Franciscan Poverty: The Origins of the Usus Poverty Debate (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989). For the continued importance of Peter Olivi even after his teachings were condemned, see David Burr, “Raymond Deéjean, Franciscan Renegade,” Franciscan Studies 57 (1999): 57–78.
18. For this debate, see Gerald Fussenegger (ed.), “Relatio commissionis in concilio Viennensi institutae ad decretalem ‘Exivi de paradiso’ praeparandam,” Archivium Franciscanum Historicum 50 (1957): 145–77.
19. Patrick Nold’s work reminds us that “John’s reform of the Franciscan order was fitful, piecemeal and unplanned.” “Pope John XXII, the Franciscan Order and Its Rule,” in Robson, Cambridge Companion to Francis of Assisi, 258–72, 258.
20. For a succinct summary with appropriate caution, see Nold, “Pope John XXII, the Franciscan Order and Its Rule.”
21. William Chester Jordan, Unceasing Strife, Unending Fear: Jacques de Thérines and the Freedom of the Church in the Age of the Last Capetians (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), 89.
22. Their words were recorded in the letters of the Franciscan inquisitor Michel le Moine, which were in turn preserved in the collection of Étienne Baluze (ed.), Miscellanea novo ordine digesta et non paucis ineditis monumentis opportunisque animadversionibus aucta (Lucca: Vincen-tium Junctimium, 1761), 2:272; translation from Burr, Spiritual Franciscans, 214.
23. For what follows, there is an extensive bibliography. The broad narrative of events from 1321 onward generally is dependent on the Chronica of Nicolaus Minorita, who was a supporter of Michael of Cesena. Nicolaus Minorita, Chronica, ed. David Flood and Gedeon Gal (St. Bonaventure, NY: Franciscan Institute Publications, 1996). See also Patrick Nold’s critique of using it in a purely documentary way: Pope John XXII and His Franciscan Cardinal (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003), 1–24.
24. Nold, Pope John XXII and His Franciscan Cardinal, 2.
25. For the Littera capituli generis and the subsequent Declaratio magistrorum, see Nicolaus Minorita, Chronica, 67–82.
26. This account has been published as an appendix to the trial of the Franciscan Michele da Calci for heresy in Florence in 1388. Francesco Flora, Storia di Fra Michele Minorita (Florence: Felice le Monnier, 1942), 96–97; translation in Nold, Pope John XXII and His Franciscan Cardinal, 13.
27. Flora, Storia di Fra Michele Minorita, 99; translation adapted from Nold, Pope John XXII and His Franciscan Cardinal, 14. For recent scholarship on Jerome, see Thomas Tanase, “Frère Jerome de Catalogne, premier evèque de Caffa, et l’Orient franciscain,” in Espaces et réseaux en Mediterranee, VIe-XVIe siecle, ed. Damien Coulon, Christophe Picard, and Dominique Valérian (Paris: Editions Bouchène, 2007), 2:127–66.
28. The account did not include the list, unfortunately. Flora, Storia di Fra Michele Minorita, 99; translation in Nold, Pope John XXII and His Franciscan Cardinal, 14.
29. The first report of the Tana martyrs came from Jordan Catala de Severac in a letter dated 12 October 1321. It is very unlikely that it could have reached Avignon before the issue of Quia nonnunquam on 25 March 1322. For a detailed discussion of the chronology of the letters of Jordan Catala de Seévéerac and Bartholomew the custos and their arrival in Europe, see A. C. Moule, “Cathay and the Way Thither: Some Notes on ‘Letters and Reports of Missionary Friars,’” New China Review 3 (1921): 221–22.
30. The most widespread sources of information came from antiquity: the fourth-century Roman grammaticus Caius Julius Solinus’s geographic compilation, the Polyhistor, which was widely read throughout the Middle Ages. See Paul Dover, “Reading ‘Pliny’s Ape’ in the Renaissance: The Polyhistor of Caius Julius Solinus in the First Century of Print,” in Encyclopaedism from Antiquity to the Renaissance, ed. Jason König and Greg Woolf (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 414–44.
31. Philip Almond, “The Buddha of Christendom: A Review of the Legend of Barlaam and Josaphat,” Religious Studies 23 (1987): 391–406.
32. Edgar C. Polomeé, “The Vision of India in Medieval Encyclopedias,” in Interpreting Texts from the Middle Ages: The Ring of Words in Medieval Literature, ed. Ulrich Goebel and David Lee (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1994), 257–80.
33. Burns, “Christian-Islamic Confrontation in the West,” 1386–1424.
34. “India” in medieval geographic terms was applied to an enormous swath of Asia and sometimes even Africa. Marco Polo included Japan and Zanzibar as part of his description of “Indie” while Ethiopia was named as “middle India.” Marco Polo, The Description of the World, ed. A. C. Moule and Paul Pelliot (London: George Routledge and Sons, 1938), 2:xcix—xc. Of course, there is no one authoritative text for Polo’s account; multiple versions circulated. This edition is based on a manuscript in the library of the Cathedral of Toledo. The connection between India and Ethiopia derives in part from the association of southern locations with the heat of the sun and eastern locations with the origin of the sun. See Akbari, Idols in the East, 109. See also James D. Ryan, “European Travellers Before Columbus: The Fourteenth Century’s Discovery of India,” Catholic Historical Review 79 (1993): 648–70;and Marianne O’Doherty, The Indies and the Medieval West (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013), 33–39.
35. James D. Ryan, “Conversion vs. Baptism: European Missionaries in Asia in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,” in Varieties of Religious Conversion in the Middle Ages, ed. James Muldoon (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997), 146–67; John Larner, Marco Polo and the Discovery of the World (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999), 116–32. See, for example, the list of way stations from Ayas to Tabriz in the early fourteenth-century guide for merchants in Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, Pratica della Mercatura, ed. A. Evans (Cambridge: Medieval Academy of America, 1936), 28–29.
36. For a broader discussion of travel narratives to the “East,” see Kim M. Phillips, Before Orientalism: Asian Peoples and Cultures in European Travel Writing 1245–1510 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014).
37. See also Richard, Papaute, 114; and Schmieder, “Cum hora undecima” 259–65.
38. Cum hora undecima (11 June 1239), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:269, #296.
39. Cum hora undecima (21 March 1245), in Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:360, #80.
40. He did discuss at length the shrine of the apostle Saint Thomas “in a little town” in greater India, which suggests he may have visited it. Marco Polo, Description, 2:lxxix.
41. Marco Polo, Description, 2:lxxi; translation in Description, 1:402–3.
42. S. D. Goitein and Mordechai Akiva Friedman, India Traders of the Middle Ages: Documents from the Cairo Geniza (‘India Book) (Leiden: Brill; Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 2008).
43. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, ms. Lat. 5006, fols. 170v–171v; Girolamo Golubovich, Biblioteca Bio-Bibliografica della Terra Santa (Quaracchi: Collegio di S. Bonaventura, 1923), 4:303.
44. Christine Gadrat, Une image de l’Orient au XIVe siecle: Les “Mirabilia Descripta” de Jordan Catala de Sévérac (Paris: Ecole des chartes, 2005), 310: “meis peccatis.”
45. For a full discussion of Jordan and an edition of the letter, see Christine Gadrat, Une image de l Orient. See also Gadrat, “Des nouvelles d’Orient: Les lettres des missionaires et leur diffusion en Occident (XIIIe—XIVe siecles),” in Passages: Deplacements des hommes, circulation des textes et identites dans l’Occident medieval, ed. Joèlle Ducos and Patrick Henriet (Toulouse: Framespa, 2013), 159–72, for the chain of transmission of Jordan’s letter.
46. The address at the top of the letter with Bartholomew’s name was omitted in the version of the letter preserved in BL Nero A IX, but appears in the Paris (BN Lat. 5006, fol. 18rv) and Assisi (Bibl. Comunale 341) manuscripts. Bartholomew also provided information to the friars who wrote in Crimea in 1323. See Gadrat, “Des nouvelles d’Orient,” for a chart showing the transmission of Bartholomew’s texts.
47. In BN Lat 5006, fol. 18rv, he says he got it “ab illo homine qui ivit cum praedictibus fratribus,” a description which may be of Jordan or of whoever carried the letter from Jordan to Tabriz. This sentence is omitted from the version in BL Nero A IX. But there is a problem with the date of Bartholomew’s letter; it would mean that he wrote his letter just weeks after the death of the martyrs, on 7 April 1321, and six months before Jordan’s letter was written, never mind that it arrived in Tabriz. Thus, A. C. Moule has argued that Bartholomew’s letter should be dated one year later, to Ascension Day (May 14), 1322. “Cathay and the Way Thither,” 216–28, esp. 222.
48. Gadrat, Une image de TOrient, 315.
49. Jordan also wrote an account of his travels in the East, referred to by the somewhat inaccurate name of the Mirabilia descripta, which has survived to the present day in only one manuscript (BL Additional 19513, fols. 3–12). His account, though sharing much in common with other stories of trips to the East such as the famous account by Marco Polo, was not widely read, nor did it contain an account of the martyrs, which Jordan evidently understood as a separate subject from the “marvels” of the East. The Chronica XXIV preserved a different letter which some scholars have taken to be a second letter composed by Jordan, but, as Christine Gadrat has argued, the parts that did not replicate the first letter strike a quite different tone than others of Jordan’s writings. Yet we cannot dismiss the possibility that this letter preserved some part of a second letter composed by Jordan. Gadrat, Une image de L’Orient, 115–18.
50. The martyrdom of the four friars was briefly mentioned with few details in another letter by the missionary friar Andrea di Perugia in 1326; Andrea was not certain that his confrères had heard the news. “Epistola,” in Wyngaert, Sinica Franciscana, 1:376. In addition, many manuscripts of the Chronica XXIV generalium ordinis minorum contained appendices that preserved a variety of different material, much of it related to the martyrs. This is presented as a collection of fragments from different sources, gathered together by Peter de Turris, vicar of the East (Chronica XXIV, 597). See the following chapter for more on the Chronica XXIV.
51. For more on the manuscript, see A Catalogue of the Manuscripts Preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge (Cambridge: University Press, 1858), 3:407–11. I would like to thank Cecilia Gaposchkin for viewing the manuscript on my behalf, and for sharing her codico-logical experiences in thinking about it.
52. The manuscript is dated May 29, 1321, but I follow the argument made by A. C. Moule that it must be a year later. Please see note 47 for further discussion.
53. Cambridge, Cambridge University Library, ms. D. Ii. III. 7., fol. 146v; Michael Bihl and A. C. Moule, “De duabus epistolis fratrum minorum Tartariae Aquilonaris an. 1323,” Archivium Fratrum Historicum 16 (1923): 105. A. C. Moule provided an English translation that I have consulted here and below: “Fourteenth-Century Missionary Letters,” The East and the West 19 (1921): 357–66.
54. CUL, ms. D. Ii. III. 7., fol. 146v; Bihl and Moule, “De duabus epistolis,” 104.
55. “Quorum martirium et miracula plurima in oriente tum catholici quam infideles multi puplice contestantur.” CUL, ms. D. Ii. III. 7., fol. 146v; Bihl and Moule, “De duabus epistolis,” 106.
56. “Plures autem quam centum principes, barrones et milienarii ac eorum familia et liberorum innumerum wulgum sunt infra paucos annos per fratres ad fidem mostram renati.” CUL, ms. D. Ii. III. 7., fol. 146v; Bihl and Moule, “De duabus epistolis,” 106.
57. “Et que omnes viros spirituales magis animare debent quam terrere duximus inscri-benda, quomodo videlicet quot tam nostrorum quam aliorum vitam finierint tormentis horridis a saracenis, a paganis.” CUL, ms. D. Ii. III. 7., fol. 147r; Bihl and Moule, “De duabus epistolis,” 107.
58. “Set hec exprimimus ut elephantum more mororum sanguine in pannis viso anime-mini ad agressum et in adiutorium nostrum citium accessum, vos filii beati Francissi, eiusdem exemplo qui se coram soldano pro fide presentauit ac igni se exposuit, licet dictus tirannus, nescimus quo spiritu, illud non permisit.” CUL, ms. D. Ii. III. 7., fol. 147r; Bihl and Moule, “De duabus epistolis,” 108.
59. “Animet eciam et cogitet pocius quam retrahat victus nostri penuria, vestitus vilitas, tenuitas, hispiditas, duricia et inopia.” CUL, ms. D. Ii. III. 7., fol. 147r; Bihl and Moule, “De duabus epistolis,” 108.
60. Bullarium Franciscanum, Romanorum Pontificum Constitutiones, Epistolas, ac Diplomata continens, ed. Konrad Eubel (Rome: Typis Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide, 1898), 5:82, #195.
61. Armando Carlini (ed.), “Constitutiones generales ordinis fratrum minorum anno 1316 Assisii conditae,” Archivium Franciscanum Historicum 4 (1911): 278–79.
62. The best edition of Odorico’s Relatio was published in Wyngaert, Sinica Franciscana. There are many different versions of the Relatio, in Latin and in other languages. One of the most common divisions is between the texts produced by Guglielmo da Solanga, written in 1330 shortly before Odorico’s death, and the one by Henry of Glatz, which was assembled in 1340. Wyngaert’s edition follows the version of Guglielmo da Solanga, which was the most widespread version. See Paolo Chiesa, “Per un riordino della tradizione manoscritta della Relatio di Odorico da Pordenone,” Filiologia mediolatina: Rivista della Fondazione Ezio Franceschini 6–7 (1999): 311–50, esp. 324.
63. Paschalis de Victoria [Pascal de Vittoria], “Epistola,” in Sinica Franciscana, ed. Anastasius van den Wyngaert (Quaracchi: Collegium S. Bonaventurae, 1929), 1:503.
64. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” in Wyngaert, Sinica Franciscana, 1:413; translation in Yule, Travels, 63–64.
65. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 422; translation in Yule, Travels, 77.
66. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 433; translation in Yule, Travels, 90.
67. Angelo Tartuferi and Francesco D’Arelli (eds.), L’Arte di Francesco: Capolavori d arte italiana e terre d’Asia dal XIII al XV secolo (Florence: Giunti, 2015), 364.
68. The city appeared as a Christian center in Nestorian sources as early as the seventh century; at the end of his life, Jordan Catala was made a bishop of the community there.
69. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 1:424.
70. As much as possible, I retain the original spelling of the text for Islamic terms, places, and peoples, to convey that I am discussing medieval Christian depictions of them, rather than their objective reality—thus cadi rather than qadí, Machomet instead of Muhammad, and so on. For more on the origin of the court of the qadi and their role in towns with religiously mixed populations, see Mathieu Tillier, L‘Invention du Cadi: La justice des Musulmans, des Juifs et des Chretiens auxpremiers siecles de l’Islam (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2017).
71. “Alexandrian” at this time became a term referring to those engaged in illicit trade with the Muslim world, associated with the Egyptian port of Alexandria. Joseé Trenchs Odena, “De Alexandrinis: El comercio prohibido con los Musulmanes y el Papado de Avinon durante la primera mitad del siglo XIV,” Anuario de Estudios Medievales 10 (1980): 237–320. I thank Hussein Fancy for this reference.
72. Bartholomew’s letter had the cadi ask whether they believed that “Machomet was a prophet of God.” BL Nero A IX, fol. 99v; transcription available in Gadrat, Une image de l’Orient, 314.
73. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 426; translation in Yule, Travels, 81. Bartholomew did not record this hesitation to answer the question.
74. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 429; translation in Yule, Travels, 84. Under Muslim law, it was not blasphemy, for there was nothing divine about Muhammad. Rather, it was simply a crime to insult the prophet. Christians often imagined Muslims to be analogues of Christians, with Muhammad as an Islamic equivalent to Christ.
75. Their survival is not just a miracle, but a demonstration of Odorico’s way of conceiving the geography of the world. India is in the east, the realm of the sun, and the heat is a consequence of this. For more such conceptions, see Akbari, Idols in the East, 68–72. Bartholomew did not include this miracle either.
76. Bartholomew recorded the same explanation of Jacopo’s protection from the fire.
77. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 430; translation in Yule, Travels, 86.
78. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 430; translation in Yule, Travels, 86.
79. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 431; translation in Yule, Travels, 88.
80. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 434. Not all the manuscripts describe the priests as “Saracen.”
81. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 432–33; translation in Yule, Travels, 89.
82. CUL, ms. D. Ii. III. 7., fol. 146r; Bihl and Moule, “De duabus epistolis,” 105.
83. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 423; translation in Yule, Travels, 77.
84. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 430. The only indication to the contrary is the claim of the people that “they do not know which law they should follow.” Islam and Christianity were generally both considered as a “lex,” but paganism was not, suggesting that the people were being drawn from one lex to another—or that paganism was being abandoned, but they did not know whether to convert to Islam or Christianity.
85. Translation also happens in the other direction as well—the four friars become “rabbans”—” that is to say men of a religious Order.” Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 424. Bartholomew offered a similar translation: the madianus was a campus justicie. The melic did not appear in his letter. Gadrat, Une Image de l’Orient, 314.
86. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 442; translation in Yule, Travels, 101.
87. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 444; translation in Yule, Travels, 103.
88. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 444; translation in Yule, Travels, 104.
89. O. M. Starza, The Jagannatha Temple at Puri: Its Architecture, Art and Cult (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1993), 17. As one nineteenth-century commentator lamented that, as “hard as it to lose one’s pet horror, this one must be given up…. The Juggernaut is the most humane of all Oriental dieties.” “The Juggernaut Myth Exploded,” Buchanan’s Journal of Man 2 (October 1888): 274.
90. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 431; translation in Yule, Travels, 87. The cadi used as an additional motivation the notion that “Machomet ordered in the Alchoran that if anyone shall kill a Christian, it will be the same merit as going to Meccha.” One wonders if this was also intended to be a correspondence to the popular understanding of crusading.
91. “Id est ecclesias,” “sacerdotes” (some manuscripts add “sarracenos”), Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 435.
92. Tolan, Saint Francis and the Sultan, 162–70.
93. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 420; translation in Yule, Travels, 73. Thegeographic location of Huz is unclear. It may be a reference to the region around Mosul, or perhaps the region of Khuzistan in southwest Iran. For a brief discussion, see Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither (London: Hakluyt Society, 1866), 1:53n2.
94. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 418; translation in Yule, Travels, 69.
95. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 437; translation in Yule, Travels, 94. Curiously, prayers by Odorico and his comrade, first to God and then to the Virgin Mary, did not work either. They finally cast one of the martyrs’ bones into the sea (as the captain threatened to do with the whole lot), which brought the desired wind—but at the cost of a precious relic.
96. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 439.
97. Marianne O’Doherty, “The Viaggio in Inghilterra of a Viaggio in Oriente: Odorico da Pordenone’s Itinerarium from Italy to England,” Italian Studies 64 (2009): 198–220.
98. See, for example, Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Urbinatus Latinus ms. 1013, fols. 5r–28v.
99. Giordano Brunettin argues that Odorico was sympathetic to spiritual ideals, and suggests that he can be linked to refuges in Friuli for those fleeing persecution, and that the reason Odorico spent so much of his religious life overseas was in part because he feared arrest and persecution for his spiritual allegiances, just as Angelo Clareno became a missionary in Armenia following his incarceration. Giordano Brunettin, “Odorico da Pordenone e il Francescanesimo in Friuli: Una modesta proposta d’interpretazione,” Memorie storiche forogiuliesi 82 (2003): 11–45. Nevertheless, this argument is largely speculative, and little evidence can be marshaled to tie Odorico convincingly to the spirituals. Andrea Tilatti, “Oderico da Pordenone: Vita e Miracula,” Il Santo 44 (2004): 313–474, 330. Nor, however, can this suggestion be disproved, although Odorico’s visit to Avignon strongly suggests that at least at the end of his life Odorico was not strongly attached to the spiritual party.
100. Tommaso returned to western Europe in 1292 as an envoy of King Het’um II of Armenian Cilica. He even received a bull from the pope, urging the kings of France and England to receive him, but this was as an ambassador of the Armenian king, not as a spiritual, and the bull was issued by Nicholas IV, who was himself a Franciscan, so it should not be read as a sign of his complete rehabilitation. Pia mater ecclesia (23 January 1292), in Bullarium Franciscanum, Romanorum Pontificum Constitutiones, Epistolas, ac Diplomata continens, ed. Joannes Hyacinthus Sbaralea (Rome: Typis Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide, 1768), 4:315, #592.
101. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 172r. Of course, becoming a missionary in the East was not necessarily an escape from being investigated for heresy as a spiritual Franciscan: the Dominican bishop of Tabriz in 1333 began an inquisition into the two Franciscan convents in town, accusing them of being spirituals, and preaching against Pope John XXII. See Golubovich, Biblioteca Bio-Bibliografica, 3:436–52.
102. Angelo Clareno mentions him as a colleague in both his Chronicle and his letter to Pope John XXII, “Epistola excusatoria ad papam de falso impositis et fratrum calumniis,” in Archiv fur Litteratur- und Kirchen-Geschichte des Mittelalters, ed. P. Heinrich Denifle and Franz Ehrle (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1885), 524; Angelo Clareno, Liber Chronicarum, 530–32.
103. The melic in addressing the emperor did speak of “our” law—but was that the collective of the Muslims in Tana, and did it include the emperor in Delhi? It is not apparent from the text. Odorico may have known that the “Emperor Doldali” was in fact a Turkish ruler, but it is unlikely that many of his readers did. Odorico di Pordenone, “Relatio,” 435. In 1321 the sultanate of Delhi had just come under the control of Giyath al-Din Tughluq, who was engaged in military campaigns in southern India around this time. On his return to Delhi, he severely punished those who had rebelled against him in his absence. See Catherine B. Asher and Cynthia Talbot, India Before Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 41–42; and Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 161.
104. Flavio Goncalves, “A Representacao Artística dos “Mártires de Marrocos”: Os mais antigos exemplos portugueses,” Museu: Revista de arte, arqueologia, tradicoes, ser. 2, 6 (1963): 20–50;Jurgen Werinhard Einhorn, “Unter den Fuß gebracht: Todesleiden und Triumph der franziskanischen Martyrer von Marokko 1220,” in Europa und die Welt in der Geschichte: Festschrift zum 60. Geburtstag von Dieter Berg, ed. Raphaela Averkorn et al. (Bochum: Dr. Dieter Winkler, 2004), 456.
105. Other examples include the painting by Taddeo Gaddi of the cabinet panels in the sacristy of Santa Croce in Florence. All of them date to between 1300 and 1340—the same period as the written passiones. This extended into the fifteenth century: Doris Carl, “Franziskaner Maèrtyrkult als Kreuzzugspropaganda an der Kanzel von Benedetto da Maiano in Santa Croce in Florenz,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 39 (1995): 69–91; Christophe Chabloz, “Les Cinque Martiri francescani del Marocco aè San Lorenzo Maggiore de Naples: Tentative de dácryptage d’un choix inconographique inhabituel,” Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte 71 (2008): 321–34.
106. S. Maureen Burke, “The ‘Martyrdom of the Franciscans’ by Ambrogio Lorenzetti,” Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte 65, no. 4 (2002): 460–92.
107. Max Seidel, “Gli affeschi di Ambrogio Lorenzetti nel Chiostro di San Francesco a Siena: Ricostruzione e datazione,” Prospettiva 18 (1979): 10–20.
108. Diana Norman, Painting in Late Medieval and Renaissance Siena, 1260–1555 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003), 108.
109. Burke, “‘Martyrdom of the Franciscans,’” 490.
110. Anna Ini, “Gli spirituali in Toscana,” in Eretici e ribelli del XIII e XIV sec.: Saggi sullo spiritualismo Francescano in Toscana, ed. Domenica Maselli (Pistoia: Tellini, 1974), 233–52.
CHAPTER 5
1. The Compendium principally survives in two manuscripts. The first was begun before 1321 and was written under Paolino’s direction. It is now in Venice at the Bibilioteca Marciana: ms. Zanetti Lat. 399 = 1610. The second is now at the Bibliotheque nationale in Paris, and was written after 1329; BN Latin 3949. Isabelle Heullant-Donat, “Entrer dans l’histoire: Paolino da Venezia et les prologues de ses chroniques universelles,” Melanges de l’École fancaise de Rome 105 (1993): 381–442, esp. 396.
2. He composed an earlier work, Notabilium ystoriarum epithoma, which ended in 1313, and thus did not include the martyrs.
3. Alberto Ghinato, Fr. Paolino da Venezia O.F.M., vescovo di Pozzuoli (+1344) (Rome: Scuola Tipografica “Don Luigi Guanella,” [1951]), 105–8.
4. Ghinato, Paolino da Venezia, 93.
5. For the portrayal of the conflict in the Historia satyrica, see David Anderson, “Fra Paolino’s ‘De providentia et fortuna,’” Das Mittelalter 1 (1996): 61. He also condemned Angelo Clareno as a heretic in the Historia satyrica; see Bert Roest, Reading the Book of History: Intellectual Contexts and Educational Functions of Franciscan Historiography, 1226—ca. 1350 (Groningen: Regenboog, 1996), 273.
6. Heullant-Donat, “Entrer dans l’histoire,” 424.
7. “Iste venetus bergolus non intellexit quit esset monarce officium.” Claude Cazalá-Beárard, “Boccaccio’s Working Notebooks,” in Boccaccio: A Critical Guide to the Complete Works, ed. Victoria Kirkham, Michael Sherberg, and Janet Levarie Smarr (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014), 313; Federico Botano, “The Making of L’Abreujamen de las estorias (Eger-ton MS. 1500),” Electronic British Library Journal (2013): Article 16, accessed online at http://www.bl.uk/eblj/2013articles/pdf/ebljarticle162013.pdf. More broadly, see Aldo Maria Costantini, “Studio sullo Zibaldone Magliabechiano III: La Polemica con Fra Paolino da Venezia,” Studi sul Boccaccio 10 (1977–78): 265.
8. He read the manuscript of the Compendium now in the Bibliotheque nationale, and annotations survive in his handwriting. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, Lat. 4939, fol. u6r. He also transcribed sections of the Compendium into his notebook, referred to as the Zibaldone Magliabechiano. Isabelle Heullant-Donat, “Boccaccio, lecteur de Paolino da Venezia: Lectures discursives et critiques,” in Gli zibaldoni di Boccaccio: Memoria, scrittura, riscrittura; Atti del seminario internazionale di Firenze-Certaldo, 26–28 aprile 1996, ed. Michelangelo Picone and Claude Cazalá Berard (Florence: F. Cesati, 1998), 40.
9. Heullant-Donat, “Boccaccio,” 48.
10. Anderson, “Fra Paolino’s ‘De providentia et fortuna,’” 63.
11. For further description, see Roest, Reading the Book of History, 245–80.
12. Isabelle Heullant-Donat explains the title as derived from satyra or satura, meaning “mixture” or “variety”: “L’Encyclopedisme sous le pontificat de Jean XXII, entre savoir et propagande: L’example de Paolino da Venezia,” in La Vie culturelle, intellectuelle et scientifique à la cour (despapes d’Avignon, ed. Jacqueline Hamesse (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), 260. Earlier scholars were somewhat puzzled by the title. See Ghinato, Paolino da Venezia, 70n64. See also Roest, Readingthe Book of History, 245–80.
13. Compendium: Paris, BN Lat 4939, fol. u6v; Historica satyrica: Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (BAV), ms. Latin 1960, fol. 263v.
14. Bonaventure introduced a trial by fire to his hagiography of Francis. For a discussion of the significance of this, see Tolan, Saint Francis and the Sultan, 126–34.
15. Bonaventure, “Legenda Maior,” 601. In the frequent depiction of this episode in Franciscan art, the fire is visually present, even though it is textually absent. See Tolan, Saint Francis and the Sultan, 135–46.
16. BAV, Lat. 1960, 263v.
17. See Roest for the ways in which Paolino structures his historical narrative to remove conflicts he did not want to acknowledge. Reading the Book of History, 269–74.
18. BAV, Lat. 1960, fol. 106v; translation in Roest, Reading the Book of History, 267.
19. BAV, Lat. 1960, fol. 106v; translation in Roest, Reading the Book of History, 268.
20. For comparison, see the sermons of Bertrand de la Tour, a conventual who led the order after Michael of Cesena fled. John A. Zaleski, “Reconciling Poverty and Obedience in the 1320s: The Sanctoral Sermons of Bertrand de la Tour, O.F.M.” (BA thesis, Dartmouth College, 2009).
21. For more on Elemosina, see most prominently the work of Isabelle Heullant-Donat, “Livres et eácrits de meámoire du premier XIVe sièecle: Le cas des autographes de fra Elemosina,” in Libro, scrittura, documento della civiltci monastica e conventuale nel basso Medioevo (secoli XIII—XV); Atti del convegno di studio, Fermo (17–19 Set.), ed. G. Avarucci, R. M. Borraccini Verducci, and G. Borri (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1999), 239–63. Francois Fossier argues that the author is best identified as Fra Elemosina di Maestro Leonardo, who in 1328 was vicar of the Franciscan convent in Gualdo. Francois Fossier, “Les chroniques de Fra Paolo da Gualdo et de Fra Elemosina: Premieres tentatives historiographiques en Ombrie,” Mélanges de l’École f-angaise de Rome. Moyen-age, Temps modernes 89 (1977): 432.
22. He wrote one for the convent in Assisi and one for Gualdo; the manuscript intended for Gualdo ended up in Paris, while the Assisi manuscript remained in that city. According to Girolamo Golobovich, the Assisi manuscript was written in 1335, and ends with the election of Benedict XII. The Paris manuscript was written at the end of 1336. Golubovich is cited by Francois Fossier, in “Les chroniques de Fra Paolo da Gualdo et de Fra Elemosin,” 426.
23. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale (BN), ms. Lat. 5006, fol. 17v.
24. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 27r. “Qui deus mundum renovavit, per fidem christianam.”
25. For one aspect of this focus, see Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken, “Der ‘Oriens Christianus’ in der Chronik des Johannes Elemosina OFM,” in XVIII. Deutscher Orientalistentag vom 1. bis 5. Oktober 1972 in Lubeck. Vortrage, ed. Wolfgang Voigt (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1974), 63–75.
26. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 30v.
27. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 38v.
28. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 71v.
29. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 79v.
30. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 80r.
31. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 19r.
32. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 30r.
33. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 75v. These martyrs were first described by Gregory the Great in the Dialogues.
34. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 118v. Elemosina seems to have conflated John the archbishop and martyr, who traditionally died in the sixth century at the hands of the Goth, with the scribe of his passio, who lived in the tenth century after the town had been destroyed by Muslims.
35. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 80v.
36. BN Lat. 5006, fols. 93r–94v.
37. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 86r.
38. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 164r.
39. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 170v.
40. “Yn Asya, Affrica et Europha, postea de nova testamento, ystorie de ortu et profectu religionis Christiane, et sancte ecclesie, et conversione Romani imperii ad domini ihesum christum, et pontificum romanorum, et imperatorum perducte usque ad annos domini m ccc xxxi” (all rubricated). BN Lat. 5006, fol. 5r.
41. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 187r.
42. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 187r. Elemosina numbered the wars the Romans had waged against the faithful. The first was waged against the nursling church, killing Jesus himself and under Vespasian, annihilating Jerusalem. The early Christians were the victims of the second war, providing the church with its first set of martyrs. The third was the persecution by the Arians in the fourth century (BN Lat 5006, fol. 187r), and the fourth was waged by the Saracens, whom Elemosina noted, had their origin in the Roman Empire; their depredations provided the church with a fresh crop of martyrs (BN Lat 5006, fol. 187v). The last war is yet to come.
43. Flood, BN Lat. 5006, fol. 185r; Benedict XII, fol. 188v.
44. Somewhat anticlimactically, the final section of his chronicle was “de insula vulcani.” BN Lat. 5006, fol. 189r.
45. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 182r. This text is only a rough approximation of Odorico’s account, but is clearly based on it, most closely on the version recently published by Francesca Maggioni, “La redazione C9 della Relatio di Odorico da Pordenone,” available online at http://ecodicibus.sismelfirenze.it/uploads/5/3/536/odorico_maggioni.pdf. The four martyrs were also mentioned in the letter of Andrea di Perugia, which Elemosina also copied. BN Lat. 5006, fols. 185r–185v.
46. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 186v. This is presumably the same Stephen mentioned in the letter of Pascal de Vittoria. “Epistola,” 503.
47. BN Lat. 5006, fols. 173r–174r. The seventeenth-century Irish Franciscan scholar Luke Wadding misidentified the source as Odorico; the editors of the third edition suggest that it was the Franciscan Elemosina, rather than Odorico di Pordenone. Luke Wadding, Annales minorum seu trium ordinum a S. Francisco institutorum, 3rd ed. (Rome: Typis Rochi Bernabo, 1733), 6:94.
48. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 173r.
49. For more on this text, see below.
50. BN Lat. 5006, fol. 173v. Monaldo was specifically described as “martyred,” and the other two were described in the language of martyrdom, but without the use of the word.
51. The text refers to both the “soldanus” as well as the “kalippus,” though a meeting with the figurehead Abbasid caliph in Cairo seems unlikely.
52. “Et cum fama hec devote sanctorum fratrum martirum ab Oriente in Occidentem transmissa resonaret, ubique corda fratrum ad fervorem sanctis Spiritus renovavit; et in romana Ecclesia nuntiata, summus pontifex lacrimas devotionis effudit. Et cum rogaret dominus papa ut istos martires canonizaret, quidam aliorum ordinum fratres etiam suos offerebant sanctos ad canonizandum, supersedit papa in negotio super his maturius deliberandum.” Assisi, Biblioteca communale, 341; transcribed in Gadrat, Une image de l’Orient, 113m68. Like Paolino, Elemosina was anxious to dispel any associations the story of the martyrs might have with the spiritual movement.
53. We have no evidence for this; there was a petition for canonization of the Moroccan martyrs in 1316, but it went nowhere, not even receiving attention from Franciscan chroniclers. Letter of Jaime II of Aragon to John XXII about the martyrs, 12 July 1321, in Acta Aragonensia, ed. Heinrich Finke (Berlin: Dr. Walther Rothschild, 1908), 2:754–55. Tommaso di Tolentino was eventually beatified, but not until 1894.
54. For more on the Nero accounts, see Christopher MacEvitt, “Victory by Desire: Crusade and Martyrdom in the Fourteenth Century,” in Center and Periphery: Studies on Power in the Middle Ages in Honor of William Chester Jordan, ed. Katherine J. Jensen, Guy Geltner, and Anne Lester (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 223–35.
55. Oxford, Bodleian ms. Lat. Misc. c. 75 (olim Phillipps ms. 3119), copies some of the material in Nero A IX, notably Thomas of Eccleston (fols. 71r–80v) and the martyrdom of the Tana martyrs (fol. 81). It also has some texts associated with Giovanni da Pian del Carpine (fols. 81v–85v). A brief description is given in Annette Kehnel, “Poets, Preachers and Friars Revisited: Fourteenth-Century Multilingual Franciscan Manuscripts,” in The Beginnings of Standardization: Language and Culture in Fourteenth Century England, ed. Ursula Schaefer (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2006), 91–114, esp. 110.
56. The construction of the manuscript also gives us few hints about the intentions of its creators. Folios 84–95 belong to a single quire, which spans the end of “de beato Francisco” and the passio of the Moroccan martyrs. A. G. Little (ed.), De Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1951), xiv.
57. An edition of the text is given in Analecta Franciscana (Quaracchi: Collegii S. Bona-venturae, 1898), 3:641–45, under the title “Instrumentum de stigmatibus beati Francisci,” edited from two Vatican manuscripts and an edition in the Acta Sanctorum. Noel Muscat has translated this version in Chronicle of the Twenty-Four Ministers-General of the Order of Friars Minor (Malta: TAU Franciscan Communications, 2010), 877–83, which I have consulted in preparing my translations. It is available online at http://i-tau.com/franstudies/texts/chronica_final.pdf.
58. A. G. Little has argued that the “Lamport Fragment” of Thomas of Eccleston was originally a part of Nero A IX, though written in a different hand. “The Lamport Fragment of Eccleston and Its Connexions,” English Historical Review 49 (1934): 299–302.
59. For a commentary and edition of the text, see Michael Robson, “AFranciscan Contribution to the Degestis Britonum (1205–1279), and Its Continuation to 1299,” Archivium Franciscanum Historicum 107 (2014): 265–314.
60. The site of the friary is now a housing estate, and no part of the convent remains visible. For what we know about the library, see M. R. James, “The Library of the Grey Friars of Hereford,” Collectanea Franciscana 1 (1914): 114–23, 154–55.
61. Little, “Lamport Fragment,” 301.
62. “Proxima die ante festum exaltationis sancte crucis venit ad me unus angelus Domini dicens mihi ex parte Dei, quod me ad patientiam, et ad recipiendum quod in me vellet Deus facere, prepararem.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 92v. Thomas of Celano, the first source for the stigmata, identified it as a seraph; Bonaventure identified the seraph as Christ.
63. “Ego respondi me paratum esse et pati et suscipere, quicquid Deus dignaretur inferre.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 92v.
64. It is possible that the passio was produced as part of a petition to have the martyrs sainted; Jaime II of Aragon submitted such a petition around 1321, about the time the Nero manuscript was written. A vita or a passio was often composed for a saint or a martyr to accompany the request for canonization, but we do not know if such a passio was created at the time of this submission. Finke, Acta Aragonensia, 2:754.
65. The account in Nero A IX claims to be from an eyewitness: toward the end of the account, the putative author asserts: “I learned their life and habits, from the time when they were entering the land of the Saracens up to the happy consummation of their martyrdom” (BL, Nero A IX, 96r). Nevertheless, the author did not identify himself in any way, and the text betrays a fourteenth-century tone. If it was composed in the thirteenth century, the text was heavily edited in the fourteenth. It is unlikely that the martyrs’ story which inspired Anthony of Padua and Clare of Assisi was in this form; the account betrays few thirteenth-century characteristics. The author was seemingly unconstrained by any preexisting authoritative text that hewed closer to traditional martyrological tropes. If he were a witness, who could he be? Obviously not one of the friars. Nor does the account suggest that the friars had any servants or other company. More likely, then, the author would have been a member of the household of the infante Pedro of Portugal. This supposition gains some support from the account. The narrative is fulsome in its praise of the infante: he was “the famous man” (BL, Nero A IX, 96r) and was the first to recognize the martyr’s first miracle. Furthermore, the preservation of the account only in Hereford, rather than at Coimbra, where Pedro deposited the relics of the martyrs, also renders the claimed authorship unlikely. For more on Pedro, see Isidro de las Cagigas, Los mudejares (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Instituto de Estudios Africanos, 19489), 2:346.
66. Schlageter, “Die Chronica des Bruders Jordan von Giano,” 36. In the older edition, Jordan of Giano, Chronica fratris Jordani, ed. Heinrich Boehmer (Paris: Librairie Fischbacher, 1908), 7.
67. See Isabelle Heullant-Donat, “La perception des premiers martyrs franciscains a l’intáreur de l’Ordre au XIIIe siecle,” in Religion et mentalites au Moyen Age: Melanges en Thon-neur d’Herve Martin, ed. Sophie Cassagnes-Broquet, Amaury Chauou, Daniel Pichot et al. (Rennes: Presses universitäres de Rennes, 2003), 211–20.
68. From the testimony of Sora Cecilia da Spello concerning the canonization of Clare, see Lazzeri, “Il processo di canonizzazione di S. Chiara d’Assisi,” 465.
69. BL, Nero A IX, fol. 94r.
70. Thomas de Papia, Dialogus de gestis sanctorum fratrum minorum, 9–10. See Chapter 2 for further context.
71. “Hii tempore domini Innocenci pape tercii sub doctrina beati Francisci ordinis fra-trum minorum fundatoris ad imitanda saluatoris nostri vestigia eruditi, tanto caritatis incendio sic in brevi sunt infiammati, ut totis proximo visceribus ad martirium anhelarent.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 94v.
72. The events happened “in the time of Innocent III,” which was at least four years earlier than the traditional date of 1220. A number of reasons argue against the martyrs dying in the pontificate of Innocent III. First, Anthony of Padua was moved to become a Franciscan in large part by the story and miracles of the friars when they first returned to Hispania. Given his estimated year of birth as c. 1195, this would make him no more than eleven years old, and already a canon of Saint Vincent for some time. This error in dating is further evidence of the text’s late composition.
73. “Ingressi vero Sibiliam ad templum Machometi mortem non timentes perrexerunt, ut nacta occasione aliquod verbum fidei ibidem proponentes doctrinam Machometi infidelibus dissuaderent.” BL, Nero AIX, 94v. Seville was still under Almohad rule, so there was no “king” in the city.
74. “Venimus annunciare tibi fidem domini nostri Jesu Christi, ut relicto vilissimo servo diaboli Machometo credas domino Deo, creatori tuo, et tandem nobiscum habeas vitam sem-piternam.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 94v.
75. “Eya fratres, hoc est quod desideravimus; constantes simus in domino.” BL, Nero A IX, fols. 94v–95r.
76. This account interestingly never referred to the king of Morocco as the Miramolin.
77. “Aborayda dixit: ‘A quo hoc didicistis?’ Frater Octunus sacerdos respondit: ‘Per plures sanctissimos testes, videlicuet per Abraham, Ysaax et Jacob et alios patriarchas, postea, per prophetas, deinde per adventum domini nostri Jesu Christi, exhinc per apostolos et tandem per martires gloriosos et sanctos modernos.’” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 95v.
78. “Nullus est fides, nisi fides domini nostri Jesu Christi, quam tibi predicamus.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 95v.
79. BL, Nero A IX, fol. 96r.
80. “Videns princeps ipsos mortis imperium cum alacritate magna suscipere, pietate com-motus promisit eis vitam et omnem mundi substanciam, si abrenenciare vellent Christo et credere Machometo.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 95r.
81. BL, Nero A IX, fol. 96r.
82. MacEvitt, “Martyrdom and the Muslim World Through Franciscan Eyes.”
83. “Pecunia, inquiunt, tua tecum sit in perdicionem.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 95r.
84. “Ibant autem discalciati et secundum formam habitus aliis dissimiles.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 94v.
85. Betrandus de Turre, “Processus contra spirituales Aquitaniae (1315),” ed. Livarius Oliger, Archivium Franciscanum Historicum 16 (1923): 342.
86. Quorundam exigit (7 October 1317), in Bullarium Franciscanum, Romanorum Pontifi-cum Constitutiones, Epistolas, ac Diplomata continens, ed. Konrad Eubel (Rome: Typis Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide, 1898), 5:128, #289. See also Burr, Spiritual Franciscans, 196, 199.
87. Carlini, “Constitutiones generales ordinis fratrum,” 278–79. See also Burr, Spiritual Franciscans, 170.
88. Gadrat, “Des nouvelles d’Orient,” 163.
89. There is a short account of their martyrdom in another letter of 1323 from Bartholomew, the custos of Tabriz, seemingly the same Bartholomew who wrote the letter giving the account of the martyrs of Tana. Bihl and Moule, “De duabus epistolis,” 89–112. See Chapter 4 for further discussion.
90. “Et quis, inquiunt, fuit iste Macometus qui vos decepit, asserens se esse prophetam? Que scripta, que miracula, que vita, attestantur eius?” BL, Nero A IX, fols. 96v–97r.
91. “Et nos per ista fide prepati sumus mori et offerrimus nos sponte et voluntarios ad martirium et mortem.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 97r.
92. “Recedatis quam citius potestis et eatis pro factis vestris, quia non sunt hic talia verba recitanda.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 97r.
93. “Dicitur communiter et manifeste ab omnibus Armenis de Arziga quod ea nocte qua sepelierunt predictas reliquias et membra, visa sunt omnibus qui voluerunt videre luminaria et splendores de celo super locum ubi sacre reliquie condebantur.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 98r.
94. “Et illi responderunt, ‘Potens est Christus, filius Dei, si voleruit cecum hunc illu-mare,’ et facta oratione et signo crucis super oculos eius. Statim cepit fluere aquam ab oculis eius deinde sanguis.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 98r.
95. “Infidelibus autem confusio augebatur. Et nullusque infideles inventus est qui sic non poterat ita nec auderet dicere malum.” BL, Nero A IX, fol. 98v.
96. The text claims that Coktoganus, his mother Thodothelia, his wife Kerley, and his three sons were baptized. This is probably a reference to Toqto’a Khan, who was actually married to the Byzantine princess Maria Palailogina. There is no evidence that he became a Christian. For a transcription, see Golubovich, Biblioteca Bio-Bibliografica, 2:72.
97. Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Lat. Misc. c. 75, fols. 56r–121r.
98. This text has been printed: “Impugnacio fratrum Minorum per fratres Predicatores apud Oxoniam,” in appendix C of The Grey Friars in Oxford, by Andrew G. Little (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892), 320–35.
99. Michele Faloci Pulignani, “Memorabilia de sanctis fratribus minoribus,” Miscellanea Francescana di Storia 15 (1914): 65–69. The text survives only as the last two folios of a manuscript (BAV Latin ms. 5417) which was a copy of the martyrology of Usard. Isabelle Heullant-Donat has identified this work as Elemosina’s: “A propos de la memoire hagiographique franciscaine aux XIIIe et XIVe siecles: L’auteur retrouvá des Memorialia de sanctis fratribus minoribus,” in Religion et societe urbaine au Moyen Age: Etudes offerts a Jean-Louis Biget, ed. Patrick Boucheron and Jacques Chiffoleau (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2000), 511–29. Heullant-Donat corrects the title from “memorabilia” to “memoralia.”
100. Faloci Pulignani, “Memorabilia de sanctis fratribus minoribus,” 67.
101. Faloci Pulignani, “Memorabilia de sanctis fratribus minoribus,” 68.
102. Faloci Pulignani, “Memorabilia de sanctis fratribus minoribus,” 69.
103. Faloci Pulignani, “Memorabilia de sanctis fratribus minoribus,” 67; Heullant-Donat, “Martyrdom and Identity in the Franciscan Order,” 446^8. Even in the fifteenth century, this same mistake is being made; see Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, ms. Clm 3702, fol. 278v, where again Leo, Hugo, and Dompnus were listed as the martyrs who inspired Anthony of Padua, and whose relics were brought back to Spain by the infante Pedro.
104. Leonhard Lemmens, Fragmenta minora: Catalogus sanctorum fratrum minorum (Rome: Typis Sallustianis, 1903).
105. Lemmens, Fragmenta minora, 1–2.
106. One manuscript of the text included the five martyrs of Morocco as being members of the province of Saint James. Lemmens, Fragmenta minora, 43.
107. Odorico di Pordenone was also listed as a pious evangelist, though his connection with the martyrs of Tana was not mentioned. Lemmens, Fragmenta minora, 17.
108. Lemmens, Fragmenta minora, 25.
109. Lemmens, Fragmenta minora, 28. See Wadding, Annales minorum, 6:364–65, for John’s bull in praise of the martyrs.
110. Lemmens, Fragmenta minora, 38.
111. Lemmens, Fragmenta minora, 43.
CHAPTER 6
1. Luke Wadding, Annales minorum seu Trium Ordinum a S. Francisco institutorum, 3rd ed. (Rome: Typis Rochi Bernabo, 1733), 8:390. See Maria Teresa Dolso for a good summary; “La Chronica XXIVgeneralium tra storia e agiografia,” Revue Mabillon 24 (2013): 61–98, esp. 65–68.
2. The appendix contains an extended account of the martyrs of Morocco (579–96) and the martyrs of Tana (597–613), as well as shorter accounts of the martyrs of Armenia (597), the martyrs of Ceuta (613–16). Maria Teresa Dolso, “I manoscritti della Chronica XXIV Generalium Ordinis Minorum,” Franciscana 6 (2004): 185–261.
3. Maria Teresa Dolso, La “Chronica XXIV Generalium”: Il difficile percorso dell ‘unita (Padua: Centro Studi Antoniani, 2003), 17–18.
4. Two other late fourteenth-century texts held significant material about the martyrs: the anonymous “De sacris beatorum fratrum tumulis” (another catalogue of Franciscan holy men) and Bartolomeo da Pisa’s massive De conformitate vitae beati Francisci ad vitam Domini Iesu, vol. 4 of Analecta Franciscana (Quaracchi: Ex Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1906). In addition to many of those commemorated in the Chronica, the “De sacris” included Antonio de Rosatis, who died “among the Saracens,” and Benvencassa Tudertinus, who “performed miracles among the Tartars and Saracens,” both of whom did not appear in the Chron-ica. In addition, it included an entry for Vitale, the sixth member of the expedition to Morocco in 1220. According to the Chronica, he fell ill and remained in Aragon. But according to the “De sacris,” he recovered and became a martyr in Seville. “De sacris beatorum fratrum tumulis,” in Da Francesco ai “Catalogi Sanctorum”: Livelli istituzionali e immagini agiografiche nell’Ordine francescano, by Roberto Paciocco (Assisi: Edizioni Porziuncola, 1990), 133–58.
5. Bert Roest, “Observant Reform in Religious Orders,” in The Cambridge History of Christianity, vol. 4, Christianity in Western Europe, c. 1100—c. 1500, ed. Miri Rubin and Walter Simons (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 446–57; James D. Mixson, Poverty’s Proprietors: Ownership and Mortal Sin at the Origins of the Observant Movement (Leiden: Brill, 2009).
6. For example, a community of Clareni, followers of Angelo Clareno, survived in the community of S. Liberato in the March of Ancona until 1473, when they were joined to the observant Franciscans. See Mario Sensi, Storie di Bizzoche tra Umbria e Marche (Rome: Edizione di storia e letteratura, 1995), 317; and Giacinto Pagnani, San Liberato e il suo convento (Falconara Marittima: Edizioni Biblioteca Francescana, 1962), 40–43, 137–41.
7. Bert Roest explained that Observants were initially more interested in devotional works than historiography; it was only in the second and third generations that chronicles began to emerge. “Later Medieval Institutional History,” in Historiography in the Middle Ages, ed. Deborah Mauskopf Deliyannis (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 277–315; see 283.
8. See Decima Douie, The Nature and the Effect of the Heresy of the Fraticelli (Manchester: University Press, 1932), 210. For Fraticelli groups in Umbria, see Giovanna Casagrande, “Presenza di Fraticelli nell’area di Bettona,” Archivium Franciscanum Historicum 74 (1981): 320–27. By 1374 the Observants were preaching against the Fraticelli in Perugia.
9. Bullarium Franciscanum, 6:506, #69.
10. Franz Ehrle, “Die Spiritualen, ihr Verhaltniss zum Franziskanerorden und su den Fraticellen,” in Archiv fur Litteratur- und Kirchen-geschichte des Mittelalters, ed. P. Heinrich Deinfle, O.P., and Franz Ehrle, S.J. (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herde’sche Verlagshandlung, 1888), 4:87; Douie, Heresy of the Fraticelli, 210. In contrast, Michael Robson says Giovanni did not seek distinctive habits. Franciscans in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2009), 184.
11. Bullarium Franciscanum, 6:245, #558 (13 December 1350). The convents listed were Carceri (near Assisi), Monteluce (it is unclear if this is the one near Perugia or the one near Spoleto), Eremiti (near Todi), and Iani (Giano, near Spoleto). Brugliano was not mentioned. According to the Chronica XXIV, Guiral Ot expelled the Fraticelli from the hermitage of Carcere, and installed friars of “austere life” in their place. Chronica XXIV generalium ministrorum ordinis fratrum minorum, in Analecta Franciscana (Quaracchi: Ex Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1898), 3:530.
12. Chronica XXIV, 547. Arnaud was uncharacteristically critical; he was clearly opposed to Gentile and his movement.
13. Robson, Franciscans, 181. See Sedes apostolica (13 August 1355), Bullarium Franciscanum, 6:291–92, #683, for the revocation of privileges of the four convents listed above.
14. Mario Sensi, Dal movimento eremitico alla regolare osservanza francescana: L’opera di fra Paoluccio Trinci (Rome: Santa Maria degli Angeli, 1992).
15. Bartolomeo da Pisa, De conformitate vitae beati Francisci, 4:510, where Brugliano was named “Pisquia” or “Pistia.” Giovanni also appeared in the anonymous “De sacris beatorum fratrum tumulis,” as someone who performed miracles while living and after his death. The single sentence entry does not connect him to the birth of the Observant movement, or to any other figures, such as Gentile or Paoluccio. The text is edited in Paciocco, Da Francesco ai “Catalogi sanctorum,” 137. Pistia was being referred to as Brugliano by the fifteenth century: see Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina; and Mario Sensi, Le Osservanze francescane nell Italia centrale (Secoli XV-XV) (Rome: Collegio San Lorenzo da Brindisi, Istituto storico dei cappuccini, 1985), 19–73.
16. See, for example, the chronicles of Mariano da Firenze and Bernardino da Aquila. Full citation given in Duncan Nimmo, Reform and Division in the Franciscan Order: From Saint Francis to the Foundation of the Capuchins (Rome: Capuchin Historical Institute, 1995), 365.
17. Nimmo, Reform and Division, 373–74.
18. Marianus de Florentia [Mariano da Firenze], Compendium, 72.
19. Curiously misdated to 1325 by Arnaud. Chronica XXIV, 480.
20. Chronica XXIV, 481.
21. It is difficult to be sure whether he relied directly on Angelo. He never mentioned him in the Chronica, which is unsurprising given his controversial reputation. He clearly took material either from Angelo or the Actus beati Francisci. See Dolso, La “Chronica,” 95.
22. Angelo Clareno, Liber Chronicarum, 744–46; translation in Angelo Clareno, Chronicle or History of the Seven Tribulations, 213.
23. Chronica XXIV, 482.
24. Angelo attributed the tribulations to both the devil and the broader allure ofall things of the flesh. See, for example, the vision the anonymous priest had of demons complaining about Francis to Lucifer, and how they planned to undermine him; Angelo Clareno, Liber Chronicarum, 218–20. Arnaud gave a story similar in some ways but quite different in its conclusions; Chronica XXIV, 27–29.
25. Chronica XXIV, 482.
26. Chronica XXIV, 486.
27. Perfectos or perfectorum only shows up in five of the manuscripts, including one of the earliest manuscripts, preserved in Assisi. For a description, see Dolso, “I manoscritti,” 196–99.
28. Chronica XXIV, 486.
29. Dolso, La “Chronica,” 27.
30. Michel de Dmitrewski, “Fr. Bernard Delicieux OFM: Sa lutte contre l’Inquisition de Carcassonne et d’Albi; Son process 1297–1319,” Archivium Franciscanum Historicum 17 (1924): 335; Arnaud later mentioned that Berengar was his own predecessor as the minister of Aquitaine, and he died in Paris in 1329, while attending the general chapter in that city. Chronica XXIV, 489.
31. Chronica XXIV, 500.
32. Chronica XXIV, 502.
33. Chiesa, “Per un riordino della tradizione manoscritta della Relatio,” 311–50, esp. 346–47.
34. Chronica XXIV, i.
35. Arnaud mentioned the stigmata in a discussion a man named Bartholomew had with a demon about Francis, Chronica XXIV, 28, and included it in a single sentence as a chronological event, with no description. Chronica XXIV, 30. It also was mentioned in the vita of Brother Leo, Chronica XXIV, 65, 68.
36. Chronica XXIV, 7.
37. Chronica XXIV, 2. He also cited Bernard of Bessa. Chronica XXIV, 7.
38. Jean de Brienne does show up in Bernard of Bessa, “Liber de laudibus,” 680–81, but in a section on the three orders, not in connection with the early years of the first order. Later Franciscan chroniclers insert Jean chronologically when he entered the order and died in 1237, not in 1210. See Marianus de Florentia [Mariano di Firenze], Compendium, 28, 34. For more on Jean de Brienne and his ties to the Franciscans, see Guy Perry, John of Brienne: King of Jerusalem, Emperor of Constantinople, c. 1175–1237 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 180–88.
39. For a discussion of why Arnaud would have thought that Jean was buried in Assisi, see Perry, John of Brienne, 180–88.
40. “Redeundo igitur ad propositum,” Chronica XXIV, 5.
41. Chronica XXIV, 5; Bernard of Bessa, “Liber de laudibus,” 681.
42. For a parallel, see the life of Gonsalvo Sancho, who was a courageous warrior before he became a friar. Chronica XXIV, 549.
43. Chronica XXIV, 15.
44. Chronica XXIV, 9.
45. Chronica XXIV, ii.
46. Chronica XXIV, 16.
47. There are few verbal phrases in common between the two texts, but the general narrative is similar, and both texts include the miracle story of the knight who could not approach the relics as a result of having sex with his concubine.
48. Chronica XXIV, 16.
49. BL, Nero A IX, fol. 95r.
50. Chronica XXIV, 19.
51. Chronica XXIV, 17.
52. Chronica XXIV, 18.
53. Chronica XXIV, 13.
54. Chronica XXIV, 14.
55. Chronica XXIV, 22.
56. Chronica XXIV, 23–27.
57. Arnaud did not recount, for example, Bonaventure’s story of the proposed trial by fire. The Actus beati Francisci, which Arnaud clearly used, has an extended description, Paul Sabatier (ed.), Actus beati Francisci et sociorum ejus, Collection d’Etudes et de Documents, 4 (Paris: Librairie Fischbacher, 1902), 89–92.
58. Glassberger, Chronica, 14. He gave Francis’s journey to Egypt a much fuller description than he did the Moroccan martyrs. Chronica, 15.
59. This section was taken from “the history of Portugal.” Chronica XXIV, 581.
60. Chronica XXIV, 23; Tolan, Saint Francis and the Sultan, 162–70; Sabatier, Actus beati Francisci et sociorum ejus, 91–92.
61. Chronica XXIV, 23.
62. Chronica XXIV, 581; McMichael, “Francis and the Encounter with the Sultan,” 135.
63. This can be seen in that the earliest references to the martyrs of 1220 often give the martyrs the names that later came to be given to the martyrs of Ceuta of 1227 (Leo, Ugo, and Dompnus). Heullant-Donat briefly made this suggestion in “Martyrdom and Identity in the Franciscan Order, 446n38. For a consideration of the prehistory of Franciscan evangelization in Morocco, see Maya Soifer, “You Say That the Messiah Has Come …: The Ceuta Disputation (1179) and Its Place in the Christian Anti-Jewish Polemics of the High Middle Ages,” Journal of Medieval History 31 (2005): 287–307.
64. For other later material related to the martyrs of Ceuta, see Francesco Russo, “Le Fonti della Passione dei SS. Martiri di Ceuta: I Lettera di Fra Mariano da Genova a Frate Elia,” Miscellanea Francescana 34 (1934): 113–17, 350–56, and further developments from those documents: Ippolito Fortino, I Martiri di Ceuta: Alle origini del francescanesimo in Calabria (Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 2006).
65. Chronica XXIV, 32–33.
66. Chronica XXIV, 33.
67. MacEvitt, “Martyrdom and the Muslim World Through Franciscan Eyes,” 1–23.
68. Chronica XXIV, 615.
69. Golubovich, Biblioteca Bio-Bibliografia della Terra Santa (Quaracchi: Collegio di S. Bonaventura, 1923, 4:272–304.
70. The cause of Alisoldanus’s death was vague: the Chronica did not specify who killed him, only that it was done crudeliter and that everything belonging to him was burned. Chron-ica XXIV, 532. See also James D. Ryan, “Preaching Christianity Along the Silk Route: Missionary Outposts in the Tartar ‘Middle Kingdom’ in the Fourteenth Century,” Journal of Early Modern History 2, no. 4 (1998): 350–73; and “Conversion or the Crown of Martyrdom,” 19–38.
71. Chronica XXIV, 534.
72. Chronica XXIV, 535.
73. Chronica XXIV, 548.
74. Chronica XXIV, 559.
75. Chronica XXIV, 572.
76. Chronica XXIV, 540–43.
77. Chronica XXIV, 515–24.
78. Chronica XXIV, 417–18.
79. Chronica XXIV, 416.
80. This is during the reign of Qalawun, but it is not clear to whom “Melcassa” was intended to refer.
81. Chronica XXIV, 416.
82. Following this catalogue of martyrs is the longer passio of Philip de Anisio, who was martyred in Ashdod in southern Palestine. His martyrdom was particularly featured because it was the fulfillment of a prophecy by Anthony of Padua, who met his mother while Philip was still in the womb. He predicted both that he would join the Franciscan order and that he would be martyred and “lead many to the palm of the martyr” (Chronica XXIV, 416). When the castle of Ashdod was captured by the Saracens, they threatened their Christian captives with death unless they converted to Islam. Philip chose to be killed last, so that he might comfort all the others. Arnaud actually included the account in his chronicle twice; once in a section on the life and miracles of Saint Anthony in the early part of the chronicle (Chronica XXIV, 134–35), and again as the short passio when the prophecy came true (416–17).
83. Isabelle Heullant-Donat, “Theorie et pratique du martyre volontaire chez les francis-cains au milieu du XIVe siècle: L’exemple de Livinus, théologien et martyr,” in Arbor Ramosa: Studi per Antonio Rigon da allievi, amici, colleghi, ed. L. Bertazzo, D. Gallo, R. Michetti, and A. Tilatti (Padua: Centro di Studi Antoniani, 2011), 265–78.
84. Chronica XXIV, 541.
85. Chronica XXIV, 541.
86. Chronica XXIV, 541.
87. Chronica XXIV, 542.
88. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, ll, Q. 124; translation at http://www.newadvent.org/summa/3124.htm. For Aquinas, martyrdom was the highest form of courage, one of the four cardinal (as opposed to theological) virtues.
89. Chronica XXIV, 541.
90. Chronica XXIV, 417.
91. See also the nameless friars starved to death by Nestorians. Chronica XXIV, 559.
92. Chronica XXIV, 418.
93. Arnaud dates it as “around 1322.”
94. Chronica XXIV, 480.
95. Vox sanguinis innocentis (20 September 1321), in Wadding, Annales minorum, 6:364.
96. See Prudlo, Martyred Inquisitor, 79–84.
97. Chronica XXIV, 261. Otherwise, Arnaud only mentioned friars in Morocco in one other story, involving anonymous friars, serving as emissaries of the king of Morocco, who meet a lion that abandons his ferocious nature and follows them like a dog. Arnaud assured his readers that the king was allied with Christians, but gave no dates or names that would give the story any specificity. It was recounted during the end of the term of office of Haymo of Faversham (d. 1243), but did not necessarily happen then. Chronica XXIV, 256.
98. Chronica XXIV, 266.
99. Chronica XXIV, 535–36.
100. Chronica XXIV, 372.
101. Chronica XXIV, 546.
102. Chronica XXIV, 456. The Franciscan editors of the Chronica were certain that the friar was Giovanni di Montecorvino. Arnaud did mention the conversion of the Mongol emissaries to the Council of Lyons as well, but again Franciscans were not involved in their conversion. Chronica XXIV, 355.
103. Arnaud also recorded the martyrdom of Stephen of Hungary in Saray in 1334, in which Stephen converted to Islam and then returned to Christianity and was therefore executed according to Islamic law, which Arnaud saw as governing the town. Chronica XXIV, 515–24.
104. Stefano Brufani, “I Dicta di Egidio d’Assisi nella tradizione francescana,” in Frate Egidio d’Assisi: Atti dell Incontro di studio in occasione del 750 anniversario della morte (1262–2012), Perugia 30 guigno 2012 (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 2014), 33–45.
105. Others argue that Leo’s “life” is genuine; the “Short Life” survives in a number of different versions. Rosalind Brooke gives a good overview of the editions that have been published: “The Life of Blessed Brother Giles,” in Scripta Leonis, Rufini et Angeli sociorum S. Fran-cisci, ed. and tr. Rosalind B. Brooke (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), 307–17. Two earlier editions were based on a single manuscript. “Vita beati Aegidii Assisiatis,” in Documenta Antiqua Franciscana: Pars I, Scripta Fratris Leonis, ed. Leonhard Lemmens, O.F.M. (Quaracchi: Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1901), 37–72.
106. Brooke, “Life of Blessed Brother Giles,” 346.
107. Maria Teresa Dolso, “Le Vitae di Egidio d’Assisi nella Chronica XXIV generalium e nel De conformitate di Bartolomeo da Pisa,” in Frate Egidio d Assisi: Atti dell Incontro di studio in occasione del 750 anniversario della morte (1262–2012), Perugia 30 guigno 2012 (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 2014), 47–78.
108. Chronica XXIV, 78.
109. Chronica XXIV, 78.
110. Chronica XXIV, 60.
111. Chronica XXIV, 40–41.
112. Chronica XXIV, 46–47.
113. Chronica XXIV, 386–87.
EPILOGUE
1. Frazier, Possible Lives; Brad S. Gregory, Salvation at Stake: Christian Martyrdom in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999).
2. Norman Housley, Crusading and the Ottoman Threat, 1453–1505 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 135–73.
3. Clare Lappin, “The Mirror of the Observance: Image, Ideal and Identity in Observant Franciscan Literature, c.1415–1528” (PhD diss., University of Edinburgh, 2000), 20.
4. Lappin, “Mirror of Observance,” 62.
5. Chronica XXIV, xvi.
6. Glassberger, Chronica: the seven martyrs of Ceuta (44), martyrs in Palestine and Egypt (79, 82), Acre (106), Tana (128), Stephen of Hungary in Saray (160), William of England (160), Pascal di Vitoria and his fellow martyrs in Amalech (178–79), Giovanni di Montepulciano (183), Nicolaus and Francis in Cairo (192), James of Florence (196), Guglielmo di Castromaris (198–99), the twelve friars of Mount Zion (202). He mentioned the friars who died during the Inquisition (128) and the five martyrs of Bulgaria (203), but did not explicitly name them as martyrs.
7. Glassberger, Chronica, 14.
8. Glassberger, Chronica, 15.
9. Marianus de Florentia [Mariano da Firenze], Compendium: Pietro d’Arcagnano (60 [629]), the martyrs of Morocco (15 [96]), the seven martyrs of Ceuta (18 [99]), Electus (18 [99]), the martyrs of Valencia (20 [101]), the inquisitorial martyrs of Avinonet (27 [305]), the martyrs in Almalyk (76 [297]), the martyrs of Armenia (66 [635]), India (68–69 [637–38]), Stephen of Hungary in Saray (72 [641]).
10. Bartolomeo da Pisa, De conformitate vitae beati Francisci; Carolly Erickson, “Bartholomew of Pisa, Francis Exalted: De Conformitate,” Mediaeval Studies 34 (1972): 253–74.
11. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina, 2:169.
12. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina, 2:179.
13. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina, 2:184.
14. Pietro d’Arcagnano, 2:211, as well as Pietro and Catalano, who appear in the Chronica. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina, 2:217; Stephano and Raimondo in Toulouse, 2:218. Alongside the martyrs were the lives of a few other friars who exemplified patientia, but were not martyred, like brother Electo, who suffered from a debilitating illness (2:218), and an anonymous brother persecuted by a demon (2:218–19.).
15. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina, 2:208–9; Bartholomew of Pisa, De Conformitate, 274–75.
16. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina, 2:215. Crucifixion was not an uncommon form of execution in the medieval Islamic world. See, for example, Tilman Seidensticker, “Responses to Crucifixion in the Islamic World (1st–7th/7th–13th Centuries),” in Public Violence in Islamic Societies: Power, Discipline and the Construction of the Public Sphere, ed. Maribel Fierro and Christian Lange (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2009), 203–16.
17. Some, however, do: Antonio da Milano does desire martyrdom (212), as do two anonymous friars (214), and Juan de Otteo (215), and of course the five martyrs of Morocco (219), as did two other anonymous friars from Ragusa (226).
18. Antonio da Milano condemns Islam, as did Jeremias and his seven companions (212–13). Corrado de Alis also explained the Saracens’ “blindness and damnation,” but without specific reference to Muhammad or Islam (213). So did Juan de Otteo (215), and Iohanne da Napoli, and again the five martyrs of Morocco (220).
19. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina, 2:209.
20. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina, 2:210.
21. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina, 2:220.
22. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina, 2:221.
23. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina, 2:222; for miracles in Coimbra, see 224–25.
24. Giacomo Oddi, La Franceschina, 2:223.
25. Frazier, Possible Lives, 48.
26. Frazier, Possible Lives, 58.
27. Antonio, in contrast to the earlier martyrs, did not go to Muslim lands out of a desire for martyrdom: he was captured while traveling. E. Hocodez, “Lettre de Pierre Ranzano au Pape Pie II sur le martyre du B. Antoine de Rivoli,” Analecta Bollandiana 24 (1906): 357–74.
28. “Petrus vulgato cognomina propterea martir appellatus quoniam hoc ipsum glorio-sum martiris nomen iam dudum per plura secula antea demortuum; atque ob eius rei abolitionem omnino deletum penitusque extinctum suo quodam proprii corporis martirio mirabiliter ac divinitus renouauit.” Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Urbinatus Latinus ms. 154, fol. 196r; Frazier, Possible Lives, 79.
29. Norman Scott Johnson, “Franciscan Passions: Missions to the Muslims, Desire for Martyrdom and Institutional Identity in the Later Middle Ages” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2010), 448–57.
30. Alberto may have desired martyrdom, but some have argued that this was a creation of sixteenth-century Observant chroniclers like Mariano da Firenze. For more, see Frazier, Possible Lives, 84n129.
31. Isabelle Heullant-Donat, “Les martyrs franciscains de Jeérusalem (1391), entre meémoire et manipulation,” in Chemins d’Outre-mer: Etudes dhistoire sur la Méditerranée medieval offertes à Michel Balard, ed. Damien Coulon et al. (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2004), 439–59.
32. “Refutationes argumentorum qui contra huius temporis martyrium fieri solent.” [Tommaso d’Arezzo], Tractatus de martyrio sanctorum (Basel: Jacobus Wolff, [1492]), chap. ii.
33. “Quis modus habendus his qui ignorant linguam eorum infidelium ad quos caritatis et martyrii ardore accedere cupiunt.” [Tommaso d’Arezzo], Tractatus, chap. 17.
34. Wolf, Christian Martyrs.
35. “Accingere gladio et una procedamus ad bellum: quoniam pro victoria coronas pro-merebimur eternas.” [Tommaso d’Arezzo], Tractatus, chap. ii.
36. Carmina Illustrium Poetarum Italorum (Florence: Typis Regiae Celsitudinis, 1724), 10:311; see an elegant translation by Alison Knowles Frazier, Possible Lives, 81.
37. James D. Ryan, “Missionary Saints of the High Middle Ages: Martyrdom, Popular Veneration, and Canonization,” Catholic Historical Review 90 (2004): 1–28.
38. London, British Library, Add. ms. 40156, fol. 8b.
39. London, British Library, ms. Cotton Vitellius F XII, fol. 330r.
40. Doris Carl, “Franziskanischer Martyrerkult als Kreuzzugspropaganda an der Kanzel von Benedetto da Maiano in Santa Croce in Florenz,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 39 (1995): 69–91. Nirit Ben-Aryeh Debby believes the martyrs to be the seven of Ceuta. “Visual Rhetoric: Images of Saracens in Florentine Churches,” Annuario de Estudios Medievales 42 (2012): 7–28.
41. Bernard Sannig, Der Cronicken Der Drey Orden (Prague: Johann Nicolaum Hampeli, 1691), vol. 1, t. 2: 7, p. 17; Einhorn, “Unter den Fuß gebracht,” 447–83, esp. 461–62.
42. I cite here the Italian translation of his work. Marco da Lisbona, Delle Croniche de gli Ordini Instituti dal P. S. Francesco (Milan: Girolamo Bordoni, 1605), 1:289–310.
43. Arturus a Monasterius [Arthus du Monstier], Martyrologium francescanum, 2nd ed. (Paris: Edmond Couterot, 1653), 25.
44. Wadding, Annales minorum.
45. Pieter Gossey, De Martelie van de H. H. Berardus, Petrus, Otto, Accursius, Adjutus, eerste martelaers der Orden van den H. Seraphinschen Vader Franciscus, 1783.
46. Antonio de Olave, Passio gloriosi martyris beati patris fratris Andree de Spoleto ordinis Minorum regularis obseruantie pro Catholice fidei veritate passi in Affrica ciuitate Fez,[1532]; Pierre de Cenival, “L’eglise chretienne de Marrakesh de XIIIe siècle,” Hesperis 6 (1926): 71; Massimo Donattini, “Three Bolognese Franciscan Missionaries in the New World in the Early Sixteenth Century,” in The New World in Early Modern Italy, 1492–1750, ed. Elizabeth Horo-dowich and Lia Markey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 63–85, esp. 69–72.
47. “Francisci flores germine / Christum profuse sanguine / Opere imitantur, / Honorio pontífice / Sixtoque nunc opifique / Mirifice venerantur.” Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi (AH), ed. Clemens Blume and Guido M. Dreves (Leipzig: O. R. Reisland, 1898), 28:148, #53.
48. “O victorum purpura / Consolator in tortura, / Rubentis militiae / Robur et athleta!” AH 28:148, #53.
49. Response to the Noctural Antiphon: “Ferventes ad martyrium / Minores zelo fide / Venerunt ad palatium / Hispalim virtute spei,…” AH 28:151, #54.
50. “Mirabilem victoria / Dominus renovavit, / Quando Fratrum familiam / Triumphis decoravit.” Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, ed. Guido Maria Dreves (Leipzig: O. R. Reisland, 1904), 45:209, #87.
51. Maureen Ahern, “Martyrs and Idols: Performing Ritual Warfare on Early Missionary Frontiers in the Northwest,” in Religion in New Spain, ed. Susan Schroeder and Stafford Poole (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2007), 279–98.
52. Ramon Gutierrez, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality and Power in New Mexico, 1500–1846 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1991), 128.
53. Gregory, Salvation at Stake.
54. Augustin Calvet, Fray Anselmo Turmeda: Heterodoxo español (1352–1423–32?) (Barcelona: Casa Editorial Estudio, 1914), 18. See also Roger Boase, “Autobiography of a Convert, Anselm Turmeda (c. 1353—c. 1430),” Al-Masaq 9 (1996–97): 45–98.