Intoduction
1. See, for instance, ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 137, Templarios, no. 101. Cf. the description of the Marīnid prince Abū Ya‘qūb’s raid across the Spanish frontier in 1275: Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar wa-dīwān al-mubtada’ wa’l-khabar fī ayyām al-‘arab wa’l-‘ajam wa’l-barbar wa-man ‘āṣarahum min dhawī al-sultān al-akbar, ed. ‘Ādil b. Sa‘d, VII: 200. For more on frontier warfare, see Rachel Arié, L’Espagne Musulmane au temps des Nasrides (1232–1492); María Teresa Ferrer i Mallol, “La organización militar en Cataluña en la Edad Media,” Revista de historia militar Extra 1 (2001): 119–222; Francisco García Fitz, Castilla y León frente al Islam: estrategias de expansión y tácticas militares (siglos XI–XIII); and Josep Torró Abad, El naixement d’una colònia: dominació i resistència a la frontera Valenciana, 1238–1276.
2. On these revolts in Valencia, see Robert Ignatius Burns, Islam under the Crusaders: Colonial Survival in the Thirteenth-Century Kingdom of Valencia, 323–32; and idem, “The Crusade against Al-Azraq: A Thirteenth-Century Mudejar Revolt in International Perspective,” American Historical Review 93 (1988): 80–106. The Castilian word Mudéjar (Cat. Mudèixar) comes from the Arabic mudajjan, literally “those who remain or lag behind.” It should be noted, however, that the term rarely appears in Catalan or Castilian texts before the fifteenth century. More commonly, one sees “sarraceni,” “moros,” or “sarraï.” See EI2, s.v. “mudéjar,” for more detail.
3. For translated documents, see ACA, R. 52, fol. 68v (4 Nov. 1284): “. . . sarraceni janeti [qui] in nostro servicio venerant sibi debebant cum duobus publicis instrumentis quorum unum est moriscum et aliud christianite scriptum. . . .” On impounding swords, see ACA, R. 58, fol. 22v (3 May 1285): “Baiulo Exatium quod donet Alaçeno militi Sarraceno nuncio Cahim filio Jahie Abennaquem quinquaginta solidos \regalium/ pro redimendis et quitandis ensibus quos idem Alaçenus et alii qui cum eo venerunt pignori obligaverunt in Exatium.” By contrast, Mudéjars from Almonezir, travelling to serve in the king’s army, were protected from seizures. See ACA, R. 62, fol. 81v (7 Sep. 1284): “. . . Unde cum dicti Sarraceni sint in servicio domini Regis et nostro in hunc exercitum quem dominus Rex proponit facere contra regnum Navarre, mandamus vobis ex parte domini Regis et nostra quatenus dictos Sarracenos non pignoretis dum fuerint in dicto servicio. Immo restituatis eisdem [. . . ]qua pignora eis fecistis.” Muslim merchants from Granada and Jewish merchants from Castile were also protected from such seizures. See ARV, Justicia de Valencia, 1, fol. 10 (1279) and ARV, Justicia de Valencia, 1, fol. 10v (11 Mar. 1279).
4. For the requirement for foreigners to travel on public roads, see ACA, R. 48, fol. 135r (1280) and ACA, R. 66, fol. 152v (27 July 1286).
5. ACA, R. 56, fol. 93v (3 May 1285).
6. ACA, R. 58, fol. 22v (3 May 1285): “Bernardo Martini, baiulo Ville Franche, quod non exigat a nunciis Sarracenis de Cahim, filio Jahie Abebbaquem, illos quindecim solidos quos eisdem accomodavit. Immo si aliquos fideiussores ab eis recepit absolvat, cum dominus Rex mandet per presentes [dict]os quindecim solidi recipi in compotum per Guillelmum de Rocha a dicto Bernardo [Mar]tini.”
7. I use North Africa as a synonym of what is called the “Maghrib” in Arabic sources, meaning northwest Africa, west of Egypt.
8. While general histories do not mention these soldiers, more specialized accounts of the Crown of Aragon do but rarely and without specificity. Among those that do see, Àngels Masià i de Ros, La Corona de Aragón y los estados del Norte de África: política de Jaime II y Alfonso IV en Egipto, Ifriquía y Tremecén; idem, Jaume II: Aragó, Granada, i Marroc: apportació documental; John Boswell, The Royal Treasure: Muslim Communities under the Crown of Aragon in the Fourteenth Century, esp. 186–87; María Teresa Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera amb l’Islam en el segle XIV: christians i sarraïns al país Valencià; and Elena Lourie, “Anatomy of Ambivalence: Muslims under the Crown of Aragon in the Late Thirteenth Century,” in Crusade and Colonisation: Muslims, Christians and Jews in Medieval Aragon, 1–77.
9. There have been four articles or book chapters on the jenets: Brian Catlos, “‘Mahomet Abenadalill’: A Muslim Mercenary in the Service of the Kings of Aragon, 1290–1291,” in Jews, Muslims and Christians in and Around the Medieval Crown of Aragon: Studies in Honour of Prof. Elena Lourie, ed. Harvey J. Hames, 257–302; Elena Lourie, “A Jewish Mercenary in the Service of the King of Aragon,” Revue des études juives 137 (1978): 367–73; Faustino D. Gazulla, “Las compañías de Zenetes en el reino de Aragón,” Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia 90 (1927): 174–96; and Andrés Giménez Soler, “Caballeros españoles en Africa y africanos en España,” Revue Hispanique 12, 16 (1905): 299–372. See also Ferrer i Mallol, “La organización militar,” 186: “Por el momento, el cuerpo de la ‘geneta’ no está estudiado, aunque hay documentación para hacerlo.” There is also a handful of studies of Muslim soldiers, who were not jenets, in the service of Aragonese and Castilian kings in later periods. See Ana Echevarría Arsuaga, Caballeros en la frontera: la guardia morisca de los reyes de Castilla, 1410–1467 [translated as Knights on the Frontier: The Moorish Guard of the Kings of Castile (1410–1467), trans. Martin Beagles]; Roser Salicrú i Lluch, “Caballeros granadinos emigrantes y fugitivos en la Corona de Aragón durante el reinado de Alfonso el Magnánimo,” in II Estudios de la frontera: actividad y vida en la frontera, ed. Francisco Toro Ceballos and José Rodríguez Molina, 727–48; and José E. López de Coca y Castañer, “Caballeros moriscos al servicio de Juan II y Enrique IV, reyes de Castilla,” Meridies: revista de historia medieval 3 (1996): 119–36.
10. There are numerous studies of Christian soldiers in the service of the sultans of North Africa. Most significantly, see Eva Lapiedra Gutiérrez, “Christian Participation in Almohad Armies and Personal Guards,” Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 2, no. 2 (2010): 235–50; Alejandro García Sanjuán, “Mercenarios cristianos al servicio de los musulmanes en el Norte de África durante el siglo XIII,” in La Península Ibérica entre el Mediterráneo y el Atlántico. Siglos XIII-XV. Cádiz, 1–4 de Abril de 2003, ed. Manuel González Jiménez and Isabel Montes Romero-Camacho, 435–47; Roser Salicrú i Lluch, “Mercenaires castillans au Maroc au début du XVe siècle,” in Migrations et diasporas Méditerranéennes (Xe–XVIe siècles), ed. Michel Balard and Alain Ducellier, 417–34; Simon Barton, “Traitors to the Faith? Christian Mercenaries in Al-Andalus and the Maghreb, C.1100–1300,” in Medieval Spain: Culture, Conflict, and Coexistence: Studies in Honour of Angus MacKay, ed. Roger Collins and Anthony Goodman, 23–45; Carme Batlle i Gallart, “Noticias sobre la milicia cristiana en el Norte de África en la segunda mitad del siglo XIII,” in Homenaje al Profesor Juan Torres Fontes, 127–37; and José Alemany, “Milicias cristianas al servicio de los sultanes musulmanes del Almagreb,” in Homenaje á D. Francisco Codera en su jubilación del profesorado, ed. Eduardo Saavedra, 133–69.
11. For a recent assessment of the study of Spain and North Africa, see Andrew Devereux, Yuen-Gen Liang, Camilo Gómez-Rivas, and Abigail Krasner Balbale, “Unity and Disunity across the Strait of Gibraltar,” Medieval Encounters 19, nos. 1–2 (2013): 1–40. There are important exceptions to this division. See, for instance, Olivia Remie Constable, Trade and Traders in Muslim Spain: The Commercial Realignment of the Iberian Peninsula, 900–1500; idem, Housing the Stranger in the Mediterranean World; Thomas E. Burman, Reading the Qur’ān in Latin Christendom, 1140–1560; and Kathryn A. Miller, Guardians of Islam: Religious Authority and Muslim Communities of Late Medieval Spain.
12. For an overview of the “convivencia” debates, see Maya Soifer, “Beyond Convivencia: Critical Reflections on the Historiography of Interfaith Relations in Christian Spain,” Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 1, no. 1 (2009): 19–35; Alex Novikoff, “Between Tolerance and Intolerance in Medieval Spain: An Historiographic Enigma,” Medieval Encounters 1, no. 2 (2005): 7–36; and John Victor Tolan, “Using the Middle Ages to Construct Spanish Identity: 19th and 20th Century Spanish Historiography of Reconquest,” in Historiographical Approaches to Medieval Colonization of East Central Europe, ed. Jan Piskorski, 329–47.
13. Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam, 27: “For these twentieth-century anthropologists, religion is not an archaic mode of scientific thinking, nor of any other secular endeavor we value today; it is, on the contrary, a distinctive space of human practice and belief which cannot be reduced to any other. From this it seems to follow that the essence of religion is not to be confused with, say, the essence of politics, although in many societies the two may overlap and be intertwined.” See also idem, Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, and Modernity; Hussein Ali Agrama, Questioning Secularism: Islam, Sovereignty, and the Rule of Law in Modern Egypt; Michael Warner, Jonathan VanAntwerpen, and Craig J. Calhoun, Varieties of Secularism in a Secular Age; and Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, The Politics of Secularism in International Relations. Cf. Brad Gregory, “The Other Confessional History: On Secular Bias in the Study of Religion,” History and Theory 45, no. 4 (2006): esp. 136–37.
14. Hurd, The Politics of Secularism, 30; Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern, 9–10.
15. Philippe Buc, The Dangers of Ritual: Between Early Medieval Texts and Social Scientific Theory, 94; and Steven Justice, “Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?” Representations 103 (2008): 1–29. See also John Milbank, Theology and Social Theory: Beyond Secular Reason, 52–61; Robert A. Nisbet, The Sociological Tradition, 221–63; and Talal Asad, “Responses,” in Powers of the Secular Modern: Talal Asad and His Interlocutors, ed. David Scott and Charles Hirschkind, 212.
16. Jonathan Sheehan, “Sacred and Profane: Idolatry, Antiquarianism and the Polemics of Distinction in the Seventeenth Century,” Past & Present 192, no. 1 (2006): 35–66, esp. 65; and Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, “The Specific Order of Difficulty of Religion,” 30 May 2014, The Immanent Frame, accessed 30 May 2014, http://blogs.ssrc.org/tif/2014/05/30/the-specific-order-of-difficulty-of-religion: “The approach proposed here resists adoption of any singular, stable conception of religion, and instead acknowledges the vast and shifting array of practices and histories that fall under the heading of religion as used today.”
17. Thomas N. Bisson, The Medieval Crown of Aragon: A Short History, 52.
18. Bisson, The Medieval Crown of Aragon, 51; and Adam J. Kosto, Making Agreements in Medieval Catalonia: Power, Order, and the Written Word, 1000–1200, esp. chap. 3.
19. Kenneth Pennington, The Prince and the Law, 1200–1600: Sovereignty and Rights in the Western Legal Tradition; Walter Ullmann, “The Development of the Medieval Idea of Sovereignty,” English Historical Review 64, no. 250 (1949): 1–33; Gaines Post, “Roman Law and Early Representation in Spain and Italy, 1150–1250,” Speculum 18, no. 2 (1943): 211–32; Alfonso Otero Varela, “Sobre la ‘plenitud o potestatis’ y los reinos hispánicos,” Anuario de historia del derecho español 34 (1964): 141–62; and Antonio Pérez Martín, “La institución real en el ‘ius commune’ y en las Partidas,” Cahiers de linguistique hispanique médiévale 23, no. 1 (2000): esp. 313–17.
20. Joseph R. Strayer, “The Laicization of French and English Society in the Thirteenth Century,” Speculum 15, no. 1 (1940): 76–86; idem, On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State; and Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology.
21. Ramon Muntaner, Crònica in Les quatre gran cròniques, ed. Ferran Soldevila, chap. 292: “[P]oden fer compte que seran sobirans a tots los reis del món e prínceps, així de crestians con de sarraïns.” The French kings also spoke of themselves as “sovereigns” in this period. See Philippe de Beaumanoir (d. 1296), Coutumes de Beauvaisis, XXXIV, 1043 [my emphasis]: “Voirs est que li rois est souverains par dessus tous, et a de son droit la general garde de tout son roiaume.”
22. David Abulafia, The Western Mediterranean Kingdoms, xvi.
23. Allen J. Fromherz, The Almohads: The Rise of an Islamic Empire, provides a useful and readable introduction to the dynasty.
24. Maribel Fierro, The Almohad Revolution: Politics and Religion in the Islamic West during the Twelfth–Thirteenth Centuries; Maribel Fierro, “Alfonso X ‘The Wise’: The Last Almohad Caliph?” Medieval Encounters 15, no. 2 (2009): 175–98, esp. 175; and Amira K. Bennison and Maria Ángeles Gallego, “Religious Minorities under the Almohads: An Introduction,” Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 2, no. 2 (2010): 143–54, esp. 143. For the broader religious context, see Mercedes García-Arenal, Messianism and Puritanical Reform: Mahdīs of the Muslim West.
25. David Nirenberg, Neighboring Faiths: Christianity, Judaism, and Islam in the Middle Ages and Today, 88.
26. A criticism also made by Ernesto Laclau, “Bare Life or Social Indeterminacy?” in Giorgio Agamben: Sovereignty and Life, ed. Matthew Calarco and Steven DeCaroli; and Agrama, Questioning Secularism, 27. On coercive violence, see Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States: AD 900–1990; and Brian Downing, The Military Revolution and Political Change: The Origins of Democracy and Autocracy in Early Modern Europe. On the decision, see Carl Schmitt, Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty, trans. George Schwab; and Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen.
Chapter One
1. The handwritten “Catálogo de los documentos de los registros,” begun by Alterachs in the eighteenth century, is a partial catalog to the thirteenth-century documentation and resides on the shelves at the Archive of the Crown of Aragon.
2. Giménez Soler, “Caballeros”; Gazulla, “Zenetes”; Lourie, “A Jewish Mercenary”; and Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill.”
3. Giménez Soler, “Caballeros,” 348–49.
4. This confusion is paralleled in etymological studies. While Joan Coromines and J. A. Pascual, Diccionario crítico etimológico castellano e hispánico, 516–18, claims that “jinete” derives from the Berber tribe, the Zanāta, it also claims that “jineta” derives from the Arabic gharnāṭa, the city of Granada.
5. Lourie, “A Jewish Mercenary,” 367–73; and idem, “Anatomy of Ambivalence,” 8.
6. Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 259n6, citing Antoni María Alcover i Sureda and Francesch de Borja Molls y Casanovas, Diccionari català-valencià-balear, s.v. “genet.” Boswell conflates Mudéjar and jenet soldiers, taking the term jenet to signify any light cavalry soldier, Mudéjar or foreign. See, for instance, Boswell, Royal Treasure, 186.
7. For the passage of other Arabic words into Romance and Latin, see Eva Lapiedra Gutiérrez, Cómo los musulmanes llamaban a los cristianos hispánicos; and Ana Echevarría Arsuaga, “La conversion des chevaliers musulmans dans la Castille du xve siècle,” in Conversions islamiques: Identités religieuses en Islam méditerranéen, ed. Mercedes García-Arenal, 119–138.
8. Sebastián de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española, ed. Martín de Riquer, 640: “Hombre de cavallo, que pelea con lança y adarga, recogidos los pies con estirbos cortos, que no baxan de la barriga del cavallo,” as cited with translation in Barbara Fuchs, Exotic Nation: Maurophilia and the Construction of Early Modern Spain, 92.
9. Wallace Stevens, “The Comedian as the Letter C.”
10. The French genet dates to the fourteenth century, the Italian ginnetto to the fifteenth.
11. Shakespeare, Othello, I.i.112–13.
12. Shakespeare, Venus and Adonis, I.i.282; and Philip Massinger, Renegado (1624), III.iii.88. See also Massinger, Fatal Dowry (1616–19), IV.i.73; idem, Very Woman (1634), III.v.55; and John Fletcher, Thierry and Theodoret (1607–21), I.i.113.
13. David Nirenberg, “Was There Race Before Modernity? The Example of ‘Jewish’ Blood in Late Medieval Spain,” in The Origins of Racism in the West, ed. Ben Isaac, Yossi Ziegler, and Miriam Eliav-Feldon, 232–64, esp. 248–49.
14. Claude Lévi-Strauss, Totemism, 89: “We can understand, too, that natural species are chosen [as totems] not because they are ‘good to eat’ but because they are ‘good to think.’”
15. See the Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. “jennet”; and Walter Scott, Ivanhoe, 23.
16. Generally, see Charles Oman, The Art of War in the Middle Ages, 378–1515; Hans Delbrück, History of the Art of War Within the Framework of Political History, III: 234; and Joseph R. Strayer, ed., Dictionary of the Middle Ages, s.v. “cavalry.” For the specific case of medieval Iberia, see María Jesús Viguera Molins, “La organización militar en Al-Andalus,” Revista de historia militar Extra 1 (2001): 17–60, esp. 38; idem, “El ejército” in El reino nazarí de Granada (1232–1492): política, instituciones, espacio y economía, ed. María Jesús Viguera Molins, 431–73, esp. 441; and Victoria Cirlot, “Techniques guerrières en Catalogne féodale: Le Maniement de la lance,” Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale 28, no. 1 (1985): 35–43. Citing contemporary illustrations, James Powers suggests that Christian knights rode a la jineta during the central Middle Ages but, under the influence of the French, came to ride a la brida after the eleventh century. I have found no evidence to corroborate this claim. See James F. Powers, A Society Organized for War: The Iberian Municipal Militias in the Central Middle Ages, 1000–1284, 131–32.
17. On the transformation, see Alvaro Soler del Campo, La evolución del armamento medieval en el Reino Castellano-Leonés y al-Andalus (siglos XII–XIV), esp. 157–72; García Fitz, Castilla y León frente al Islam, 386–92, esp. 392; Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 252–53; and Juan Manuel, Libro de los Estados in Obras completas, ed. José Manuel Blecua, I: 347–56.
18. J. Ferrandis Torré, “Espadas granadinas de la jineta,” Archivo español de arte 16 (1943): 142–66. For thirteenth-century references to the jenet saddle (silla jineta), see for instance ACA, R. 65, fol. 97v; and AHM, “Torrella,” Arm. 11, Far. 32, as cited in Mariano Gual de Torrella, “Milicias cristianas en Berbería,” Boletín de la sociedad arqueológica Luliana 89 (1973): 54–63. See the section on shields in the riding manual of Antonio Galvão Andrade, Arte de cavelleria, de gineta, e estardiota bom primor de ferrar, & alueitiara, 188–89: “Que trate como serà obrada a Adarga.” For thirteenth-century references to the adarga, see for instance ACA, R. 65, fol. 97v (1285), and ACA, R. 81, fol. 234r (13 Dec. 1290).
19. García Fitz, Castilla y León frente al Islam, 386–87.
20. For instance, Pedro de Aguilar, Tractado de cavalleria de la gineta (1572); Eugenio Mançanas, Libro de enfrenamentos de la gineta (1583); Bernardo de Vargas Machuca, Libro de exercicios de la gineta (1600); Luis de Bañuelos y de la Cerda, Libro de la jineta y descendencia de los caballos guzmanes (1605); Gregorio Tapio y Salcedo, Exercicios de la gineta (1643); and Galvão Andrade, Arte de cavelleria (1678), esp. 451–52.
21. Consuelo López-Morillas, “Los Beréberes Zanāta en la historia y la leyenda,” Al-Andalus 42, no. 2 (1977): 301–22, esp. 309.
22. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, I: 211–14, cit. 212: “wa-ammā alladhī bi’l-karr wa’l-farr fa-huwa qatāl al-‘arab wa’l-barbar min ahl al-maghrib.” See also EI2, s.v. “furūsiyya.” See also Llibre dels feyts, chap. 266, which describes Muslim footsoldiers using the same tactic.
23. Ibn Ḥayyān, al-Muqtabas fī akhbār bilād al-Andalus, ed. ‘Abd al-Raḥmān al-Ḥajjī, VII: 192–93: “He considered their dress (ziyyuhum) good, their lightness in riding noble . . . and he inferred this from their equipment (ālatihim), which was perfectly constructed and suited to their horses”; and al-Muqtabas, VII: 190: “The sides of the saddle were soft and the pommel short, forward and flat(?) (al-muqaddam wa’l-mu’jir).” See Lane, Lexicon, s.v. “‘ādin,” esp. 1981, for the term ‘udwiyy. The jenet saddle is mentioned several times in the registers (ACA, R. 58, fol. 23r [15 May 1285], R. 71, fol. 24v [5 Mar. 1286], and R. 71, fol. 110v [1287]).
24. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 212, 214: “wa-qitāl al-zaḥf awthaq wa-’ashadd min qitāl al-karr wa’l-farr. . . . qitāl ahl waṭanihim kullahu bi’l-karr wa’l-farr.”
25. Juan de Mariana, “De exercitacione corporis” in De rege et regis institutione, II: chap. 5, 130: “Inter se ex equis iaculentur Mauricae pugnae genere, quo alterius agminis pars facto impetum primum procurrit, missisque in adversarios arundinibus iaculorum imagine, pedem referunt ceduntque prementibus adversariis.” Cf. Fuchs, Exotic Nation, 94.
26. Vargas Machuca, Libro de exercicios, fol. 2r: “Aunque es verdad que Berberia dio a España principio della, y España a las Indias, en esta parte se ha perficionado mas que en otra.”
27. Covarrubias, Tesoro, 640.
28. Fuchs, Exotic Nation, 88–102.
29. Ramon Lull, Liber de fine in Ramon Lulls Kreuzzugsideen, ed. A. Gottron, 83: “illi eorum corpora . . . non muniunt, neque equos. . . . immo quasi nudi sunt hii in bello.” See also the description of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212) in Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, Roderici Ximenii de Rada Historia de rebus hispanie sive historia gothica in Roderici Ximenii De Rada Opera Omnia, ed. Juan Fernández Valverde, VIII: chaps. 8–9.
30. Juan Manuel, Libro de los Estados, in Obras completas, ed. José Manuel Blecua, I: 348: “Et en verdad vos digo, señor infante, que tan buenos homes de armas son [los Musulmanes], et tanto saben de guerra, et tan bien lo facen, que si non porque deben haber e han a Dios contra sí . . . et porque non andan armados nin encabalgados en guisa que peuden sofrir feridas como caballeros, nin venir a las manos, que si por estas dos cosas non fuere, que yo diría que en el mundo non ha tan buenos homes de armas, ni tan sabidores de guerra, ni tan aparejados para tantas conquistas.” See also the description of the Battle of Moclín (1280), Crónica del rey don Alfonso X, in Crónicas de los reyes de Castilla, ed. Cayetano Rosell, 58.
31. Reinhart Pieter Anne Dozy and W. H. Engelmann, Glossaire des mots espagnols et portugais dérivés de l’arabe, s.v. “jinete”; and Coromines and Pascual, Diccionario crítico etimológico castellano e hispánico, s.v. “jinete.”
32. Helmut Lüdtke, “Sobre el origen de cat. genet, cast. jinete, ‘caballero armado de lanza i adarga,’” Estudis Romànics 8 (1961): 188; and Coromines and Pascual, Diccionario crítico etimológico castellano e hispánico, 518.
33. Lüdtke, “Sobre el origen de cat. genet, cast. jinete,” 119. Lütdke cites the example of the Berbers of the Beni-Snus, who pronounce Zanāta in a fashion that more closely approximates the g of Catalan or the j of Castilian.
34. Lüdtke, “Sobre el origen de cat. genet, cast. jinete,” 118. See also Coromines and Pascual, Diccionario crítico etimológico castellano e hispánico, 518, which points to the same evidence.
35. Coromines and Pascual, Diccionario crítico etimológico castellano e hispánico, 518, argue that the word first appears in Castilian and Catalan in the fourteenth century.
36. Arlette Farge, The Allure of the Archives, trans. Thomas Scott-Railton, 75.
37. For a history of the chancery registers of the Crown of Aragon, see the elegant introduction to Robert Ignatius Burns, Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: The Registered Charters of Its Conqueror James I, 1257–1276; and Jesús Ernesto Martínez Ferrando, El Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, esp. chap. 2.
38. For the career of Jaume I, see the king’s “autobiography,” the Llibre dels feyts, as well as the classic guides: Joaquín Miret y Sans, Itinerari de Jaume I, “el Conqueridor,” and Ferran Soldevila, Vida de Jaume I el Conqueridor. See also Jaume Aurell, Authoring the Past: History, Autobiography, and Politics in Medieval Catalonia.
39. ACA, RP, MR, 627, fol. 137v (1318): “. . . que fassets obrar una casa de volta en aquell loch on solia esser la capeyla sua del palau de Barcelona, en la qual casa fossen posats e conservats les registres els privilegis els altres scrits de la sua cancellaria e dels altres fets de la sua cort.” See also Carlos López Rodríguez, “Orígenes del Archivo de la Corona de Aragón (en tiempos, Archivo Real de Barcelona),” Hispania 67, no. 226 (2007): 413–54.
40. Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 174.
41. For more on the Mongol Khan’s invitation, see Denis Sinor, “The Mongols and Western Europe” in A History of the Crusades, ed. Kenneth Meyer Setton, 513–44.
42. ACA, R. 18, passim. See also a sentence pronounced against Ramon Folc in ACA, R. 47, fol. 14v (s.a.): “Coram vobis Arnaldo Taverner et Bernardo de Prato, iudicibus a domino Rege Aragonum delegatis, proponit idem dominus Rex nomine suo et hominum suorum, contra nobilem Raimundum Fulconis, vicecomitem Cardonen[sium].”
43. On the Valencian crusade, see the many works of Burns, including his Islam under the Crusaders; and Ambrosio Huici Miranda, Historia musulmana de Valencia y su región: novedades y rectificaciones.
44. Of the numerous works on al-Azraq, the most significant are: Carmen Barceló, “Documentos árabes de al-Azraq (1245–1250),” Saitabí: revista de la Facultat de Geografia i Història 32 (1982): 27–41; Robert Ignatius Burns, “La Guerra de Al-Azraq de 1249,” Sharq al-Andalus 4 (1987): 253–56; idem, “The Crusade Against Al-Azraq”; idem, “A Lost Crusade: Unpublished Bulls of Innocent IV on Al-Azraq’s Revolt in Thirteenth-Century Spain,” Catholic Historical Review (1988): 440–49; and Robert Ignatius Burns and Paul Edward Chevedden, “A Unique Bilingual Surrender Treaty from Muslim-Crusader Spain,” Historian 62, no. 3 (2000): 511–34.
45. “Contra Sarracenos semper praevaluit.” See Ricardo del Arco y Garay, Sepulcros de la casa real de Aragón, 192.
46. Francisco Martínez y Martínez, Coses de la meua tèrra (La Marina), II: 170–73, as cited in Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 332.
47. Llibre dels feyts in Les quatre gran cròniques, ed. Soldevila, chap. 378: “E havíem oït d’abans que el rei de Castella s’era desavengut ab lo rei de Granada e que el rei de Granada de llong temps havia percaçats los moros d’allèn mar, e que passaven los genets en sa terra, e que allèn porien cobrar tota la terra del rei de Castella.” The thirteenth-century chronicle of Alfonso X of Castile also corroborates this information. See Crónica del rey don Alfonso X in Crónicas de los reyes de Castilla, ed. Cayetano Rosell, 13: “El rey de Granada . . . envió rogar á Aben Yuzaf que lo enviase alguna gente, é envióle mil caballeros.” Both documents are also cited by Coromines and Pascual, Diccionario crítico etimológico castellano e hispánico, 517.
48. Crónica del rey Alfonso XI in Crónicas de los reyes de Castilla, ed. Cayetano Rosell, 10: “[D]icen que estos fueron los primeros caballeros jinetes que pasaron aquen la mar.”
49. Llibre dels feyts, chap. 423: “E nós qui érem en Oriola, que hi érem romases bé per vuit dies, una nuit vengeren-nos dos almogàvers de Lorca, e tocaren a la nostra porta, e podia ésser bé mija nuit. E dixeren-nos que ens feïen saber los de Lorca que vuit-cents genets amb dos míllia atzembles carregadas, e dos míllia hòmens d’armes que les tocaven metien conduit en Múrcia.” The almogàvers (from Ar. al-maghāwir, meaning raiders) were lightly armed Christian footsoldiers and horsemen who engaged in frontier warfare. See also chapter 3.
50. ACA, R. 39, fol. 201v (17 May 1277): “Petrus dei gracia, Rex Aragonum, fidelibus suis vicario et baiulo Gerunde, salutem et graciam. Cum in regno Valencie multitudo creverit janetorum et alcaydus et Sarraceni castri de Montesa fregerint nobis pacta et convenientias quas habebant nobiscum, super restitucione dicti castri [ideo] sumus in g[u]erra cum eis. Mandamus vobis quatenus //visis presentes// non permitatis extrahi de terra nostra nec duci ad aliquas partes equos aut roncinos magnos sub pena amissionis dictorum equorum et roncinorum quos equos et roncinos fideliter reservetis. Datum Xative XVI kalendas Junii, [a]nno domini MCCLXX septimo.” Cf. ACA, R. 39, fol. 203v (12 June 1277).
51. Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 282–83.
52. ACA, R. 47, fol. 14v (1284): “. . . fuerat etiam longo tempore pro eo quia Sarraceni in ipso Regno existentes se contra ipsum dominum Regem et terram suam, et rebellarunt cum multis castris et fortaliciis contra eundem dominum Regem adducendo etiam indices Sarracenos ad terram Valencie de partibus Granate et de partibus Barberie in maximum dispendium et desonorem terre sue et tocius Christianitatis in tantum quod ipse Dominum Rex coactus fuit magnos contra ipsos Sarracenos exercitus congregare. Et cum magnis [..]dibus, laboribus et expensis ipsos Sarracenos devincens divina gracia adiuvante sue dicioni reduxit.”
53. ACA, R. 40, fol. 13v (12 Sep. 1277): “. . . Abouyceff, Rex de Marrochs, nec aliqua familia janetorum non transfretaverint ad partes Cismarinas.” Llibre dels feyts, chap. 556: “E nós estan en Xàtiva haguem ardit d’aquells cavallers genets que eren entrats en la terra.”
54. On surrender agreements, see Brian Catlos, “Secundum suam zunam: Muslims and the Law in the Aragonese ‘Reconquest,’” Mediterranean Studies 7 (1999): 13–26.
55. ACA, R. 38, fol. 27r–v (30 Aug. 1276): “Esta es carta de treuga et de pammento que es feta entrel Senyor Enfant Don Pedro fiyo primero et heredero del muy noble Don Jayme Rey d’Arago et qui deus perdone et entrel veillo noble Abrurdriz Hyale Abenayech et el cavero noble Abenzumayr Abenzaquimeran, el alguazir Abulfaratx Asbat, aixi quel dito Senyor Infant attreuga a t[o]dos los castellos et //las que// que son alçadis alas pennas contra ell dito Senyor Infant en todo lo Regno [de] Valentie et de su termino et de Exativa et de Si[. . . ]ino. . . . E los dito[s Abrurdr]iz Yhale [sic] [Abenayech] et Abenzu[mayr \Ab]ulfaratx/ otrossi a toda la terra del regno de [.........] toda la [senyuria] a los logares del dito Senyor Enfant de quiere que sean por ellos [et] por todos lures parentes et los jenetes et otros caveros de moros qui sean aqui en esta terra et en Gran[a]da et //de// \en/ qual que lugar otro que ninguno dellos no fagan dayno ne negun por ellos non fagan dayno en el regna de Valentie ne en [fol. 27v] nenguno otro lugar de Seynuria [de]l Infant. . . .” See also ACA, R. 38, fol. 33v (6 Sep. 1276), in which Pere orders his officers at the port of Algeciras to respect this treaty.
56. EI2, s.v. “Moors,” citing Polybius; Nevill Barbour, “The Significance of the Word Maurus, with Its Derivatives Moro and Moor, and of Other Terms Used by Medieval Writers in Latin to Describe the Inhabitants of Muslim Spain” in Actas del IV Congreso de estudios árabes e islámicos, 253–66, esp. 255, on the Greek; and Ross Brann, “The Moors?” Medieval Encounters 15, no. 2 (2009): 307–18.
57. Kenneth Baxter Wolf, ed., Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain, 131, as cited by Brann, “The Moors?” 311. See also Barbour, “The Significance of the Word Maurus,” 255.
58. For editions of the relevant texts, see Juan Torres Fontes, ed., Repartimiento de Lorca, 54: “Venieron Muza Barraham et Zahem et Zahet Azenet con mil caballeros et mataron docientos cristianos et cativaron al tantos.” For full text, see Pero Marín, Miraculos Romanzados in Vida y milagros del thaumaturgo español moysées Segundo, redemptor de cautivos, abogado de los felices partos, Sto. Domingo Manso, abad benedictino, reparador del real monasterio de Silos. For the context, see Juan Torres Fontes, “La actividad bélica granadina en la frontera murciana (ss. XIII–XV),” Príncipe de Viana Anejo 2–3 (1986): 721–40, esp. 729; and María de los Llanos Martínez Carrillo, “Historicidad de los ‘Miraculos Romançados’ de Pedro Marín (1232–1293): el territorio y la esclavitud granadinos,” Anuario de estudios medievales 21 (1991): 69–97.
59. ACA, R. 82, fol. 168v (21 Nov. 1290): “Arnaldo de Bastida quod solvat Abenhadalillo, capiti jenetorum, mille centum viginti septem duplas quas ei [d]ebent pro [qui]tacione sua et familie sue, duorum mensum, et ex alia parte, quinque millia solidos pro quitacione quorumdam Sarracenorum Alarabum. Et facta solucione et cetera. Datum Barchinone, XI kalendas Decembris.”
60. ACA, R. 252, fol. 189r (10 Mar. 1291) with edition also in Giménez Soler, 351–52n1. I discuss this document in further detail in chapters 4 and 5, below.
61. Antonio Ubieto Arteta, ed., Crónica Najerense, 48, 52, and 63, as cited in Barbour, “The Significance of the Word Maurus,” 257–58.
62. Colin Smith, ed., Christians and Moors in Spain, 19, as cited in Brann, “The Moors?” 312.
63. The earliest Arabic work on the Berbers claims to date from the eighth century. Fragments of a work attributed to Wahb b. Munabbih (d. 725–737?) appear in Ibn Qutayba (d. 889), Kitāb al-ma‘ārif, ed. Tharwat Ukāsha. For other early works that describe the Berbers, see Ibn Khurradādhbih (d. ca. 911), Kitāb al-masālik wa’l-mamālik, ed. Khayr al-Dīn Maḥmūd Qiblāwī; Ya‘qūbī (d. ca. 897), Kitāb al-buldān, ed. Wilhelmus Theodorus Juynboll; Ibn ‘Abd al-Ḥakam (d. 871), Futūḥ Miṣr wa’l-Maghrib, ed. ‘Abd al-Mun‘im ‘Āmir; and al-Mas‘ūdī (d. 956), Murūj al-dhahab wa-ma‘ādin al-jawhar, ed. Charles Pellat. For an example of ethnic tension, see Ibn Ḥazm, Jamaharat ansāb al-‘arab, ed. ‘Abd al-Salām Muḥammad Hārūn, 496, as cited by López-Morillas, “Los Beréberes Zanāta,” 302. Ibn Ḥazm rejected the claim that the Zanāta were descendants of Arabs. See also Ramzi Rouighi, “The Andalusi Origins of the Berbers?” Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 2, no. 1 (2010): 93–108.
64. Ibn Khaldūn incorporates and develops upon other earlier works of importance, such as: Ibn ‘Idhārī al-Marrākushī, al-Bayān al-mughrib fī akhbār al-Andalus wa’l-Maghrib, ed. G. S. Colin and Évariste Lévi-Provençal; anonymous, al-Dhakhīra al-saniyya fī ta’rīkh al-dawla al-Marīniyya, ed. ‘Abd al-Wahhāb b. Mansūr; and Ibn Abī Zar‘, al-’Anīs al-muṭrib bi-rawḍ al-qirṭās fī akhbār mulūk al-Maghrib wa-ta’rīkh madīnat Fās, ed. ‘Abd al-Wahhāb b. Manṣūr.
65. Muhsin Mahdi, Ibn Khaldūn’s Philosophy of History: A Study in the Philosophic Foundation of the Science of Culture; Yves Lacoste, Ibn Khaldoun: Naissance de l’histoire, passé du Tiers-monde; Aziz al-Azmeh, Ibn Khaldūn in Modern Scholarship: A Study in Orientalism; idem, Ibn Khaldūn: An Essay in Reinterpretation; Maya Shatzmiller, L’Historiographie mérinide: Ibn Khaldūn et ses contemporains; H. T. Norris, The Berbers in Arabic Literature, 3–10; Ahmed Abdesselem, Ibn Khaldūn et ses lecteurs; Bruce B. Lawrence, ed., Ibn Khaldun and Islamic Ideology; and Maya Shatzmiller, The Berbers and the Islamic State: The Marinid Experience in Pre-Protectorate Morocco.
66. Bruce B. Lawrence, “Introduction: Ibn Khaldun and Islamic Ideology,” in Ibn Khaldun and Islamic Ideology, 7–8.
67. Franz Rosenthal, “Ibn Khaldun in His Time (May 27, 1332–March 17, 1406),” in Ibn Khaldun and Islamic Ideology, 21.
68. Linda T. Darling, “Social Cohesion (‘Aṣabiyya) and Justice in the Late Medieval Middle East,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, no. 2 (2007): 329–57.
69. Gordon D. Newby, “Ibn Khaldun and Frederick Jackson Turner: Islam and the Frontier Experience,” in Ibn Khaldun and Islamic Ideology, 132.
70. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 3: “The majority of them were in the Central Maghrib, to such a degree that it was associated with them and known for them. Thus, it is called the land of the Zanāta (al-akthar minhum bi’l-maghrib al-awsaṭ ḥattā innahu yunsabu ilayhim wa-yu‘rafu bihim fa-yuqālu waṭan al-zanāta).”
71. EI2, s.v. “Zanāta”; and López-Morillas, “Los Beréberes Zanāta,” 304. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 11 and cit. 27: “These Maghrāwa tribes were the largest of the Zanāta groups as well as the most brave and powerful (hā’ulā’i al-qabā’il min maghrāwa kānū awsa‘a buṭūn zanāta wa-ahl al-ba’s wa’l-ghalab)”; al-Idrīsī (12th c.), Kitāb nuzhat al-mushtāq fī ikhtirāq al-āfāq: “The majority of Zanāta are cavalry who ride horses (wa-akthar zanāta fursān yarkabūn al-khayl)”; and Ibn Ḥayyān, al-Muqtabas, VII: 192–93, specified that they specialized in light cavalry.
72. EI2, s.v. “al-Ibāḍiyya.”
73. HEM, I: 98. Ibn Khaldūn gives two different accounts of the Zanāta’s loyalty to the Umayyads leading back to the time of the Caliph ‘Uthmān b. ‘Affān in Medina. See Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 27. On the conflicts with the Fāṭimids, see Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 165, 168. See also Ibn ‘Idhārī, al-Bayān al-mughrib, I: 239–52; and Mafākhir al-Barbar [Fragments historiques sur les Berbères au Moyen Age, extraits inédits d’un receueil anonyme compilé en 712/1312 et intitulé: Kitab Mafakhir al-Barbar], ed. Évariste Lévi-Provençal, 3–37.
74. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 21: “[Muḥammad b. Abī ‘Āmir ] relied upon the Zanāta kings to control everything else (mā warā’a dhālika) and obliged them with gifts and honorific robes (khila‘). He undertook to honor their arrivals [at court] and enrolled whoever amongst them wished to enroll in the diwān of the sultan. Thus, they devoted themselves (jarradū) to the state and the dissemination of its message (bathth al-da‘wa).” See EI 2, s.v. “khila‘.”
75. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 35; Ibn ‘Idhārī, al-Bayān al-mughrib, I: 252–53.
76. For instance, see Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 33, 37–38, and Ibn ‘Idhārī, al-Bayān al-mughrib, I: 253–54, for the cases of Zīrī b. ‘Aṭiyya and al-Mu‘izz b. ‘Aṭiyya.
77. López-Morillas, “Los Beréberes Zanāta,” 305, and HEM, I: 98, 206. The first Zanāta transferred to the Umayyad court at Cordoba were fleeing from the Fāṭimids and their Ṣanhāja supporters (Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 192–93). On Berber settlements in al-Andalus, see Pierre Guichard, Al-Andalus: estructura antropológica de una sociedad islámica en Occidente; and Helena de Felipe, “Berbers in the Maghreb and al-Andalus: Settlements and Toponymy,” Maghreb Review 18, no. 1–2 (1993): 57–62. An onomastic study of the jenets based on the chancery registers is still called for.
78. M’hammad Benaboud and Ahmad Tahiri. “Berberising Al-Andalus,” Al-Qantara 11, no. 2 (1990): 475–87.
79. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 61; Mafākhir al-Barbar, 43–60. More generally, see EI2, s.v. “al-Muwaḥḥidun” and “al-Murābiṭūn”; H. T. Norris, “New Evidence on the Life of ‘Abdullāh b. Yasīn and the Origins of the Almoravid Movement,” Journal of African History 12, no. 2 (1971): 255–68; Vincent Lagardère, Les Almoravides: Jusqu-au règne de Yūsuf b. Tāshfīn; idem, Les Almoravides: Le Djihad Andalou (1106–1143); Jacinto Bosch Vilá, Los Almoravides; Ambrosio Huici Miranda, Historia política del imperio Almohade; and Fromherz, The Almohads.
80. On the defeat of the Zanāta by the Almoravids, see Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 198 and VII: 49.
81. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 52: “lam yazālū ‘alā ḥālihim mundhu inqirāḍ zanāta al-awwalīn, wa-hum li-hadhā al-‘ahd ahl maghārim wa-‘askara ma‘a al-duwal.”
82. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 63.
83. There is a considerable body of literature debating the concept of the nomad in Ibn Khaldūn: Émile-Félix Gautier, La Passé de l’Afrique du Nord: Les Siècles obscurs; Abdallah Laroui, L’Histoire du Maghreb: Un Essai de synthèse; Jean Morizot, L’Aurès ou le myth de la montagne rebelle; Michael Brett, “Way of the Nomad,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 58, no. 2 (1995): 251–69; and Maya Shatzmiller, L’Historiographie mérinide, 132: “Le ‘Ibar n’est qu’un traitement plus complet du thème du mafākhir.”
84. EI2, s.v. “Tilimsān.” On the relationship between the Almohads and ‘Abd al-Wādids, see Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 74, 174.
85. Shatzmiller, The Berbers and the Islamic State, 43–54; and Mohammed Kably, Société, pouvoir et religion au Maroc à la fin de “Moyen-Âge.” More generally, see Ahmed Khaneboubi, Les Premiers sultans mérinides et l’Islam (1269–1331).
86. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 309–11, cit. 310–11: “The Almohads inspired an anxiety in [Abū Zakariyyā, the Ḥafṣid general] regarding the tyranny (istibdād) of Yaghmurāsan and counseled him to create hostility between him and the Zanāta princes of the Central Maghrib, to place obstacles in his plans, and to adorn them [the other Zanāta princes] with the similar tokens of power (albāsahum mā labisa min shārat al-sulṭān wa-ziyyihi).”
87. Robert Brunschvig, La Berbérie orientale sous les Ḥafṣides des origines à la fin du XV siècle, I: 50–51; Charles-Emmanuel Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane et le Maghreb aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles: De la bataille de Las Navas de Tolosa (1212) à l’avènement du sultan mérinide Abou-l-Hazzan (1331), 101–104; and Ramzi Rouighi, The Making of a Mediterranean Emirate: Ifrīqiyā and Its Andalusis, 1200–1400. See also Dominique Valérian, Bougie, port maghrébin, 1067—1510.
88. ACA, R. 46, fol. 120r (19 Sep. 1283), records the arrest of certain Christian mercenaries for plotting against the Ḥafṣid sultan. Charles-Emmanuel Dufourcq, “La Couronne d’Aragon et les Hafsides au XIIIe siècle (1229–1301),” Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia 25 (1952): 53; and idem, L’Espagne catalane, 96, 104, and 262–63. See also Anne-Marie Eddé, Françoise Micheau, and Christophe Picard, Communautés chrétiennes en pays d’Islam: Du début du VIIe siècle au milieu du XIe siècle.
89. ACA, R. 47, fols. 81r–82v (June 1285). See also Louis de Mas Latrie, Traités de paix et de commerce et documents divers concernant les relations des chrétiens avec les arabes de l’Afrique septentrionale au moyen âge, 286ff; and Brunschvig, Berbérie orientale, I: 96.
90. See EI2, s.v. “‘Abd al-Wādids.”
91. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 88–89, 192, on the Battle of Īslī (1271). See also Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 314ff.
92. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 223: “Yaghmurāsan appointed his son, ‘Uthmān, his successor, and it is said that (za‘amū anna) he advised him not to allow himself (lā yuḥddithu nafsahu) to be drawn into battle with the Marīnids or a contest against them (musāmātihim fi’l-ghalab) and not to expose himself on their territory in the desert, but to take refuge (yalūdh) behind walls until they summon him [to battle].”
93. ACA, R. 19, fol. 6r: “Nos ab vos et vos ab nos et puis que romanga aquella pau entrels vestres fills et los nostres en tal manera que vos nos façatz a prendre Cepta et que nos envietz X naus armades et X galees et entre altres lenys et barques que sien a summa de L. . . . Et quens envietz D entre cavallers et homnes de linyatge.” See also Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 164.
94. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 199 (first expedition); ibid., VII: 203–4 (second expedition); ibid., VII: 213–14 (third expedition); ibid., VII: 215–17 (fourth expedition). For the fourth expedition, see also Muḥammad b. Aḥmad Ibn Marzūq, al-Musnad al-ṣaḥīḥ al-ḥasan fī ma’āthir wa-maḥāsin mawlānā Abī’l-Ḥasan, ed. M. J. Viguera, 115, which gives slightly different dates. Lisān al-Dīn Ibn al-Khaṭīb, al-Lamḥa al-badriyya fi’l-dawla al-Naṣriyya, ed. Aḥmad ‘Āṣī and Muḥibb al-Dīn al-Khaṭīb, 54–55, says only that Abū Yūsuf crossed over three or more times. See also Miguel Ángel Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención de los Benimerines en la Península Ibérica, esp. 42–44, 52–54.
95. Anonymous, al-Dhakhīra al-saniyya, 143–46, cit. 145–46. Although the translation is my own, the edition of the Dhakhīra available to me excludes three lines from the edition employed by L. P. Harvey, Islamic Spain, 1250 to 1500, 155–56. See also Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 199, which states these troops were salaried (istawfaw ‘aṭā’ahum), meaning that they were not volunteers.
96. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 201: “Looking to establish a city along the shore for the purpose of housing his troops, isolated from civilians (ra‘iyya) so that they would be protected from the depredations (ḍarar) of the army. So, he chose a place near Algeciras (al-Jazīra) and ordered the construction of the city known as al-Binya.” For more detail on al-Binya, see the extensive research of Antonio Torremocha Silva, including his Algeciras entre la cristianidad y el islam: estudio sobre el cerco y conquista de Algeciras por el rey Alfonso XI de Castilla, así como de la ciudad y sus términos hasta el final de la Edad Media; and idem, “Al-Binya: la ciudad palaciega merini en Al-Andalus,” in Ciudad y territorio en Al-Andalus, ed. Maria del Carmen Barceló Torres, 283–330.
97. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 200–201; anonymous, al-Dhakhīra al-saniyya, 146–47, gives more detail on the devastation wrought on the frontier by these troops.
98. ACA, R. 61, fol. 108v (27 Apr. 1283): “Fratri [Raimundo] de Ribelle, castellano Emposte, quia pro certo didicimus janetos et familiam bellatorum Regis Marrochorum et aliorum plurium venturos in brevi pro inferendo dampno in Regno Valencie, vobis dicimus et rogamus ac vos requirimus et monemus quatenus paretis vos et milites vostros, armis, victualibus, et aliis apparatibus ad defendendum Regnum predictum. Ita quod prima die proxime venturi mensis Iunii sitis in dicto Regno ip[so] ab inimicorum incursibus defensuri. Datum Cesarauguste, V kalendas Madii.”
99. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 218. These books were packed onto mules and delivered to the sultan. King Jaume, for his part, showed an interest in acquiring any Arabic book. See ACA, R. 50, fol. 132v (Aug. 1281): “[M]osse Ravaya quod libros Sarra navis illius quam cepit Petro de Villario non vendat, scilicet eos dom[ino] Regi reservet.” See also Ibn Abī Zar‘, Rawḍ al-qirṭās, 376, and Crónica del rey don Sancho el Bravo in Cronicas de los reyes de Castilla, ed. Cayetano Rosell, 80.
100. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 219; Ibn Abī Zar‘, Rawḍ al-qirṭās, 376. See also Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 125–31.
101. De Slane, Arié, Harvey, and others misleading call them “The Volunteers of the Faith.” In fact, as Arié herself explains, they were a combination of salaried and unsalaried troops. In Naṣrid sources, such as those of Ibn al-Khaṭīb, they are not called the Ghuzāh but rather the Western Army (al-jund al-gharbī), “western” used here in the sense of “from the Maghrib.”
102. See chapter 6 for a full discussion of the Ghuzāh.
103. Generally, see Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 379–93. For the revolt, see Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 185–86, 383; Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Iḥāṭa fī akhbār Gharnāṭa, ed. Muḥammad ‘Abd Allāh ‘Inān, IV: 77; Ibn Abī Zar‘, Rawḍ al-qirṭās, 303; and anonymous, al-Dhakhīra al-saniyya, 98.
104. Implicit here is a rivalry between different strands of the royal family. Abū Yūsuf traced his descent through Umm al-Yumn, the last wife of ‘Abd al-Ḥaqq, and mother of Ya‘qūb. These three princes traced their line to Ṣawṭ al-Nisā’, who Ibn Khaldūn once calls the daughter of ‘Abd al-Ḥaqq and on another occasion, his wife. See Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 177, 186, 383, 379–80; and anonymous, al-Dhakhīra al-saniyya, 20.
105. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 186.
106. Kably, Société, pouvoir et religion, 86–87.
107. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 198. See also anonymous, al-Dhakhīra al-saniyya, 98.
108. See also Kably, Société, pouvoir et religion, 84.
109. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 191. See also Ibn Abī Zar‘, Rawḍ al-qirṭās, 303; Ibn Marzūq, al-Musnad, 101; and anonymous, Dhakhīra al-saniyya, 98.
110. Ibn Marzūq, al-Musnad, 394, explains that in the time of the Marīnid sultan Abū’l-Ḥasan (r. 1331–1348), among the duties of the Naṣrid sultan was to supply the Marīnid Zanāta troops with money and supplies, including a yearly shipment of five hundred equipped horses. Cf. J. F. P. Hopkins, Medieval Muslim Government in Barbary until the End of the Sixth Century of the Hijra, 53–55, 75–78, on the use of Christian militia to collect taxes.
111. Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 336: “Sí podría resultar que la figure del šayj al-ghuzā evolucionara desde una condición de mero título distintivo al principio, para convertirse después en una institución propria del ejército nazarí.”
112. See chapter 6 for more detail.
113. Luis del Mármol Carvajal, Historia del rebellion y castigo de los Moriscos del reyno de Granada, I: 29–30, as cited in Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 333.
114. Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 327; and Kably, Société, pouvoir et religion, 86.
115. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 191.
116. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 191; Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Iḥāṭa, I: 136; and idem, al-Lamḥa, 39. See chapter 6 for more detail.
117. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 117–18. He fell into a rivalry with the Christian renegade and mercenary captain, Hilāl the Catalan.
118. Ibn al-Khaṭīb, al-Lamḥa, 39: “junduhum ṣinfān: andalusī wa-barbarī.”
119. Ibn al-Khaṭīb, al-Lamḥa, 39.
120. Ibn al-Khaṭīb, al-Lamḥa, 39: “The majority rarely wears the dress of this country.”
121. Ibn al-Khaṭīb, al-Lamḥa, 39: “The weapons of the majority are the long rod folded by a short rod with a handle in its middle that is thrown by the fingertips and called the amdās.” See also Reinhart Pieter Anne Dozy, Supplément aux dictionnaires arabes, s.v. “dassa,” which cites the same text.
122. Ibn al-Khaṭīb, al-Lamḥa, 39.
123. See Ibn Sa‘īd al-Andalusī, as cited in Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Maqqarī, Nafḥ al-ṭīb min ghuṣn al-Andalus al-raṭīb wa-dhikr wazīrihā Lisān al-Dīn al-Khaṭīb, ed. Muḥammad Muḥyī al-Dīn ‘Abd al-Ḥamīd, I: 207–208. Confirmed by Emilio García Gómez, Ibn Zamrak, el poeta de la Alhambra, 14–17, esp. 16n1. Viguera Molins, “La organización militar,” 37–38, agreed that the Iberian Muslims abandoned light cavalry and adopted the strategies of their Christian neighbors to the north until the arrival of North African troops in the thirteenth century.
124. Ibn al-Khaṭīb, al-Lamḥa, 39: “As for the Andalusi, a close relative (al-qarāba) or man of prominence in the state leads as their captain. Previously, their uniform (ziyyuhum) was like that of their neighbors and Christian counterparts (jīrānihim wa-amthālihim min al-rūm) with regards to wearing long coats of mail (al-durū‘), suspending their shields (al-tirasa), using unadorned helmets (al-bayḍāt), a preference for metal lances (ittikhād al-‘irāḍ al-asinna), having misshapen pommels (qarābīs al-surūj) on their saddles, and placing their standard-bearers (ḥamalat al-rāyāt) on horses (istirkāb) behind them. Each one of them had a mark that distinguished his weapons and made him known to others. Now, they have moved away from this uniform, using shorter chain mail (al-jawāshin al-mukhtaṣara), gilded helmets (al-bayḍa al-mudhahhaba), Arab saddles (al-surūj al-‘arabiyya), lamṭī shields, and light lances.” See Dozy, Supplément aux dictionnaires arabes, s.v. “lamṭ.” The lamṭī shield was a round leather shield used by North African cavalry.
125. See also Cantigas de Santa Maria, fols. 68v (Cantiga 46), 240r (Cantiga 181), and 246v (Cantiga 187).
126. Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 250.
127. See, for instance, the cases of Badr al-Dīn b. Mūsā b. Raḥḥū, Jamāl al-Dīn b. Mūsā b. Raḥḥū, and Idrīs b. ‘Uthmān b. Abī al-‘Ulā, discussed in chapter 6.
128. See chapters 2, 5, and particularly 6 for more detail about these figures.
129. As Echevarría, Caballeros en la frontera, demonstrates, Marīnid princes, some of whom converted to Christianity, also served the Castilian kings in the fifteenth century.
Chapter Two
1. Part of this chapter appeared previously in Hussein Fancy, “Theologies of Violence: The Recruitment of Muslim Soldiers by the Crown of Aragon,” Past & Present 221, no. 1 (2013): 39–73.
2. On the peace treaty, see Muntaner, Crònica, chaps. 41, 47.
3. ACA, R. 52, fol. 66v (28 Oct. 1284): “Bernardo Scribe, mandamus vobis quatenus per Raimundum de Rivosicco faciatis tradi nobili Corrado Lancee, [h]ostiar[io] maiori ac magistro racionali domus nostre, Sarracenos captivos quos ipse tenet, qui s[unt] de terra [Re]gis Granate, et unicuique dictorum Saracenorum faciatis dari predictum Raimundum [t]unicam et ex[p]ensarium usque ad dictum Regem Granate. . . .”
4. ACA, R. 43, fol. 82r (10 Dec. 1284): “Viro nobili et dilecto Conrado Lancee, maiori host[i]ario nostro ac magistro racionali curie nostre, mandamus quatenus incontenenti cum fuerit Granate, certificens vos si Beregenarius Bovis vel marinarii sui et lignum suum et homines Guillelmi Moliner et lignum suum cives Valencie fuerunt capti et detenti per aliquos de dominacione Regis Granate et ipsos cum eorum [b]onis et quoslibet alios de dominacione nostra quos inveneritis fuisse captos et detentes per aliquos de dominacione dicti Regis Granate sub pace et treuga, recuperetis et dicto Rege Granate secundum quod [iam] super hoc fecistis memoriale.”
5. ACA, R. 52, fol. 66v (28 Oct. 1284): “. . . Preterea volumus quod per Abrahim Abençumada, Sar[ra]cenum alaminum nostrum, faciatis dari dicto Corrado Lancee //III// tria millia solidorum regale Valencie de denariis quos ipse recipit et pro nobis colligit de Sarracenis montanarum dicti Regni Valencie pro expensis et necessariis suis quas ipsum facere oportet in viatico quod pro nobis facit ad Regem Granate, et per presentes litteras mandamus dicto Raimundo de Rivosicco quod dicta III millia solidorum in compotum recipiat sibi Abrahim superius nominato. Datum Tirasone, V kalendas Novembris.” Cf. Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 177n1.
6. ACA, R. 47, fol. 130v (28 Oct. 1284): “Sepan todos que nos don Pedro, por la gracia de Dios de Aragon et de Sicilia Rey, estableçemos procurador nuestro sp[ecia]l vos noble et amado nuestro Corral Lança, Portero Mayor de nuestra casa, et M[a]estro Racional, a faular con los cabos de los genetes et con los otros sobre fecho de lur venida et morada con nos en nuestro servicio, et sobre aquello que ende les auremos de dar, prometemos nos aver por firme qual que cosa por el dicho Corral en aquello sera dicho et fecho o prometido de nuestra parte, et aquello observaremos. E por que aquesta carta sea firme, et non vienga en dubda, mandamos la seellar con nuestra siel pendient. Dato en Taracona, XXVIII dias andados de Octubre, anno domini M CC LXXX, quarto.” Cf. Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 178. This text also appears at ACA, R. 47, fol. 130r in Castilian.
7. At the same time, a second mission, under the command of Petrus Andosiella, embarked to the ‘Abd al-Wādid court. Andosiella was issued “letter of credence” at the same time as Conrad, and perhaps he had the same goal. There is no evidence of this mission’s completion or of its exact purpose. ACA, R. 47, fol. 130v (28 Oct. 1284): “Item fecimus cartam de credencia Eximino Petris Dandossiella apud Regem de Tirimçe. Datum ut supra, vocatur Rex Hatum[an], fijo de Gameraça Benzayen.” “Rex Hatuman” refers to Abū Sa‘īd ‘Uthmān b. Yaghmurāsan (r. 1282–1304). See also ACA, R. 52, fol. 67r (30 Oct. 1284): “Bernardo Scribe, mandamus vobis quatenus per Raimundum de Rivo Sicco faciatis dari incontinenti nobili Corrado Lancee, hostiario maiori domus nostre ac magistro racionali, D solidos regalium qui per eum tradantur Eximino Petri de Andosiella pro legatione nostra apud Regem de Tremiçe si dicto Corrado visum fuerit, quod legatio perfici debeat supradicta, preterea faciatis dari per eundem Riamundum predicto Eximino Petri de Andosiella CC solidos regalium pro vestibus. Datum Tirasone, III kalendas Novembris.”
8. Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 174: “Jaime I no se sirvió de estas milicias en sus guerras, al menos no hallo indicios que den lugar a sospecharlo.”
9. Burns, Diplomatarium, esp. introduction; and Martínez-Ferrando, El archivo de la corona de Aragón, esp. chap. 2.
10. ACA, R. 17, fol. 57r–v (13 Oct. 1265):
11. ACA, R. 17, fol. 57v (13 Oct. 1265): “Item pro q[ui]tacio[ne] alfaquimi domini Infantis.”
12. ACA, R. 17, fol. 57r (13 Oct. 1265): “Item Sarraceno domini Infantis pro tunica—XI solidos, VII denarios.”
13. María Teresa Ferrer i Mallol, “Évolution du statut de la minorité islamique dans les pays de la Couronne catalano-aragonaise au XIVe siècle,” in Le Partage du monde: Échanges et colonisation dans la Méditerranée medieval, ed. Michel Balard and Alain Ducellier, 451; idem, Els sarraïns de la corona catalano-aragonesa en el segle XIV: segregació i discriminació, 31, 161–62, 167–68; and idem, La frontera, 158, 198. For the case of Castile in the fifteenth century, see Echevarría, Caballeros en la Frontera.
14. ACA, R. 52, fol. 57r (29 Aug. 1284): “Bernardo Scr[ibe] quod det vel assignet Muçe, genet, LIII solidos IIII denarios iaccenses qui sibi remanent [ad] solvendum de quitacione Albarrasini. Datum Turole, IIII kalendas Septembris.”
15. ACA, R. 52, fol. 54v (15 Aug. 1284): “Raimundo de Rivo Sicco quod det expensas Axie, uxorem Abdaluhafet, janeti qui est in servicio Regis, in veniendo [de] Elx usque ad Valenciam. Datum ut supra.”
16. ACA, R. 52, fol. 68v (4 Nov. 1284): “Berengario de Conques, baiulo Valencie. Mandamus vobis quatenus solvatis Petro Bertrandi habitatori Valencie sexcentos XXX solidos regalium Valencie, quos Mahomat Abulhaye et Mançor Abenmudaffar et Abrahim Abehalmema, sarraceni janeti [qui] in nostro servicio venerant, sibi debebant cum duobus publicis instrumentis, quorum unum est moriscum et aliud christianite scriptum, que nos recuperavimus ab eodem. Et mandamus per presentes fideli nostro Raimundo de Rivo Sicco, quod de precio baiulie Valencie a vobis ipsos denarios in compotum recipiat. Datum Ces[arau]g[uste], II nonas Novembris.” Cf. Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 178–79, who mentions another document from 1284.
17. Albert de Circourt, Histoire des Mores mudejares et des Morisques, ou des Arabes d’Espagne sous la domination des chrétiens, esp. I: 257; and Luis Querol y Roso, Las milicias valencianas desde el siglo xiii al xv: contribución al estudio de la organización militar del antiguo reino de Valencia. For his part, Circourt considered the Mudéjares exempt from the army, the key to their success under the Crown of Aragon. Both Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, esp. 289–94, and Boswell, Royal Treasure, 185–92, have definitively shown that Mudéjares were expected to service in the Crown’s army. A series of relevant documents is presented in Mercédes García-Arenal and Béatrice Leroy, Moros y judíos en Navarra en la baja Edad Media, esp. 77–78. See also Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 31–35; Catlos, Victors and the Vanquished, 263; and Echevarría, Caballeros en la frontera, 99.
18. AHN, Ordines militares, codex 542, Montesa (28 Apr. 1234): “Contra sarracenos alios aut christianos nisi forte aliqui sarraceni aut christiani facerent aliquod malefficium vel forciam vel gravamen casto suo et rebus; et tunc mauri Exiverti una cum fratribus deffenderent se suaque secundum posse suum.” Tomás Muñoz y Romero, Colección de fueros municipales y cartas pueblas de los reinos de Castilla, León, Corona de Aragón y Navarra, 416: “Et non faciat exire moro in appellito per forza in guerra de moros nec de christianos.” Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 119; and Boswell, Royal Treasure, 171, 272.
19. For instance, see ACA, R. 10, fol. 77r–v (16 June 1258); ACA, R. 12, fol. 124v (Oct. 1263); ACA, R. 14, fol. 109r (21 Jan. 1271); and ACA, R. 46, fol. 221r (9 July 1284). See Catlos, The Victors and the Vanquished, 129–30, on the Mudéjar claims for exemption (franquitas).
20. ACA, R. 11, fol. 154r (7 Oct. 1259).
21. ACA, R. 43, fol. 105v (18 Jan. 1285), makes it clear that the Mudéjares of Valencia were under a feudal obligation to appear for service: “Universis aliamis Sarracenorum nostrorum Regni Valencie citra Rivum Xucare ad quos presentes pervenerint, salutem et graciam. Cum racione negociorum in quibus sum[us] arduorum sicut scitis et in estate proxima esse speramus, nos deceat nostros exercitus facere preparari ac etiam congregari ut possimus resistere nostris hostibus qui sunt indebite aufferre nobis regna nostra, nostrum nomine regium inmutando, fidelitatem vestram attente requirimus ac vobis dicimus et mandamus quatenus visis hostentibus paretis vestris cum [a]rmis et aliis apparatibus vestras et pane ad quatuor menses. Ita quod in medio mensis Aprilis proximo venturi sitis nobiscum ubicumque vobis [tunc] duxerimus in[iu]ngendum, ut similiter vobiscum possimus dictos hostes nostros offendere d[ivino] auxilio mediante. Scientes quod de dicto exercitu vos excusavissemus liberter si illud bono modo fieri potuisset. Datum in Monte Regali XV kalendas Februarii. Similiter litera missa sint universis aliamis Sarracenorum Regni Valencie ultra Rivum Xucari.” See also Echevarría, Caballeros en la frontera, 99, for the case of the Mudéjares of Ávila.
22. ACA, R. 57, fol. 203r (13 Sep. 1285), an order to the procurator of Valencia to not compel any Muslim present at the defense of Gerona to contribute to the war tax. ACA, R 62, fol. 81v (7 Sep. 1284), the Mudéjares of Almonezir were exempted from certain debts they accrued during the period that they served on the Navarrese front: “Guillelmo Else, intelleximus quod racione oblig[acion]is quam asseritis vobis fuisse factam per //no// nobilem Petrum Cornelii de Castro and Villa de Almonezir racione cuiusdam peccunie quantitatis quam dictus nobilis vobis debet ut dicitur pig[n]orastis et etiam pignoratis Sarracen[os] de Almonezir. Unde cum dicti Sarraceni sint in servicio domini Regis et nostro in hunc exercitum quem dominus Rex proponit facere contra regnum Navarre, mandamus vobis ex parte domini Regis et nostra quatenus dictos Sarracenos non pignoretis dum fuerint in dicto servicio. Immo restituatis eisdem [...]qua pignora eis fecistis. Dominus [..] Rex faciet ipsos vobis stare iuri super omnibus querimoniis quas habeatis contra eos.” Similarly, see ACA, Perg., Pere II, 117, no. 485 (26 June 1285), as cited in Catlos, Victors and the Vanquished, 264.
23. ACA, R. 58, fol. 101v (12 July 1285): “. . . Item ex alia parte salvistis et tradidistis nobis ultra sumam predictam quatuor millia trescentos nonaginta tres solidos et quatuor denarios regalium Valencie in uno sacco quos alyame Sarracenorum Regni Valencie mitebant per vos Sarracenis quos miserant ad servicium nostrum racione dicti exercitus pro eorum salario et expensis [requisitis].”
24. Mudéjar crossbowmen are mentioned several times in this early period: ACA, R. 33, fol. 63v; ACA, R. 34, fol.4v; ACA, R. 34, fol. 26r; ACA, R. 34, fol. 30r; ACA, R. 34, fol. 32v; ACA, R. 37, fol. 48r; ACA, R. 46, fol. 176v; and ACA, R. 65, fol. 20r. They also appear during the war against France and the Aragonese Unions, both of which are mentioned below. See also Torró Abad, El naixement d’una colònia, 38–42; Derek W. Lomax, La Orden de Santiago, 1170–1275, 127; and Soler de Campo, La evolución del armamento, 61–75.
25. ACA, R. 46, fol. 44v (8 July 1280): “Fideli suo Raimundo de Alos, baiulo Ilerde, salutem et graciam, mandamus vobis quatenus Mahometo, fabro de Barbastrie, qui veniet coram nobis detis unam fabricam cum omnibus apparamentis ferraiie et ferrum ad sufficientiam qui operabitur cairells et alia opera ferrea ad opus nostri et eidem dum operabitur ad opus nostri provideatis in suis necessariis. Datum in Obsidione Balagerii, VIII idus Iulii.” See also García-Arenal and Leroy, Moros y judíos en Navarra en la baja Edad Media, 27–28, on making metal weapons.
26. ACA, R. 89, fol. 172r (13 Apr. 1295).
27. Llibre dels feyts, chap. 362: “E nos estan en Ualencia uench nos lalcait de Xatiua ab gran companya de sarrains e dels ueyls de la vila ben X, e entra molt alegrament denant nos, e besans la ma, e dix nos con nos anaua? E nos dixem que be, la merce de Deu: e quens pesaua molt lo mal quens hauia feyt Alazrat en nostres castells, e quens maraueylauem con ho soffrien ells. Seyor, si mal uos fa negu sapiats quens pesa molt ens es greu: e nos ueem los molt alegres e pagats, que anch nuyl temps nols hauiem uists tan alegres ne tan pagats. E nos nos cuydam quels pesas lo mal quens hauia feit Alazrat, e quens prefferissen aiuda, anch aiuda negu dels nons profferiren.”
28. ACA, R. 33, fols. 104v–105r, records the payments of several Mudéjar communities for the army going to Valencia. ACA, R. 39, fol. 227v (28 July 1277), as cited in Catlos, Victors and the Vanquished, 264, gives the Mudéjares of Alagón the choice of serving or paying the king 1000 solidi. See also Ferran Soldevila, Pere el Gran, II: 1, doc. 83 (25 July 1277), as cited in Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 289.
29. ACA, R. 39, fol. 223r (2 Aug. 1277).
30. See Helene Wieruszowski, “La Corte di Pietro d’Aragona e i precedenti dell’impresa Siciliana,” Archivio storico italiano 16 (1938): 192–94, esp. 194n3; and Muntaner, Crònica, chap. 18.
31. ACA, R. 40, fol. 95r (13 May 1278).
32. Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 323–32; Muntaner, Crònica, chap. 31.
33. Muntaner, Crònica, chap. 31. ACA, R. 46, fol. 120r–v, instructions for an embassy, recording the deteriorating relationship with Tunis. See also Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 238ff.
34. Muntaner, Crònica, chap. 30; Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 240; and idem, “La Couronne d’Aragon et les Hafsides,” 10.
35. ACA, R. 44, fol. 160v (14 Nov. 1279): “. . . damus et concedemus vobis dicto Conrado Lancee et vestris inperpetuum . . . castrum villam villas et alcariis omnes de albayda.” ACA, R. 42, fol. 214r (Jan. 1280), the first mention of Lancia as governor. Cf. ARV, Justicia de Valencia, 1, fol. 27r (1280), which refers to him as a “lieutenant procurator”; and ARV, Justicia de Valencia, 1bis, fol. 15v (1280), which refers to him as “procurador en tot lo Regne de Valencia.” See also Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 201, 244.
36. ACA, R. 52, fol. 67r (1 Nov. 1284): “. . . hostiario maiori domus nostre ac magistro rationali. . . .”
37. For more detail about this figure, see David Romano, “Los hermanos Abenmenassé al servicio de Pedro el Grande de Aragón,” Homenaje a Millás Vallicrosa 1 (1956): 249; and Hussein Fancy, “The Intimacy of Exception: The Diagnosis of Samuel Abenmenassé,” in Center and Periphery: Studies on Power in the Medieval World in Honor of William Chester Jordan, ed. Katherine L. Jansen, G. Geltner, and Anne E. Lester, 65–75.
38. ACA, R. 43, fol. 129v (13 Feb. 1279): “. . . fideli nostro Samueli, filio Abrahim Bonnemaiz, in vita vestra alfaquimatum nostrum et scribaniam nostram de arabico. Ita quod vos in vita vestra sitis alfaquimus et fisicus noster et de domo nostra et scriptor noster maior de arabico dum bene et legaliter vos in ipsis officiis habeatis.” See also David Romano, “Judíos, escribanos y trujamanes de árabe en la Corona de Aragón (reinados de Jaime I a Jaime II),” Sefarad 38 (1978): 73–77; Joaquín Miret y Sans, “Les médecins Juifs de Pierre, roi d’Aragon,” Revue des études juives 57 (1909): 268–78; and J. Lee Shneidman, “Jews in the Royal Administration of 13th Century Aragón,” Historia Judaica 21 (1959): 37–52.
39. ACA, R. 56, fol. 93v (4 May 1285): “. . . e lo al que nos en viastes dezir de la salud e del estamiento de dona Agnes e de la otra companyna nuestra que son aqui, gradeçemos vos lo muyto e pregamos vos que toda via nos lo fagades saber.” See also Romano, “Los hermanos Abenmenassé,” 292. Doña Agnes was a concubine of King Pere II.
40. ACA, R. 43, fol. 129v (my emphasis): “. . . scriptor noster maior de arabico.”
41. ACA, R. 48, fol. 6v (28 Apr. 1280): “In Algezira sigillavimus quandam literam Sarracenicam que ut Samuel Alfaquimus dixit erat recognitionis Sarraceorum Xative. . . .”
42. ACA, R. 47, fol. 41r (30 Apr. 1282): “. . . tradidimus Samueli alphaquimo cartam pacis Regis Granate latine et arabice scriptam.” Cf. Helene Wieruszowski, “Conjuraciones y alianzas políticas del Rey Pedro de Aragón contra Carlos de Anjou antes de las vísperas Sicilianas,” Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia 107 (1935): 583; Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 205.
43. Romano, “Los hermanos Abenmenassé,” 258–60.
44. ACA, R. 42, fol. 208v (18 Jan. 1279).
45. ACA, R. 46, fol. 100v (8 Aug. 1284): “. . . saber asso trametem nos lo feal alphaquim nostre do Samuel quius dira nostre enteniment sobre asso per queus pregam eus manam que aquels de cascuna de les vostres aliames quel dit alphaquim nostre elegira a asso nos trametats ab companya de balesters et de lancers de cascuna daqueles aliames be aparelats et be adobats et nos darem a aquels bona soldada.” Cf. edition in Colección de documentos inéditos del Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, ed. Próspero Bofarull y Mascaró, VI: 196.
46. Romano, “Los hermanos Abenmenassé,” 265–68.
47. For the relations between Aragon and Sicily, see Wieruszowski, “Conjuraciones y alianzas políticas”; idem, “La Corte di Pietro”; J. Lee Shneidman, “Aragon and the War of the Sicilian Vespers,” Historian 22, no. 3 (1960): 250–63; and David Abulafia, The Western Mediterranean Kingdoms, 1200–1500.
48. On the marriage, see Muntaner, Crònica, chap. 1; and Luc d’Achery, ed., Spicilegium: sive, Collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis delituerant, III: 644.
49. Muntaner, Crònica, chap. 17.
50. Pere wrote a letter to Louis, disavowing any such intention. See Julián Paz de Espéso, Documentos relativos a España existentes en los Archivos Nacionales de Paris, doc. 87, as cited in Shneidman, “Sicilian Vespers,” 254. See also Soldevila, Pere el Gran, I: 93; and Robert Ignatius Burns, “Warrior Neighbors: Alfonso El Sabio and Crusader Valencia, An Archival Case Study in His International Relations,” Viator 21, no. 1 (1990): 156–62.
51. The Hohenstaufen pretender to the throne was Conradin, “Little Conrad,” son of Conrad IV (1222–54), a brother of Manfred. Wieruszowski, “Conjuraciones,” 579; and David Abulafia, “The Kingdom of Sicily Under the Hohenstaufen and Angevins,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, c. 1198–1300, ed. David Abulafia, V: 508.
52. Giuseppe La Mantia, Codice diplomatico dei re Aragonesi di Sicilia: Pietro I, Giacomo, Federico II, Pietro II e Ludovico, Dalla rivoluzione Siciliana del 1282 sino al 1355, 558; and Wieruszowski, “La Corte di Pietro,” 149. For the history for Christian militias in North Africa, see chapter 4.
53. Burns, “Renegades,” 350–53; Wieruszowski, “La Corte di Pietro,” 192–95; Brunschvig, La Berbérie orientale, I: 53; Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 200–202, 240–45; Michel Mollat, “Le ‘Passage’ de Saint Louis à Tunis: Sa place dans l’histoire des croisades,” Revue d’histoire des doctrines économique et sociale 50, no. 4 (1972): 301; and Gual de Torrella, “Milicias cristianas en Berbería,” 58.
54. Shneidman, “Sicilian Vespers,” 256–57.
55. Wieruszowski, “La Corte di Pietro,” 196.
56. Helene Wieruszowski, Politics and Culture in Medieval Spain and Italy; idem, “The Rise of the Catalan Language in the 13th Century,” Modern Language Notes (1944): 9–20; Hans Schadek, “Die Familiaren der Sizilischen und Aragonischen Könige im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert,” Spanische Forschungen der Görres-gesellschaft: Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens 26 (1971): 201–348; Marta VanLandingham, Transforming the State: King, Court and Political Culture in the Realms of Aragon, 1213–1387; and Fabrizio Titone, “Aragonese Sicily as a Model of Late Medieval State Building,” Viator 44, no. 1 (2013): 217–50.
57. For instance, ACA, R. 50, fol. 132v (Aug. 1281): “[M]osse Ravaya quod libros Sarra navis illius quam cepit Petro de Villario non vendat, scilicet eos dom[ino] Regi reservet.” Cf. Wieruszowski, “Quelques documents,” 178, no. 6; Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 240; Documents per l’història de la cultura catalana mig-eval, ed. Antonio Rubió y Lluch, I: nos. 269, 313, 334.
58. VanLandingham, Transforming the State, 118; and Àngels Masiá i de Ros, “El Maestre Racional en la Corona de Aragón,” Hispania 10 (1950): 25–60; J. Lalinde Abadía, “Contabilidad e intervención en el Reino aragonés,” Estudios de Hacienda Pública (1976): 39–55; and Tomàs de Montagut i Estragués, El Mestre Racional a la Corona d’Aragó (1283–1419).
59. VanLandingham, Transforming the State, 9; and Barry Charles Rosenmann, “The Royal Tombs in the Monastery of Santes Creus.”
60. Pietro Edido, La colonia saracena di Lucera e la sua distruzione; Julie Anne Taylor, Muslims in Medieval Italy: The Colony at Lucera; and Alex Metcalfe, The Muslims of Medieval Italy.
61. Wiersuzowski, “Conjuraciones y alianzas,” 547: “Desde el año 1279 toda su política exterior tiende forjar la grande alianza para la lucha contra Carlos de Anjou y la reconquista del Sicilia.” See also Abulafia, The Western Mediterranean Kingdoms, xvi.
62. Wiersuzowski, “Conjuraciones y alianzas,” esp. 583–87. For more on these events in Tunis, see chapter 4.
63. Ferrer i Mallol, “La organización militar,” 194–98.
64. Ferrer i Mallol, “La organización militar,” 196.
65. Occitan and Catalan troubadours sparred back and forth. The court jongleur, Pere Salvatge, penned two poems in Pere’s defense. See Martín de Riquer, Los trovadores: historia literaria y textos, III: 1590–1600.
66. ACA, R. 47, fol. 130r (28 Oct. 1284): “Item fecimus ei cartas credencie inferius nominatis/Abzultan Hademi, alguazir del Rey de Granada/Muça Abenrrohh/Guillelmo Nehot, consul d’Almeria/Raiz Abuabdille Abenhudeyr, seynnor de Crivelen/ad Iça Abenadriz, catiu del Rey/Raimundo de Santo Literio/Petro Morelle quod traderet Raimundo de Santo Literio super custodie Içe supradicte./Item dedimus dicto Corrallo litteram de conductu apud officiales Regis Castelle. Datum ut supra./Post[qu]am fecimus ei litteras credencie inferius nominatis et aliam etiam procurat[i]onem super facto jenetorum/Çahit Azanach/Çahim Abebaguen/Tunart.”
67. ACA, R. 65, fol. 113r (25 Mar. 1286): “Raimundo de Rivo Sicco, man[damus] vobis quatenus provisionem quam dare debetis Içe Abenadriç et uxori sue de mandato domini Regis tradatis eidem personaliter et non alii sive tradi faciatis. . . .”
68. ACA, R. 64, fol. 176v (Mar. 1286); ACA, R. 78, fol. 30r (6 Feb. 1288); and ACA, R. 80, fol. 108v (14 Dec. 1289). See also Dufourcq, L’Espagne Catalane, 217.
69. ACA, R. 90, fol. 18v (28 Aug. 1291). See also Dufourcq, L’Espagne Catalane, 219–20.
70. See Pierre Guichard, “Un seigneur musulman dans l’Espagne chrétienne: le ‘ra’is’ de Crevillente (1243–1318),” Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez 9 (1973): 283–334, esp. 295; and Harvey, Islamic Spain, 42–44.
71. Muntaner, Crònica, chap. 188 [1296]: “l’arrais de Criveleny se’n venc a ell e es feu son hom e son vassal”; Harvey, Islamic Spain, 43–45; and Ferrer i Mallol, La Frontera, 33–38.
72. For instance, ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 18, no. 11678 (4 June [1303]), a letter from Ibn Hudhayr to Jaume II on the activities of his spies in Granada. See Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 75.
73. ACA, R. 66, fol. 152v (27 July 1286); and ACA, R. 82, fol. 146r (1 Sep. 1290).
74. ACA, R. 130, fol. 77r (Nov. 1303). See also ACA, R. 243, fol. 208v (1316), as cited in Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 266.
75. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 87, no. 10673 (14 Feb. [1304]); and ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 136, no. 476 (29 Apr. 1307). See also Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 245–46.
76. See, EI2, s.v. “al-Mariyya”; José Angel Tapia Garrido, Almería musulmana; ‘Abd al-‘Azīz Sālim, Ta’rīkh madīnat al-Mariyya al-islāmiyya; Andrés Giménez-Soler, El sitio de Almería en 1309; Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 103–16; Harvey, Islamic Spain, 173–80; and Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 89–93.
77. Francisco Vidal Castro, “Historia política,” in El reino nazarí de Granada (1232–1492): política, instituciones, espacio y economía, ed. María Jesús Viguera Molíns, 91–96.
78. José Hinojosa Montalvo, “Las relaciones entre Valencia y Granada durante el siglo XV: balance de una investigación,” in Estudios sobre Málaga y el reino de Granada en el V centenario de la conquista, ed. José E. López de Coca Castañer, 83–111; and idem, “Armamento de naves y comercio con el reino de Granada a principios del siglo XV,” in Andalucía entre Oriente y Occidente (1236–1492), 643–57.
79. Mikel de Epalza, “Constitución de rábitas en la costa de Almería: su función espiritual,” in Homenaje al Padre Tapia: Almería en su historia, ed. José Angel Tapia Garrido, 231–35.
80. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 380–81.
81. ACA, R 235, fols. 1v–2r, segunda numeración (22 Dec. 1303). See also Manzano, Intervención, 331; and Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 79–83. See chapter 6 for a full discussion of al-‘Abbās b. Raḥḥū.
82. Torres Fontes, Repartimiento de Lorca, 47–63.
83. Torres Fontes, Repartimiento de Lorca, vii; and Anthony Lappin, The Medieval Cult of Saint Dominic of Silos, esp. 275–390.
84. Pero Marín, Miraculos Romanzados in Vida y milagros del thaumaturgo español moysées Segundo, redemptor de cautivos, abogado de los felices partos, Sto. Domingo Manso, abad benedictino, reparador del real monasterio de Silos. For editions of the relevant texts, see Repartimiento de Lorca, ed. Juan Torres Fontes, 52: “. . . veno Zahen, un moro sennor de caballos, con grant companna a correr a Lorca. . . .” Ibid., 54: “Venieron Muza Barraham et Zahem et Zahet Azenet con mil caballeros et mataron docientos cristianos et cativaron al tantos.” Ibid., 57: “. . . Zahen, sennor de 300 caballeros. . . .” Ibid., 58: “. . . Zahen, un gener sennor de 200 caballeros.” Ibid., 59: “. . . Muza Barrach, sennor de genetes.” See also Torres Fontes, “La actividad bélica granadina,” 729.
85. ACA, R. 58, fol. 22v (3 May 1285): “Baiulo Exatium quod donet Alaçeno militi Sarraceno nuncio Cahim filio Jahie Abennaquem quinquaginta solidos \regalium / pro redimendis et quitandis ensibus quos idem Alaçenus et alii qui cum eo venerunt pignori obligaverunt in Exatium.”
86. ACA, R. 56, fol. 93v (3 May 1285).
87. ACA, R. 58, fol. 22v (3 May 1285): “Bernardo Martini, baiulo Ville Franche, quod non exigat a nunciis Sarracenis de Cahim, filio Jahie Abebbaquem, illos quindecim solidos quos eisdem accomodavit. Immo si aliquos fideiussores ab eis recepit absolvat, cum dominus Rex mandet per presentes [dict]os quindecim solidi recipi in compotum per Guillelmum de Rocha a dicto Bernardo Martini.”
88. ACA, R. 56, fol. 93v (4 May 1285): “Samueli Alfaquimo Regis, sabet que vidiemos vuestras letras, et daquello que nos embiastes dezir sobre feito de Çahim, sus mandaderos vinieron a nos et lu[e]go partieronse daquellas demandas assi que deven venir lu[e]go a nuestro servicio. E non queremos [que] Abrahim Abençumada nin otro se faga faulador desto, ca nos nos aveniemos bien con ellos. Por estis plaze a nos la porferta que vos fiziestes de vuestras mulas al dito Çahim. E si vos se las enviaredes, nos vos pagaremos el precio dellas. De lo que al que nos enviastes dezir de la salud et del estamiento de dona Agnes et de la otra companyna nostra que son aqui, gradeçemos vos lo muyto e pregamos vos que toda via nos lo fagedes saber. Pero envastes nos dezir algunas cosas que nos non podiemos entender declaradament. E cuydamos que fue por que deziades que deviades venir a nos. E si vos alla non faziades ninguna, plazria a nos vestra venida. Empero o por vestras letras o por vestra venida queremos nos que mas largament et clarament nos lo fagades saber. Datum Figeriis, IIII nonas maii.”
89. See also ACA, R. 82, fols. 61v–62r (2 July 1290), in which the Christians and Muslims of Valencia are ordered to pay for the use of jenets to protect their kingdom.
90. See chapter 5 for more detail on the interactions between the jenets and the Mudéjares.
91. ACA, R. 58, fol. 22v (3 May 1285): “Alfaquino Samueli quod mittat Cahim filio Jahie Abennaquem illas duas mulas suas et dominus Rex satisfaciet sibi de precio ipsarum.”
92. ACA, R. 58, fol. 22v (4 May 1285): “Berengario Scribe quod loco Bernardi Scribe donet Alaçeno militi Sarraceno nuncio Cahim filio Jahie Abennaquem ducentos solidos Barchinonenses pro expensis s[u]is et illorum qui sechum venerunt.”
93. ACA, R. 58, fol. 22r (4 May 1285): “Raimundo de Rivo Sicco quod cum Cahim filius Jahie Abennaquem debeat venire ad dominum Regem cum genetis et familia Sarracenorum quod tradat eidem unum expensarium per quem faciat provideri sibi et familie sue predicte in expensiis eisdem neccesariis quousque fuerint cum domino Rege. Datum Figeriis, quarto nonas Maii.”
94. ACA, R. 58, fol. 22v (4 May 1285): “Bernardo Scribe quod donet //ad// tunicas ad quinque troterios Sarracenos nuncii genetorum.”
95. ACA, R. 58, fol. 22r (4 May 1285): “Bernardo Scribe quod donet Alaçeno Sarraceno militi nuncio Cahim filio Jahie Abennaquem, unam aliubam et tunicam panni coloris et calligas presseti vermillii. Et quod donet Hameto Abenobrut aliubam et tunicam exalonis et calligas panni coloris. Et donetis Mahometo de Villena aliubam et tunicam de bifa plana et calligas Narbon[ensis]. . . . Datum Figeriis, IIII nonas May.”
96. ACA, R. 58, fol. 23r (4 May 1285): “Bernardo Scribe quod donet Alaçeno geneto militi sellam et frenum bonum et Hammit Abenhobeit, sellam et frenum de minori precio. Datum ut supra.”
97. Bernat Desclot, Llibre del rei en Pere in Les quatre gran cròniques, chap. 153: “Entrels quals ni havia sicents qui eren ballesters serrayns del regne de Valencia, e aportaven tots ballestes de dos peus.” See also chaps. 156, 163. See also Joseph Strayer, “The Crusade Against Aragon,” Speculum 28, no. 1 (1953): 102–13; and Catlos, Victors and the Vanquished, 264.
98. Desclot, Llibre del rei en Pere, chap. 140: “Mas atendaren se allens prop aquella nit; e lendema mati vench hun avolot en la ost del rey de França, mentre ques dinaven ço es assaber: quel rey d’Arago ab tot son poder e ab deu milia Serrayns ginets, e ab be cent milia homens de peu, que passaven d’amunt per la montanya, e que vienen a entrar en Perpinya, per ço com deyen, quells homens de la villa de Perpinya li devien lliurar la villa, e puig lo rey d’Arago ques meses alli, e vedaria lo pas als Francesos que no passassen deça, e axi tendria al mig lloch aquells qui passats eren, e quels donat batalla.”
99. Desclot, Llibre del rei en Pere, chap. 136: “Ans se pres ab Serrayns per destroir lo crestianisme; e ab ells se cuyda defendre a nos, que ab son poder no poria, car nol ha.” Translation from Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 291.
Chapter Three
1. Niccolò Machiavelli, Il Principe, ed. Lawrence Arthur Burd, chap. 12.
2. Ferrer i Mallol, “La organización militar,” 155; idem, Organització i defensa d’un territori fronterer: la governacío d’Oriola en el segle XIV; Ludwig Klüpfel, “El règim de la Confederació catalano-aragonesa a finals del segle XIII,” Revista Jurídica de Catalunya 35 (1929): 195–226, 289–327; and 36 (1930): 298–331, esp. 298–308; and Donald J. Kagay, War, Government, and Society in the Medieval Crown of Aragon.
3. See Joan Bastardas, Usatges de Barcelona, chap. 64 (usatge 68), 102.
4. García Fitz, Castilla y León frente al Islam, traces these transformations.
5. Strayer, “The Laicization of French and English Society.”
6. ACA, R. 52, fol. 68v (4 Nov. 1284): “. . . sarraceni janeti [qui] in nostro servicio venerant sibi debebant cum duobus publicis instrumentis, quorum unum est moriscum et aliud christianite scriptum. . . .” Full citation in chapter 2 n16, above.
7. ACA, R. 65, fol. 177v (1286); ACA, R. 65, fol. 186r (1286); ACA, R. 65, fol. 186v (1286); ACA, R. 71, fol. 45r (1287); ACA, R. 71, fol. 49v (1287); ACA, R. 71, fol. 50v (1287); ACA, R. 71, fol. 50v (1287); ACA, R. 71, fol. 51v (1287); ACA, R. 72, fol. 9v (1287); ACA, R. 72, fol. 24v (1288); ACA, R. 72, fol. 32v (1288); ACA, R. 72, fol. 35r (1288); ACA, R. 72, fols. 38v–39r [redacted] (1288); ACA, R. 72, fol. 53v (1288); ACA, R. 78, fol. 34r (1288); ACA, R. 79, fol. 59r (1289); ACA, R. 79, fol. 59v (1289); ACA, R. 79, fol. 61r (1289); ACA, R. 79, fol. 62v (1289); ACA, R. 79, fol. 79v (1289); ACA, R. 82, fol. 61v–r (1290); ACA, R. 82, fol. 64r (1290); ACA, R. 82, fol. 66v (1290); ACA, R. 82, fol. 87r (1290); ACA, R. 82, fol. 146r (1290); ACA, R. 82, fol. 163v (1290); ACA, R. 82, fol. 164v (1290); ACA, R. 82, fol. 168v (1290); ACA, R. 82, fol. 171v (1291); ACA, R. 82, fol. 176r (1291); ACA, R. 82, fol. 183v (1291); ACA, R. 100, fol. 172v (1294); ACA, RP, MR, 620, fol. 134r; ACA, RP, MR, 774, fol. 74v (ca. 1293); and ACA, RP, MR, 774, fol. 77r (ca. 1293).
8. ACA, R. 78, fol. 84r (24 Apr. 1289): “Fuit mandatum Johanni Çapata et Guillelmo Durfortis quod faciant acurrimentum Bucar, jeneto nostro, et aliis jenetis [n]ostris qui [..] [v]enient de partibus Regni Valencie prout aliis de familia nostra cucurristis cum dictus Bucar in servicium nostrum habeat venire in [C]astellam. Et recuperetis presentem litteram et albaranum de eo quod sibi dederint racione predictam. Datum in [Ca]latayube, [V]III kalendas Madii.” See also the numerous entries in ACA, RP, MR, 774. See also Carme Batlle i Gallart, “La casa barcelonina en el segle XIII: l’exemple de la familia Dufort,” in La Ciudad hispánica durante los siglos XIII al XVI: actas del coloquio celebrado en La Rábida y Sevilla del 14 al 19 de septiembre de 1981, ed. Emilio Sáez, Cristina Segura, and Margarita Cantera Montenegro, II: 1347–60. Similarly, Raimundus Escorne met with the troops of Mahomet Abenadalil, Mahomet al Granadaxi, and Iuceff Abenzubayba when they arrived in Valencia and provided them their salaries and anything else they required. ACA, R. 73, fol. 77v (28 Feb. 1289): “. . . que luego vista la carta vengades a Valencia on nos avemos ordenado que fiel nostre escriviano Raimund Escorna vos de recaudo de venir a nos de quitacio et de lo que ayades menester.”
9. See Hugh Kennedy, Armies of the Caliphs: Military and Society in the Early Islamic State, esp. 59–65, 71–76; Évariste Lévi-Provençal, Un recueil de lettres officielles Almohades: Étude diplomatique, analyse et commentaire historique, esp. 1–19. See also EI2, s.v. “dīwān”; and HEM, I: 69, 128.
10. Alcover, Diccionari català-valencià-balear, s.v. “albaran.” In Spanish, it is “albarán.” The influence in this case was likely indirect, passing through the Papal Chancery to the Aragonese court.
11. Shatzmiller, The Berbers and the Islamic State, 55–68; David Corcos, “The Jews of Morocco under the Marinids,” Jewish Quarterly Review 54 (1963–64): 271–87; 55 (1964–65), 53–81, 137–50; Norman Stillman, “Muslims and Jews in Morocco,” Jerusalem Quarterly 5 (1977): 76–83; and idem, “The Moroccan Jewish Experience,” Jerusalem Quarterly 9 (1978): 111–23.
12. In 1285 King Pere ordered Arnaldus to release several captives from Tunis who had paid for their redemption (ACA, R. 65, fol. 27r [30 Mar. 1285]). He helped administer the slave auctions in Mallorca after the fall of Minorca (ACA, R. 70, fol. 42r [7 Feb. 1287], R. 71, fol. 113v [10 Apr. 1287], R. 72, fol. 41r [27 June 1288]). He also reimbursed Muslim diplomats for their travel expenses (ACA, R. 74, fol. 71r [6 Feb. 1288]).
13. Haste was required in the case of the jenet Mahomet Abenabderasmen Ataç. See ACA, R. 67, fol. 77r–v (20 Sep. 1286): “Petro de Podio Rubeo, baiulo Algezire. Mandamus vobis quatenus de illis tribus milibus solidis regalium quos vos debetis ab hominibus Algezire, racione redemptionis exercitus, detis et solvatis solutis et cetera Mahome[t] Aben[abderas]men Ataç quadringentos solidos, a Abdorramen filio Abdolmalich Abenfa[y]ina quingentos solidos, item Iuceffo Aveniacob Avenjacol Abenabdulfach CCC LXX solidos, item a Magderva [fol. 77v] Abenfayol quingentos solidos, quos omnes denarios predictis janetis debemus pro quitacionibus eorumdem sine acurri[....] . . . solucionibus et etiam caveatis vobis ne racione predicte solutionis dicti janeti habeant retardare, alia[s] . . . faceremus expensas [qua]s dicti janeti facere haberent. Datum Valencie, XII kalendas Octobris.” See also ACA, R. 71, fol. 45r (29 Apr. 1287): “Petro Peregrini quod det Mahometo Abolxahe janeto . . . et recipia[t] ipsi albar[anum] . . . hoc Arnaldum de Bastida.” See also ACA, R. 71, fol. 49v; ACA, R. 71, fol. 50v; ACA, R. 71, fol. 51v; and ACA, R. 100, fol. 172v.
14. See, for instance, ACA, R. 65, fol. 186v (2 Mar. 1286), in which Bastida is ordered to pay three jenets their salaries for two months with one albaranum: “[Arnaldo] de Bastida. Cum Sehit Abdella et Jucefo Aben Jacob et Cassim et Abra[hi]mo Benhamenia [solvat] pro quitacionibus eorum mensium Septembris et Octobris cum albarano Bartholomei de V[illa] Franch[a] . . . solidos Barchinonenses quod albaranum [nos] recuperavimus.” The amount that each jenet was paid appears in the documentary lacuna.
15. ACA, R. 52, fol. 57r (29 Aug. 1284): “Bernardo Scr[ibe] quod det vel assignet Muçe Genet LIII solidos IIII denarios iaccenses qui sibi remanent [ad] solvendum de quitacione Albarrasini. Datum Turole, IIII kalendas Septembris.”
16. For more on the currency of the Crown of Aragon, see James Broadman, Ransoming Captives in Crusader Spain: The Order of Merced on the Christian-Islamic Frontier, appendix A. See also Robert Ignatius Burns, Medieval Colonialism: Postcrusade Exploitation of Islamic Valencia, 27–33.
17. 1 libra = 20 solidi = 240 denarii.
18. In the year 1300, one solidus from Barcelona was equivalent to one solidus six denarii from Jaca, and one solidus three denarii from Valencia. The Latin solidus gives us the Castilian sueldo and Catalan sou.
19. For instance, ACA, R. 82, fol. 66v (3 or 4 Sep. 1290): “Eidem fuit scriptum [al]iud albaranum quod solvit nobili [Ma]hometo Abnadalyl pro quitacione sua et familia s[u]e quae cum eo venerunt de Granata pro mense Augusti preterito DXXXVI duplas mirias. Item pro quitacione Sarracenorum peditum pro dicto mense et pro esmend[o] unius equi qui fuit interfectus in rambla Valencie super ludo janethie XXXII duplas et med[ia]m mirias”; and ACA, RP, MR, 620, fol. 69r (1294): “Primerament nos mostra VI albarans den A Eymeric en los quals son deguts an Jahia Abenallu e an Ayça e an Mahomet Bennaçer et an Zahit Almelocaya e an Mahomet Algaçil //per quitacion lur// genets del Seynor Rey Namfos de bonamemoria per quitacion lur. L doblas mirias. E CXX solidos Barchinonenses.” For more on Islamic coins in the Crown of Aragon, see Joaquím Botet i Sisó, “Nota sobre la encunyació de monedas arábigues pel Rey Don Jaume,” in Congrés d’històriala Corona d’Aragó, dedicat al rey En Jaume I y la seua época, II: 944–45.
20. Çayt Abdella, 120 sous or 4 sous per diem (ACA, R. 71, fol. 49v); Maymon de Picaçen, 266 sous of Barcelona or 3 sous per diem (ACA, R. 71, fol. 50v); Mahomet and three brothers, 496 sous of Barcelona or 4 sous per diem (ACA, R. 71, fol. 51v); Mahomet and three brothers, 448 sous of Barcelona or 4 sous per diem (ACA, R. 71, fol. 51v); Zayt and brother, 248 sous of Barcelona or 4 sous per diem (ACA, R. 71, fol. 51v); Mahomet Abelhaye, 337 sous of Jaca or 11 sous per diem (ACA, R. 72, fol. 32v); Mahomet de Picaçen, 266 sous of Barcelona or 3 sous per diem (ACA, R. 72, fol. 38v); Jucef Aben Jacob and Cassim, 372 sous of Jaca or 6 sous per diem (ACA, R. 72, fol. 53v); and Muça Mufarrax, 510 sous of Barcelona or 4 sous per diem (ACA, RP, MR, 620, fol. 107r). Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 276, comes to a similar conclusion that the jenets were paid between four and six solidi per diem. Boswell, Royal Treasure, 186, says five solidi but calls it “considerably less” than other soldiers were paid.
21. See Ferrer i Mallol, “La organización militar,” 170; and Antonio Arribas Palau, La conquista de Cerdeña por Jaume II de Aragón, doc. 19. Heavy cavalry were paid more than light cavalry, on average 8 solidi per diem. Ferrer i Mallol records that at the end of the fourteenth century, the heavy cavalry received nine solidi, and the light received five, citing ACA, R. 1245, fol. 21r–v (30 Sep. 1374).
22. Charles-Emmanuel Dufourcq, “Prix et niveaux de vie dans les pays catalans e maghribins à la fin du XIIIe et au début du XIVe siècles,” Le Moyen Âge 71 (1965): 506–508, as cited in Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 276.
23. The expression used in the chancery registers to describe these raids was vadere ad jenetiam, going on a jenet raid. See ACA, R. 81, fol. 56v: “Mahamot el Viello, janetus noster, ac alii vad[unt] ad jenetiam. . . .” See also ACA, R. 85, fol. 21v: “D[ictus] Moxaref cum aliis tam Christianis quam Sar[racenis qui] vadunt ad jenetiam.”
24. Primera crónica general, ed. Ramón Menéndez Pidal, fol. 304, for the description of Muslim tactics at the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212), as cited in Soler del Campo, La evolución del armamento, 159–60. Cf. EI2, s.v. “furūsiyya.” See also Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 258; Pierre Guichard, Les musulmans de Valence et la reconquête: XIe-XIIIe siècles, II: 390; and Ferdinand Lot, L’Art militaire et les armées au moyen âge en Europe et dans le Proche Orient, I: 440.
25. Don Juan Manuel, Libro de los estados, ed. Robert Brian Tate and Ian Richard Macpherson, 144, as cited in Soler de Campo, La evolución del armamento, 163: “Sennor infante, la guerra con los moros no es commo la de los christianos, tanbién en la guerra guerriada commo quando çercan o convaten, o son cercados o convatidos, commo en las cavalgadas et cerreduras, commo en el andar por el camino et el posar de la hueste, commo en las lides; en todo es muy departida la una manera de la otra.”
26. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, I: 214 (translation is from Rosenthal, trans. Muqaddimah, 227): “We have mentioned the strength that a line formation behind the army gives to the fighters who use the technique of al-karr wa’l-farr. Therefore the North African rulers have come to employ groups of Franks (ṭā’ifa min al-Ifranj) in their army, and they are the only ones to have done that, because their countrymen only know al-karr wa’l-farr.”
27. Echevarría Arsuaga, Caballeros en la frontera, 101; and García Fitz, Castilla y León frente al Islam, 137, 153.
28. ACA, R. 81, fol. 56v (8 Jan. 1289): “Universis hominibus quorumlibet locorum frontariarum terre nostre ad quos et cetera. Cum Mahomet el Viello, janetus noster, ac alii va[dunt] ad jenetiam tam Christiani quam Sarraceni socii predicti Mahomet habeant esse de mandato nostro in partibus frontarie pro tuicione [et] deffensione terre nostre ac etiam pro inferendo dampno inimicis nostris. Dicimus ac mandamus vobis quatenus quandocumque predictum Mahomat al Viello ac socios suos predictos contingerit venire seu accedere ad loca vestra in partibus frontarie tam cum cavalgatis quam sine cavalgatis ipsos in locis vestris predictis cum cavalcatis seu rebus eorum benigne recipiatis et eisd[em] vel rebus suis nullum dampnum vel impedimentum faciatis immo iuvetis et dirigatis eosdem in hiis in quibus poteritis bono modo. Datum ut supra.” In 1290, Mahomet Abenadalil also departed for raids along the border of Calatayud alongside Christians. ACA, R. 81, fol. 177r (5 Sep. 1290), which has several lacunae: “. . . et conciliis ac subditis suis Calatayube, Daroce, Tirasone, [....] et omnium et singulorum aliorum locorum qui sint . . . cum Castellanis seu Navarris, sciatis quod nos mitimus nobilem Mahomet Abnadalil vassallum nostrum . . . sua janetorum et Raimundum Sancii de Calatayube et Garciam Sancii de Guorguet de domo nostra, cum aliquibus . . . Christianorum cum eo ad ipsas partes pro defendendis locis predictis et inf malum inimicis . . . quare et cetera. Si aliquas treugas habetis vel cum Castellanis vel Navarris ipsis incontinenti easdem . . . . Et si contigerit ipsum Mahometum vel aliquos de familis sua intrare terram inimicorum nostrorum eosdem . . . cum cavalc[at]is vel sine cavalcatis et detis eisdem . . . et vendicionem et non permit[a]tis eis fieri [impediment]um aliquod prebentes ei[sd]em consilium et cetera. Et si contigerit predictum nobilem facere cavalcatam . . . dicta litera present[....] nullum impedimentum et cetera. Datum ut supra.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 266n30.
29. For Abenadalil, see Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 278–79, citing ACA, R. 81, fol. 177r and ACA, R. 83, fols. 70v–71r. For the case of al-‘Abbās b. Raḥḥū, see chapter 6.
30. ACA, R. 85, fol. 21v (14 May 1290): “Universis hominibus quorumlibet locorum frontariarum dicti domini Regis qui non sint in treuga. Cu[m] Moxarref Abenh[a]lbet, jenetus, qui nunc venit cum familia jenetorum de partibus Castelle ad servicium dicti domini Regis ut sit in frontaria Aragone pro tuicione et deffensione eiusdem frontarie ac pro inferrendo dampno inimicis dicti domini Regis et nostris. Dicimus et mandamus vobis ex parte domini Regis quatenus quandocumque d[ictus] Moxaref cum aliis tam Christianis quam Sar[racenis qui] vadunt ad jenetiam existentibus in frontaria Arag[one] ad servicium dicti Regis contingit venire seu accedere ad loca vestra in partibus frontarie tam cum cavalgatis vel s[ine] cavalgatis ipsos in locis vestris predictis cum cavalgatis et rebus eorum benigne recipiatis et eisdem vel rebus suis nullum dampnum vel impedimentum faciatis aut fieri permitatis immo iuvetis et dirigatis eosdem in hiis in quibus poteritis bono modo, salva semper custodia vestra et rerum vestrarum. Datum Calatayube, II idus Maii.” See also Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 194; and Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 296.
31. ACV, Perg., 738, fol. 8r: “Machamet Almenochoxi qui vocatur Georgius” and “Athame Benbrahi qui vocatur Petro.”
32. ACA, R. 81, fol. 237v (13 Dec. 1290): “Universis officialibus civitatum villarum et quorumlibet locorum Aragone. Mandamus vobis quatenus aliquibus [ad]alilis vel almugav[eris] equitum vel peditum vel aliis janetis si intrarent Castellam seu Navarram nullum impedimentum vel contrarium faciatis vel fieri ab aliquibus permitatis immo provideatis eisdem et familie eorum de securo transitu et [con]duct[u] . . . restituentes et re[s]titui faciemus nichilominus eisdem omnes homines bestiarium et alias res quas habunt de terra dictorum inimicorum nostrorum et que nos vel aliquis nostrum ab eisdem cepistis vel etiam extorsistis. Datum u[tsupra].” Muslim raiders from Granada were occasionally called Muslim almogàvers: ACA, R. 100, fol. 102r (14 Nov. 1294); and ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 36, no. 4492 (30 Mar. 1312).
33. Desclot, Crònica, chap. 7: “Aquestes gents qui han nom Almugavers son gents que no viven sino de fet de armes, ne no stan en viles ne en ciutats, sino en muntanyes e en boschs; e guerreien tots jorns ab Serrayns, e entren dins la terra dels Serrayns huna jornada o dues lladrunyant e prenent dels Serrayns molts, e de llur haver; e de aço viven; e sofferen moltes malenances que als altres homens no porien sostenir; que be passaran a vegades dos jorns sens menjar, si mester los es; e menjaran de les erbes dels camps, que sol no s’en prehen res. E los Adelits que’ls guien, saben les terres e’ls camins. E no aporten mes de huna gonella o huna camisa, sia stiu o ivern; e en les cames porten hunes calses de cuyro, e als peus hunes avarques de cuyro. E porten bon coltell e bona correja, e hun foguer a la cinta. E porta cascú huna llança e dos darts, e hun cerró de cuyro en que aporten llur vianda. E són molt forts e molt laugers per fugir e per encalsar.” Cf. Muntaner, Crònica, chap. 62: “E aquets anaren cascú ab son çarró acostes: que no creats que menassen adzembla neguna, ans cascú portava lo pa en son çarró, axí com acostumats e nudrits los almugavers; que com van en cavalgada, cascú porta un pa per cascun dia, e no pus: e puix del pa e de l’aygua e de les erbes passen llur temps aytant com llur ops es.” See also M. Rojas Gabriel and D. M. Pérez Castañera, “Aproximación a almogávares y almogaverías en la frontera con Granada,” in Estudios de frontera: Alcalá la Real y el Arcipreste de Hita, ed. Francisco Toro Ceballos and José Rodríguez Molina, 569–82; and Juan Torres Fontes, “El adalid en la frontera de Granada,” Anuario de estudios medievales 15 (1985): 345–66.
34. See Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 245.
35. Giménez Soler, “Caballeros,” 299. See also Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 133.
36. For instance, Giménez Soler, “Caballeros,” 300: “Ésta cubre con su simpática bandera mercancías averiadas, aquélla contribuía en los siglos medios á excitar el entusiasmo popular, pero no era ni el móvil único, ni el principal siquiera.”
37. Giménez Soler, “Caballeros,” 299: “Eran las relaciones entre los africanos y los cristianos de la peninsula amistosas y hasta cordials”; “. . . posponiéndose los intereses de la religion á los viles y positivos de la utilidad”; and ibid., 300: “La guerra y el comercio, los dos grandes elementos civilizadores, coadyuvaron á esas recíprocas influencias.”
38. For instance, Ramón Menéndez Pidal, La España del Cid, I: 17–38. Cf. Reinhart Pieter Anne Dozy, Recherches sur l’histoire et la litterature de l’Espagne, II: 201–2.
39. Recent and important contributions to this discussion include: Eduardo Manzano Moreno, “Qurtuba: Algunas reflexiones críticas sobre el califato de Córdoba y el mito de la convivencia,” Awraq: Estudios sobre el mundo árabe e islámico contemporáneo 7 (2013): 225–46; Ryan Szpiech, “The Convivencia Wars: Decoding Historiography’s Polemic with Philology,” in A Sea of Languages: Rethinking the Arabic Role in Medieval Literary History, ed. Suzanne Conklin Akbari and Karla Mallette; Soifer, “Beyond Convivencia”; Novikoff, “Between Tolerance and Intolerance in Medieval Spain”; Tolan, “Using the Middle Ages to Construct Spanish Identity”; Bernabé López García, “Enigmas de al-Andalus: Una polémica,” Revista de Occidente 224 (2000): 31–50; idem,“30 años de Arabismo Español,” Awraq 18 (1997): 11–48; idem, “Arabismo y orientalismo en España: Radiografía y diagnóstico de un gremio escaso y apartadizo,” Awraq 11 (1990): 35–69.
40. David Nirenberg, Communities of Violence: The Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages, 7. Cf. István Bejczy, “Tolerantia: A Medieval Concept,” Journal of the History of Ideas 58 (1997): 365–84; and Cary J. Nederman, “Tolerance and Community: A Medieval Communal Functionalist Argument for Religious Toleration,” Journal of Politics 56, no. 4 (1994): 901–18.
41. ACA, R. 71, fol. 51r (9 May 1287): “Petro Peregrini quod det vestes Maymono, janeto sicut aliis jenetis. Et cum ei dederit et cetera. Datum ut supra”; ACA, R. 71, fol. 51r (9 May 1287): “Eidem quod det vestes Mahometo de Picaçon sicut aliis janetis. Et cum ei dederitis et cetera. Datum ut supra”; ACA, R. 71, fol. 52r (15 Mar. 1287); ACA, R. 82, fol. 164v (my emphasis): “Eidem quod det v[e]stes . . . neti . . . Regis prout consuevit . . .”; ACA, R. 252, fol. 189r (10 Mar. 1291): “X cannos daquel panno que nos les querremos dar para vestir una vegada en el anno.”
42. ACA, R. 81, fol. 243v: “Lezdariis Tamariti, Dertuse, Paniscole et omnium aliorum locorum in litore maris constitutorum. Cum nos mitamus apud Valencie sex trosellos pannorum in barcha Guillelmi de Portello pro induenda familia nostra genetorum que est in Valencia. Mandamus vobis quatenus nullam lezdam seu aliquod aliud ius exigatis a dicto barcherio seu deferentibus dictos pannos racione pannorum predictorum.” The lezda (Rom. leuda, Cat. lleuda), or occasionally portaticum, was a tax levied on all goods entering a port.
43. See chapter 4, below.
44. ACA, R. 82, fol. 168v (21 Nov. 1290): “Eidem [Arnaldo de Bastida]. Mandamus vobis quatenus visis presentibus, detis et solvatis Abenhadalillo, capiti jenetorum et familie sue v[e]stes competentes vel tresdecim millia solidos Barchinonenses pro eisdem. Et facta solucionem et cetera. Datum ut supra.”
45. ACA, R. 82, fol. 146r (4 Sep. 1290); ACA, R. 58, fol. 22r (4 May 1285).
46. For instance, equipment given to the troops of Bucar (ACA, R. 78, fol. 84r [24 Apr. 1289]; see n8 to this chapter). See also ACA, R. 76, fol. 19v (23 Feb. 1288 [1287]): “Geraldo de Fonte, baiulo Valencie. Mandamus nobis quatenus sicut acurrimentum fecistis pro nobis Sayt et Muçe, jenetis nostris. Similiter, volumus quod donetis Çehen, jeneto nostro, qui nobiscum est in servicio nostro vel Açano uxore suo loco sui quinquaginta solidos regalium cum eos racione acurrimenti dari similiter mandemus eidem. Et facta et cetera. Datum ut supra”; ACA, R. 76, fol. 3r (11 Feb. 1287): “. . . Muçe et Sahit, jenetis nostris, . . . pro acurrimento. . . .” For the Ghuzāh, see Ibn Marzūq, al-Musnad, 394.
47. ACA, R. 67, fol. 15r (20 May 1286): “Ismaeli de Portella. Mandamus vobis quatenus incontinenti detis Abdeluhayt, janeto, CCL solidos iaccenses quos sibi de gracia pro uno roncino duximus concedendos et facta et cetera. Datum Cesarauguste, XIII kalenas Iunii.” ACA, R. 79, fol. 59r (10 June 1289) [a second copy at ACA, R. 79, fol. 59v]: “Arnaldo de Bastida. Mandamus vobis [quatenus] detis Ahemet de Rami, janeto nostro, denarios qui sunt consueti dari pro [racione] quos sibi pro uno roncino de gracia d[u]ximus concedendos. Et facta et cetera. Retineatis ad opus scribanie iuxta precium dicti roncini.” ACA, R. 79, fol. 62v (7 Aug. 1289): “Arnaldo de Bastida et cetera. Mandamus vobis, quatenus visis presentibus, detis Cayt, janeto nostro, quad[ri]gentes solidos [pro] uno roncino quos sibi de gracia concessi[mus]. Et facta et cetera. Retineatis scribanie XX solidos. Datum [. . . .] VII idus [A]ugusti.” Machomet Abel[h]aye was given 1210 sous for ammunitions. ACA, R. 65, fol. 177v (29 Mar. 1285): “Arnaldo de Bastida quod iuxta hordinacionem solvat Machometo Abel[h]aye quatuor millia ducenti et decem solidos barchinonenses quos dominus Rex sibi debebat pro quitacione sua cum II albaranis Bartholomei de Villa Francha que nos recup[er]a[vimus]. Datum Barchinone, IV kalendas Aprilis, anno domini MCCLXXX quinto.”
48. ACA, R. 58, fol. 14r (15 Mar. 1284): “Johanni Petri Orticii, mandamus vobis quatenus donetis Muçe janeto nostro unum roncinum precii LXX solidos iaccenses. Datum Osce, idus Marcii.” Juçe Beniagub received a mule directly from the royal offical, Petrus de Libiano. ACA, R. 67, fol. 138v (1 Mar. 1287 [1286]): “Petro de Libiano quod det Juçe Beniagub, janeto, unam mulam competentem. Datum Barchinone, kalendas Marcii.” ACA, R. 79, fol. 79v (27 Jan. 1289): “Arnaldo de Bastida quod det Massot Canaç, jeneto nostro, unam equitaturam idoneam vel trecentos solidos regalium pro eadem quos sibi de gracia duximus concedendos. Datum Valencia, VI kalendas Februarii.” ACA, R. 79, fol. 79v (26 Jan. 1289): “Arnaldo de Bastida. Mandamus vobis quatenus detis Aeça Abenhaçipuet, janeto nostro, unum equum idoneum quem ei de gracia duximus concedendum. Et facta et cetera. Datum Valencia, VI kalendas Februarii.” ACA, R. 82, fol. 164v (8 Sep. 1290): “Eidem quod solvat Muçe Almentauri, janeto, quendam roncinum de precio [C]CC solidis cum quo possit servire domino Regi. Datum Valencie, VI idus Septembris.” ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 6, no. 919 (8 Dec. 1300): “Jacobus dei gracia Rex Aragonum, fideli scriptori suo Guillelmo de Solanis, salutem et graciam. Dicimus et mandamus vobis quatenus cum ad ciutatem Murcie vos declinare contigerit ematis seu emi faciatis de denariis scribanie ad opus Abdalle, jeneti, quendam roncinum competentem quem sibi providemus de gracia concedendum, ut dictus jenetus nobis melius possit servire. Datum in Alcantarella sub sigillo nostro secreto, VI idus Decembris, anno domini millesimo trescentesimo.” Other examples, ACA, R. 82, fol. 164v (8 Sept. 1290); and ACA, RP, MR, 620, fol. 134r (15 Nov. 1296).
49. ACA, R. 58, fol. 39r: “Bernardo Scribe quod emat roncinum fratris Berengarii et ipsum donet Maimon, jeneto.” ACA, R. 72, fol. 9v (20 Sep. 1287): “Eidem [Arnaldo de Bastida] quod solvat Bartholomeo de Podio quadringentos solidos iaccenses quod Dominus Rex sibi debet pro precio unius equi quem ab eo emit et dedit Alabeç, janeto, et facta et cetera. Datum in Ortis de Lupa, XII kalendas Octobris.” ACA, R. 82, fol. 183v (13 Apr. 1291): “Arnaldo de Bastida et cetera. Cum nos assignavissemus cum carta nostra Berengario de Vilaron DL solidos Barchinonenses habendos, solutis et cetera super denarios quos Episcopus Gerunde tunc nobis dare et solvere debebat quos quidem nos eidem debebamus pro precio unius equi quem ab eo emimus et dedimus Çahen, geneto nostro, et dictus Berengarius nichil habuerit ut asserit de dictis denariis. Mandantes et cetera certifica[...] . . . et de dicta quantitate fuit sibi aliquid persolutum, i[...] quod inveneristis eidem inde deberi de quantitate predicta [supradic]tis eisdem. Et facta et cetera. Datum Gerunde, idus Aprilis.”
50. ACA, R. 70, fol. 168r (13 Aug. 1287): “[Fuit] facta litera gui[dat]ico alcayt Abrafim et Abrafimo Muça, Atiça Patrello, Atiça et Muça, et Caçim, Çayt, Abenbey Mahomet et Alaçemi, Hamu, [H]uniç, A[l]ii Acrrayedi, Jacob, Maçet Mahomat Almotihal et Çahat Algorçili, jenetis [....] Barchinone et debebant se re[co]lligere cum aliquibus filiis Miramamonini. Datum ut supra.” See also ACA, R. 85, fol. 21v, with full citation in n30, above.
51. ACA, R. 79, fol. 61r (12 July 1289): “Arnaldo de Bastida et cetera. Mandamus et cetera [quod] solvatis Hahen Abenhali, janeto nostro, quingentos solidos Barchinonenses quos sibi damus pro emenda cuiusdam [eq]ui sui quem amisit in servicio nostro. Et facta et cetera. Da[tum] Barchinone, [I]III idus Iulii.” ACA, R. 79, fol. 79v (27 Jan. 1289): “Arnaldo de Bastida. Mandamus //vobus// vobis quatenus detis Halfo Abderramen, jeneto nostro, unum equum idoneum in emendam [illius] equi quem amisit in servicio nostro in Borgia et recuperetis et cetera.” ACA, R. 82, fol. 87r (7 Dec. 1290): “Fuit mandatum Arnaldo de Bastida quod solvat Mahometo Abenadalilo centum [se]xaginta quatuor dup[las] auri [m]irias quas [domi]nus Rex debet ei pro emenda novem roncinorum quo[s] amisit in servicio domini Regis cum carta sua ut in ea continetur et quod recuperet dictam cartam et presentem cum apocham de soluto. Datum Barchinone, VII idus Decembris, anno domini MCCXC.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 264n25, and Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 191n1. This particular privilege was also extended to certain Christian soldiers (e.g., ACA, R. 72, fol. 37v).
52. ACA, R. 82, fol. 165r (9 Sep. 1290): “[Ei]dem [Arnaldo de Bastida] quod donet Maymono, geneto nostro, CCCC solidos regalium pro redimendo quemdam roncinum suum quem pro eisdem denariis impignoraverat in Valencia cum de gracia concessimus istud sibi. Et facta et cetera.”
53. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 30, no. 3737 (17 Feb. 1310): “sidione vobis vel ”
54. ACA, R. 71, fol. 155r (30 July 1284): “Bart[ho]lomeo de Villa Francha. Cum Abdul[u]ahet, janetus, sit in servicio domini Regi[s] patris nostri et nostri in Obsidione Albarrazini, mandamus vobis quatenus donetis ei racionem pro duabus bestios et duobus hominibus sicut datis aliis quibus nunc racionem datis. Datum in Obsidione Albarrazini, III kalendas Augusti.”
55. ACA, R. 85, fol. 113v (15 Mar. 1290). This document is presented and discussed further in chapter 5 n63.
56. ACA, R. 94, fol. 151r (29 Dec. 1292): “Petro Sancii, iusticie Calatayube, dicimus et mandamus vobis quatenus incontinenti detis et solv[e]tis Paschasio Dominici de Pampilona illos denarios quos per vos eidem dari mandaverimus pro re[d]emptione illius janeti et uxoris sue ac filiorum eorum qui in posse dicti Paschasii Dominici capti detinebantur quosquidem sarracenos ad partes illustris domp[n]i Sancii Regis Castelle a captione predicta per dictum Paschasium absolvi mandaverimus et [....]. Regi Castelle predicto prout iam alias vobis dedimus in mandatis. Datum Calatayube IIII kalendas J[a]nuarii.”
57. On affection for the jenets, see Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 302.
58. ACA, R. 73, fol. 77v (24 Feb. 1290): “Don Alfonso por la gracia de dios Rey d’Aragon, de Maylorcha, de Valencia, et comde de Barchinone, a vos don Iuceff Abenzubayba, sal[ut] et buena voluntat. Entendiemos por Adabub Adalil que vos con compayna de genetes queredes venir a nostro servicio la qual cosa a nos plase muyche. E rogamos vos que luego vista la carta vengades a Valencia on nos avemos ordenado que fiel nostre escriviano Raimund Escorna vos de recaudo de venir a nos de quitacio et de lo que ayades menester. E prometemos a vos que quando nos ayamos ganado con la aiuda de dios nostro entendimienta de la guerra que sino os avedez tornar a la [tierra] del Rey de Granada que tanto quanto vos querades estar en nostra terra que no vos faleçremos de lo que ayades menester fasta que vos ganemos la amor del Rey de Granada como quier que sepamos que tot homne qui a nos serva, sierve al Rey de Granada. Datum Cesarauguste, VI kalendas Marcii./S[e]mblant a don Mahomet al Granadaxi./Semblant a don Mahomet Abnadalil.” Adabub Adalil was a jenet already in the service of the Crown of Aragon. See ACA, R. 82, fols. 61v–62r (2 July 1290). See also Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 188–89; and Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 259, 261n16.
59. ACA, R. 243, fol. 264v (5 Apr. 1317): “Don Jayme et cetera. Al amado Alabeç Abenrraho, salut e amor. . . .”
60. References to jenets who were described as “de domo regis,” of the king’s household or court, are scattered throughout the registers: ACA, R. 44, fol. 178v (16 Apr. 1280); ACA, R. 55, fol. 49v (1291); ACA, R. 81, fol. 10r (3 Jan. 1290); ACA, R. 82, fol. 146r (4 Sep. 1290); ACA, R. 82, fol. 164v (8 Sep. 1290); ACA, RP, MR, 774, fols. 85v–86r (ca. 1293); ACA, R. 203, fols. 7r–8r (22, 25 Apr. 1305); ACA, R. 203, fol. 13r (14 May 1305); ACA, R. 872, fol. 22r (12 June 1341); and ACA, RP, MR, 2468, fol. 101r (1358).
61. ACA, R. 866, fol. 64r (9 June 1339); ACA, R. 951, fol. 75r–v (14 May 1340); ACA, R. 959, fol. 6r (31 Aug. 1345); ACA, R. 1123, fol. 70r (1344); and ACA, R. 2223, fols. 33v–34r (22 Dec. 1397), as cited in Ferrer i Mallol, Els sarraïns, 31, 161–62; and idem, La frontera, 158.
62. ACA, R. 90, fol. 22v (2 Sep. 1291): “Universis officialibus et subditis suis ad quos presentes pervenerint et cetera, cum Mahometus Abenadalill et Abrahim Abennamies venerint ad nos ex parte illustris regis granate et inde redeant ad eundem, mandamus et dicimus vobis quatenus ipsis nunciis seu rebus eorum in redeundo apud Granatam nullum impedimentum vel contrarium faciatis, immo provideatis eosdem de securo transitu et ducatu. Datum ut supra.” See also ACA, R. 55, fol. 49v (s.a.); ACA, R. 90, fol. 18v (12 May 1291); and ACA, R. 243, fol. 264v (5 Apr. 1317). See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 271n52, 271n54.
63. ACA, R. 82, fol. 164r (4 Sep. 1290): “[Arnaldo de] Bastida. Cum Mahometus Abencinich et Asmet Almergi et Mahometus Abencaremon, de domo nostra, de voluntate nostra [vad]eant apud Granate. Mandamus vobis quatenus donetis predictis Sarracenis expensas idoneas usque ad dictum locum. . . . R[e]cuperetis ab eo et cetera. Datum ut supra.”
64. For the context, see Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 227ff. See also ACA, R. 100, fol. 400r (18 Mar. 1295, documents trimmed along left margin): “. . . et universis ad quos presentes pervenerint fidelibus amicis et devotis suis. Cum Muca Almentare, sarracenus janetus [noster], lator presentium ad partes Sicilie et Barbarie de nostra licencia accedat ad presens vobis fidelibus mandamus et vos amicos [et d]evotos requirimus et rogamus quatenus predictum Mucam benigne recipientes pariter et tractantes nullum sibi, familie, equitaturis [et] rebus suis in eundo stando et redeundo impedimentum itineris nec iniuirias gravamina seu molestias inferatis . . . permitatis ab aliis irrogari prout nobis cupitis compelare. Immo si locus afuerit et nos inde requisierit provideatis eidem [nostri] amoris et honoris intuitu de securo transitu et ducatu. Datum Barchinone, XV kalendes Aprilis”; and “. . . dompno Infant Frederico, cum Muca Almentare, Sarracenus de [officio] nostro ad partes Siculas de nostra licencia [va]dat ad presens fraternitatem vestram rogamus, quatenus predictam Muça benigne recipientes partier et tractantes prout eius . . . requirit si nullum impedimentum [..]dium seu gravamen per quoscumque sustineatis fieri vel inferri. Datum Barchinone XV [kalendas] Aprilis.” Although he is not referred to as a member of the royal household in these documents, Muça was referred to in this manner elsewhere: ACA, R. 82, fol. 164v (8 Sep. 1290); and ACA, R. 203 (7 May 1305), fols. 7r–8r, 13r.
65. Elena Lourie makes no mention of his role in the king’s household.
66. Lourie, “A Jewish Mercenary,” 370.
67. Lourie, “A Jewish Mercenary,” 369: “The presence of a Jew among the jenets would merely emphasize the potentially inter-denominational character of jenet bands.”
68. I have presented and edited below all the documents related to Abrahim, including a handful not cited by Lourie. All transcriptions are my own. ACA, R. 80, fol. 8r (12 July 1289): “Baiulo et iusticie Xative. In[t]elleximus quod occasione cuiusdam litere a nobis optente per Abrafim el genet, iudeum nostrum, in quam mandabamus vobis quod empararetis mille solidos Regalium quos Abrafim de Dertusia et Coffen, iudeum Xative, tenent in rem[..]dam de Açmeli, Iudeo, qui est in Castella in deservicio nostro et lucrum quod cum eis fecerant et nisi per totum mensem Iunii proxime transactum ille Açmeli venisset hostensurus iustam causam propter quam dicti denarii sibi non debent emparari, compelleretis dictos Abrafim et Co[ffen] [. . .] eorum ad tradendum vobis loco nostri predictos mille solidos et lucrum quod inde fecerunt cum eis. Unde cum constet nobis quod dictos mille solidos [re]galium quos dicti Abrafim et Coffen tenent et lucrum quod fecerant cum eisdem . . . Mahry joculatorii nostri et non sit intencionis nostre quod aliquid emparetis v[el] accipiatis de bonis dicti Mahry licet [sic] sit in Castella. Mandamus vobis quatenus visis presentibus desemparetis ei\s/dem Abrafim et Coffen predictos mille solidos et lucrum predictum et absolvatis eisdem et fideiusso[res] per eos vobis datos pro C morabatinis racione predicta ab ipsis Abrafim et [. . . . . .] restituatis eisdem pignora si qua habuistis ut recepistis [racione] predicta ab ipsis Abrafim et Coffen vel eorum fideiusoribus seu aliquo eorum. . . . IIII idus Iulii anno domini MCCLXXX nono.” ACA, R. 80, fol. 70v (18 Oct. 1289), as cited without edition in Lourie, “Jewish Mercenary,” 369n10: “Iusticie Xative. Cum nos concessimus Abrahimo el Jenet illos mille solidos quos Abrahim de Tortosa et Coffen, Iudei Xative, tenebant ad usururas [sic] pro Mealuchç Alhavi, jucolatore, et intelleximus quod dicti Iudei in frauderi dicti Abrafim et contra mandatum quod nos fecimus in predictis dictos mille solidos dederunt et solverunt cuidam fratri dicti Mealuchç. Vobis dicimus et mandamus vobis quatenus si vobis constiterit ita esse compellatis dictos Iudeos ad solvendum dictos denarios Abrafimo supradicto cum ipsos concessimus sibi pro uno equo. Datum in Monte Sono, XV kalendas Novembris.” ACA, R. 81, fol. 10r (3 Jan. 1290), as cited without edition in Lourie, “Jewish Mercenary,” 368n7: “. . . iuratis Valencie. Scire vos credimus quod licet Iudei Barchinone et Valencie habeant privilegium ferendi capas quod illi Iudei Barchinone qui sunt de domo nostra non sunt astricti propter dictum privilegium ad ferendum capam. Quare vobis dicimus et mandamus quatenus . . . Abrafimum Abenamies qui de domo nostra est et Abrafimum el Jenet de dicta domo nostra non compellatis aliquatenus ferendum aliquam capam racione pri[vile]gii supradicti. Datum ut supra.” ACA, R. 81, fol. 226r (6 Dec. 1290), as cited without edition in Lourie, “Jewish Mercenary,” 369n11: “Iusticie et baiulo Valencie. Quod compellant omnes illos, tam Christianos, Judeos quam Sarracenos, qui debeant aliquid Abrafi[m]o el jenet, tam cum carta quam sine cart[a], ad solvendum illud sibi vel ad faciendum et cetera. Datum Barchinone VIII idus Decembris.” ACA, R. 82, fol. 3v (8 Jan. 1290): “[Raimundo Scorne] quod s[olva]t Abrafimo el Jenet illis quod invenerit eidem deberi et factum [et cetera]. Datum ut supra.” ACA, R. 82, fol. 164v (8 Sep. 1290), as cited without edition in Lourie, “Jewish Mercenary,” 368n8: “Arnaldo de Bastida. Quod cum Raimundus Colrati solvere \de/ suo proprio et Sahit, Jahis, Ju[c]ef[o], et M[.]zoto [..] Jucefo, Mançor, Sahit Abenali, Abrahame el Jenet, Abdella, Asma Alca[r]ax, Mu[ça] Almutayre, Mahometo Alca[....], Daveto, Mahometo Abenjabar, A[.]ç[.] Gua[...], et Sahit et Asmeto Arami, janetis de //domino// domo domini Regis, octo mille cen . . . . . . ginta solidos regalium qui debebantur eisdem janetis pro quitacionibus eorum [..] cautis . . . albaranis dicti Arnaldi et etiam cum albaranis Arnaldi Eymerici, scriptoris portionis. Quod solvat dicto Raimundo dicti VIII mile CLXX[X] solidos Guillelmo facta solucione et cetera. Datum VI idus Septembris.” ACA, RP, MR, 774, fols. 62v–63r (ca. 1293): “Abrafim juheu el genet deu queli atorech en d’Almau Sunerii en XXVI cartes del seu compte—XXX solidi, VI denarios Barchinones.”
69. The king was willing to accept a substitute saddle if the abovementioned was not available. ACA, R. 71, fol. 24v (5 Mar. 1287): “Dilecto scutifero suo, Petro Eximini de Ayerbe. Mandamus vobis quatenus incontenenti visis presentibus ematis roncinum de pilo bagio qui est de Abutçeyt Asseyt, janeto nostro, et tres frono[s] palafredi cum de pulcroribus quos inveneritis ad emendum et faciatis fieri duo pena vel tria de pulcris calcaribus janetis, ematis etiam quosdam arçons pictos cum leon[i]bus inseritis in eis [q]uos tenet Sarracenus Marchelli Pictoris et [si dicta] sella perfacta fuerit similer ematis eam [...] roncinum cum omnibus supradictis [et] cum ea emerit[is] [n]obis inc[on]tinenti mitatis ubicumque fuerimus et istud non differatis . . . nos [...] faciemus . . . vestram volunt[atem] in precio predictorum. [D]atum [Cui]tad[el]l[a] [. . . no]na[s] . . . .”
70. ACA, R. 90, fol. 79v (5 Oct. 1291): “Matheo de P[....] Dalbet. Que nos concessimus de gracia speciale Sancio de Antilione sellam nostram genetam et frenum jenetum ac etiam quemdam calcaram que vos pro nobis tenetis. Mandamus vobis quatenus sellam, frenum, et calcaram predictam tradatis dicto Sancio vel cui volerit. Tribus traditis presentem recuperis cum apocha de soluti. Datum ut supra.” The Marīnid king also delivered several jenet bridles to Jaume II (ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 163, extra series, no. 1934). In 1309, the ambassador Pere Boyl also brought several gifts back from the Marīnid sultan, including five Berber horses, five jenet saddles, five jenet bridles(?), five silver jenet swords with fine leather grips, and one large, round tent. ACA, RP, MR, 624, fols. 111r–112r: “V cavalls [B]arbareschs ab V celles genetes e V genets, e V espaes genetes guarnides dargent ab correges de ceda e I gran tenda redona obrada.”
71. ACA, R. 67, fol. 97v (21 Mar. 1286). For more on the context for this document, see Fancy, “The Intimacy of Exception,” 74.
72. On the juegos de caña, see J. R. Juliá Viñamata, “Jocs de guerra i jocs de lleure a la Barcelona de la baixa edat mitjana,” Revista d’etnologia de Catalunya 1 (1992): 10–23; idem, “Las manifestaciones lúdico-deportivas de los barceloneses en la Baja Edad Media,” in Espai i temps d’oci a la Història. Actes de les XI jornades d’estudis històrics locals, ed. Maria Barceló Crespí and Bernat Sureda García, 629–42; and Fuchs, Exotic Nation, 89–108. On the festivals, see Marlene Albert-Llorca and José Antonio González Alcantud, Moros y cristianos: representations del otro en las fiestas del Mediterraneo occidental; and Teofilo F. Ruiz, “Elite and Popular Culture in Late Fifteenth-Century Castilian Festivals: The Case of Jaén,” in City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe, eds. Barbara Hanawalt and Kathryn Reyerson, 296–381.
73. ACA, R. 82, fol. 163v (23 Aug. 1290): “Eidem [Arnaldo de Bastida] quod [det] Gayleno, janeto nostro, quinquaginta solidos regalium pro eando vulnere [quod] nuper sibi fecerunt quando ludebat ad genetiam.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 289. Mahomet Abenadilil was also compensated for a horse lost in a similar match. ACA, R. 82, fol. 66v (6 Sep. 1290): “Eidem fuit scriptum [al]iud albaranum quod solvit nobili [Ma]hometo Abnadalyl pro quitacione sua et familie s[u]e quae cum eo venerunt de Granata pro mense Augusti preterito DXXXVI duplas mirias. Item pro quitacione Sarracenorum peditum pro dicto mense et pro esmend[i] unius equi qui fuit interfectus in rambla Valencie super ludo janethie XXXII duplas et med[ia]m mirias. Datum ut supra.”
74. ACA, R. 688, fol. 18v (2 Aug. 1356): “. . . quibusdam militibus sarracenis qui pro prostando nobis servicio in auxilium quod dudum Illustri Regi Francie mitere intendebamus de partibus Granate fecimus procurare. . . .” See also Boswell, Royal Treasure, 186–87.
75. Georg Simmel, “Adornment,” in The Sociology of Georg Simmel, ed. K. H. Wolff, 341, as cited in Webb Keane, “The Hazards of New Clothes: What Signs Make Possible,” in The Art of Clothing: A Pacific Experience, ed. Susanne Küchler and Graeme Were, 12.
76. ACA, R. 19, fol. 48v; ACA, R. 65, fol. 112r; ACA, R. 252, fol. 34v; and ACA, R. 334, fol. 63r–v.
77. ACA, R. 82, fol. 91r (21 Dec. 1290): “Raimundo de Rivo Sicco quod tradat Mahometo Abenadalillo austurchonem suum et dominus Rex satisfac[iat] sibi in precio. Datum XII kalendas Ianuarii.” ACA, R. 90, fol. 22v (2 Sep. 1291): “Andree Eymerici, falchonario et cetera, mandamus vobis quatenus de falchonibus nostris novis quos tenetis in Valencie, tradatis Mahometo Abenadalill nuncio illustris regis Granate quatuor falchones quos sibi de gracia duximus concedendos. Datum ut supra.”
78. ACA, R. 52, fol. 83v (26 Dec. 1284): “Raimundo de Rivo Sicco, quod det Muçe et Çahit, jenetis, mantell[um] et totum de Biffa de Pa[ri]s et cum pennis et tunicam et caligas de panno coloris [quatenu]s solvat dicto Çahit qui sibi restant ad solvendum de quitacione sua usque ad ultimam diem mensis Octobris preteriti anni presentis LXX VII solidos, VI denarios Iaccenses. Item dicto Çahit et Muçe pro quitacione usque ad ultimam diem presentis mensis Decembris CLXXXI solidos, VI denarios. Datum in Turole, VII kalendas Ianuarii.”
79. ACA, R. 58, fol. 22r (4 May 1285): “. . . unam aliubam et tunicam panni coloris et calligas presseti vermillii . . . aliubam et tunicam exalonis et calligas panni coloris . . . aliubam et tunicam de bifa plana et calligas Narbon[ensis] . . . ,” full citation at chapter 2 n95, above. Presset (var. perset, preset, precet) was a colored cloth, imported from the Levant. See also ARV, Protocolos, 11178, fol. 48r (24 Dec. 1295), for details on prices of cloth from Paris, Narbonne, and Jálon; and ARV, Protocolos, 2631, fol. 67v (1295), a Jewish merchant of French cloth; ARV, Protocolos, 11179, fol. 15v (1298), a shop in Valencia that sells “French” cloth.
80. ACA, R. 71, fol. 50r (8 May 1287): “Item eidem Petro quod solutis et cetera, det Çeyt Abdela, jeneto, sex coudes panni coloris et pro tribus suis sociis XVIII coudes de bifa de Sancto Dianisio de colore, quas eis dare debemus cum albarano Iacobi Fivelleri directo Muçe de Portella quod nos recuperavimus. Item uxori sue quatuor coudes de panno coloris quos ei pro vestibus damus prout in albarano Iacobi directo Muçe de Portella quod nos recuperavimus continetur. Et cum eis dederitis et cetera. Datum ut supra.” See Alcover, Diccionari català-valencià-balear, s.v. “colze.” ACA, R. 71, fol. 50v (9 May 1287): “Petro Pelegrini. . . . Item debeantur dicto Çeyt de Picaçen sex cubita de bifa de Paris et tria cubita minus quarta de panno coloris et unam penam et mediam nigram prout hec omnia in litera per nos directa Arnaldo de Bastida quam nos recuperavimus continetur. Dicimus vobis et mandamus quatenus solutis et cetera, solvatis dictis jenetis quantitates predictas et vestes et facta et cetera. Datum apud Castilionem Campi de Burriana, septimo idus Maii.” ACA, R. 72, fols. 38v–39r (3 May 1288): “Arnaldo de Bastida. . . . Item debeamus [Ç]ayt de Pitaçen predicto sex cubitos de bifa de Paris et tres cubitos minus quarta de panno coloris et unam [p]enam et mediam nigram cum albarano Iacobi Fivellerii directo Muçe de Portella quod recuperavimus. Mandamus vobis quatenus omnes predictas quantitates et vestes solvatis predictis Maymono et Çayt vel cui voluerint loco sui, et facta et cetera. Datum [Va]lencie V nonas Maii.” ACA, RP, MR, 263, fol. 145r (1299): “Item donam per manament del Senyor rey an Muça Almentauri, janet, vestir IIII canes e miga de biffa plana de paris a DXX solidos de XX solidos la cana e monta XC solidos item XVIII solidos per I pena e miga negra. Item VII solidos per calses. E axo monta per tot. CXV solidos Barchinone.” A cana was approximately 160 centimeters. ACA, RP, MR, 620, fol. 69r (16 June 1304): “. . . Item mostrans dos albarans de vestir dels dits jenets de VI canas de biffa de paris per dues jubes. . . .” ACA, RP, MR, 620, fol. 107r (15 June 1305): “. . . An Arnau Sabastida de part den Arnau Almerich que dedes a Muça Mufarrax Asxaar tres canas de biffa de paris por una juba. . . .”
81. Marcel Mauss, Essai sur le don: Forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques; and Georges Bataille, La part maudite, precédé de la notion de dépense.
82. ACA, R 334, fols. 63v–64r (21 May 1302): “. . . el Senyor Rey de Aragon lembia dos falchones grifalles e dos falchones grueros e un falchonero del Rey . . .”; and ACA, R 334, fol. 64v (21 May 1302). For the Islamic context, see EI2, s.v. “bayzara.” See also Louis Mercier, La Chasse et les sports chez les Arabes, esp. 81–106, and extensive bibliography. In contrast to medieval Europe, falconry was not solely an elite diversion in the Islamic world. See also Tapia y Salcedo, Exercicios de la gineta, 111, who connects falconing and the skill of riding a la jineta: “De los exercicios mas generosos de la Gineta es la Cetreria ò Volaterio; para el qual (ademas de tantos preceptos como se necessita) es menester gran diversidad de Pajaros de partes muy remotas”; and Juan Manuel, El libro de la caza, ed. G. Baist.
83. Rachel Arié, El reino Naṣrí de Granada, 1232–1492, 231, as cited by Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 288n115. See also José Angel García de Cortázar y Ruiz de Aguirre, “Las necesidades ineludibles: alimentación, vestido, vivienda,” in La época del gótico en la cultura española, ed. José Angel García de Cortázar y Ruiz de Aguirre, 41.
84. See EI2, s.v. “marāsim” and “tashrīfāt.”
85. An argument made, for instance, in Marc Bloch, The Royal Touch: Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in England and France; and Clifford Geertz, Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth-Century Bali.
86. Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 298: “Ideology or religion was no absolute obstacle to participation”; idem, Muslims, Christians, and Jews in the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: Societies in Symbiosis, 15: “Military action, quite apart from Muslim-Christian hostilities, provided a friendly contact”; idem, “Renegades, Adventurers and Sharp Businessmen: The Thirteenth-Century Spaniard in the Cause of Islam,” Catholic Historical Review 58, no. 3 (1972): 341–66, esp. 341–42; Lourie, “A Jewish Mercenary,” 368: “If the cultural heterogeneity, the frontier conditions and the combination of geo-political rivalries with religious warfare facilitated the employment of Muslim mercenaries by Christian princes (and vice versa), in spite of that self-conscious confrontation of Christianity with Islam which was one enduring aspect of the Reconquest, then uprooted, outcast, or merely adventurous Jews can scarcely have found the ‘ideological’ conditions uncongenial to the offering of their swords for sale in medieval Spain”; Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 38: “When all was said and done, the search for wealth, status and power, the chief motors of aristocratic behaviour down the ages, was always likely to take precendence over religious or ideological considerations”; Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 286–87: “Indeed, the higher one climbed in noble circles, the rarer the air of confessional identity seems to have become”; ibid., 302: “Neither Abenadalill’s culture nor his religion presented a serious impediment for a certain integration in the Aragonese court, and the privileges which he was accorded and the esteem with which he was treated may even indicate a certain affection on the part of the king for his Muslim vassal”; Echevarría Arsuaga, Caballeros en la frontera, 86: “El ámbito militar se mostró especialmente receptivo a este tipo de mutaciones, probablemente porque contaba más el valor del enemigo que su religión, y porque el converso era incorporado inmediatamente a filas sin modificar su categoría dentro el ejército, ni en la sociedad, ya que se le consideraba protegido por el monarca”; and García Sanjúan, “Mercenarios cristianos,” 443–46.
87. ACA, R. 85, fol. 113v (15 Mar. 1290), as cited above and discussed in detail beginning at chapter 5 n63, below.
88. For instance, ACA, R. 233, fol. 18r (25 Mar. 1304).
89. See chapter 5 for more detail on the interactions between jenets and Christian villagers.
90. Cf. Burns, “Royal Pardons in the Realms of Aragon.”
91. This privilege evolved over time into a right, which is to say that the jenets expected it. See ACA, R. 39, fol. 182v (6 Apr. 1277), and ACA, R. 57, fol. 143r (4 July 1285), where this privilege is granted temporarily. Cf. ACA, R. 81, fol. 84r (19 Apr. 1290), and ACA, R. 252, fol. 189r (1298?), where the privilege is spoken of as an unrestricted right.
92. See ACA, R. 81, fol. 215r (25 Nov. 1290), and ACA, R. 81, fol. 234v (17 Dec. 1290), both discussed in detail in chapter 5.
93. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 191; al-Maqqarī, Nafḥ al-ṭīb, VII: 7 and IX: 54; and Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 240.
94. See also Teofilo Ruiz, “Festivés, colours, et symbols du pouvoir en Castille au XVe siècle,” Annales 3 (1991): 521–46; Diane Owen Hughes, “Sumptuary Law and Social Relations in Renaissance Italy,” in Disputes and Settlements: Law and Human Relations in the West, ed. John Bossy, 69–99; and Ann Rosalind Jones and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Money. See also C. A. Bayly, “The Origins of Swadeshi (Home Industry): Cloth and Indian Society” in The Social Life of Things, ed. Arjun Appadurai, 285–322, with thanks to Jane Lynch for bringing these last two references to my attention.
95. Brian A. Catlos, The Victors and the Vanquished: Christians and Muslims of Catalonia and Aragon, 1050–1300, 300–302; Ferrer i Mallol, Els sarraïns, 41ff; Boswell, Royal Treasure, 330ff; Teresa María Vinyoles i Vidal, La vida quotidiana a Barcelona vers 1400, 125; and Franciso Roca Traver, “Un siglo de vida Mudéjar en la Valencia medieval (1238–1338),” Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragón V (1952): 115–208, esp. 146, 160.
96. See also Thomas R. Trautmann, Dravidian Kinship, 279: “. . . a soteriology, not a sociology of reciprocity”; and Jonathan Parry, “The Gift, the Indian Gift, and the ‘Indian Gift,’” Man 21, no. 3 (1986): 453–73, esp. 462, 467.
97. See Libre de les costums generals scrites de la insigne ciutat de Tortosa, ed. Josep Foguet Marsal, Ramon Foguet, and Joan J. Permanyer i Ayats, 85 (I.ix:4): “Los sarrayns deuen portar los cabells tolts en redon; e deuen portar barba larga. E dels cabells nos deuen tolre a vs ne a costum de crestia. E la sobirana vestedura lur deu esser aljuba o almeixa.” Cf. Boswell, Royal Treasure, 331–32, who cites two documents from the chancery registers that reiterate the requirements regarding hair. Cf. “Corts de Lleida” (1301) in Cortes de los antiguos reinos de Aragón y de Valencia y de principado de Cataluña, I: 190; and “Corts de Zaragoza” (1301) in Fueros y observancias del Reyno de Aragón, fols. 10v–11r, as cited in Ferrer i Mallol, Els sarraïns, 43n11. See also H. J. Schroeder, Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils: Text, Translation and Commentary, 236–96, canon 68.
98. David Nirenberg, “Conversion, Sex, and Segregation: Jews and Christians in Medieval Spain,” American Historical Review 107, no. 4 (2002): 1065–93.
99. Alcover, Diccionari català-valencià-balear, s.v. “aljuba” and “almeixia.” Reinhart Pieter Anne Dozy, Dictionnaire détaillé de noms de vêtements chez les Arabes, s.v. “jubba” and “maḥshiya.” See also Gonzalo Menéndez-Pidal and Carmen Bernis Madrazo, “Las Cantigas: la vida en el s. XIII según la representación iconográfica. (II) Traje, Aderezo, Afeites,” Cuadernos de la Alhambra 15–17 (1979–81): 89–154; Rachel Arié, “Quelques remarques sur le costume des Musulmans d’Espagne au temps de Naṣrides,” Arabica 12, no. 3 (1965): 244–64, esp. 247. Libre de les costums generals scrites de la insigne ciutat de Tortosa, I:IX:3: “E no deu esser listada, ne vert, ne vermella.”
100. See a letter from King Jaume II forbidding Christians from wearing the aljuba in Joaquín Lorenzo Villanueva, Viage literario a las iglesias de España, XVI: 231, as cited in Boswell, Royal Treasure, 332n10.
101. Boswell, Royal Treasure, 45, 331–32. See also ARV, Justicia de Valencia, 1bis, fol. 50r (1280), an arrest for wearing a wool cape of “moltes et diversis” colors.
102. Boswell, The Royal Treasure, 37, 45, 51, 331–32; Catlos, Victors and the Vanquished, 301.
103. ACA, R. 81, fol. 10r (3 Jan. 1290): “. . . iuratis Valencie. Scire vos credimus quod licet iudei Barchinone et Valencie habeant privilegium ferendi capas quod illi Iudei Barchinone qui sunt de domo nostra non sunt astricti propter dictum privilegium ad ferendum capam. Quare vobis dicimus et mandamus quatenus . . . Abrafimum Abenamies qui de domo nostra est et Abrafimum el Jenet de dicto doma nostra non compellatis aliquatenus ferendum aliquam capam racione pri[vile]gii supradicti. . . .” See also n68, above.
104. John D. Caputo, “Without Sovereignty, Without Being: Unconditionally, the Coming God and Derrida’s Democracy to Come,” Journal of Cultural and Religious Theory 4, no. 3 (2003): 12, commenting on Jacques Derrida, Voyous, 155.
105. Echevarría Arsuaga, Caballeros en la frontera, esp. chap. 3.
106. On the cultural turn in medieval studies, see Paul Freedman and Gabrielle Spiegel, “Medievalisms Old and New: The Rediscovery of Alterity in North American Medieval Studies.” American Historical Review 103, no. 3 (1998): 677–704; Paul Freedman, “The Medieval Other: The Middle Ages as Other,” in Marvels, Monsters, and Miracles: Studies in the Medieval and Early Modern Imaginations, ed. Timothy S. Jones and David A. Sprunger, 1–26; Caroline Walker Bynum, “Why All the Fuss about the Body? A Medievalist’s Perspective,” Critical Inquiry 22 (1995): 1–33; and Lee Patterson, “On the Margin: Postmodernism, Ironic History, and Medieval Studies,” Speculum 65, no. 1 (1990): 87–108.
107. Particularly influential is Clifford Geertz, “Religion as a Cultural System” (1966) in The Interpretation of Cultures, esp. 90. See the epilogue for a fuller discussion of Geertz.
108. With Iberian studies, see Thomas F. Glick and Oriol Pi-Sunyer, “Acculturation as an Explanatory Concept in Spanish History,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 11, no. 2 (1969): 136–54; and Thomas F. Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages: Comparative Perspectives on Social and Cultural Formation. Glick and Pi-Sunyer, “Acculturation,” 138: “The whole process of national formation has hitherto been discussed in the absence of a scientifically valid theory of cultural relations. This failure to come to grips with the cultural determinants of national identity has landed the historiographic polemic in a morass of confusion and guaranteed that it shall remain there, appeals to philosophers and historical experts notwithstanding.” See also Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages, xviii: “In general, viewed from the comparative perspective that motivates this volume, the study of medieval Spain, of the conflict between two opposing and radically different cultural and social blocs, has suffered from an inadequate theory of culture or, from the incomplete conjunction of cultural and social theory.”
109. Borrowing a phrase from Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity, 13: “Plainly, some solid and seemingly unmovable cultural furniture has piled up somewhere in that capacious lumber room, the back of our mind.”
110. Justice, “Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?”
111. Michael Taussig’s notion of a “public secret” highlights this same tension. See his Defacement: Public Secrecy and the Labor of the Negative.
112. Justice, “Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?”; Asad, Genealogies of Religion; and Gregory, “The Other Confessional History.”
113. Lourie, “A Jewish Mercenary,” 368; Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 38; Catlos, “Muhammad Abenadalill,” 279, 302; Echevarría Arsuaga, Caballeros en la frontera, 86; García Sanjúan, “Mercenarios cristianos,” 443–46; and Burns, “Renegades, Adventurers, and Sharp Businessmen,” 341–42.
114. Wieruszowski, “La Corte di Pietro,” 196.
115. See chapter 4.
116. Kenneth Pennington, The Prince and the Law, 76–118; Jean Bethke Elshtain, Sovereignty: God, State, and Self; Walter Ullmann, “The Development of the Medieval Idea of Sovereignty”; and Gaines Post, “Roman Law and Early Representation in Spain and Italy, 1150–1250.”
117. Strayer, “The Laicization of French and English Society,” 76. See the epilogue for a fuller discussion of Kantorowicz.
118. Justinian, Digest in Corpus iuris civilis, 1.2.6: “Quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem”; Justinian, Digest, 1.3.31(30): “Princeps legibus solutus est; Augusta autem licet legibus soluta non est, principes tamen eadem illi privilegia tribuunt, quae ipsi habent.” Pennington, The Prince and the Law, 82; Elshtain, Sovereignty, 32; and Ewart Lewis, “King Above Law? ‘Quod Principi Placuit’ in Bracton,” Speculum 39, no. 2 (1964): 240–69.
119. Brian Tierney, “‘The Prince Is Not Bound by the Laws’: Accursius and the Origins of the Modern State,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 5 (1963): 389–400.
120. On historiography, see Tierney, “‘The Prince Is Not Bound by the Laws,’” 379–82. See also Brian Tierney, “Bracton on Government,” Speculum 38 (1963): 295–317; John Austin, The Province of Jurisprudence Determined, ed. Wilfred E. Rumble; Hans Kelsen, Pure Theory of Law, trans. M. Knight; and idem, General Theory of Law and the State, trans. A. Wedberg.
121. Tierney, “‘The Prince Is Not Bound by the Laws,’” 387–94.
122. Justinian, Code in Corpus iuris civilis, 1.14.4: “Digna vox maiestate regnantis legibus alligatum se principem profiteri”; Justinian, Digest, 1.3.2: “Quia omnis lex inventum ac munus deorum est”; Justinian, Institutes in Corpus iuris civilis, 2.17.18; Accursius’s gloss of Justinian, Institutes in Corpus iuris civilis, 1.2.6.
123. Tierney, “‘The Prince Is Not Bound by the Laws,’” 388, 394.
124. See, for instance, Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies, 207: “The noble concept of the corpus mysticum, after having lost much of its transcendental meaning and having been politicized and, in many respects, secularized by the Church itself, easily fell prey to the world of thought of statesmen, jurists, and scholars who were developing new ideologies for the nascent territorial and secular state.”
125. William J. Courtenay, “The Dialectic of Omnipotence in the High and Late Middle Ages,” in Divine Omniscience and Omnipotence in Medieval Philosophy: Islamic, Jewish and Christian Perspectives, ed. Tamar Rudavsky, esp. 243–56; Pennington, The Prince and the Law, 106–11.
126. Jürgen Miethke, “The Concept of Liberty in William of Ockham,” Collection de l’École française de Rome 147 (1991): 93; Pennington, The Prince and the Law, 85, 108; Elshtain, Sovereignty: God, State, and Self, 25–27, 36–39; William J. Courtenay, Capacity and Volition: A History of the Distinction of Absolute and Ordained Power, 118; and idem, “The Dialectic of Omnipotence,” 243: “terrifying potential of arbitrary divine intervention.”
127. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies, 151ff; Ullmann, “The Development of the Medieval Idea of Sovereignty”; and Lewis, “King Above Law?” 243. On Frederick’s self-coronation, see Kantorowicz, Kaiser Freidrich der Zweite, 184–86; and Hans Eberhard Mayer, “Das Pontifikale von Tyrus und die Krönung der lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Forschung über Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 21 (1967): 141–232. Cf. Albert Brackmann, “Nachwort,” Historische Zeitschrift 141 (1930): 472–78.
128. Cf. Francis Oakley, “Jacobean Political Theology: The Absolute and Ordinary Powers of the King,” Journal of the History of Ideas 29 (1968): 323–46.
129. Cf. Carl Schmitt, Political Theology, 36: “All significant concepts of the modern theory of the state are secularized theological concepts.”
130. Aquilino Iglesia Ferreirós, “La difusión del derecho común en Cataluña,” in El dret comú i Catalunya, ed. Aquilino Iglesia Ferreirós, 95 ff.
131. José María Font y Rius, “La recepción del derecho romano en la Península Ibérica durante la Edad Media,” Recueil des mémoires et travaux publiés par la Société d’Histoire du Droit et des Institutions des Anciens Pays de Droit Écrit 6 (1967): 88; Eduardo Hinojosa, “La admisión del derecho romano en Cataluña,” Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 37 (1910): 213; and Joaquín Miret y Sans, “Escolars catalans al estudi de Bolonia en la XIIIe centuria,” Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 8 (1915–16): 137–55.
132. See, for instance, Costumbres de Lérida, ed. Pilar Loscertales de Valdeavellano, 169 [compiled 1228], “De legibus romanis”; the Customs of Perpignan (1267) in Guillermo María de Brocà, Historia del derecho de Cataluña, especialmente del civil y exposición de las instituciones del derecho civil del mismo territorio en relación con el Código civil de España y la jurisprudencia, 196, which replaced customary and Gothic law with Roman law; or usatge 69, “Item statuerunt,” in Usatges de Barcelona, ed. Joan Bastardas, which includes the principle “quod principi placuit.”
133. CYADC, II: 1.10.1 and I: 2.4.1.
134. J. Lee Shneidman, “Political Theory and Reality in Thirteenth Century Aragon,” Hispania: Revista española de historia 22 (1962): 176. Roman law was applied and resisted in other contexts. See, for instance, the struggle between bishops and townsmen in Paul H. Freedman, “An Unsuccessful Attempt at Urban Organization in Twelfth-Century Catalonia,” Speculum 54, no. 3 (1979): 479–91.
135. Font y Rius, “La recepción del derecho Romano,” 97.
136. CYADC, II: 2.3.1 (1243): “No sie admes en alguna Cort lo Advocat, que allegara algunas leys, pus las Consuetuts, e Vsatges complescan, e abunden,” as cited in Aquilino Iglesia Ferreirós, La creación del derecho: antología de textos, 147. I thank Max Turull for his guidance on questions of Roman law.
137. “Corts de Barcelona,” in CYADC, III: 1.8.1 (1251): “Item statuimus consilio predictorum quod leges Romane vel Gothice, decreta vel decretales, in causis secularibus non recipiantur, admittantur, indicentur, vel allegentur, nec aliquis legista audeat in foro seculari advocare nisi in causa propria; ita quod in dicta causa non allegentur leges vel jura predicta, sed fiant in omni causa seculari allegationes secundum Usaticos Barchinone, et secundum approbatas constitutiones illius loci ubi causa agitabitur, et in eorum defectu procedatur secundum sensum naturalem. Ne iudices admittant Advocatos legistas. Iudices etiam in causis secularibus non admittant Advocatos legistas, sicut superius dictum est,” as cited in Iglesia Ferreirós, La creación del derecho, 147–48.
138. Francesc Eiximenis, Regiment de la cosa publica, 69, as cited in Nicholas Round, The Greatest Man Uncrowned: A Study of the Fall of Don Alvaro de Luna, 121.
139. Burns, “Warrior Neighbors.”
140. Jaume Aurell and Marta Serrano-Coll, “The Self-Coronation of Peter the Ceremonious (1336): Historical, Liturgical, and Iconographical Representations,” Speculum 89, no. 1 (2013): 66–95; Antonio Durán Gudiol, “El rito de la coronación del rey en Aragón,” Argensola: revista de ciencias sociales del Instituto de Estudios Altoaragoneses 103 (1989): 17–40.
141. Boswell, The Royal Treasure; and Yom Tov Assis, The Golden Age of Aragonese Jewry: Community and Society in the Crown of Aragon, 1213–1327, esp. 9.
142. David Abulafia, “The Servitude of Jews and Muslims in the Medieval Mediterranean: Origins and Diffusion,” Mélanges de l’école française de Rome. Moyen Âge 112 (2000): 691.
143. Fancy, “The Intimacy of Exception”; David Romano, Judíos al servicio de Pedro el Grande de Aragón (1276–1285); J. Lee Shneidman, “Jews as Royal Bailiffs in Thirteenth Century Aragon,” Historia Judaica 19 (1957): 55–66; and idem, “Jews in the Royal Administration.”
144. Assis, The Golden Age of Aragonese Jewry, 9–10: “The Jews’ position during this period was far from that of serfs, even royal serfs.”
145. Abulafia, “The Servitude of Jews and Muslims,” 693–96.
146. Abulafia, “The Servitude of Jews and Muslims,” 704: “To enthusiastic readers of Roman law texts, . . . it was all too easy to assimilate the concept of servus to that of slave in Roman law texts, a figure who was indeed possessed by his master”; and idem, “Monarchs and Minorities in the Christian Western Mediterranean Around 1300: Lucera and Its Analogues,” in Christendom and Its Discontents: Exclusion, Persecution, and Rebellion, 1000–1500, ed. Scott L. Waugh and Peter Diehl, 260.
147. See Mark D. Meyerson, “Slavery and the Social Order: Mudejars and Christians in the Kingdom of Valencia,” Medieval Encounters 1, no. 1 (1995): 149: “There is perhaps no clearer indication of the Mudejars’ status as politically subjugated and socially inferior people than the ease with which they could pass from a state of freedom to one of servitude.”
148. Shneidman, “Jews as Royal Bailiffs,” 66; David Romano, “Los funcionarios judíos de Pedro el Grande de Aragón,” Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 33 (1969): 8n18; and Meyerson, “Slavery and the Social Order,” 146.
149. Luis González Antón, Las Uniones aragoneses y las Cortes del reino, 1283–1301; C. Laliena Corbera, “La adhesión de las ciudades a la Unión: poder real y conflictividad social en Aragón a fines del XIII,” Aragón en la Edad Media 8 (1989): 319–413; and Donald Kagay, “Rebellion on Trial: The Aragonese Unión and its Uneasy Connection to Royal Law, 1265–1301,” Journal of Legal History 18 (1997): 30–43.
150. Fueros y observancias del Reyno de Aragón, fols. 7c–9c, as cited in Shneidman, “Political Theory,” 184.
151. ACA, R. 47, fol. 52r: “Item demandan los rico homes et todos los otro sobredichos que en los regnos d’Aragon e de Valencia, ni en Ribagorça ni en Teruel, que no aya bayle que jodia sea.”
152. ACA, R. 46, fol. 129r: “Item statuimus et ordinamus quod nullus judeus sit baiulus nec teneat baiuliam nec curiam nec sit etiam collector redditum in Valencia nec in alio loco regni, nec officium publicum teneat unde super christianum habeat jurisdictionem.” See also CYADC, II: 49 (Recognoverunt proceres): “Item concedimus capitulum quod aliquis judeus non possit uti jurisdictione vel districtu super christianos.”
153. Jaume II also adopted the strategy of naming new noblemen. See F. de Moxó Monotliu, “Jaume II y la nueva concesión de títulos nobiliarios en la España del siglo XIV,” Anales de la Universidad de Alicante: Historia medieval 9 (1992–1993): 133–43.
154. Romano, “Los funcionarios judíos,” 32.
155. ACA, R. 80, fol. 8r (12 July 1289): “. . . Abrafim el genet, iudeum nostrum.”
156. ACA, R. 74, fol. 5r (14 Oct. 1287); and ACA, R. 74, fol. 11r (23 Oct. 1287). See also Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 187; Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 295–96; and Bisson, The Medieval Crown of Aragon, 90.
157. ACA, R. 98, fol. 110v (15 May 1293): “Cum pro certo didiscerimus quod aliqui nobiles Aragonum noviter ad regem Granate suos nuncios transmiserint pro petendo et habendo auxilio ab eodem. Intellexerimus etiam alios nuncios ad dictum regum Granate misos fuisse per illustrem Alfonse, filium illustris dompni Ferrandi de Castellam, quod intellexerimus etiam quod nobilis Artaldus de Alagone nunc misit ad dictum regum maiordomum suum simul cum quodam Sarraceno janeto pro habenda ab eo aliqua janetorum comitiva pro inferendo nobis dampnum, et nos eorum tractatibus et conatibus intendamus et velimus resistere, sic quod non terre seu subditis nostris dampnum seu nocumentum aliquod inferre non possint.” See also ACA, R. 98, fols. 110v–111r (15 May 1293).
158. Henry David Thoreau, “Walden,” The Portable Thoreau, ed. Carl Bode, 278, with credit to Keane, “The Hazards of New Clothes,” 1.
Chapter Four
1. Parts of this chapter appeared in Hussein Fancy, “The Last Almohads: Universal Sovereignty Between North Africa and the Crown of Aragon,” Medieval Encounters 19, no. 1–2 (2013): 102–36, and “Monarchs and Minorities: ‘Infidel’ Soldiers in Mediterranean Courts,” in Globalization of Knowledge in The Post-Antique Mediterranean, 700–1500, ed. Sonja Brentjes and Jürgen Renn.
2. Brunschvig, Berbérie orientale, I: 53–54; Mas Latrie, Traités de paix, 158–89; Wieruszowski, “Conjuraciones,” 579; and Abulafia, “The Kingdom of Sicily,” 508.
3. See Gual de Torrella, “Milicias cristianas en Berbería,” 58; and Burns, “Renegades,” 350.
4. Brunschvig, Berbérie orientale, I: 76–78.
5. ACA, R. 40, fol. 95r (13 May 1278); Muntaner, Crònica, chap. 30; Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 240; Dufourcq, “Hafside,” 10; and Shneidman, “Sicilian Vespers,” 256–57.
6. ACA, R. 50, fol. 209v (1 Mar. 1283): Pere receives letters carried by “nunciorum filii Regis Tunicii.” See also Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 260, 270.
7. Brunschvig, Berbérie orientale, I: 96; E. Solal, “Au tournant de l’histoire méditerranéenne du Moyen Âge: L’Expédition de Pierre III d’Aragon à Collo (1282),” Revue Africaine 101 (1957): 247–71; and Mikel de Epalza, “Attitudes politiques de Tunis dans le conflit entre Aragonais et Français en Sicile autour de 1282,” in La società mediterranea all’epoca del Vespero, II: 579–601.
8. Muntaner, Crònica, chap. 117; and Brunschvig, Berbérie orientale, 93.
9. ACA, R. 48, fol. 27r; ACA, R. 47, fols. 81r–82v (June 1285); Mas Latrie, Traités de paix, 286ff; and Brunschvig, Berbérie orientale, I: 95–96.
10. ACA, R. 61, fol. 176r–v (22 Dec. 1286); ACA, R. 64, fols. 191r–192r (21 Apr. 1287). Pere de Deo had begun negotiations with Abū Yūsuf before his death in 1286 (ACA, R. 64, fol. 26). See also Ludwig Klüpfel, Die äussere Politik Alfonsos III von Aragonien (1285–1291), 167–71; Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 184; and Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 282. Cf. ACA, R. 64, fol. 150r (9 Jan. 1286).
11. ACA, R. 64, fol. 191r (21 Apr. 1287): “E con vendra al especificar de la valença que demanem valença de D cavalers janets a aquest estiu a messio et a despesa d’Abenjacob. E sil Senyor Rey navia mes obs que el los li trameta, el Senyor Rey fees lurs obs a aquels mes que mester auria. Item quel Senyor Rey li enviara en sa valença V galees armades ab sa messio. E si mester na mes de X tro en XV galees que les li prestara, et que les pusen fer armar ab la sua mesio de les gens del Senyor Rey. E si altre navili a mester dela terra del Sen[y]or Rey, quel puse[n] aver et armar a messio d’Abenjacob.”
12. ACA, R. 64, fol. 191r (21 Apr. 1287): “Item que Abenjacob li vayla contra tots los Christians del mon. El Senyor Rey a el contra tots los Sarrayns del mon”; and ACA, R, fol. 191v (21 Apr. 1289): “Item que Abenjacob ne nuyl hom dels seus no fassen neguna ajuda contral Senyor Rey [ne] nuyl hom [Sarray] ni alter. Nel Senyor Rey nels seus contra Abenjacob a nuyls hom Christian ne altre.”
13. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 356: “At the same time, Murghim b. Ṣābir b. ‘Askar, admiral of the Banū Dabbāb, was a captive. In the year 82 (1283–84), the Sicilian enemy captured him near Tripoli (Ṭarāblus) and sold him to some men from Barcelona. Consequently, the tyrant (al-ṭāghiya) [i.e., Alfons] purchased him.”
14. ACA, R. 64, fol. 191v (21 Apr. 1287): “Item que per rao dela valença quel Rey d’Arago faria o fer faria per lo Rey de Sicilia a Abenjacob en la conquesta de Tuniz, no peresquen enans sien salus a els los tributz, els altres dretz que en Tuniz per qualque manera.”
15. Although the jenets were broadly under the control of the Marīnids, one rarely sees the troops coming from Marīnid North Africa directly. Cf. ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 16 (5 Rabī‘ I, 723/14 Mar. 1323), in which the Marīnids offer the Aragonese Muslim troops.
16. ACA, R. 64, fols. 178r–179r (Apr. 1286). Full edition in Klüpfel, Die äussere, 171–73. For the broader context, see Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 321–23; and Zurita, Anales, II: 281. Christian and Muslim ambassadors from Tlemcen arrived at the Aragonese court in 1288. See ACA, R. 72, fol. 37v (7 Apr. 1288): “Nos Alfonsus et cetera, recognoscimus et confitemur, vobis fideli thesaurario nostro Arnaldo de Bastida quod de mandato nostro dedistis et solvis[tis] nunciis Regis Tirimce tam Christiano quam Sarraceno tam in expensis necesariis eisdem quam in naulio cuiusdam Berna[rdi] armate quam eisdem nauliavisti[s] septingentos triginta solidos Barchinonenses quod quidem denarios volumes vobis recepi in compotum. Datum Barchinone, VII idus Aprilis.”
17. Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 314–16, 472ff; and Desclot, Crónica, chaps. 5, 6, on the “Lord of Constantine.” An illegitimate son of Jaume II, Jaume d’Aragó, also rose to prominence in the fourteenth century.
18. ACA, R. 64, fol. 178r: “Primerament que pone su amor con el de seer amigos segunt que fue con su padre el Rey don Pedro et [con] su avuelo el Rey don Jayme.”
19. ACA, R. 64, fol. 178v: “Item que todos los Christianos que seran en la terra del Rey de Tirimçe de qualesquier condiciones o senyorias, que sean jutgados por fuero d’Aragon por aquel alcayt que el Rey don Alfonso ala enbiarra.”
20. For the last of these stipulations, see ACA, R. 64, fol. 178v: “Item que de por a un clerigo quel dicho alcayt hi levara soldado de cavallero.” Generally, on Christianity in North Africa in this period, see Henry Koehler, L’Église Chrétienne du Maroc et la mission franciscaine (1221–1790), and Atanasio López, Obispos en la Africa septentrional desde el siglo XIII.
21. Burns, “Renegades,” 354.
22. ACA, R. 64, fol. 179r: “Item promete el dicho Rey de Tirimçe de aiudir con su companya al dicho Rey d’Aragon cada que mester oviere su aiuda o por el serva amenestado.”
23. ACA, R. 64, fol. 192r–v (Mar. 1286). The document appears directly after the instructions for Pere de Deo, above. See also Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 282–84. We know that Conrad Lancia did in fact travel to Tunis on 2 Feb. 1287 (ACA, R 72, fol. 48v).
24. ACA, R. 64, fol. 192r: “Primerament que tots los Christians de sou de qual que lengua sien, sien deius l’alcayt del dit Rey d’Arago et que preguen sou per sa sua man et ques jutgen per ell.”
25. ACA, R. 64, fol. 192v: “Item quel alfondech del Rey d’Aragon aia aquellos franquees que avia en temps den Guillem de Moncada. . . . Item quel alfondech de Malorche sia del Rey d’Arago.”
26. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 356; anonymous, al-Dhakhīra al-saniyya, 134; al-Nuwayrī, al-Maghrib al-Islāmī fi’l-‘aṣr al-wasīṭ, ed. Muṣṭafā Abū Ḍayf Aḥmad, 451–52; and Ibn Simāk al-‘Āmilī, al-Ḥulal al-mawshiyya fī dhikr al-akhbār al-Marrākushiyya, ed. ‘Abd al-Qādir Būbāyah, 258–59. See also Huici Miranda, Historia política del imperio almohade, II: 572–73. According to the al-Ḥulal al-mawshiyya, 257, the nickname (kunya) came from the fact that “he was never separated from his mace (lā yufāriq al-dabbūs).”
27. See Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 179–80. Cf. anonymous, al-Dhakhīra al-saniyya, 26–29.
28. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 356. Cf. al-Nuwayrī, al-Maghrib al-Islāmī, 451–52. For more on the term nuzū‘, see Ana Fernández Félix and Maribel Fierro, “Cristianos y conversos al Islam en al-Andalus bajo los Omeyas: Una aproximación al proceso de islamización a través de una fuente legal andalusí del s. III/I,” Anejos de AEspA 23 (2000): 415–27, esp. 423, which understands the term as “defector.” See also Dozy, Supplément aux dictionnaires arabes, s.v. “naza‘a”; and Felipe Maíllo Salgado, “Contenido, uso e historia de termino ‘enaciado,’” Cahiers de linguistique hispanique medieval 8 (1983): 157–64. See ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 132 (14 September 1315/13 Jumāda II), for an example of al-mutanaṣṣir in the sense of impostor.
29. See Robert Ignatius Burns, “Príncipe almohade y converso mudéjar: nueva documentación sobre Abū Zayd,” Sharq Al-Andalus 4 (1987): 109–22; and his “Daughter of Abu Zayd, Last Almohad Ruler of Valencia: The Family and Christian Seignory of Alda Ferrandis 1236–1300,” Viator 24 (1993), 143–87. “Abuceyt,” governor of Valencia before its conquest by Jaume I, is decribed in the chancery registers as a “grandson of the Caliph (Aceydo Abuceyt nepoti regis Almomeleni).” See Colección diplomática de Jaime I, el Conquistador, ed. Ambrosio Huici Miranda, doc. 279. He was, in other words, one and the same man described by Ibn Khaldūn. After his conversion, he married Maria Ferrandis. Amongst the known Christian and Muslim sons and daughters of Abū Zayd were Alda Ferrandis, Fernándo Pérez, Sancho Ferrandis, Elisenda, Mahomat Abiceit, Ceyt Abohiara, Zeyt Edris, Azanay, Muça, Azmal, Aazón, and Francisco Pérez.
30. Lourie, “A Jewish Mercenary,” 370n15. Passing mention in Gazulla, “Las compañías de Zenetes” 180: “Pero como nada tiene que ver con las compañías de zenetes, habremos de dejarlo para otra ocasión”; Robert Ignatius Burns, “Christian-Islamic Confrontation in the West: The Thirteenth-Century Dream of Conversion,” American Historical Review 76 (1971): 1392; idem, “Príncipe almohade y converso Mudéjar,” 115; Huici Miranda, Historia musulmana de Valencia y su region, III: 223; and Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 291n127.
31. Ibn al-Khaṭīb, A‘māl al-a‘lām fī-man būyi‘a qabla al-iḥtilām min mulūk al-Islām wa-mā yata‘allaqu bi-dhālika min al-kalām, ed. Sayyid Kasrawī Ḥasan, II: 240; ACA, Perg., Jaume I, nos. 373, 480, and 678; Huici Miranda, Historia musulmana, III: 252–64; Roque Chabás, “Çeid Abu Çeid,” El archivo 5 (1891): 147–51; and Emilio Molina López, Ceyt Abu Ceyt: novedades y rectificaciones, 27.
32. AS, A. Est. 1, Leg. 2, Núm. 3, as cited in Chabás, “Çeid Abu Çeid,” 160ff. See also León Amorós Paya, “Los santos mártires franciscanos B. Juan de Perusa y B. Pedro de Saxoferrato en la historia de Teruel,” Teruel 15 (1956): 5–142.
33. Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 249ff.
34. Fierro, “The Last Almohad,” 175–76. See also Robert Brunschvig, “Sur la doctrine du mahdī Ibn Tūmart,” Arabica 2, no. 2 (1955): 137–49; Dominique Urvoy, “La Pensée d’Ibn Tumart,” Bulletin d’études orientales 27 (1974): 19–44; Vincent J. Cornell, “Understanding is the Mother of Ability: Responsibility and Action in the Doctrine of Ibn Tūmart,” Studia islamica 66 (1987): 71–103; and Madeleine Fletcher, “The Almohad Tawhid: Theology which Relies on Logic,” Numen 38, no. 1 (1991): 110–27.
35. Bennison, “Almohad Tawḥīd,” 196.
36. Bennison, “Almohad Tawḥīd,” esp. 206; and Maribel Fierro, “Conversion, Ancestry and Universal Religion: The Case of the Almohads in the Islamic West (Sixth/Twelfth–Seventh/Thirteenth Centuries),” Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 2, no. 2 (2010): 155–73, esp. 167–68. Cf. Cornell, “Understanding Is the Mother,” 89; and Michael Brett, “The Lamp of the Almohads: Illumination as a Political Idea in Twelfth-Century Morocco,” in Ibn Khaldun and the Medieval Maghrib, ed. Michael Brett, Essay VI, 1–27, esp. 3.
37. Fierro, “The Last Almohad,” 193; Fletcher, “Almohad Tawhid”; and García-Arenal, Messianism and Puritanical Reform.
38. J. F. P. Hopkins, “The Almohad Hierarchy,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 16 (1954): 93–112; and Abdellatif Sabbane, Le gouvernment et l’administration de la dynastie Almohade (XIIe–XIIIe siècles).
39. Brett, “Lamp of the Almohads”; Sarah Stroumsa, “Philosophes almohades? Averroès, Maïmonide et l’idéologie almohade,” in Los almohades: problemas y perspectivas, ed. Patrice Cressier, Maribel Fierro, and Luis Molina, II: 1137–62; Averroès et l’averroïsme, XIIe–XVe siècle: Un itinéraire historique du Haut Atlas à Paris et à Padoue: Actes du colloque international organisé à Lyon, les 4 et 5 octobre 1999 dans le cadre du temps du Maroc, ed. Andrés Bazzana, Nicole Bériou, and Pierre Guichard; Ana M. Montero, “A Possible Connection between the Philosophy of the Castilian King Alfonso X and the Risālat Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān by Ibn Ṭufayl,” Al-Masaq: Islam and the Medieval Mediterranean 18, no. 1 (2006): 1–26; Allen Fromherz, “North Africa and the Twelfth-Century Renaissance: Christian Europe and the Almohad Islamic Empire,” Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 20, no. 1 (2009): 43–59; and Bennison and Angeles Gallego, “Religious Minorities,” 151. See also the extensive work of Jeremy Johns on the influence of the Faṭimids on Norman Sicily, such as his “The Norman Kings of Sicily and the Fatimid Caliphate,” Anglo-Norman Studies 15 (1993): 133–59.
40. Marie Thérèse d’Alvery and George Vajda, “Marc de Tolede, traducteur d’Ibn Tūmart,” Al-Andalus 16 (1951): 99–140.
41. ACA, R. 65, fol. 88v (3 Mar. 1286); and Brunschvig, Berbérie orientale, I: 2. All the documents related to the four brothers are edited and published in Fancy, “The Last Almohads,” appendixes A and B.
42. For instance, ACA, R. 71, fol. 52r (12 May 1287): “. . . conducat aliquam domum idoneam in Valencia uxoribus filiorum Miramoni in qua [. . . ] posint esse salve et [se]cure.”
43. For instance, ACA, R. 65, fol. 88v (3 Mar. 1286): “. . . Abdeluaheyt et Açmon et Abderamen f[ratrem] janetorum nostrorum, filio ipsi Mi[r]amomulini. . . .”
44. ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 155 (1287, Bilingual): “As long as we both live (ṭūla mā na‘īshu naḥnu al-zawj/ab hac die in antea quamdiu ambo insimul vivamus).” See Fancy, “The Last Almohads,” appendix B for a full edition. Cf. Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 285–86, and Brunschvig, Berbérie orientale, I: 98–100, who rely on the Latin transcription in La Mantia, Codice, and make no reference to the Arabic text. The Arabic treaty was dated as follows: “This was signed at Jaca with two days remaining in the month of July 1287, the equivalent of 18 Jumādā II, 686 (kutiba fī jāqa yawmayn bāqiyayn min shahr yūliyuh ‘ām alf wa-mi’atayn wa-sab‘a wa-thamānīn al-muwāfiq li-thāmin ‘ashar min shahr jumādā al-ukhrā sanat sitt wa-thamānīn wa-sittimi’a).” Cf. Constable, Housing the Stranger in the Mediterranean World, 197–98.
45. ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 155: “On the condition that they satisfy our right (ḥaqqanā/ius nostrum) over these [goods] as was customary before this.”
46. ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 155: “And all Christians will settle their disputes (yatakhāṣamū/firment et placitent) under the jurisdiction of your captain.”
47. Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 160–61; Mas Latrie, Traités de paix, supplements 32 and 83.
48. ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 155: “. . . as was customary to do in the time of the honorable Don Guillem de Moncada or in the time of the illustrious Don Enrique, son of the king of Castile (‘alā mā jarat bihi al-‘āda fī zamān mukarrim dūn qilyām damūnqāda aw fī muddat al-mu‘aḍḍim dūn anrīq bin al-mu‘aḍḍim malik qashtāla/secundum quod hec consue[verun]t fieri tempore nobilis Guillemi de Montecatheno quondam vel tempore illustris Anrici filii illustris regis Castelle).”
49. The text reads al-barīl rather than the more typical al-barmīl.
50. ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 155: “wa-yakūn mubāḥan lahum an yaḥmilū jasad jāshū qarīsit bi-‘alāmat nāqūs ‘alā mā jarat bihi al-‘āda/et qui possint portare corpus Cristi cum signo campane sive squille.”
51. ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 155: “And moreover, we [Alfons] promise to be a good ally and support you with all of our might to defend or inflict harm on all Muslims with whom you are at war.”
52. ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 155: “And we swear by the truth of Muḥammad and the qibla (bi-ḥaqq muḥammad wa-bi’l-qibla/per Mafumeti et per lalquible) and with our hands on the Qur’ān.” Ibid.: “And we swear by God with our hands upon the four Gospels (bi’llāh wa-bi’l-arba‘i anājīl/per Deum et eius sancta quatuor evangeliam).”
53. ACA, R. 71, fol. 89r (24 Oct. 1287).
54. Muntaner, chaps. 155, 159; Cafari et continuatorum Annales Januenses, V: 70 (1285); Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 353, Lauria is referred to as “al-Marākiyā,” the Marquis and lieutenant of Frederick (Fadarīk), son of Alfons (Alrīdākūn), king of Barcelona; and La Mantia, Codice diplomatico dei Re Aragonesi, I: 609–12. See also Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 266–67.
55. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 356.
56. al-Nuwayrī, al-Maghrib al-Islāmī, 452.
57. ACA, R. 73, fol. 90r (1 Dec. 1290), with a full edition in Klüpfel, Die äussere, 173–74.
58. Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 288, explains that only part of Murghim’s ransom was paid. A document that was overlooked by Dufourcq, ACA, R. 83, fol. 82v (17 Sep. 1290) reveals that the remaining 6,000 duplas were finally delivered by Murghim in that year, two years after his release, presumably to secure the release of his son, who was held captive in Sicily.
59. Ibn Khaldūn is not clear about when he died. Cf. al-Nuwayrī, al-Maghrib al-Islāmī, 452; and Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 290, which cites two further documents to which I could not attest.
60. Karl Marx, Kapital, vol. 1, chap. 24, sec. 6, commenting sarcastically on Montesquieu: “That is the ‘sweet commerce’!”
61. ACA, R. 55, fol. 54r–v (17 Oct. 1291); ACA, R. 64, fols. 191r–192r (21 Apr. 1287); ACA, R 90, fol. 118r (Oct. 1291); ACA, R 252, fol. 121r (18 Nov. 1295); ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 91, no. 11093 (24 Mar. 1304); and ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 84bis (14 June 1304).
62. ACV, Perg., 737, fol. 6 (1296); ACV, Perg., 738 (1294), fols. 5–6, for mention of raids to Jerba and Kerkennah; ACV, Perg., 738 (1294), fol. 7, compensation for a jenet captured during a battle in North Africa (in partibus Barbarie); and ACV, Perg., 738, fol. 8, for mention of three knights from Lucera in the company of jenets.
63. ACA, Cartas árabes, 128 (13 May 1313), in which al-Liḥyānī complains of raids by Roger de Lauria; and ACA, Cartas árabes, 133 (11 Oct. 1313), in which al-Liḥyāni sends an ambassador carrying a secret message to Jaume II. See also Michael Lower, “Ibn al-Lihyani: Sultan of Tunis and Would-Be Christian Convert (1311–1318),” Mediterranean Historical Review 24, no. 1 (2009): 17–27.
64. ACA, R. 55, fol. 54r–v (17 Oct. 1291): “. . . E aytamben en aiuda dels nostres enamics Christians, nos trametretz al estiu ab lo nostre nauili C cavaller janetz pagats per vos per tres meses”; ACA, R. 64, fol. 176r–v (22 Dec. 1286); ACA, R. 64, fols. 191r–192r (21 Apr. 1287), cited above; ACA, R. 90, fol. 118r (Oct. 1291); and ACA, R. 252, fol. 121r (18 Nov. 1295). See also ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 91, no. 11093 (24 Mar. 1304), which is discussed in chapter 6.
65. ACA, Cartas árabes, 83 (14 Mar. 1323): “wa-amma al-naṣāra al-madhkūrūna alladhīna ṭalabtum fa-lā yumkinu tawajīhuhum li-annahum lam tajari bihi al-‘āda.” See also ACA, Cartas árabes, 83bis (14 Mar. 1323).
66. HEM, III: 66–85; and on the personal guard HEM, II: 122–130. See also Mohamed Meouak, “Hiérarchie des fonctions militaire et corps d’armé en al-Andalus Umayyade (IIe/VIIIe–IVe/Xe Siècles): Nomenclature et essai d’interprétation,” Al-Qantara 14, no. 2 (1993): 371–75; and Viguera Molíns, “La organización militar en al-Andalus.” See also Andrew Handler, “The ‘abīd Under the Umayyads of Cordova and the Mulūk Al-ṭawā’if,” in Occident and Orient: A Tribute to the Memory of Alexander Scheiber, ed. Robert Dán, 229–41.
67. Ibn Sa‘īd, al-Mughrib fī ḥulā al-Maghrib, ed. Khalīl al-Manṣūr, I: 31: “huwa awwal man istakthara min al-ḥasham wa’l-ḥafad.” On the term ḥasham, see Meouak, “Hiérarchie,” 371–72.
68. HEM, III: 71–76. Lévi-Provençal contends that al-Ḥakam’s predecessors, ‘Abd al-Raḥmān I (756–788) and Hishām I (788–796) also recruited foreign troops. ‘Abd al-Raḥmān I had a sizable personal guard of black African soldiers (‘irafat al-sūd). Cf. Akhbār al-majmū‘a [Ajbar Machmuā. Crónica anoníma del siglo XI], ed. and trans. E. Lafuente y Alcántara, 109. See also Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 26; and François Clement, “Reverter et son fils, deux officiers catalans au service des sultans de Marrakech,” Medieval Encounters 9, no. 1 (2003): 80.
69. His name appears in several different forms of Ibn Ḥayyān’s Muqtabas and is conventionally presumed to be Teodulfo.
70. HEM, I: 260; III: 73–74.
71. Ibn Ḥayyān, al-Muqtabas fī ta’rīkh rijāl al-Andalus, ed. M. Martinez Antuña, III: 94, as cited in Meouak, “Hiérarchie,” 374.
72. Ibn Ḥayyān, al-Muqtabas, VII: 48, 94, 129, 195, and 196, as cited in Meouak, “Hiérarchie,” 374.
73. al-Maqqarī, Azhār al-riyāḍ fī akhbār ‘Iyāḍ, ed. I. al-Abyārī, II: 287, as cited in Meouak, “Hiérarchie,” 375. A large bodyguard of African horsemen and foot soldiers also participated in these investiture ceremonies. See HEM, III: 177.
74. Handler, “The ‘abid under the Umayyads,” argues that this period had a negative impact on the fate of African slave soldiers.
75. Ibn ‘Idhārī, al-Bayān al-mughrib, IV: 32: “wa-yarkab fa-yataqaddamuhu al-‘abīd.” See also Viguera Molins, “Organización,” 28.
76. For the Umayyad period see J. M. Ruiz Asencio, “Rebeliones leonesas contra Vermudo II,” Archivos Leoneses 23 (1969): 215–41. See also Simon Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 26.
77. Richard Fletcher, The Quest for El Cid; and Simon Barton and Richard Fletcher, eds., The World of El Cid: Chronicles of the Spanish Reconquest.
78. Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 24; and Burns, “Renegades, Adventurers and Sharp Businessmen,” 354.
79. Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 28–29.
80. For instance, Sancho the Fat of Navarre, who fought at Las Navas de Tolosa, also allied himself with the Almohads (Llibre dels feyts, chap. 138). For more detail, see Burns, “Renegades, Adventurers, and Sharp Businessmen,” 351–54.
81. Llibre dels feyts, chaps. 75, 90, as cited in Burns, “Renegades, Adventurers, and Sharp Businessmen,” 354–55.
82. See chapter 3 n157.
83. María Desamparados Cabanes Pecourt, ed., Crónica latina de los reyes de Castilla, 117: “Christiani milites nobiles ducenti qui serviebant ei pro stipendiies suis.” See Burns, “Renegades, Adventurers, and Sharp Businessmen,” 351.
84. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 311, for the use of Christian militia against the Banū Ishqalyūla. Cf. ACA, R. 1389, fol. 31 (ca. 1371–72): “Los barones e richos hombres de nuestro senyorio han de costumbre muy antiga del tiempo aqua que la tierra es de christianos que puedan ir con sus companyas en aiuda de qual Rey se quiera christiano o moro.” See also Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 32; and Viguera Molins, “Ejercito,” 432.
85. Ibn ‘Idhārī, al-Bayān al-mughrib, IV: 102; Ibn Simāk al-‘Āmilī, al-Ḥulal al-mawshiyya, 149: “wa huwa awwal man ista‘mala al-Rūm bi’l-Maghrib”; Ibn Abī Zar‘, Kitāb al-anīs al-muṭrib, 199; and al-Nuwayrī, al-Maghrib al-Islāmī, 391. See also Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 135–36.
86. A. Maya Sánchez, ed., Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris, in Chronica Hispana saeculi XII, Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Medievalis, 71, ii.§10. Translation adapted from Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 27. See also García Sanjuán, “Mercenarios cristianos,” 440.
87. García Sanjuán, “Mercenarios cristianos,” 440–41; Vincent Lagadre, “Communautés mozarabes et pouvoir almoravides en 519H/1125 en Andalus,” Studia Islamica 67 (1988): 99–119; and Delfina Serrano, “Dos fetuas sobre la expulsión de mozárabes al Magreb en 1126,” Anaquel de estudios árabes 2 (1991): 167.
88. Maya Sánchez, Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris, ii.§10, as cited in Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 27. For more on Reverter, see texts cited above as well as F. Carreras Candi, “Relaciones de los vizcondes de Barcelona con los árabes,” in Homenaje á D. Francisco Codera en su jubilación del profesorado, ed. Eduardo Saavedra, 207–15; and Santiago Sobrequés Vidal, Els barons a Catalunya, 39–40.
89. Frank, “Reverter,” 198, accepts on the authority of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris that Reverter was a captive of war. J. E. Ruiz Domènec, “Las cartas de Reverter, vizconde de Barcelona,” Boletin de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 39 (1982–85): 96, argues that Reverter came voluntarily.
90. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 245–46; Ibn ‘Idhārī, al-Bayān al-mughrib, IV: 103; Clement, “Reverter,” 94–95; Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 136; and García Sanjuán, “Mercenarios cristianos,” 438.
91. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 205, 259–60, and 264, on ‘Alī b. Reverter’s role in the conquest of Mallorca by the Almohads.
92. Frank, “Reverter,” 201–2; Clement, “Reverter,” 95; and Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 21.
93. Maya Sánchez, Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris, ii.§110, as cited in Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 28. See also Jean-Pierre Molénat, “L’organization militaire des Almohades,” in Los almohades: problemas y perspectivas, ed. Patrice Cressier, Maribel Fierro, and Luis Molina, 554; and Halima Ferhat, “Lignages et individus dans le système du pouvoir Almohade,” in Los Almohades: problemas y perspectivas, ed. Patrice Cressier, Maribel Fierro, and Luis Molina, 685–709.
94. On the various interpretations of “Ifarkhān,” see Lapiedra, “Christian participation,” 238; Victoria Aguilar Sebastian, “Instituciones militares. El ejército,” in El retroceso territorial de al-Andalus. Almorávides y Almohades, siglos XI al XIII, ed. María Jesús Viguera Molins: 207; and Clement, “Reverter,” 81.
95. Salicrú, “Mercenaires castillans,” 418.
96. See Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 69, on Don Enrique (Dūn Alrīk).
97. David Lopes, “O Cid portugues: Geraldo Sempavor,” Revista Portuguesa de Historia 1 (1940):93–109; and Eva Lapiedra, “Giraldo Sem Pavor: Alfonso Enríquez y los Almohades,” in Bataliús: el reino taifa de Badajoz: estudios, ed. Fernando Díaz Esteban, 147–58. The Castilian prince Don Enrique also served the Almohads.
98. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 270. See also Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 33; and García Sanjuán, “Mercenarios cristianos,” 437. Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 138–39, connects the rise in the number of these soldiers to al-Ma’mūn’s rejection of Ibn Tūmart.
99. P. de Cenival, “L’Église chrétienne de Marrakech au XIIIe siècle,” Hespéris 7 (1927): 69–84.
100. Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 138–39; Clement, “Reverter,” 81; Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 30; and García Sanjuán, “Mercenarios cristianos,” 438.
101. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, I: 214, translation adapted from Rosenthal, trans. Muqaddimah, 227.
102. See Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 272–73, for the use of the Christian militia against the rebelling Khulṭ tribe. See also García Sanjuán, “Mercenarios cristianos,” 439–40; and Ambrosio Huici Miranda, Historia política del imperio Almohade, II: 465. See also ‘Umar Mūsā ‘Izz al-Dīn, “Al-Tanẓīmāt al-ḥizbiyya ‘inda-l-Muwaḥḥidīn fī-l-Maghrib,” Al-Abḥāth 23 (1970): 52–89; and Fāyiza Kalās, “Al-Jaysh ‘inda-l-Muwaḥḥidīn,” Dirāsāt Tārīkhiyya 31–32 (1989): 197–218.
103. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, I: 211–15, suggests that this was generally true for North African rulers when it came to Christian soldiers.
104. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 179.
105. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 182ff and VI: 279; and ACA, R. 15, fol. 130v (3 Feb. 1268). See also García Sanjuán, “Mercenarios cristianos,” 439–40; and Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 130–40.
106. For example, Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 180, on the Marīnids.
107. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 83, and cit. 88–89. Upon the capture of Tlemcen, Abū Yaḥyā Yaghmurāsan, the dynasty’s founder, incorporated Christian (al-‘asākir min al-rūm) and Kurdish (ghuzz) lanciers and archers (rāmiḥa wa-nāshiba). These Christian troops grew so powerful that they conspired against Yaghmurāsan. A failed coup attempt prompted the populace to turn against these troops and massacre them, according to Ibn Khaldūn.
108. ACA, R 55, fol. 49v (1291).
109. See the letters, purported to be translated from Arabic, from Spanish knights seeking employment in North Africa in the Manuel González Jiménez, ed., Crónica de Alfonso X, 70–75. On the sons of Ferdinand III, see Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 161. On Guzmán el Bueno, see Miguel Ángel Ladero Quesada, “Una biografía caballeresca del siglo XV: ‘La Cronica del yllustre y muy magnifico cauallero don Alonso Perez de Guzman el Bueno,’” En la España Medieval 22 (1999): 247–83; and Luisa Isabel Alvarez de Toledo, “Guzmán el Bueno, entre la leyenda y la historia,” Estudios de historia y de arqueología medievales 7–9 (1987): 41–58. The primary source for the life of Guzmán el Bueno is the sixteenth-century account in Pedro Barrantes Maldonado, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, ed. Federico Devis Márquez.
110. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 318–19, on the royal guard of the Ḥafṣids; Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 109, on the royal guard of the ‘Abd al-Wādids; and Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 250, on the royal guard of the Marīnids. See also Alemany, “Milicias critianas,” 160; and Clement, “Reverter,” 82.
111. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, I: 214, translation adapted from Rosenthal, trans. Muqaddimah, 227–28.
112. Salicrú, “Mercenaires castillans,” 419, which calls it an “affair of state.”
113. For Tunis, see ACA, R. 13, fol. 216r (Sep. 1264); ACA, R. 21, fol. 140v (s.a.); ACA, R. 46, fol. 120r (Sep. 1283); ACA, R. 47, fols. 81r–82v, cit. 82v (June 1285): “Item que tots los cavallers o homems darmes crestians qui son huy, ne seran daqui avant, en la senyoria del rey de Tunis, que y sien tots per nos, et que nos lus donem cap aquel que nos vulrem”; and ACA, R. 100, fol. 258r. See also Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 150–51; Giménez Soler, “Caballeros españoles,” 303–4. For Tlemcen, see ACA, R. 14, fol. 141r (1272): “Comendamus et concedimus vobis nobili et dilecto nostro G. Gaucerandi, alcaydiam Tirimicii Christianorum terre nostre militum scilicet mercatorum et quorumlibet aliorum hominum terre et iurisdiccionis nostre qui ibi sunt vel fuerint constituti. . . .” In addition, see ACA, R. 14, fol. 142v (1272); ACA, R. 40, fol. 53v (1277); ACA, R. 73, fols. 104v–105r (May 1291); ACA, R. 93, fol. 281v (Oct. 1292); and ACA, R. 337, fol. 260v (1315). See also Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 160–61; and Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 272.
114. The Castilian and Aragonese troops supported various political factions in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. For instance, see ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 22, no.2863 (1307); and ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 118, sin fecha, no. 986 (s.a.), for the involvement of Aragonese troops in a rebellion against Abu Rabī‘a (r. 1308–1310). See also Giménez Soler, “Caballeros españoles,” 308–12; Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 146–50; Dufourcq, L’Espagne Catalane, 456–57; and Clement, “Reverter,” 82.
115. For instance, ACA, R. 64, fol. 178v (Apr. 1286), negotiations with Tlemcen: “Item que todos los cristianos que seran en la terra del Rey de Tirimçe de qualesquier condiciones o senyorias, que sean jutgados por fuero d’Aragon por aquel alcayt que el Rey don Alfonso ala enbiarra”; ACA, R. 64, fol. 192r–v (1286), negotiations in Tunis; ACA, R. 64, fols. 191r–192r (Mar. 1286), negotiations with Tunis, which do not mention Christian knights but only navy; ACA, R. 73, fol. 90r–v (Dec. 1290), negotiations with Tunis; ACA, R. 252, fol. 53r–v (May 1293), negotiations with Tlemcen; ACA, R. 252, fol. 99r (July 1294), letter to Tunis; and ACA, R. 337, fols. 195r–196r (July 1313), negotiations with Tunis.
116. Cf. ACB, Perg., 1-6-325, as cited by Batlle, “Noticias,” 134, on the use of debased currency to pay soldiers.
117. For example, ACA, R. 47, fols. 81r–82v (1285); ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 155 (1287, bilingual): “‘alā mā jarat bihi al-‘āda fī zamān mukarrim dūn qilyām damūnqāda aw fī muddat-al-mu‘aḍḍim dūn anrīq bin al-mu‘aḍḍim malik qashtāla/secundum quod hec consue[verun]t fieri tempore nobilis Guillemi de Montecatheno quondam vel tempore illustris Anrici filii illustris regis Castelle”; ACA, R. 73, fol. 90r (1290): “axi con era el temps de Guillelm de Moncada”; and ACA, R. 252, fol. 53r–v (1293). See also Burns, “Renegades,” 352; Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 33; and Batlle, “Noticias,” 128.
118. Although these stipulations are only vaguely referred to in the Almohad period, they were likely similar. See Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VI: 270 [my emphasis]: “wa-istamadda al-ṭāghiya ‘askaran min al-naṣārā wa-amarahu ‘alā shurūṭ taqabbalahā minhu al-ma’mūn.”
119. ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 155.
120. ACA, R. 197, fol. 7v (Oct. 1299); ACA, R. 240, fols. 204v–205r (May 1313); and ACA, R. 337, fols. 195r–196r (July 1313). See also Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 134, 165–68. See Barrantes Maldonado, Ilustraciones de la casa de Niebla, 67, for the complaints.
121. See, for example, ACA, R. 14, fol. 141r: “. . . Dantes vobis plenam licenciam et potestatem audiendi et iudicandi causas que ibi inter aliquos christianos predictos terre nostre contigerit ventilari et faciendi ibi iusticie criminales et alias prout faciendum sit et exercendi in omnibus et per omnia officium ipsius alcaydie secundum quod alii alcaydi consuerunt ipsam hactenus exercere. . . .” Among many records naming or confirming captains, see ACA, R. 197, fol. 7v (Tunis); ACA, R. 203, fol. 33v (Tunis); ACA, R. 203, fol. 35r (Tunis); ACA, R. 203, fol. 220r (Tunis); ACA, R. 244, fol. 286v (Tlemcen); ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 19, no. 2406 (Tunis); and ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 134, Judíos y Musulmanes, no. 178 (Rabat).
122. ACA, R. 244, fol. 286r; ACA, R. 250, fols. 43v–44r (Jaume d’Arago); ACA, R. 250, fol. 50v; ACA, R. 338, fols. 150v–151r; ACA, R. 338, fol. 151v; ACA, R. 410, fols. 208r–209r; ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 6, no. 837; ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 37, no. 4604 (1313); ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 134, Judíos y Musulmanes, no. 178 (1326); and ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 136, Judíos y Musulmanes, no. 471 (1326). Abū Yūsuf sent Garci Martínez de Gallegos to the Iberian Peninsula in 1278 to persuade Christians to lift the siege of Algeciras. See Crónica de Alfonso X, 201–2, as cited by Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 31.
123. ACA, R. 15, fol. 74r (17 Dec. 1267): “Noverint universi quod nos Iacobus et cetera damus [et] concedimus vobis dilecto nostro Guillelmo Gaucerandi presentem missatgeriam de Tirimice. Ita quod sitis nuncius dicte missatgerie et non aliquis alius. Dantes etiam et concedentes vobis alcaydiam eiusdem loci, ita quod vos sitis alcaydus omnium Christianorum tam militum quam aliorum qui vobiscum apud Tirimice ibunt vel iam \.... / sunt seu de cetero fuerint ibidem. Et quod ipsam alcaydiam habeatis et teneatis eiusdem alcaydie officium exercendo in omnibus. Sicut eam alii alcaydi tenus habuerunt melius et tenuerunt et percipiatis inde iura que alii alcaydi inde consueverunt percipere et habere. Mandantes universis hominibus tam militibus quam aliis in partibus de Tirimice constitutis vel constituendis tam nostri domini quam alterius, quod vobis tamquam alcaydo nostro obediant in omnibus et . Datum Cesarauguste, XVI kalendas Ianuarii anno dominii millisimo CCLX septimo.” For the absolution, see ACA, R. 15, fol. 74r: “. . . guerram quam nobiscum habuistis et pro quibuscumque aliis que contra nos feceritis usque in hunc diem. . . .” Cf. ACA, R. 334, fols. 63r–64r, instructions to ambassador to Tunis. See also Dominique Valérian, “Les agents de la diplomatie des souverains maghrébins avec le monde chrétien (XIIe–XVe siècles),” Anuario de estudios medievales 38, no. 2 (2008): 885–900.
124. For example, ACA, R. 42, fol. 214v (Feb. 1279), an absolution and protection for a soldier and his army traveling to Tunis; ACA, R. 60, fol. 25r (Feb. 1282), protection for a soldier who had served in North Africa and now serves in the king’s army in Sicily; ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 136, Judíos y Musulmanes, no. 497 (1312); ACA, R. 201, fols. 46v–47r (1303), absolution for father and son; and ACA, R. 245, fol. 148r.
125. ACA, R. 901, fol. 139r (1357), with thanks to Jaume Riera i Sans for the reference.
126. For instance, Burns, “Renegades, Adventurers, and Sharp Businessmen,” 341–42; and García Sanjuán, “Mercenarios cristianos,” 443–46.
127. AHN, Codices, 996b, fol. 44r (23 Jan. 1214), as cited in Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 24–25. On papal attitudes toward Christian mercenaries, see James Muldoon, Popes, Lawyers, and Infidels: The Church and the Non-Christian World, 1250–1550, esp. 45, 52, as well as Mas-Latrie, Traités de paix, docs. 10, 15, 17, and 18. For the opinions of Islamic jurists on this issue, see chapter 6, below.
128. BNM, MS. 13,022, fol. 92r–v, as cited in Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 25.
129. Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” and Michael Lower, “The Papacy and Christian Mercenaries of Thirteenth-Century North Africa,” Speculum 89, no. 3 (2014): 601–31. See also Peter Linehan, The Spanish Church and the Papacy in the Thirteenth Century; and Damian J. Smith, Innocent III and the Crown of Aragon: The Limits of Papal Authority.
130. Demetrio Mansilla, La documentación pontificia de Honorio III (1216–1227), docs. 243, 439, 562, 579, 588, 590, and 595, as cited in Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 37.
131. Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?” 37. See also Muldoon, Popes, Lawyers, and Infidels, 41, 52, 54; Alemany, Milicias cristianas, esp. 137–42; and Mas Latrie, Traités de paix, docs. 10, 15, 17, and 18.
132. Franciscus Balme, ed., Raymundia seu documenta quae pertinent ad S. Raymundi de Pennaforti vitam et scripta, 35, as cited in Burns, “Renegades, Adventurers, and Sharp Businessmen,” 354.
133. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 25, no. 3189 (1308). These bishops were Dominican and Franciscan legates of the Papacy. See López, Obispas en el África Septentrional, 1–10.
134. On Tunis, see Brunschvig, Berberie orientale, 447–48. On Tlemcen, see Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 159.
135. Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 169.
136. Felipe Maíllo Salgado, “Precisiones para la historia de un grupo étnico-religioso: los farfanes,” Al-Qanṭara 4 (1983): 265–81; and Salicrú, “Mercenaires castillans,” 423–25, who suggests that perhaps a famine or plague prompted the departure of these families.
137. Salicrú, “Mercenaires castillans,” 427–31.
138. ACA, R. 1954, fol. 10v; and ACA, R. 2855, fol. 190v, as cited by Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 68–69.
139. Jacques Heers and Georgette de Groër, eds. and trans., Itinéraire d’Anselme Adorno en Terre Sainte (1470–1471), 106–8.
140. Mas-Latrie, Traités de paix, 339–40.
141. Lapiedra, “Christian Participation in Almohad Armies,” 237.
142. Lapiedra, “Christian Participation in Almohad Armies,” 245.
143. Lapiedra, “Christian Participation in Almohad Armies,” 242.
144. Lapiedra, “Christian Participation in Almohad Armies,” 236, 247.
145. Cf. Shelomo Dov Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, I: 130–31, speaking of the mamlūk tradition.
146. On military slaves across history, see a recent collection of essays, Christopher Leslie Brown and Philip D. Morgan, eds., Arming Slaves: From Classical Times to the Modern Age. On military slavery in the Islamic context, see David Ayalon, The Mamluk Military Society; Patricia Crone, Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity; Daniel Pipes, Slave Soldiers and Islam: The Genesis of a Military System; Christopher I. Beckwith, “Aspects of Early History of the Central Asian Guard Corps in Islam,” Archivum Eurasie Medii Aevi 4 (1984): 29–43; David Ayalon, “The Mamlūks of the Seljuks: Islam’s Military Might at the Crossroads,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 6, no. 3 (1996): 305–33; Peter B. Golden, “Some Notes on the Comitatus in Medieval Eurasia with Special Reference to the Khazars,” Russian History/Histoire Russe 28 (2001): 153–170; Matthew Gordon, The Breaking of a Thousand Swords: A History of the Turkish Military of Samarra, A.H. 200–275/815–889 C.E.; Peter B. Golden, “The Terminology of Slavery and Servitude in Medieval Turkic,” in Studies on Central Asian History in Honor of Yuri Bregel, ed. D. DeWeese, 27–56; idem, “Khazar Turkic Ghulams in Caliphal Service,” Journal asiatique 292, no. 1–2 (2004): 279–309; Reuven Amitai, “The Mamlūk Institution, or One Thousand Years of Military Slavery in the Islamic World,” in Arming Slaves: From Classical Times to the Modern Age, 40–78; Mohammed Meouak, “Slaves, noirs et affranchise dans les armies Fatimides d’Ifrîqiya: Histoires et trajectoires ‘marginales,’” in D’esclaves à soldats: Miliciens et soldats d’origine servile XIIIe–XXIe siècles, ed. Carmen Bernand and Alessandro Stella, 15–37; and Yaacov Lev, “David Ayalon (1914–1998) and the History of Black Military Slavery in Medieval Islam,” Der Islam 90, no. 1 (2013): 21–43.
147. Jacob Lassner, The Shaping of Abbasid Rule, 116–36. On the choice of Turkic soldiers, see Helmut Töllner, Die turkischen Garden am Kalifenhof von Samarra: ihre Entstehung und Machtergreifung bis zum Kalifat Al-Mu‘tadids, 20–21.
148. Crone, Slaves on Horses, 78; Étienne de la Vaissière, Histoire des marchands sogdiens, 305; David Ayalon, “The Mamluks: The Mainstay of Islam’s Military Might,” in Slavery in the Islamic Middle East, ed. S. Marmon, 90. Whether or not these soldiers were originally slaves or only spoken of as such is a matter of controversy. M. A. Shaban, Islamic History: A New Interpretation, 2, 63–64; and Beckwith, “Aspects of Early History of the Central Asian Guard Corps in Islam,” argue that the Turks were not originally slaves. Gordon, Thousand Swords, 40–41; and Golden, “Khazar Turkic Ghulams in Caliphal Service,” 287, argue the opposite.
149. Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study; and Golden, “Khazar Turkic Ghulams,” 293.
150. Golden, “Khazar Turkic Ghulams,” 288, 308.
151. A view shared by Golden, “Some Notes on the Comitatus”; Beckwith, “Aspects of the Early History of the Central Asian Guard Corps”; Shaban, Islamic History, 63–65; Richard Frye, History of Ancient Iran, 352–54, and ibid., The Heritage of Central Asia, 195–96; and Étienne de la Vaissière, Samarcande et Samarra: Élites d’Asie centrale dans l’empire abbasside. Gordon, Thousand Swords, 7–8, 156, sees the tradition as fundamentally Middle Eastern.
152. Golden, “Khazar Turkic Ghulams,” 288; and Mohsen Zakeri, Sâsânid Soldiers in Early Muslim Society: The Origins of ‘Ayyârân and Futuwwa.
153. Golden, “The Terminology of Slavery and Servitude,” 29.
154. Cf. Crone, Slaves on Horses, 79, emphasizes the military function over the political function: “They were designed to be not a military elite, but military automata.”
155. Jere L. Bacharach, “African Military Slaves in the Medieval Middle East: The Cases of Iraq (869–955) and Egpyt (868–1171),” International Journal of Middle East Studies 13, no. 4 (1981): 481. See also David Ayalon, “On the Eunuch in Islam,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 1 (1979): 109–22.
156. Lev, “History of Black Military Slavery,” 31.
157. Ayalon, “The Mamlūks of the Seljuks,” 321; and Meouak, “Slaves, noirs et affranchise.”
158. Lev, “History of Black Military Slavery,” 30–32; and Zaki Mohamed Hassan, Les Ṭūlūnides: Étude de l’Egypte musulmane à la fin du IXe siècle, 868–905, 165–168, on the influence of the ‘Abbāsids.
159. Ibn Ṣaghīr, Akhbār al-a’imma al-rustumiyyīn in “La chronique d’Ibn Saghir sur les imam rustamides de Tahert,” ed. and trans. A. de C. Motylinski, 66, 86, 98, 102, as cited in E. Savage, A Gateway to Hell, A Gateway to Paradise: The North African Response to the Arabic Conquest, 101.
160. Golden, “Comitatus,” 7; idem., “Khazar Turkic Ghulams,” 283; Warren Treagold, Byzantium and Its Army, 284–1081, 110, 115; Mark Whittow, The Making of Byzantium, 600–1025, 169–70; and Alexander P. Kazhdan, ed., The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, II: 925, s.v. “hetairai.”
161. al-Maqdisī, Kitāb al-bad’ wa’l-ta’rīkh, ed. Cl. Huart, IV: 68, as cited in Golden, “Khazar Turkic Ghulams in Caliphal Service,” 284; and Ibn Rusta, Kitāb al-a‘lāq al-nafīsa, ed. M. J. De Goeje, 120, 124.
162. See also Peter Blanchard, Under the Flags of Freedom: Slave Soldiers and the Wars of Independence in Spanish South America.
163. Fernando Rodríguez Mediano, “Delegación de Asuntos Indígenas, S2N2. Gestón racial en el protectorado Español en Marruecos,” Awraq XX (1999): 173–206; Sebastian Balfour, Deadly Embrace: Morocco and the Road to the Spanish Civil War; María Rosa de Madariaga, Los moros que trajo Franco: la intervención de tropas coloniales en la guerra; José Antonio González Alcantud, ed., Marroquíes en la Guerra Civil española: campos equívocos; and Francisco Sánchez Ruano, Islam y Guerra Civil Española: moros con Franco y la República.
164. “Un-Spanish Spaniard: Generalissimo Francisco Franco,” New York Times (April 2, 1959).
165. “Franco Disbands Moorish Guard as Anti-Moroccan Talk Mounts,” New York Times (December 28, 1957).
Chapter Five
1. Muça Almentauri’s name appears numerous times in the chancery registers, indicating that he was a prominent jenet. He was in the king’s service for at least fifteen years; the earliest document to mention him dates from 1290 (ACA, R. 82, fol. 164v, a compensation for horses lost in battle) and the last that I encountered dates from 1305 (ACA, R. 203, fol. 13r, a license to export wheat from the kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon).
2. ACA, R. 93, fol. 226v (2 Aug. 1292); full citation at n20, below.
3. The fact that Muslims bought and drank wine is documented in the Archive of the Crown of Aragon (e.g., ACA, R. 205, fol. 128r). In 1258, for instance, a certain Petrus Arnaldi received permission to build a funduq on the island of Minorca in order to sell wine to both Christians and Muslims on the island. See ACA, R. 9, fol. 61v (3 Aug. 1258): “Possitis vinum vendere Christianis et Sarracenis et facere vinum de vindemia [i.e., the grape harvest] illius terre et emere quandocumque volueritis.” Muslim communities also managed and tilled their own vineyards (e.g., ACA, R. 11, fols. 182v–183r, in Perpignan; or ACA, R. 12, fol. 40v, in Játiva). Lest one think alcohol provided a well-lubricated means of interaction, in 1283, the Aragonese king ordered that Jews stop selling wine to Christians (ACA, R. 61, fol. 162r).
4. ACA, R. 81, fol. 52r (6 Mar. 1290): “Universis officialibus et cetera. Cum Muça Abenbeyet, Açe Parrello, Yoniç, jeneti habeant mandato nostro venire ad [servi]endo nobis cum uxoribus ac familiis suis. Mandamus vobis quatenus predictis jenetis, uxoribus ac familiis suis [in] veniendo ad nos nullum impedimentum aut contrarium faciatis aut fieri ab aliquo permittatis immo provideatis eisdem [qua]re fuerit de sec[uro] transitu et ducatu presentibus ultra XV dies proximos venturos minime valituris. Datum ut supra.” See also Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 193.
5. ACA, R. 66, fol. 197r (15 Oct. 1286): “Universis et officialibus ad quos et cetera. Cum Giber et Jahia et Jucefus et Hiahiaten et Dapher, fratres janeti, venerint in servicio nostro et inde redeant cum familia et uxoribus et filiis [sui]s et sint inter omnes quadraginta septem persone. Mandamus vobis quatenus in redeundo nullum impedimentum vel contrariam faciatis immo provideatis eisdem de securo transitu et du[c]atu. Datum ut supra.”
6. See Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 291–92, for his discussion of families. See also Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 193, who presents one document related to the wife of Muça Abenbeyt (ACA, R. 81, fol. 52).
7. ACA, R. 71, fol. 50r (8 May 1287): “Item eidem Petro quod solutis et cetera, det Çeyt Abdela, jeneto, sex coudes panni coloris et pro tribus suis sociis, XVIII coudes de bifa de Sancto Dianisio de colore, quas eis dare debemus cum albarano Iacobi Fivelleri directo Muçe de Portella quod nos recuperavimus. Item uxori sue quatuor coudes de panno coloris quos ei pro vestibus damus prout in albarano Iacobi directo Muçe de Portella quod nos recuperavimus continetur. Et cum eis dederitis et cetera. Datum ut supra.” Was she perhaps “Garup,” who is mentioned in ACA, R. 76, fol. 19r (n15, below)? Cf. ACA, R. 67, fol. 39v (22 June 1286), with full citation in n8, below, in which a wife of a jenet appears in Barcelona.
8. ACA, R. 72, fol. 33r (10 Apr. 1288): “Eidem altera, quod cum dominus Rex mandaverit Petro de Libiano quod daret IIII filiis de Miramamonino et uxoribus trium eorum et Issacho Sanagi de familia ipsorum, pannum quem sibi constaret Muçam de Portella eis debere dare cum albaranis Iacobi Fivellarii. Det eis ipsum pannum pro quem constituerit ipsum Muçam debere dare eisdem. Datum ut supra.” ACA, R. 72, fol. 53v (15 Feb. 1288): “Arnaldo de Bastida quod //solvat Jucef Abenjacob// excomputet seu dederit Jucef Aben Jacob et Cassim, janetis, . . . alia summa C viginti solidi Barchinone debitorum eisdem pro LXXX solidos Iaccenses pro vestibus uxorum [e]arum cum duobus albaranis Iacobi Fivellerii. . . .” The wife of one Gibrus Bomandil received grain when she arrived in Barcelona. ACA, R. 67, fol. 39v (22 June 1286): “Petro de Sancto Clemente. Mandamus vobis quatenus de blado nostro quod Berengarius de Conques . . . [pro]videatis uxore Gibri Bomandil et aliorum janetorum de famile sua que sunt in Barchinone in necessarie eorum quoniam nos illud vobis in compotum recipiemus. Datum Barchinone, X kalendas Iulii.”
9. ACA, R. 44, fol. 178v (16 Apr. 1280): “Noverint universii quod nos Petrus dei gracia Rex Aragonem, tradimus et concedimus vobis Muça Hivanface jeneto de domo nostra et Axone uxori sue quasdam domos in moraria Valencie que fuerant Xerqui Alhadit . . .”
10. ACA, R. 71, fol. 52r (15 May 1297): “Maymon de Plana, baiulo Valencie, quod conducat aliquam domum idoneam in Valencie uxoribus filiorum Miramoni in qua est posint esse salve et [se]cure.”
11. ACA, R. 58, fol. 9r (30 Feb. 1284): “Bernardo scribe quod donet Mahometo Abulhayr pro expensis uxoris et familie sue quam ad partes istas facere venire. Quindecim duplas. Datum ut supra.” See also ACA, R. 52, fol. 54v (13 Aug. 1284): “Raimundo de Rivo Sicco quod det expensas Axie uxori Abdaluhafet janeti qui est in servicio Regis in veniendo [de] Elx usque ad Valenciam. Datum ut supra.” We know that “Horo” was the wife of Mahomet based on ACA, R. 71, fol. 37r (n16, below).
12. Cf. Elena Lourie, “Black Women Warriors in the Muslim Army Besieging Valencia and the Cid’s Victory: A Problem of Interpretation,” Traditio 55 (2000): 181–209.
13. See Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 188, speaking of a battle between Yaghmurāsan and Abū Yūsuf in 1267: “While the warriors of the two armies prepared for battle, their wives emerged with their faces uncovered (sāfirāt al-wujūh) in order to incite (fī sabīl al-taḥrīḍ) [the men]. They celebrated and shouted encouragement.”
14. ACA, R. 58, fol. 29r (6 June 1285): “” ACA, R. 58, fol. 49r (3 Sept. 1285): “Dominico de la Fugera, baiulo Calatayube, volumus et placet nobis quod expensas idoneas quas dederitis uxoribus et filiis filiorum de Maramuni qui in servicio nostro existunt, ponatis nobis, a compotu datarum eius contingerit vos reddere compotum nobis, vel aliquis loco nostri. Mandamus etiam vobis quatenus predictis uxoribus et filiis filiorum de Maramuni, detis expensas idoneas pro tempore futuro dum ipsas uxores et filios in Calatayub, remanere conting[a]t. Datum Barchinone, III nonas Septembris.” See also Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 180. ACA, R. 65, fol. 38r (Feb. 1286): “Raimundo de Rivo Sicco. Mandamus vobis quatenus detis uxoribus Muçe et Çahit et Maym[u]ni, jane[torum], portiones quas dominus Rex inclite recordationis pater noster eas assignati habendas [c]a[r]ta s[u]a ut in ea videbitis [con]tineri. Datum ut supra.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 292. ACA, R. 76, fol. 3r (22 Jan. 1288): “Geraldo de Fonte, baiulo Valencie. Mandamus vobis quatenus donetis Muçe et Sahit, jenetis nostris, unicuique eorum centum solidos pro acorrimento \et quitacione/ eorum [e]t uxorum suarum. E[t] facta eis solutione et cetera. Datum ut supra.” ACA, R. 82, fol. 69r (5 Sep. 1290): “Fuit scriptum Raimundo Scorne quod quitet uxores Muse et Çayt, jenetorum nostrorum, de eo quod eisdem debentur tam de tempore preterito quam de presenti [die] de[i]nde qualibet die, prout eisdem quitare consuevistis ut in litteris per nos iam super hoc nobis missis plurimus continer. Recuperantes et cetera. Datum ut supra.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 291. ACA, R. 72, fol. 53v (15 Feb. 1288): “Arnaldo de Bastida quod //solvat Jucef Abenjacob// excomputet seu dederit Jucef Aben Jacob et Cassim, janetis, . . . alia summa C viginti solidi Barchinone debitorum eisdem pro LXXX solidos Iaccenses pro vestibus uxorum [e]arum cum duobus albaranis Iacobi Fivellerii. . . .”
15. Only one document mentions a specific amount, six denarii, perhaps per month, dramatically less than the jenets’ salaries. See ACA, R. 76, fol. 19r (23 Feb. 1287): “Geraldo de Fonte. Mandamus vobis quatenus solutis et cetera quitetis prima die mensis Ianuaris proxime preterita deinde donec aliud mandaremus Aixam, uxorem de Muçe, et Garup, uxorem de [S]ait, et Heç[..], uxorem de M[a]ym[on] vid[elicet] sex denarios regalium pro quolibet ea[r]undem et eisdem uxoribus predictorum janetorum [m]ensis dictarum. Sicut [est] dar[e] [.....]tum. Datum Barchinone, VII kalendas Marcii.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 292n130.
16. ACA, R. 71, fol. 37r (12 Apr. 1287): “Maymono de Plana, baiulo nostro Valencie. Cum nos mandaverimus per literam nostram quam recuperavimus Petro de Libiano tunc ba[iu]lo [V]alencie quod quitaret Horo uxori Mahometi Abelhaye, janeti, de eo de quo sibi constaret ipsa non fuisse quitatam per Raimundum de Ri[vo] Sicco et dictus Petrus de Libiano ipsam non quitaverit ut intelleximus de aliquot, mandamus vobis quatenus predictam Horo quitetis de eo de quo vobis constiterit ipsam non fuisse quitatam per Raimundum de Rivo Sicco predictum certificando vos prius si aliquid fuit sibi solutum per Petrum de Libiano predictum de dicta //quantitate// quitacione. Et recipiatis albaranum \de eo/ quod sibi tradideritis et presentem literam recuperetis ab eo. Datum Barchinone, pridie idus Aprilis.” Similarly, see the case of the wives of Muse and Çayt (ACA, R. 82, fol. 69r), in n14, above.
17. For more on the role of women in the sphere of credit, see William Chester Jordan, Women and Credit in Pre-Industrial and Developing Societies; and Rebecca Lynn Winer, Women, Wealth and Community in Perpignan, c. 1250–1300: Christians, Jews, and Enslaved Muslims in a Medieval Mediterranean Town.
18. The Aragonese kings did occasionally intervene to relieve Mudéjar communities of usurious debts, such as King Pere with respect to the Muslims of Zaragoza (ACA, R. 46, fols. 209r and 215r), only to compel them the following year to pay these, both the debts and the usury (debetis et usuris) (ACA, R. 56, fol. 15r–v). Prominent Mudéjares did on occasion receive the same treatment as these jenets; see, for instance, ACA, R. 48, fol. 150r (12 Sep. 1280).
19. ACA, R. 95, fol. 93v (23 July 1292): “Bernardo de Claperiis, baiulo Valencie. Cum Muce Elmentauro et Maymono Abenbiahich et Çayedo de Piçaxen et Mahometo de Pataxen, genetis curie nostre de octingentis solidis regalium ordinaverimus provendi, videlicet unicuique ipsorum ducentos solidos regalium in acurrimentum, quitacionem, seu portionum suarum, mandamus et dicimus vobis quatenus uxoribus dictorum janetorum solva[tis] dictos octingentos solidos videlicet unicuique ipsorum ducentos solidos Regalium quibus sibi solutis recuperetis presentem literam cum apocha de soluta. Datum ut supra.” As the foregoing indicated, two other jenets, the brothers Çayed and Mahomet, mentioned several times in the chancery registers, also had their salaries paid to their wives. As I argue below, jenets appear to have entered the Crown in large agnatic groups. If true in this case, all four of these soldiers’ wives may have lived together and shared the debt.
20. ACA, R. 93, fol. 226v (2 Aug. 1292): “Fideli suo iusticie Valencie vel eius locum tenenti nec non universis aliis officialibus nostris ad quos presentes pervenerint salutem et cetera. Noveritis nos elongasse de gracia speciali Muçam Almentauri et Maymon Avenborayç, genetos nostros, ac debitores et fideiussores pro eis obligatos a solucione debitorum que debent usque ad sumam nongentorum solidorum regalium a proximo venturo festo beato Marie presentis mensis Augusti in antea usque ad sex menses continue subsequentes dum tamen non fuerint ab ipsis debitis aliter elongati. Et non habeant bona mobilia de quibus possint satisfacere creditoribus suis. Per hanc tam graciam non intendimus elongare debita que debentur prodotibus seu sponsaliciis mulierum nec pro vendicione bonorum in mobilium declarando [..] quod inter bona mobilia non computantur arma seu equi vel equitature proprie et boves nec aratori nec vasa vinaria nec utensilia domus nec alia excepta et constitutione pacis et treuge seu aliquas constitutionibus nostras. Quare vobis dicimus et mandamus quatenus predictam graciam elongamenti observetis et observari faciatis predictis Muçe et Maymon ac debitoribus et fideiussoribus pro eis obligatis. Mandamus etiam vobis non compellatis nec compelli permitatis prefatos Muçam Almentaure et Maymon Avenborayç vel eorum bona ad solvendum usorias suis creditoribus nisi ad racionem IIII denarii pro libra prout in tatxacionem quam super dictis usoris fecimus dignocitur contineri. Datum Barchinone, IIII nonas Augustii et cetera.”
21. ACA, R. 52, fol. 77v; ACA, R. 71, fol. 49v; ACA, R. 71, fol. 50v; ACA, R. 71, fol. 51v; ACA, R. 72, fol. 33r, ACA, R. 72, fols. 38v–39r [redacted]; and ACA, RP, MR, 774, fol. 75r.
22. I would like to thank Ramón Pujades and Jaume Riera for their assistance in editing this document. Any errors are my own. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 15, no. 1971 (21 Jan. 1304): “Al molt alt e poderos seynor en Jacme per la gracia de deu Rey d’Arago, de Valencia, de Murcia, Comte de Barcelona et de la Santa Eccelsia de Roma seynaler, almirayl, e capitan general. Ab nos en Pere de Montagut procurador vostre del Regne de Murcia e Ferrer des Cortey, batle vostre general del dit Regne, humilment besan vostres mans et vostres peus nos comanam en vostra gracia. Fem nos saber, Seynor, que reebem dues letres vostres en les quals nos envias manar que presessem rahenes d’en Alabes Abarraho, es a saber del dit Alabes son fill et [de] Baratdin Ab[arraho] son fill e de Greneladim Abarraho son fill e de Jahia Abenmudahar son fill e reebudes aquelles que yo dit Ferrer que liuras al dit Alabes lo casteyl de N[orgia] et els locs de Cepti e de Lorqui. Estes que.ns certifficassem plerenament queles dites rahenes fossen fills dels [davant] dits. On seynor vos fem saber que con lo dit Alabes fo vengut d’una cavalcada que tornarem. Comparec denant nos dijous XVI dies de Jener e donavans rahenes en les quals non avia negun daquels que vos Seynor nos trameses a dir salv un, es a saber lo fill de Jahia Abenmudahar, et nos, Seynor, dixem li que ell nons donava les rahenes que nos nos trameses a dir. E ell respos nos que no cuydava aver covinença ab vós, que ell sol del seu linatge agues adonar totes les rahenes. [Et] que cascun cap donas les sues. Et que ells son IIII alcaniellas es a saber IIII linatges e que valia molt mes que cascun linatge donas lo seu per ço con si ell ab son linatge donas tots les dites rahenes los altres tota ora ques vulgessen sen hieren. Et a la perf[...] Seynor con [molt] aguem rahonat en est feyt dixeren que ells darien a[quests] rahenes de cascun linatge primerament lo linatge de [Al]abes Abarraho ques apellen de Benihamema que dara lo fill de son oncle per nom Mahomet Abenboyahie [ho lo seus] fills . . . epres senyor no . . . nengu de la . . . Item lo linatge [ques es appelen] de Ben. . . . qual es cap Aiza Abenayma que dara son neebot fill de son germa per Anbenihiam Abenayma. Item lo linatge ques apellen de Benabdaluet e es cap Jahia Abenmud[ahar] que dara son fill . . . que vós ho manas per vostre letra. Item lo linatge ques apellen de Benihuara et son cap los fills de Taxerfi [que] daran Abrah[im] [A]ben Mahomet lur cosin, germa fill de lur o[ncle]. Et [...] seynor en est feyt no volem res enantar sens liscençia vostra et dixem las quens ho fariem saber et quen fari[em] vostre manament e [tra]metem vós [a dir] aquels rahenes que ells vós an en cor de donar per rahenes. Et creats Seynor per cert que ab que el dit Alabes //ell// e els altres nos vuellen servir quens hic valen mes que no farien atretans [altres tants] cavayls armats que sapiats Seynor que per tota aquesta frontera tremolen et an fort gran pahor d’eyls tots vostres enemics vós Seynor sabets les covinençes que avets ab eyls et sots tan discret Seynor que en aço ordonarets tota ora si a deu plau ço que sera honor et profit vostre et en aço seynor sia vostre mercé que hi manets ço que tendrets per bé et que.ns en fassats trametre en continent vostra resposta per ço Seynor con ja sabets los jenets con son axaquioses [i.e. make excuses] et cuyden-se que.n faç[a] [hoc] . . . et axi es mester seynor que demantinent ajam nostre manament de ço que fer hi denem. Scrita [Murcia] XXI dia de Jener anno domini MCCC tercio. Et Seynor sia vostra merce que ajam demantinent vostra resposta de ço que.n trendrets per bé que mester hi es segons la manera lur. Nostre Seynor vós den vida longa e victoria sobre vostres enemics.”
23. ACA, R. 235, fols. 3v–4r, segunda numeración (28 Dec. 1303): “Dilecto suo Petro de Monte Acuto procuratori regni Murcie et fideli suo Fernando de Cortilio bai[u]lo [...]ali eiusdem regni et cetera. Licet per aliam litteram nostram vobis dicte procuratori mandaverimus ut a nobil[..] [Al]abbez et aliis de perencela sua peteretis et reciperetis loco nostri quatuor filios ex ipsis per rahenis recione pacte[..] inter nos et eso inicorum. Et vobis dicto baiulo per aliam litteram mandaverimus ut eum certis certificamus a dicto procuratore que ipse dictos rahenas receperit et traderetis eidem Alabbez castrum de Negra et loca de Cepti et de Lorchi. Nunc tamen significamus vobis quod dicti Alabbez et alii geneti debent vobis dicto Petro tradere pro rahenis videlicet dictus Alabbez, filium suum, et Burrundi Abenrraho, filium suum, et Gemeladin Abenrraho, filium suum, et Jahia Aben Mudahar, filium suum. [....] vobis mandamus ut si dictis [fol. 4r] rahenis vobis dicti procuratori tradderint . . . dictus . . . tradatis dicto Alabbez castrum de Negra et alia loca predicta prout nobis per aliam litteram nostram fecimus ma[n]damientum. Preterea certificetis . . . de eo quod feceri[ti]s in permisis. Datum Valencie IIII, kalendas Ianuarii, anno predicto.” Cf. Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 213. The Umayyads similarly secured the loyalty of their Zanāta troops in North Africa by taking hostages. See Ibn ‘Idhārī, al-Bayān, I: 254.
24. Cf. Llibre dels feyts, chaps. 308–9.
25. See chapter 6 for more detail. Badr al-Dīn and Jamāl al-Dīn may also have been named shaykh al-ghuzāh. Badr al-Dīn’s son, ‘Alī, was definitively shaykh al-ghuzāh during the reign of Muḥammad V.
26. ACA, Cartas árabes, 84bis (14 Jun 1304), which confirms this taking of captives: “dhakara banū marīn al-wāsilīn ilā hadhā annakum akhadtum minhum arba‘a rahā’īn fi’l-ḥusn.” See also ACA, R 235, fol. 12r, segunda numeración (30 Jan. 1304), a letter from Jaume II, which also confirms that the correct captives were eventually taken.
27. See chapter 6 as well.
28. ACA, R. 94, fol. 151r (29 Dec. 1292): “. . . pro re[d]emptione illius janeti et uxoris sue ac filiorum eorum qui in posse dicti Paschasii Dominici capti detinebantur. . . .”
29. The Crown provided safe passage to Abrahim Abenhamema and his wife to leave the Crown. ACA, R. 66, fol. 152v (27 July 1286): “Universis officialibus et cetera, cum Abrahim Abenhamema, janetus, cum uxore et familia sua prepararint redire ad terram suam, mandamus vobis quatenus in exeundo de terra nostra recto tramite versus Crivileyn . . . [j]ane[to] . . . uxore et familie sue nullum impedimentum vel contrarium faciatis. Datum Figueris.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 291n126. Similarly, the Crown offered safeguard to Mahomet Abençabot and his wife, but it is not clear whether he was a jenet or an ambassador. ACA, R. 90, fol. 123v (1291): “Universis officialibus et subditis suis et cetera, cum Mahomet Abençabot cum uxore sua et quodam //suo// alio Sarraceno suo proponit exire de terra nostra et redire apud Granatam per mare vel per terram, mandamus et dicimus vobis quatenus eisdem Mahometo, uxori, Sarraceno suo predicto et rebus suis nullum impedimentum vel contrarium faciatis in exeundo de terra nostra, immo provideatis eidem de secure transitu et ducatu [......] ne pretextu Sarraceno suo secum ducat alium Sarracenum.”
30. ACA, R. 82, fol. 3v (7 Jan. 1290): “Raimundo Scorne [quod] . . . Daut Alma[..] expensam idoneam de quibus possit ducere vitam suam in civitate Valencie et quod recipiat [a]lbaranum et cetera. Datum in Alcoleya, VI idus Ianuarii.”
31. ACA, R. 199, fol. 55r (4 Mar. 1301): “Dilecto consiliario suo Bernardo de Sevriano, procuratori Regni Murcie et cetera. Cum nos Muçe Aventauri, janeto nostro, propter plurima servicia quod cum nobis exhibita gratiose dare concesserimus unum hereditamentum idoneum et suficienter de illis que in regno Murcie nostre curie confiscata sunt seu confiscabuntur de quo sustentare valeat idonee vitam suam et familie sue, idcirco vobis dicimus et mandamus quatenus de hereditamentis predictis que confiscata sunt seu confiscabuntur in dicto regno Murcie, concedatis et assignetis unum idoneum et suficiens, memerato Muçe Aventauri, prout discretioni vestre visum fuerit expedire. Et cum hereditamentum prefatum dicto Muçe assignaveritis //eidere// eidem cartam seu donatione ipsa fieri mandemus et faciamus, inde nos per vestras litteras certas reddere certiores. Datum in Obsidione Montis Falconis, IIII nonas Marcii.”
32. ACA, R. 79, fol. 79v (27 Jan. 1289): “Arnaldo de Bastida. Cum Ali Amari emisset de mandato nostro in Iacca equam Abdalla Abenaçiça, quandam janeti nostri, qui in Iacca decessit, precio quinquaginta quinque duplarum quam equam nos eidem Ali dari mandavimus, mandamus vobis quatenus dictas duplas detis dicto Ali qui eas traddet uxori dicti Abdalla quibis sibi solutis et cetera.”
33. James Clifford, [Review of Orientalism] in History and Theory, 19, no. 2 (1980), 211: “It is still an open question, of course, whether an African pastoralist shares the same existential ‘bestial floor’ with an Irish poet and his readers.”
34. In 1287, Alfons ordered his officials to let jenets sell any animals they captured during war. ACA, R. 74, fol. 5r (14 Oct. 1287): “Fuit mandatum officialibus quod in locis domini Regis permitant janetos vendere libere bestiare quod ceperunt ab inimicis . . .” Two years later, he wrote again to officials on the frontier, informing them that Mahomet el Viello was arriving for raids in defense of the territory and had the right to sell all goods retained. Royal officials, he explained, should not harm or impeded these soldiers but rather help and guide them. ACA, R. 81, fol. 56v (8 Jan. 1289 [1290]): “Universis hominibus quorumlibet locorum frontariarum terre nostre ad quos et cetera. Cum Mahomet el Viello, janetus noster, ac alii va[dunt] ad jenetiam tam Christiani quam Sarraceni socii predicti Mahomet habeant esse de mandato nostro in partibus frontarie pro tuicione [et] deffensione terre nostre ac etiam pro inferendo dampno inimicis nostris. Dicimus ac mandamus vobis quatenus quandocumque predictum Mahomat al Viello ac socios suos predictos contingerit venire seu accedere ad loca vestra in partibus frontarie tam cum cavalgatis quam sine cavalgatis ipsos solutis vestris predictis cum cavalcatis seu rebus eorum benigne recipiatis et eisd[em] vel rebus suis nullum dampnum vel impedimentum faciatis immo iuvetis et dirigatis eosdem in hiis in quibus poteritis bono modo. Datum supra.”
35. ACA, R. 83, fol. 71r (10 Aug. 1290), is also discussed in detail by Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 262–63.
36. ACA, R. 81, fol. 215r (25 Nov. 1290). This overlooked document from the chancery registers confirms Catlos’ suspicion that Abenadalil was first deployed to the Navarrese front. See Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 261.
37. See Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 264–73, with maps.
38. ACA, R. 81, fol. 243r (21 Jan. 1291). See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 269; and Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 193n1.
39. ACA, R. 81, fol. 214v (21 Nov. 1290): “Iusticie, iudici, et iuratis Calatayube. Quod cum Mahometus Abenadallil cum f[a]milia sua cepi[sse]t [et] traxisset de partibus Castille quan[d]a[m] predam animalium et aliarum rerum que erant hominum de Soria et aliqui de Calatayube qui composuerunt cum dicto Mahometo racione dicte prede obligaverunt se daturos eidem ce[rt]am peccunie quanti[tatem] certo termino \cum pena/ quam eidem solvere contradicunt, compellant illos et bona eorum et bona eorum ad dandum eidem Mahometo i[p]sam peccunie quantitatem \et penam predictam/ maliciis et diffugiis non admissis. Datum Barchinone, IX kalendas Decembris.” Interestingly, mention of the fine was added to the text after an initial draft was written, indicating that it was perhaps an afterthought. The amount of the fine is mentioned in the following document. Cf. Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 280–81.
40. ACA, R. 81, fol. 234v (13 Dec. 1290), trimmed along right margin: “Petro Sancii, iusticie Calatayube vel eius locum tenenti. Intelleximus quod cum Mahometus Abenadallil [t] in Campo de Soria cepit in dicto campo de Soria aliquos captivos et quod redimerunt se pro quadam quantitate
[eccunie] et dederunt [al]iquos homines dicti loci de Calatayube pro fideiussoribus dicto Abenadalillo et promitendo eidem dare et [solver] ad diem certam dictam redemptionem et si forte eam in die prefixa non solvissent quod darent ei [pro pena] duo millia et CC solidos Iaccenses. Unde cum predicto Abenadalillo vel alicui alii loco sui nichil sit satisfactum d[e] [predictis] quantitatibus ut predicitur. Mandamus vobis quatenus si est ita, incontinenti procedatis per modum pigneris vel alium mod[um contra] predictos fideiussores et bona eorum ad solvendum [di]cto Abenadalillo vel cui voluerit dictam quantitatem quam sib[i dare] promiserunt pro redemptione predicta et dictos II millia CC solidos Iaccenses pro pena superius iam expressa et quidquid mis[sionum] iuste fecerit racione predicta. Taliter quod vobiscum inveniat iusticiam breviter de predictis. Datum Barchinone idus De[cembris].” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 283.
41. ACA, R. 81, fol. 234r (13 Dec. 1290): “Petro Sancii, iusticie Calatayube vel eius locum tenenti. Intelleximus quod cum aliqui jeneti de familia Maho[m]eti Abenadalilli essent in aliquibus aldeis de Calatayube cum magna preda aliqui homines de dictis aldeis rau[b]raverunt dictis jenetis sive furto surripuerunt quosdam roncinos, adargas, et alias res. Quare vobis man[dam]us quatenus visis presentis si est ita, procedatis contra predictos ad restituendum Mahometo Abenadalillo [ve]l cui voluerit omnia supradicta prout de iure et foro fuerint faciendum non expectato a nobis super hoc [a]lio mandamento. Datum Barchinone idus Decembris.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 281–82; and Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 191.
42. ACA, R. 81, fols. 243v–244r (13 Dec. 1290): “Iuratis Calatayube. Intelleximus quod cum Mahometus Abenadalill de Soria, cepit in dicto campo de Soria aliquos captivos et quod redemerunt se pro quadam quantitate peccuncie et dederunt aliquos homines de loc[o] de [Calatayube] pro fideiussoribus dicto Abenadalillo, promitendo eisdem dare et solvere ad certam diem dictam redemptionem. Et si forte eam in die prefixa non solvissent quod darent ei et solvere pro pena, duo millia CC solidos Iaccenses, unde cum predicto Abenadalillo vel alicui alii loco sui nichil sit satisfactus de predictis quantitatibus ut predicitur et mandaverimus per literas nostras Petro Sancii iustice Calatayube vel eius locum tenenti quod si ita est incontinenti procedat per modum pignoris vel alium modum contra predictos fideiussores et bona eorum ad solvendum dicto Abenadalillo vel cui voluerit dictam quantitatem quam sibi dare promiserunt pro redemptione predicta et dictos duos millia CC solidos pro pena superius iam expressa et quicquid missionum iuste fecerit racione predicta et [dictus Abena]dalillus [te]neat sibi quod qui obligatus est cum predictis fideiussoribus ut asserit in redemptione . . . [fol. 244r] . . . noster habeat se maliciose in negocio super observanda iusticie eidem iuxta dictum mandatum nostrum. Mandamus vobis quatenus si forte dictus iusticia maliciose se habuerit evita predicta, compellatis dictum iusticiam et fideiussores alios predictos ad so[lvendum] dicto Abenadalillo vel cui ipse voluerit redemptionem et penam et missiones predictas ut superius est expressum, taliter quod vobiscum inveniat iustica breviter de predictas. Datum Barchinone idus Decembris.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 281.
43. He wrote letters to the justices of Aragon and Valencia. ACA, R. 81, fol. 234v (13 Dec. 1290): “Super predictis fuit scriptum Johanni Çapata, iusticie Aragone, quod faciat procedi per iusticiam Calatayube per m[odum] pignoris vel alium modum contra predictos fideiussores ad solvendum dicto Abenadalillo quantitatem quam sibi dare promiserunt pro redemptione dictorum captivorum et dictos duos millia solidos pro pena predicta et [quicquid] missionum iuste fecerit racione predicta. Datum ut supra.” ACA, R. 81, fol. 243v (21 Dec. 1290): “Iustice Valencie vel eius locum tenenti. Intelleximus quod cum Mahometus Abenadallil cucurrisset in campo [de] Soria cepit in dicto campo de Soria aliquos captivos et quod redemerunt se pro quadam quantitate peccunie et dederunt ali[quos] homines de Calatayube pro fideiussoribus dicto Abenadalillo promitendo eidem dare et solvere ad diem certam dictam re[demptio]nem et si forte eam in die prefixa non solvissent quod darent et solverent pro pena duo millia et CC solidos ia[ccenses]. Unde cum predicto Abenadalillo vel alicui alii loco sui nichil sit satisfactum de predictis quantitatibus ut dicitur et mandaverimus per literas nostras Petro Sancii, iusticie Calatayube vel eius locum tenenti quod si est ita incontinenti p[roce]dat per modum pignoris vel alium modum contra predictos fideiussores et bona eorum ad solvendum dicto Abena[da]lilli vel cui voluerit dictam quantitatem quam sibi dare promiserunt pro redemptione predicta et dictos II millia CC s[olidos] Iaccenses pro pena superius iam expressa et quicquid missionum inde fecerit, racione predicta. Mandamus vobis quatenus si f[orte] dictus Abenadalillus faticam iure invenerit in iusticiam Calatayube vel eius locum tenentem et vobis inde hostendis publica instrumenta vel alia documenta legitima incontinenti res et bona hominum Calatayube que in civitate Valencie vel a[licubi] poteritis invenire et de eisdem dicto Abenadalillo in redemptione pena et missionibus supradictis prout faciendum fuerit integre satisfacere faciatis. Taliter quod dictus Abenadalillus de predictis vobiscum iusticiam breviter assequat[ur]. Datum Barchinone, XII kalendas Ianuarii.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 282; and Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 192.
44. ACA, R. 81, fol. 237v (13 Dec. 1290): “Universis officialibus civitatum villarum et quorumlibet locorum Aragone. Mandamus vobis quatenus aliquibus [ad]alilis vel almugav[eris] equitum vel peditum vel aliis janetis si intrabunt Castellam seu Navarram nullum impedimentum vel contrarium faciatis vel fieri ab aliquibus permitatis immo provideatis eisdem et familie eorum de securo transitu et ducat[u] . . . restituentes et re[s]titui faciemus nichilominus eisdem omnes homines bestiarium et alias res quas habunt de terra dictorum inimicorum nostrorum et que vos vel aliquis vestrum ab eisdem cepistis vel etiam extorsistis. Datum u[t supra].” Alfons also specified the right of almogàvers to sell goods and captives, suggesting, as argued below, that the jenets were not the only ones to face hostility from local villagers. Note also that the king refers to the villagers’ actions as “extortion,” a phrase often repeated in this context below.
45. A. Friedburg, Corpus iuris canonici (Liepzig, 1881), 223 [Lateran III (1179)], as cited in Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 283n93. The Muslim jurist al-‘Utbī (d. 869) addressed the opposite problem of Christians buying Muslim slaves. His opinion was cited by Abū al-Walīd Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Aḥmad b. Rushd al-Jadd, al-Bayān wa’l-taḥṣīl wa’l-sharḥ wa’l-tawjīh wa’l-ta’līl fī masā’il al-mustakhrajah, ed. Aḥmad al-Jabābī, XVI: 387–88, with thanks to Maribel Fierro for bringing this reference to my attention.
46. Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 280: “Their resistance may have been flavoured by a sense of solidarity with their Sorian neighbours or a spirit of confessional cohesion versus a Muslim foe, but this could have been little more than a convenient rationalization.”
47. ACA, R. 81, fol. 234v (13 Dec. 1290): “Petro Sancii, iusticie Calatayube, vel eius locum tenenti. Intelleximus quod Vincentius de Sayona pignori . . . quendam hominem captivum Johanni Petri de Calatayube pro quinquaginta solidos Iaccenses, et quod dictus Johannes non vulit . . . restituere. . . .” One learns that Vincent was an adalid from events described below. See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 286.
48. ACA, R. 65, fol. 125r (29 Mar. 1286): “Muçe de [P]ortella. Mandamus [v]obis quatenus detis Abdu[a]het, janeto, ducentos solidos Barchinone quos sibi d [...] in emenda et restitucione quarumdam rerum quas Conradus Lan[cee] ab eo extorsit in Albayde ut asserit et facta sibi solucione recuperetis ab eo presentem litteram et apocham de soluto. Datum Barchinone, IIII kalendas Aprilis.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 286. Although Catlos sees this as an incident of theft, it may have been more complicated. The case involves Conrad Lancia, who recruited and oversaw jenets for the Crown. See chapter 2.
49. ACA, R. 81, fol. 63r (7 Mar. 1290): “. . . quod [ca]pia[t] M[o]sse Maymono, Iudeo Valencie, qui surripuit quibusdam janetis [quadam] albarana sue quitacionis et . . . tam diu quosque reddiderit albarana dictis janetis ut eisdem satisfecerit de ipsis albaranis prout fuerit faciendum.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 285.
50. Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 280: “Accustomed as they would have been to cross-border raiding and to all of the misery and opportunity which accompanied it, they also did their best to profit from the situation.”
51. Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 283n92: “This type of exchange, which worked to the benefit both of the Castilian and Aragonese townsmen, is one aspect of the regular commercial ties between municipalities on both sides of the frontier.”
52. See Catlos, “Contexto y conveniencia”; and idem, Muslims in Medieval Latin Christendom, c. 1050–1614, 515–35.
53. Catlos, Victors and the Vanquished, 85: “[T]he ideological counterparts of jihād in contemporary Christian society, the ideals of Reconquista and Crusade, played an analogous role: justifying actions in certain situations, while answering a need to express a sense of identity and purpose. As such, they can hardly be interpreted as causes or determinants of events, certainly not on any grand scale and normally not when they came into conflict with the ambitions of those individuals who were their purported champions”; and ibid., 294: “If Crusade ideology had emerged in the previous two centuries, in the late thirteenth century it had yet to determine Christian relations to Muslims either abroad or at home.”
54. Catlos, “Contexto y conveniencia,” 263: “La identidad sectaria tendió a no convertirse en una cuestión importante en la interacción cotidiana”; and ibid., 268: “La antipatía asociada a las diferencias sectarias, la confrontación monolítica de Sánchez Albornoz, así como las tendencias hacia la aculturación enfatizadas por Castro no son los determinantes del carácter de la interacción etno-religiosa de la Península Ibérica durante la Edad Media, sino más bien sus consecuencias. En las esferas legal, económica y social fueron los convenios negociados dictados por el mutuo interés—conveniencia—los que determinaron las relaciones entre grupos e individuos a través de las divisiones sectarias etno-religiosas.”
55. Catlos, Muslims of Medieval Latin Christendom, 522: “The prohibitions of Canon Lawyers and secular jurists and the fulminations of preachers and missionaries seem to have existed almost within their own sealed world, following their own logic, and with little impact on the social and political practices of princes and their subjects.”
56. The justice of Valencia, for instance, was ordered to seize any property that these men held in that kingdom. ACA, R. 81, fol. 243v (full citation in n43, above): “. . . incontinenti res et bona hominum Calatayube que in civitate Valencie vel a[licubi] poteritis invenire et de eisdem dicto Abenadalillo in redemptione pena et missionibus supradictis prout faciendum fuerit integre satisfacere faciatis. . . .” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 282.
57. Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 187; and Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 295–96.
58. ACA, R. 74, fol. 5r (14 Oct. 1287): “Iusticie et iuratis Cataltayube. Intelle[xim]us quod vos abstulistis janet[i]s nostr[i]s quendam hominem de Cutanda quem ceperunt in presenti guerra. Quare volumus ac vobis mandamus quatenus si vobis constiterit quod dictus homo sit de aliquo inimico nostro, ipsum restituatis dictis janetis [incontin]enti, ipsi vero tenentur nobis dare quintam de eo quod habuerint pro redemptione hominis supradicti. Datum in Epila, II idus Octobris.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 285n103.
59. Alfamén is approximately thirty miles from Zaragoza toward the Castilian border. ACA, R. 74, fol. 11r (25 Oct. 1287): “Aljamis Sarracenorum Dalmoneçir et de Alfamen et janetis ibidem existentibus et aliis universis ad quos presentes et cetera. Cum locus de Aguaro sit dilecti nostri Alamandi de Gudal, superiunctarii Tirasone, mandamus et dicimus vobis, quatenus, in predicto loco seu hominibus ibidem existentibus au[t] aliquibus bonis seu ganatis eorum nullum malum seu dampnum faciatis nec fieri permitatis. Immo si qua cepistis violenter ab hominibus predicti loci dum modo non sint inimicorum nostrorum ea eisdem visis presentibus restituatis et restitui faciatis. Datum ut supra.” See text at n86, below, for a discussion of this document.
60. Specifically, he was ordered to provide them safe conduct all the way to Montseny, north of Barcelona in Catalonia. ACA, R. 80, fol. 66r (11 Oct. 1289): “Scriptum fuit iusticie Calatayube quod absolvat janetos quos homines de Alfama ceperunt et illos traddat seu mutet ad dictum Regem et provideat eis de securo conductu in Monte Sono. V idus Octobris.” See also Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 187–88.
61. The echo here of James Scott’s Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance is also a critique of it. In this reading, “foot-dragging” is not only resistance to ideology but also the expression of another ideology, a competing form of law and legitimacy.
62. This is precisely what King Alfons himself suspected in his letter to the council of Calatayud. See ACA, R. 81, fols. 243v–244r (13 Dec. 1290), with full citation in n42, above.
63. ACA, R. 85, fol. 113v (15 Mar. 1290): “Iusticie et Iuratis Xative. Cum iam scripserimus vobis quod miteritis ad nos illos j[e]netos quos captos ten[etis], qui venerant de Billena, et istud non feceritis mira[mur] de vobis. Quare irato vobis dicimus et mandamus ex parte Domini Regis et nostra quatenus visis presentibus, mitatis ad nos jenetos predictos [c]um familia sua et omnibus equitaturis et rebus suis, significantes nobis, causam propter quam [retinu]istis eosdem. Et istud nullatenus differatis. Datum ut supra.”
64. ACA, R. 81, fol. 215r (25 Nov. 1290): “Fuit scriptum Luppo French de Luna quod predam quam quidam jeneti Abenadalili capitis jenetorum extraherunt [sic] de Navarr[a] [q]uam [ean]dem eis ablata fuit per aliquos de familia dicti nobilis faciat eis restitui. Datum Barchinone VII kalendas Decembris [1290].”
65. ACA, R. 81, fol. 237v (13 Dec. 1290), with full citation in n44, above.
66. ACA, R. 81, fol. 224r (7 Dec. 1290, left margin trimmed): “[Petro] Ferrandi recepimus literas vestras et intelleximus ea que in eisdem nobis dici misistis super facto mortis Puçole de qua fuerunt inculpati [Pa]schasius Valentini, Matheus de Galera, Juanyes Bono, et //quidam// alii adalilli nostri cum sociis et familiis eorumdem ad que vobis [re]spondemus quod volumus et placet nobis quod predicti adalilli nostri cum sociis et tota familia sua remaneant et sint in servicio vestro prout esse consueverunt ipsis cum assecurantibus idonee in posse nostro, quod si forte racione dicte mortis proponeretur querimonia contra eos [quod] faciant inde iustitie complementum. Nos enim mandamus per literas nostras universis officialibus nostris quod incontinenti cum ipsi firmaverint . . . restituant et desemperent eis omnia ea que eisdem ceperunt vel emparaverunt racione mortis predicte. Datum Barchinone, VII idus Decembris. . . . [....] scriptum univers[is] officialibus quod cum constiterit eis predictis firmasse in posse dicti Petri Ferrandi desemparent eis et desemparari faciant omnia que eisdem occupaverunt, ac prestent eisdem super inferendo dampno inimicis domini Regis consilium, iuvamen. Datum ut supra.” Puçola and his associates received a safeguard and orders to remain on the Navarrese border from King Alfons on November 15, 1289, which is to say their time of service on this front overlapped with Abenadalil’s. ACA, R. 80, fol. 104v (two documents): “Iustice, iuratis et concilio d’Albayo. Mandamus vobis quatenus non impediatis nec ab aliquo impediri permitatis Puçola et socios suos \et/ racione alicuius mandati per nos eis in contrarium faci cavalcatam quam nuper adduxerunt de Navarra [nec] alias quas ducturi sunt de locis inimicorum nostrorum, nisi tamen ipsa cavalcata fuerit de hominibus aut locis qui sint sub se[curit]ate [nost]ra et de ipsa securitate a nobis cartam habeant specialem. Man[d]amus etiam vobis quod super cavalcata quam nuper portaverunt de termino de Fustineana nullum impedimentum vel contrarium faciatis prefato Pusola et aliis supradictis nisi ipsa cavalcata vel persone ipsius fuerint aliquorum qui sub predicta securitate nostra sint, et quod de ipsa securitate habeant a nobis cartam ut superius continetur. Datum ut supra”; and “[Fuit scri]ptum dicta Puçola et aliis scutiferis qui sunt in frontaria Navarre quod placet domino Reg[e] quod [....] et remeneant el Bayo et fronteria Navarre in deffensionem locorum terre domini Regis quosque ab [..] aliud receperint in [..] mandatis. Datum ut supra.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 284. The wonderful translation of “Puçola” as “Big Flea” is Brian Catlos’.
67. This fact is inferred from the following document, to which I return in n70, below. ACA, R. 81, fol. 237v (13 Dec. 1290): “Petro Sancii, iusticie Calatayube. Mandamus vobis quatenus visis presentibus tradatis et tradi faciatis Paschasio Valentinum et Vincenio de Sayona et aliis sociis eorum albarana cartas bestias et alias res quas emparestis sive tenetis emperatis ab eisdem racione mortis Puçole [eo] quem fuer[u]nt ut dicitur inculpati. Datum Barchinone, idus Decembris.”
68. ACA, R. 81, fol. 234v (17 Dec. 1290): “Paschasio Valenteni, Juanyes Bono, Raimundo Petri, Galmo Petri et aliis sociis eorum. Intelleximus quod vos abs[tulistis] per violentiam Masseto, Assager et Alabes, jenetis nostris quandum roncinum et quandam equam quare vobis mandamus q[uatenus] [si est] ita incontinenti restituatis dictis jenetis equitaturas predictas al[ias] mandamus per presentes Petro Sancii [de] Calatayube quod vos ad predicta compellant prout fuerint faciendum. Datum Barchinone, XVI kalendas Ianuarii [1290].”
69. ACA, R. 81, fol. 234r (13 Dec. 1290, my emphasis): “[I]usticie Calatayube et Daroce vel eorum locum tenentibus. Intelleximus quod Puçola quod debebat Mahometo [A]benadallil quandam quantitatem peccunie racione quarum dicti rerum quas ipse Puçol[a] recepit de cavalcata [...]erate Castille que erant inter dictum Abendallil et dictum Puçolam. Quare vobis mandamus, quatenus, si [est] ita de bonis dicti Puçole satisfaciatis et satisfieri faciatis dicto Mahometo Abenadallil vel cui [v]oluerit in dicta quantitate peccunie quam ei debebat dictus Puçola racione predicta, taliter quod dictus [A]benadalillus de vobis pro deffectum iusticie non habeat materiam conquerendi. Datum ut supra.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 284.
70. ACA, R. 81, fol. 237v (13 Dec. 1290), with full citation in n67, above. A more detailed letter was issued to Petrus Ferrandi, the procurator of Valencia, who oversaw the operations of the almogàvers during the so-called Guerra Jenetorum, which is discussed later in this chapter, beginning at n101. See ACA, R. 81, fol. 224r (7 Dec. 1290) with full citation in n66, above.
71. ACA, R. 81, fol. 234v (17 Dec. 1290), with full citation in n40, above: “. . . quare vobis mandamus q[uatenus] [si est] ita incontinenti restituatis dictis jenetis equitaturas predictas al[ias] mandamus per presentes Petro Sancii [de] Calatayube quod vos ad predicta compellant prout fuerint faciendum.”
72. ACA, R. 81, fol. 215v (20 Nov. 1290): “[Ç]almedine Cesarauguste. Intelleximus quod quidam Sarracenus nomine Mahumet Sugeray, mil[item] dilecti nostri Abendalli[l], capitis jenetorum, diligit mult[u]m quamdam Sarracenam Cesarauguste nomine Fatimam, filiam Abdullasis, quam vult ducere in uxorem. Quare vobis dicimus et mandamus quatenus faciatis et procuretis cum effectu quod d[ictus] Sarracenus dictam Sarracenam habeat in uxorem. Datum ut supra.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 293n135; and Lourie, “Jewish Mercenary,” 371.
73. ACA, Bulas, legajo VI, no. 19 (8 Jan. 1239).
74. Abū al-Ḥasan ‘Alī b. Muḥammad al-Makhzūmī Ibn Ḥarīq of Valencia (d. 1225), who was the teacher of the well-known scholar Ibn al-Abbār, wrote these lines on the eve of the Jaume I’s conquest (1238). See A. R. Nykl, Hispano-Arabic Poetry and Its Relations with the Old Provençal Troubadours, 331, as cited in Burns, Islam Under the Crusaders, 3.
75. On the military strength of the region, see Llibre dels feyts, chap. 128; Desclot, Crònica, chap. 49.
76. A week after the surrender noted above, Pere issued an order to his officers in Algeciras (a port briefly under Castilian rule in this period) that this treaty should be upheld, providing evidence that some jenets did in fact leave after the pacification of Valencia. ACA, R. 38, fol. 33v (7 Sep. 1276): “Infans Petrus et cetera, fidelibus suis baiulo, iusticie, iuratis et universis hominibus Alyazire, salutem et graciam. Sciatis quod nos accipimus et habemus ab hodierna die dominica usque in tres menses continere [sic] vent[ur]os et completos treguas cum janetis et omnibus aliis Sarracenis locorum Regni Valencie et castrorum qui s[e] contra nos alciaverunt tamen castris et locis ac que tenet alcaydus Abrahim et excepto castro de Alcalano, Vallis de Alfandec, de Marynenen, et Sarracenis dictorum castrorum et rebus eorumdem. Quare mandamus vobis quatenus dictam treguam per totum dictum tempus observetis et infra dictum tempus non oportet vos similiter vel res vestras cav[e]re a janetis vel aliquibus Saracenis dictorum castrorum et locorum qui sunt in tregua predicta quam quidem treguam precon[i]zant per Alyaziram visis presentibus faciatis. Datum Xative VIII idus Septembris anno domini MCCLXXVI.”
77. On the Mudéjares of Valencia, see Burns, Crusader Kingdom of Valencia; idem, Muslims, Christians, and Jews in the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: Societies in Symbiosis; Josep Torró Abad, El naixement d’una colònia; Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera amb l’Islam; and Mark D. Meyerson, The Muslims of Valencia in the Age of Fernando and Isabel: Between Coexistence and Crusade.
78. The surrender agreement at Chivert (AHN, Ordines militares, codex 542, Montesa [28 Apr. 1234]) preserved the right to maintain mosques and prayer. Jaume I also conceded to the Muslims of Játiva the right to build a new mosque in 1273 (ACA, R 21, fol. 151v [7 June 1273]). Jaume II protected the right of the Muslims of Alagón (ACA, R 90, fol. 85v [6 Oct. 1291]) and Ricla (ACA, R 94, fols. 144v–145r [27 Dec. 1292]) against Christian encroachments or opposition. In the latter case, Christians blocked Muslims from entering their mosque. For more on the issue, see Ferrer i Mallol, Els sarraïns, 85–94; and Ana Echevarría Arsuaga, “De cadí a alcalde mayor. La élite judicial Mudéjar en el siglo XV,” Al-Qanṭara 1 (2003): 139–68.
79. ACA, R. 19, fol. 83r (16 Dec. 1273).
80. Mudéjares had a variety of community leaders: alcaydus (al-qā’id), alamin (al-amīn), çalmedina (ṣāḥib al-madīna), almotacen (al-muḥtasib), and almoixerif (al-musharrif), whose roles seem to have overlapped extensively, particularly in rural communities. The spelling of these titles varies widely in the chancery registers. See also Jean-Pierre Molénat, “L’élite Mudéjare dans la Péninsule Ibérique médiévale,” in Elites e redes clientelares na Idade Média: problemas metodológicos, ed. F. T. Barata, 45–53.
81. The early surrender charters of Chivert (1234), Játiva (1245), and Tudela (1115) allowed that Muslims would be judged by a Muslim judge. Complaints abound that royal officials violated Mudéjar legal autonomy (ACA, R. 48, fol. 20v; ACA, R. 89, fol. 41r; ACA, R. 99, fol. 277r; ACA, R. 100, fol. 272v; and ACA, R. 213, fol. 275r, for various examples). See also Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 228; Boswell, Royal Treasure, 65–66, 108, 142; Boswell, Royal Treasure, 65–66; Catlos, Victors and the Vanquished, 177–78; and Echavarría, “De cadí a alcalde mayor.”
82. There is evidence in the chancery registers that Arabic continued to be used by Mudéjares throughout the kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon at the end of the thirteenth century: ACA, R. 11, fol. 199 (Játiva); ACA, R. 12, fol. 76v (Lérida); ACA, R. 40, fol. 166 (Zaragoza); and ACA, R. 48, fol. 7v (La Algecira). Cf. Boswell, Royal Treasure, 384, claiming that Arabic was used only in Valencia. See also Carmen Barceló, “La lengua àrab al País Valencia (segles VIII al XVI),” Arguments 4 (1979): 123–49; and Maria Dolors Bramon Planas, “Una llengua, dues llengües, tres llengües,” in Raons d’identitat del País Valencia, ed. Pere Sisé, 17–47.
83. Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 188.
84. Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 273.
85. See, for instance, ACA, R. 82, fols. 61v–62r (2 July 1290).
86. ACA, R. 74, fol. 11r (25 Oct. 1287), with full citation in n59, above: “Aljamis Sarracenorum Dalmoneçir et de Alfamen et janetis ibidem existentibus et aliis universis ad quos presentes et cetera. . . .”
87. They moved into houses previously owned by another Muslim. ACA, R. 44, fol. 178v (16 May 1280), with citation in n9, above.
88. ACA, R. 82, fol. 3v (7 Jan. 1290): “Raimundo Scorne [quod] . . . Daut Alma[..] expensam idoneam de quibus possit ducere vitam suam in civitate Valencie et quod recipiat [a]lbaranum et cetera. Datum in Alcoleya, VI idus Ianuarii.” See Gazulla, “Zenetes,” 194.
89. ACA, R. 199, fol. 55r (4 Mar. 1301): “. . . Cum nos Muçe Aventauri, janeto nostro, propter plurima servicia quod cum nobis exhibita gratiose dare concesserimus unum hereditamentum idoneum et suficienter de illis que in regno Murcie nostre curie confiscata sunt seu confiscabuntur de quo sustentare valeat idonee vitam suam et familie sue . . . ,” with full citation in n31, above.
90. See chapter 6 for a fuller discussion.
91. Whereas travelers and traders had to reside in the merchant hostel in the morería, the king occasionally granted the privilege of staying inside the city to foreign dignitaries, who may have taken offense at an association with the Mudéjares. For instance, in 1277, two Muslim vistors from Tangia (Ṭanja, modern Tangiers) arrived at Valencia in order to arrange for the exchange of captives. They traveled with their wives and family and were housed within the walls of Valencia city. They were also given the privilege of trading goods directly from their residence rather than in the market. See ACA, R. 40, fol. 4r (3 Aug. 1277).
92. ACA, R. 70, fol. 31r (18 Dec. 1286): “Baiulo Valencie vel eius locum tenenti quod absolvat Çehit, genetum, quem captum tenet racione vulnerum per ipsum illatorum Alamino Sarracenorum Valencie et filio eiusdem, ex quibus vulneribus nullus est, ut dicitur, mortuus nec sunt talia vulnera quod aliquis eorum ut asseritur, mortem inde assequatur. Quoniam dominus Rex, si ita est, absolvit dictum genetum a captione predicta, et quod [re]sti[t]uat ei ensem quem in dicta ritxa [sic] sibi abstulit, ut dicitur. Datum in Portupino, XV kalendas Ianuarii.” See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 292–93.
93. See chapter 3 for a more detailed discussion of sumptuary laws in the kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon. See also the case of the Belvis, a prominent Mudéjar family, who were explicitly exempted from these laws. ACA, R. 981, fol. 22r (12 Feb. 1355); and ACA, R. 904, fol. 232r (13 Nov. 1360), as cited in Boswell, Royal Treasure, 45.
94. Libre dels feyts, chap. 47ff for the conquest of Mallorca; and Ubierto Arteta, ed., Crónica de San Juan de la Peña, chap. 37, for the conquest of Minorca. See also David Abulafia, A Mediterranean Emporium: The Catalan Kingdom of Majorca; Joan Ramis i Ramis, Les Illes Balears en temps cristians fins als àrabs; and Elena Lourie, “Free Moslems in the Balearics under Christian Rule in the Thirteenth Century,” Speculum 45, no. 4 (1970): 624–49.
95. ACA, R. 70, fol. 60r; ACA, R. 70, fol. 61v; ACA, R. 72, fol. 24v; and ACA, R. 72, fol. 53v. See also Catlos, “Mahomet Abenadalill,” 294, which cites an additional document, ACA, R. 70, fol. 49v. ACA, R. 70, fol. 61v (5 Feb. 1286) reads: “Fuit factum albaranum Alabeç, geneto, de uno Sarraceno negro vocato Bilel.”
96. The chancery registers contain numerous records of slave sales from the auctions at Mallorca and Barcelona that discriminate carefully between white (albus), brown (laurus), and black (niger) men and women.
97. ACA, R. 57, fol. 189r (29 Aug. 1285, my emphasis): “Universis [offici]alibus quod ubicumque et apud quemcumque reperiantur V Sarraceni et I Sarracena quorum unus est Raimundi [de] Gerunda [et] alius Nicholai de Samares et alius Bernardi de Calle et alius Guillelmi Fratri et alius Bernardi Reig et ipsa Sarracena est A[b]rahim Amiel, civium Barchinone, capiant et occupent et pos[sint] a quolibet detentare et captos cust[o]diare [sic] et conservent donec predicti cives dictos Sarracenos probaverint esse suos et tunc tradant eos procuratori dictorum civium cum de eorum dominio fuerit facta fides. Preterea recipiant idoneam cautionem ab Albohaya et Cassim et Sahat, genetis, quorum opera et insinuatione dicti Sarraceni dicuntur aff[u]gisse de restituendis dictis Sarracenis ubi probatum f[uerit] contra eos vel de [fac]iendo eis iusticie complemento. Datum Barchinone, IIII kalendas Septembris.”
98. ACA, R. 70, fol. 25v (5 and 9 Dec. 1286): “Petro Ferrandi, procuratori Regni Valencie, vel eius locum tenenti. [Cum] intelleximus quod aliqui jeneti et pedites Sarraceni parant se et intendunt intrare hostiliter Regnum nostrum Valencie et ibidem nobis gentibus nostris dampnum inferre, dicimus et mandamus vobis quatenus vocetis //vel// ex parte nostre Magistrum Templi, Magistrum Hospitalis, et Comendatorem de Alcanicio quibus super hoc scribimus et nobiles ac milites in Regno Valencie hereditates habentes ut ad deffensionem Regni Valencie et bonorum suorum, veniant et stent cum equis armis et aliis apparatibus suis ut si forte aliqui hostes nostri intrarent Regnum Valencie possint eis viriliter resistere ac eis dampnum inferre. Datum Maiorice, nonas Decembris.
“Universis nobilibus ac militbus in Regno Valencie hereditates habentibus. Cum intelleximus aliquos Sarraceno[s] se parasse ad expugnandum Regnum nostrum Valencie dilectum vestrum requirimus ac vobis dicimus et mandamus quatenus visis presentibus paretis vos cum equis et armis et aliis apparatibus vestris et stetis ad deffensionem Regni Valencie supradicti et bonorum ac hereditatum vestrarum, ut si forte aliqui hostes nostri intrarent [R]egnum Valencie predictum, possitis eis viriliter resistere ac eis dampnum inferre. Datum ut supra.
“Commendatori de Alcanicio. Cum intelleximus quod jeneti et alii Sarraceni extranei tam equites quam pedites parant et intendunt intrare regnum nostrum Valencie et malum inferre ibidem, requirimus vos ac vobis firmiter dicimus et madamus quatenus incontinenti omni dilatione remota eatis cum militibus et familia ad predictum regnum Valencie et ibi sitis pro resistencia predictis Sarracenis viriliter facienda in defensionem regni predicta et eorum que ibi habetis. Datum Maiorice, V idus Decembris.
“Similiter fratri Bernardo de Miravals.
“Similiter magistro Hospitalis.
“Similiter magistro Templi.”
Particular noblemen were also written directly (ACA, R. 70, fol. 92v [11 Apr. 1287]). Almogàvers are mentioned in a letter to Petrus Ferrandi, procurator of Valencia (ACA, R. 71, fol. 49v [5 May 1287]).
99. Letters were issued again to the military orders, ACA, R. 70, fol. 93r (7 Apr. 1287); and ACA, R. 70, fol. 106r (22 Apr. 1287).
100. On the bishoprics, ACA, R. 70, fol. 92v (11 Apr. 1287); and ACA, R. 70, fol. 101r–v (29 Apr. 1287). On revenues, ACA, R. 71, fol. 34r (7 Apr. 1287); and ACA, R. 71, fol. 36r (12 Apr. 1287).
101. ACA, R. 71, fol. 34r (7 Apr. 1287), a series of documents related to financing the war, are the first to refer to it as the Guerra Jenetorum. The war appears to have already ended when in October, Alfons sent the following order, ACA, R. 71, fol. 88r (25 Oct. 1287): “Iacobo Delmars, collectori reddituum Vallis de Meriynen. Volumus ac vobis dicimus et mandamus quatenus soluto eo quod nobilis Petrus Ferrandi, procurator Regni Valencie, vel Petrus Peregrini de domo nostra, assignaverunt aliquibus super redditibus supradictis racione guerre Janetorum, respondeatis sive responderi faciatis de eisdem redditibus creditoribus nobilis dompni Ferrandi quondam [.....] nostri vel procuratoribus eorum iuxta assignacionem per nos inde ipsis factam cum carta nostra ut in ea continetur. Et hoc aliquatenus non mitetis. Datum in Alagone, VIII kalendas Novembris.” I would argue that the war only lasted the summer months.
102. See also Lourie, “Anatomy of Ambivalence,” 7–11.
103. ACA, R. 70, fol. 106r (23 Apr. 1287): “Alamino et aliame Sarracenorum de Alhavir, avem entes que per pahor dels moros qui entraren el Regne de Valencie et dels almugavers nosen sots pugats el pug de laucho. En con nos siam venguts en Valencie, deym nos eus manam que tornets tan tost en vestres cases et vestres habetats et pensets de laurar axi con avets acustumat cor nos sem venguts per ço ques tingam sans et segurs. Datum Valencie, IX kalendas Maii.”
104. ACA, R. 161, fol. 107r–v (21 Aug. 1316, my emphasis): “. . . In nostri presencia constitutus nuncius aliame Sarracenorum Elchii exposuit humiliter coram nobis quod aliquociens tam de die quam de nocte, cum insurgit rumor aliquis in dicto loco quod geneti seu Sarraceni de partibus Granate intrant hostiliter terram nostram, aliqui homines iuvenes loci ipsius, temeritate ducti, concitando populum contra Sarracenos loci predicti vociferant et dicunt ‘al raval, al raval’. . . .” For a full edition, Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 265. See a similar incident decades later: ACA, R. 1377, fols. 67v–68r (5 July 1340), as cited in Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 288–90.
105. A document records the repopulation of the raval of Játiva because some Muslims “recently departed with the jenets,” ACA, R. 75, fol. 7r (3 May 1287): “. . . qui nuper recesserunt cum genetis.” There was considerable financial opportunity in the departure and return of such fugitives. See for instance, ARV, Perg. Reials, no. 9 (1347).
106. ACA, R. 78, fol. 57r (22 Apr. 1287): “Item debetis vos dictus nobilis recuperare . . . centum XXX solidos [quo]s dedistis in uno Sarraceno qui erat espia in guerra Janetorum.”
107. ACA, R. 100, fol. 202r (14 Nov. 1294, my emphasis): “Petro de Libiano, baiulo generali regni Valencie, salutem et cetera. Noveritis ad nostram audienciam pervenisse quod quadam comitiva Sarracenorum almugaverorum nuper venientium de partibus //Castelle// Regis Granate adgrediebatur intrare in regnum nostrum Valencie pro dampno inferrendo et quod Ferrandus Garcesii de Roda cum quadam comitiva quam secum ducebat obviavit eisdem et deviat eosdem et etiam quosdam ex ipsis captos retinuit et fuerunt invente penes eos quedam carte seu litere quas dictus Rex Granate mittebat aliamis Regni Valencie quod se insurgerent contra nos et terram nostram et quod occuparent et subriperent et fortitudines quas occupare possent quoniam ipse Rex Granate erat missum ad ipsos familiam equitum in deffensione et iuvamen eorumdem. Quare vobis dicimus et mandamus quatenus visis presentibus ad frontariam accedatis et recognoscatis loca et castra et fortitu\di/nes ipsius frontarie et si qua defuierit vel necessaria fuerit ad stabilimenta dictorum castrarum faciatis providere et custodiri diligenter, taliter quod propter malam custodiam seu curam non possit ipsis castris sinistram aliquam evenire. Datum Barchinone, XVIII kalendas Decembrii, anno domini MCCXCIIII.”
108. ACA, R. 252, fol. 121r (18 Nov. 1295). See also Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 349.
Chapter Six
1. This was the crusade against Almería in 1309. See, EI2, s.v. “al-Mariyya” as well as Tapia Garrido, Almería musulmana; Sālim, Ta’rīkh madīnat al-Mariyya al-islāmiyya; Giménez-Soler, El sitio de Almería; Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 103–16; Harvey, Islamic Spain, 173–80; and Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 89–93.
2. On the Guerra Jenetorum, see chapter 5.
3. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 379.
4. Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 238–43; and Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 321–71.
5. See chapter 1 for more detail on this first rebellion.
6. Although Ibn Khaldūn makes no mention of Musā b. Raḥḥū’s participation in the rebellion, Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Iḥāṭa, IV: 78, confirms that he did. See also Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 343.
7. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 190–91, 383.
8. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 381. The maḥalla was a demonstration of force, a regular and punitive mission through his territory by the Almohad caliph to establish his authority. See Jocelyne Dakhlia, “Dans la mouvance du prince: la symbolique du pouvoir itinérant au Maghreb,” Annales 3 (1988): 735–60; and Maribel Fierro, “Algunas reflexiones sobre el poder itinerante almohade,” e-Spania 8 (2009), [Online], URL : http://e-spania.revues.org/18653.
9. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 379, 381, cit. 379: “So, they departed for al-Andalus in 661 and had a great impact on the jihād, which brought great honor to their positions. . . . And many of the Zanāta princes (aqyāl) aspired to imitate their deeds. In the central Maghrib, the likes of ‘Abd al-Malik b. Yaghmurāsan b. Zayyān, ‘Iyād b. Mandīl b. ‘Abd al-Raḥmān, and Zayyān b. Muḥammad b. ‘Abd al-Qawī gathered and undertook to cross over for the jihād. So, they crossed with whoever surrounded them (khaffa ma‘hum) from their tribes in the year 676. So al-Andalus was filled with princes and men of royal stock (a‘yāṣ al-malik).” Cf. Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Iḥāṭa, I: 136; and idem, al-Lamḥa, 39, which mention other tribes.
10. The remnants of a zāwiyā, a religious instution, in the Rábita de Albuñol, a fortress from which Ghuzāh raids were launched, hints at the ritual and devotional practices of the ascetic warriors who manned the front lines. See also Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 275–76; Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 333; and de Epalza, “Constitución de rábitas en la costa de Almería.” For the signifance of the zāwīya in the North African context, see EI2, s.v. “zāwīya.”
11. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 382: “wa-khāṭabahum al-sultān abū sa‘īd [r. 1310–1331] malik al-maghrib fī i‘tiqālihi fa-ajābūhu wafr min maḥbasihi wa-laḥaqa bi-dār al-ḥarb.”
12. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 382–83.
13. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 213. Abū Yūsuf saw the Ghuzāh as an extension of his own efforts in jihād.
14. See the astute discussion of jihād in the Islamic west in Abigail Krasner Balbale, “Jihād as a Means of Political Legitimation,” in The Articulation of Power in Medieval Iberia and the Maghrib, ed. Amira K. Bennison, 87–105. Cf. Lagardère, Les Almoravides.
15. HEM, III: 75n2, as cited in Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 323.
16. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 221.
17. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 383; and Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Iḥāṭa, IV: 77–80.
18. Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Iḥāṭa, IV: 80.
19. Torremocha Silva, Algeciras entre la cristianidad y el islam; and idem, “Al-Binya: la ciudad palaciega merini en Al-Andalus.”
20. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 388–89.
21. On the extent of their influence at court, see, for example, Ibn al-Khaṭīb, al-Lamḥa, 80, 116–17.
22. For example, see Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 383; and Ibn al-Khaṭīb, A’māl al-a‘lām, II: 255. See also Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 80, 87; and Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 332.
23. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 191; Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 333, suggests that these salaries were first conceded during the reign of Muḥammad V.
24. See Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 370–71, for a list of all the commanders.
25. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 379–81.
26. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 382; and Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Iḥāṭa, IV: 78. See text at n123, below, for more detail.
27. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 384.
28. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 386: “ashkhaṣa banī raḥḥū jamī‘an ilā ifrīqiya.”
29. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 384. Castilian sources share the suspicion. See Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 349n980.
30. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 384. Yaḥyā b. ‘Umar b. Raḥḥū briefly held the post of commander of the Ghuzāh in this period.
31. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar: VII, 385–86; Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Iḥāṭa, IV: 321; and idem, al-Lamḥa, 105.
32. Yaḥyā fled to Castile briefly in this period. See Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Nufādāt al-jirāb fī ‘ulālat al-i‘tirāb, ed. Aḥmad Mukhtār al-‘Abbadī, 18: “wa-ḥīnamā ‘alama malik qashtāla badrū al-qāsā bi-qudūmihi raḥḥaba bi-maqdamihi.” The last commander from this family was ‘Alī b. Badr al-Dīn, the grandson of Mūsā b. Raḥḥū. See Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 389–91.
33. He was ‘Abd al-Raḥmān b. Abī Ifullūsan. See Manzano Rodríguez, 368–69, for questions regarding date when the Ghuzāh were finally disbanded.
34. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 355.
35. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 390. See also Manzano Rodríguez, La intervención, 367; Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 118; and Harvey, Islamic Spain, 216–17.
36. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 392–93: “wa-aghfala ṣāhib al-andalus hadhihi al-khuṭṭa min dawlatihi wa-maḥā rasmahā min mulkihi wa-ṣāra amr al-ghuzāh al-mujāhidīn ilayhi wa-bāshara aḥwālahum bi-nafsihi wa-‘ammahum bi-naẓarihi wa-khassa al-qarāba al-murashshaḥīn minhum bi-mazīd takrimatihi wa-‘ināyatihi.”
37. Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 117–18; and Harvey, Islamic Spain, 215–16.
38. ACA, Cartas árabes, 161 (18 Ṣafar 779/29 May 1377). At this point, as Ibn al-Khaṭīb, al-Lamḥa, 39, noted, the Granadan cavalry had also adopted the style of riding a la jineta, undercutting the advantage of the Marīnid jenets.
39. See also Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 389–400, which mentions two other Ghuzāh commanders who fled to the lands of the Crown of Aragon.
40. See also EI2, s.v. “mārid.” The juristic discourse surrounding the moral and legal obligations of those in rebellion against political authority, aḥkām al-bughāh, was extensive and fairly normative. See Khaled Abou El Fadl, Rebellion and Violence in Islamic Law.
41. See chapter 4.
42. For an excellent survey of this topic, see Michael Bonner, Jihad in Islamic History, 11–19, 54–96, which outline the debates from the classical to the early modern periods.
43. Balbale, “Jihād as Political Legitimation,” 91: “I argue here that in the case of Sharq al-Andalus, these intra-Muslim battles involved important spiritual questions and were not simply a form of realpolitik. They were part of the broader Islamic quest to determine what sacred and profane power looked like in the face of a declining caliphate.”
44. See Abū Sa‘īd Saḥnūn, al-Mudawwana al-Kubrā, III: 278, as cited in Khaled Abou El Fadl, “Islamic Law and Muslim Minorities: The Juristic Discourse on Muslim Minorities from the Second/Eighth to the Eleventh/Seventeenth Centuries,” Islamic Law and Society 1, no. 2 (1994): 146.
45. Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā al-Wansharīsī, al-Mi‘yār al-mu‘rib wa’l-jāmi‘ al-mughrib ‘an fatāwā ‘ulamā’ ahl Ifrīqiya wa’l-Andalus wa’l-Maghrib, ed. Muḥammad Ḥajjī, II: 121–24, 130–33, and 140–41. For a thorough discussion of the history of and historiography on the “obligation to emigrate,” see Jocelyn N. Hendrickson, “The Obligation to Emigrate: Al-Wansharīsī’s Asnā Al-Matājir Reconsidered,” with extensive bibliography.
46. Hendrickson, “The Islamic Obligation to Emigrate,” 386–89.
47. For negative opinions of al-Wansharīsī, see, for example, Ḥusayn Mu’nis, “Asnā al-matājir fī bayān aḥkām man ghalaba ‘alā waṭanihi al-naṣārā wa-lam yuhājir, wa-mā yatarattabu ‘alayhi min al-‘uqūbāt wa’l-zawājir,” Revista del Instituto Egipcio de estudios Islamicos en Madrid 5 (1957): 15–18; and Harvey, Islamic Spain, 56. For al-Wansharīsī’s sources, see Abū al-Walīd Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Aḥmad b. Rushd al-Jadd (d. 520/1126), al-Muqaddimāt al-mumahhidāt, ed. Muḥammad Ḥajjī, II: 151–54; and idem, al-Bayān, ed. Aḥmad al-Jabābī, IV: 170–71. Muḥammad b. Rabī‘ was active in Málaga. I am grateful to Peter Sjoerd van Koningsveld, Gerard Wiegers, and Umar Ryad for sharing a draft of this fatwā based on a private manuscript. They have also published a paraphrase of the manuscript. See Peter Sjoerd van Koningsveld and Gerard Albert Wiegers, “The Islamic Statute of the Mudejars in the Light of a New Source,” Al-Qanṭara 17, no. 1 (1996): 19–58.
48. This appears in section 12 of van Koningsveld, Wiegers, and Ryad’s transcription; see previous note. See also van Koningsveld and Wiegers, “Islamic Statute,” 26–27. This passage is also quoted without citation in al-Wansharīsī’s text.
49. Al-Wansharīsī, Mi‘yār, II: 129–30, translation adapted from Hendrickson, “The Islamic Obligation to Emigrate,” 365. Cf. Al-‘Utbī as preserved Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, al-Bayān, III, 41–42. For more on al-‘Utbī, see Ana Fernández Félix, “Al-‘Utbī (m. 255/869) y su compilación jurídica al-‘Utbiyya. Análisis de su contenido legal y de su aportación al estudio del proceso de formación de la sociedad islámica andalusí.” On the muḥārib, which may also be translated as bandit, and the question of ḥirāba, banditry, see Abou El Fadl, Rebellion and Violence in Islamic Law, 51–61.
50. Their opinions overlap with that of the North African jurist Ibn Miqlāsh (ca. mid fourteenth century), who said no thanks would be given to a Mudéjar jāhid (one performing jihād) who fraternizes with non-Muslims. BNM, MS. 4,950 fol. 227v, as cited in Miller, Guardians of Islam, 35. A partial translation can be found in Hossain Buzineb, “Respuestas de Jurisconsultos Maghrebies en Torno a la Inmigración de Musulmanes Hispánicos,” Hespéris Tamuda 16–17 (1988–89): 53–67.
51. Al-Wansharīsī, Mi‘yār, II: 129–30, and V: 34–35.
52. Abou El Fadl, “Muslim Minorities,” 141: “The linguistic dichotomy between dār al-Islām and dār al-ḥarb obscures a much more complex historical reality. The juristic discourse on the issue was not dogmatic and does not lend itself to essentialist positions.”
53. For instance, David S. Powers, Law, Society, and Culture in the Maghrib, 1300–1500; idem, “Fatwās as Sources for Legal and Social History: A Dispute over Endowment Revenues from Fourteenth-Century Fez,” Al-Qanṭara 11, no. 2 (1990): 295–341; and Mohammad Fadel, “Rules, Judicial Discretion, and the Rule of Law in Naṣrid Granada: An Analysis of al-Ḥadīqa al-mustaqilla al-naḍra fī al-fatāwā al-ṣādira ‘an ‘ulamā’ al-ḥaḍra,” in Islamic Law: Theory and Practice, ed. R. Gleave and E. Kermeli, 49–86.
54. Abou El Fadl, “Muslim Minorities,” 143: “The reaction of different jurists reflected a dynamic process by which doctrinal sources, legal precedents, juristic methodologies and historical reality interacted to produce results.” See also Wael Hallaq, Authority, Continuity, and Change in Islamic Law.
55. Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, al-Bayān, III: 42, translation adapted from Hendrickson, “The Islamic Obligation to Emigrate,” 366n105. Cf. Jean-Pierre Molénat, “Le problème de la permanence des musulmans dans les territories conquis par les chrétiens, du point de vue de la loi islamique,” Arabica 48, no. 3 (2001): 397, 399.
56. Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, al-Bayān, III: 10–11. See also Fernández Félix and Fierro, “Cristianos y conversos,” 421–22.
57. Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, al-Bayān, IV: 86–87, 208–9; cf. IV: 293–94, 375–77; and X: 21–22, as cited in Fernández Félix and Fierro, “Christianos y conversos,” 420–21. On Islamic legal opinions concerning the participation of non-Muslims in Muslim armies, see Wadad al-Qadi, “Non-Muslims in the Muslim Army in Early Islam: A Case Study in the Dialogue of the Sources,” in Orientalism: A Dialogue of Cultures, ed. Sami A. Khasawnih, 109–59, cit. 116: “Suffice it to say, that a reading of the legal, theoretical compendia of the early Muslim jurists leaves no room for doubt that the vast majority of them considered the participation of non-Muslims in the Muslim army as licit, and all of them admitted that it was widely practiced from the earliest time and through the conquests.”
58. Al-Wansharīsī, al-Mi‘yār, III: 133–34. See also Abdel Majid Turki, “Consultation juridique d’al-Imam al-Māzarī sur le cas des musulmans vivant en Sicile sous l’autorité des Normands,” Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph 50, no. 2 (1984): 703–4; and Abou El Fadl, “Muslim Minorities,” 151. Another Mālikī jurist, ‘Ubaydallāh al-Maghrāwī al-Wahrānī, issued a fatwa in 909–10/1504 advising Granadans to practice their religion in secrecy. See Harvey, Islamic Spain, 55–67.
59. Ḥanafī scholars generally held that the duty to emigrate to Muslim territory was abrogated during the lifetime of Muḥammad. See, for instance, Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-Shaybānī, The Islamic Law of Nations: Shaybānī’s Siyar, trans. Majid Khadduri, 187, as cited in Abou El Fadl, “Muslim Minorities,” 145.
60. Abou El Fadl, “Muslim Minorities,” 159–63. The claim was made, for example, by al-Māwardī (d. 450/1058), as cited in Muḥyī al-Dīn al-Nawawī, al-Majmū‘ sharḥ al-muhadhdhab, XIX: 264, as cited in Abou El Fadl, “Muslim Minorities,” 150. See also the case of Shams al-Dīn al-Ramlī (d. 1004/1595–96), who defended the right specifically of the Muslims of Aragon to remain in Christian Spain.
61. Abū al-‘Abbās Shihāb al-Dīn Ibn Ḥajar al-Haytamī, Fatḥ al-jawād sharḥ al-irshād, II: 346, as cited in Abou El Fadl, “Muslim Minorities,” 167.
62. van Koningsveld and Wiegers, “Islamic Statute,” 35–49.
63. Clifford Geertz, Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology, 170: “Between the skeletonization of fact so as to narrow moral issues to the point where determinate rules can be employed to decide them (to my mind, the defining feature of legal process) and the schematization of social action so that its meaning can be construed in cultural terms (the defining feature, also to my mind, of ethnographic analysis) there is more than a passing family resemblance.”
64. Borrowing a turn of phrase from Marshall Sahlins, How “Natives” Think: About Captain Cook, for Example, 6.
65. See chapter 4 for a full discussion of these treaties.
66. See Brunschvig, Berbérie orientale, I: 63, 66, for instances of jurists witnessing treaties.
67. See ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 10, no. 1334 (27 Jan. 1303); ACA, R. 334, fol. 64r (14 Apr. 1302); and ACA, Cartas árabes, 84, 84bis (19 Dhu’l-Qa‘da 703/14 June 1304).
68. For instance, Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 85–86; and M. Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones de la Corona de Aragón con los estados musulmanes de occidente. El negocio de Ceuta entre Jaime II de Aragón y Aburribia Soleiman, sultán de Fez, contra Mohamed III de Granada,” Revista del centro de estudios históricos de Granada 13. nos. 3–4 (1923): 178–200.
69. Crónica de Don Fernando Cuarto, in Cronicas de los reyes de Castilla, ed. Cayetano Rosell, 133; and ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 120, no. 1172 (8 Aug. 1303): “Conpta lo dit Muça quen Samuel, jueu, tresorer del dit don Ferrando, era en Granada. . . .” See also Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 186–88.
70. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 15, no. 1967 (21 Sep. 1303): “Essos genets que se fueron para vos, qu se fallaron con el en el camino e quell tomaron un cavallo e un aljuba de verde e diex doblas en ella e un par de armellas doro para los brasos e un albornos e otras cosas, que vos dira”; and ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 15, no. 1969 (13 Oct. 1303): “Otrosi sabed que de que nos ovimos nuestro amor e nuestra paz puesta con el rey don Ferrando, que esos genetes que se fueron para vos que saltean los caminos e roban e lievan quanto fallan, tan bien de la tierra del rey don Fernando commo de la nuestra. Por que vos rogamos rey, asi commo nos fiamos de la vuestra verdad e asi commo nos vos enbiastes decir por la vuestra carta, que guardariedes muy bien la tregua e la vuestra verdad, quel non querades consentir e que nos fagades tornar todo lo nuestro e si non lo al, non seria tregua.” See also Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 192–93, 199–200.
71. ACA, R. 334, fol. 171v (20 Sep. 1303): “Scire vos volumus Regem Granate noviter convenisse et pacis federa fecisse, ut pro certo didiscimus, cum inclito Ferdinando, qui se dicit Regem Castelle, et suspicamur propter ea et pensamus, quod dictus Rex Granate, una cum dicto Ferdinando contra nos guerrificare velit,” as cited in Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 202–4; and ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 84 (19 Dhu’l-Qa‘da 703/14 June 1304): “wa-matā kāna baynakum wa-bayna ahl qashtāla nifāq fa-yajūzu ‘alaykum min hunā min jayshinā alf aw alfān matā iḥtajtum ilayhim.”
72. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 120, no. 1172 (8 Aug. 1303): “Encara ma conptat lo dit Muça que alguns rics homens e cavalers del rey de Granada eren molt despegats dels tractamens quel dit rey avia ab los castelans, e an me trames a dir que si vos los aviets mester a vostre serviy, quels puriets aver, a son de CC a CCC jenets.”
73. On the imprisonment, see ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 87, no. 10673 (14 Feb. [1303?]), a letter from Jaume II to Ibn Hudhayr: “Seynor, de tierra de Granada vos fago saber que estan en paz e bien sessagados, salve que el Rey de Granada fizo \prender/ Alabbes, e esta preso en Almeria por que fue acusado que avia enbiado dezir al Rey de Castiella que non fiziesse avenencia con el Rey de Granada. . . .” Cf. Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 218–19. The other members of the Banū Raḥḥū who joined al-‘Abbās included his brother ‘Īsā b. Raḥḥū and three sons of Mūsā b. Raḥḥū: Badr al-Dīn, Jamāl al-Dīn, and ‘Alī. See ACA, R. 235, fol. 1r–v, segunda numeración (22 Dec. 1303), with full citation in n75, below; and ACA, R. 235, fols. 3v–4r, segunda numeración (28 Dec. 1303), with full citation in chapter 5 n23. See also Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 389–400, which mentioned that Badr al-Dīn and Jamāl al-Dīn took refuge in a Christian court before returning to North Africa. The names of other soldiers who came with al-‘Abbās are less easily identifiable but perhaps also from princely lines.
74. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 15, no. 1971, with full citation in chapter 5 n22.
75. ACA, R. 235, fol. 1r–v, segunda numeración (22 Dec. 1303): “Sepan todos quantos esta carta veran como nos Alabez Abenrraho, e sus parientes, e los cabos, e toda la cavalleria, qui metran lures nompnes en esta carta, por toda la cavalleria de los Genetes qui son presentes en Valencia, e aquellos qui son agora en Murcia, prometemos, atorgamos, e juramos a vos Sennor muye alto e poderoso don Jayme, por la gracia de dios Rey de Aragon, que vos serviremos con fe, e con verdat, assi como sierven buenos vassalos lur Sennor, e lur Rey. Encara vos prometemos, e atorgamos, e juramos que guardaremos vos, e todos vuestras cosas, e vuestro cuerpo e vuestros lugares, e vuestra tierra, e vuestros gentes de qualquiere condicion sean. Encara vos prometemos, atorgamos, e juramos, que nos faremos guerra por vos cuentra Rey de Granada, e cuentra Rey de Castiella, et cuentra todos aquellos qui avian guerra con vos, vos con ellos, de qualque condicion sean si quiere Christianos si quiere Moros. Encara vos prometemos, et atorgamos, e juramos, que nos no faremos treuga ni paç, ni amor, ni seguridat, con ninguno, menos de vuestro mandamiento, e vuestra licencia. Encara vos prometemos, e atorgamos, e juramos, que vos daremos rahenes nuestros fillos por el castiello de Negra, e Lorchi, e Cepti los quales vos a nos atorgastes por estatge nuestro, e que nos los tengamos p[or] vos avebos de nuestros estages assi como vassallos tiene castiellos por lur Sennor. Encara vos prom[e]temos, atorgamos, e juramos que cada hora que vos nos demandaredes el dicho castiello de Negra, et los otros lugares sobreditos que nos luego vos rendiemos el dito castiello e los ditos lu[g]ares. Et vos Sennor otrossi quando cobrades los auredes siades tenido de tornar a nos nuestras rahenes. Encara nos prometemos, atorgamos, e juramos que quando nos partiremos de vos, no iremos a tierra de vuestros enemigos, sines de vuestro mandamiento, e vuestro comiado. E si por aventura vos Sennor no erades en la terra e alguno de los cavalleros se querian ir, que lo pueda fazer con albaran del procurador del Regno de Valencia or de Murcia. Encara vos prometemos, atorgamos, e juramos que nos tangamos e tener fagamos con [fol. 1v] todos aquellos con l[os] [quales] avedes paç or treug[a] [agora] o auredes daqui adelant las ditas paç o treugas a qual[es]quiere luga[re]s o personas las [avedes] dadas \o daredes/ a los faredes dar. Et porque esta carta sea confirmada, e mantenida, metemos en ella nuestros nompnes. Et juramos e[n] presencia de vos Sennor Rey sobredito por el alcoran que todos las cosas, e posturas sobreditas sean tenidas e complidas por nos en buena fe sin mal enganyo. Nomina illorum que subscripserunt sunt hec: Alabeç Abenrraho, Iyca Abenrraho, Bedrebdin Ebemuca Abenrraho, Hiemeledin Ebemuca Abenrraho, Hali Ebemuca Abenrraho, Jaffia Abemutarref, Iyça Avennelima, Auderemel Mafumet Abemutarref, Auderemel Ebbenumar, Cale Abemafumet Abdenalcahue, Jahacob Abenyucef, Hali Abenixa, scrivi//ero// \per ell/ e presencia dell Huahin Zamar Benhabez, escrivieron en presencia dell. Culaymen Benbuchar, escrivieron en presencia dell. Abdelle, escrivieron en presencia dell. Jucef Hali, Mahomet Benmaton, escrivieron en presencia dell. Muça Abemane, escrivieron en presencia del. Jahacob Abemuça, escrivieron en presencia dell. Auderramel Benexiffe, Gazalit Abenibram, escrivieron en presencia dell. Hamo e Beniyucef e Beneyer Abdella, e Benhomar Ayet, e Muça Abenharraquet.” Cf. Giménez-Soler, “Caballeros,” 357–58; and Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 211–12.
76. ACA, R. 235, fols. 3v–4r, segunda numeración (28 Dec. 1303) with full citation in chapter 5 n23; ACA, R. 235, fols. 7v–8r, segunda numeración (22 Jan. 1304), a letter from Jaume II to al-‘Abbās, concerning terms of service; ACA, R. 235, fol. 8r, segunda numeración (21 Jan. 1304), a letter from Jaume II to Ibn Hudhayr, concerning the payment of taxes to al-‘Abbās; ACA, R. 235, fol. 12r, segunda numeración (30 Jan. 1304), on taking captives; and ACA, R. 235, fol. 70r segunda numeración (16 May 1304), another letter from Jaume II to al-‘Abbās, concerning payment. See also Giménez-Soler, “Caballeros,” 356; and Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 213–15.
77. The case of ‘Abd al-Wāḥid b. Abī Dabbūs, the last Almohad, discussed in chapter 4, is the only parallel, but he was not a member of the Ghuzāh and did not offer his alliance as part of his service as a jenet.
78. ACA, R. 235, fol. 1v, segunda numeración, with full citation in n75, above: “Et juramos e[n] presencia de vos Sennor Rey sobredito por el alcoran que todos las cosas, e posturas sobreditas sean tenidas e complidas por nos en buena fe sin mal enganyo.”
79. ACA, R. 235, fols. 1v–2r, segunda numeración (22 Dec. 1303): “Sepan todos quantos esta carta veran como nos Don Jayme por la gracia de Dios Rey de Aragon atorgamos a vos Alabeç Abenrraho, e a vuestros parientes, e a los cabos, e a los cavalleros qui son presentes agora en Valencia, e a aquellos qui son en Murcia que vos guardemos, e vos aseguramos mientras seredes en nuestro servicio en nuestra terra. Encara vos atorgamos que vos daremos nuestra carta a todos officiales e subditos nuestros que vos aguarden e defiendan, e que vos den compra, e venda en todos nuestros lugares, e de nuestra tierra. Encara vos atorgamos que a vos dito Alabeç liuraremos el castiello de Negra, e Lorchi, e Cepti que los tengades por nos a vuestro estage, e de los sobredito[s] assi como vassallo tiene castiellos por su sennor. Encara vos atorgamos, e queremos que quales quiere de vuestros cavalleros se querran ir que lo puedan fazer exceptado que no vayan a tierra de nuestros enemigos, ni fagan danyo a nos, ni a nuestra tierra. Encara vos atorgamos //que cada hora que vos querades// por gracia, en ayuda de vuestras messiones, toda la quinta o setmo de las cavalgadas que faredes en tierras de nuestros enemigos assi de las vuestras cavalgades como de los cristianos, qui con vos entraran. Encara vos atorgamos que cada hora que vos querades ir, ni partir por mar o por tierra, que seades salvos e seguros de toda nuestra gent en cuerpos e en averes. Encara [fol. 2r] mandamos e queremos que otros cavallero[s] [o] gen[etes] [sine]s nuestra voluntat no [v]engan en nuestra tierra salvo [e]stos que agora son con vos en nuestra tier[ra]. E si algunos [hi] vin[dran] [s]in nuestra voluntat vos [n]o los aculgades en vuestra company[a] menos de nuestra voluntat. Encara que [t]engades e observedes la paz, e las treuguas que nos avemos dadas, o daremos daqui adelant a qualsquiere lugares o personas de quales condiciones que sean. Encara que vos Alabeç rendades a nos o a qui nos mandaremos el dito castiello de Negra, e los otros logares sobreditos toda hora que nos los queremos cobrar de vos assi como vassallo es tenido de render castiello a su sennor. E nos seamos tenidos de render a vos vuestras rahenes. Encara vos atorgamos que qualsquiere castiellos o lugares [t]omaredes del Rey de Granada que sean vuestros. Encara queremos e mandamos que en las cavalgadas \que faredes/ en tierras de nuestros enemigos cristianos no prengades, ni matedes, muller ninguna porque no es costumpne nuestra. E en testimonio destas cosas mandamos poner en est escripto nuestro siello pendient. Feytas estas posturas en Valencia dia lunes XXII dias andadas del mes de Deziembre en el anyo de mille CCC e tres.” Cf. Giménez-Soler, “Caballeros,” 353–54, which curiously cites Jéronimo Zurita, Anales de la Corona de Aragón, V: 61, instead of original text; and Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 212, which has several errors.
80. ACA, R. 235, fols. 7v–8r, segunda numeración (22 Jan. 1304): “Al noble e amado Alabeç Abenrraho. . . . E sabet que mandamos por carta nostra muyt expressa a los [fol. 8r] nostros fieles Ferre dez Cortell bayle nostro general del Regno de Murcia e a Pero Escran vezino de Elch que ellos luego vos den dozcentos kaffizes de cenada e cient kaffizes de trigo. . . .” Cf. Masia i de Ros, Jaume II, 214–15.
81. The king actually specifies “a fifth or sixth.”
82. Jaume II also charged Ibn Hudhayr, the lord of Crevillente, with overseeing al-‘Abbās and his soldiers. For instance, he asked Ibn Hudhayr to accompany al-‘Abbās on all raids. See ACA, R. 235, fol. 4r, segunda numeración (28 Dec. 1303): “Mohomet Abenfundell arrays de Crevillent gratiam suam. Madamus et dicimus vobis quatenus quatenus [sic] quicumque Alabbes Abenrraho cum famili[a] sua intrabit in cavalcatis in terris inimicorum nostrorum vos cum familia vestra intretis cum eodem in cavalcatis ipsis. Datum Valencie, v kalendas Ianuarii, anno predicto.” Cf. Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 213.
83. ACA, R. 235, fols. 1v–2r, segunda numeración (22 Dec. 1303), with full citation in n75, above: “Encara queremos e mandamos que en las cavalgadas \que faredes/ en tierras de nuestros enemigos Christianos no prengades, ni matedes, muller ninguna porque no es costumpne nuestra. . . .”
84. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 16, no. 2026 (27 Jan. 1304): “Sepades que Yuçaf el Aviles, vuestro vassallo, este que esta nuestra carta lieva, se nos querello e dize que en esta tregua que agora a entre nos e vos quel tomaron un cavallo çerca de Guadiex ginetes dessos que biven con el [alabez] viniendo se seguro commo deve ser en la tregua,” as cited in Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 215; and ACA, R. 235, fol. 18v, segunda numeración (13 Feb. 1304), a letter from Jaume II to Muḥammad III: “Fazemos vos saber Rey que recibiemos vuestra carta, la qual nos enviastes por Jucef el Avilez, vuestro vasallo, en como los genetes qui biven con Alabbez qui est in nuestro servicio, tomaron a el un cavallo cerca de Guadiex durant estra treugua que est entre nos. . . .” Cf. Masià i de Rose, Jaume II, 216–17, who cites ACA, R, 235, fol. 184r.
85. ACA, R. 235, fol. 15v, segunda numeración (13 Feb. 1304); ACA, R. 235, fol. 19r (16 Feb. 1304); ACA, R. 235, fol. 41r–v, segunda numeración (27 Mar. 1304); ACA, R. 235, fol. 45r (22 Mar. 1304); and ACA, R. 235, fol. 53r (21 Apr. 1304). See also Giménez-Soler, “Caballeros,” 360–61; and Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 217, 219, 223.
86. ACA, R. 235, fol. 41r–v, segunda numeración (27 Mar. 1304): “. . . Avemos entendido que vos sacastes de la tierra del muy noble Don Johan Manuel ganado e hombres.” Cf. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 16, no. 2087 (1304).
87. The initial truce lasted until May. A month later, Jaume wrote again to explain that the truce had been extended until August, the month that the peace at Agreda was signed. ACA, R. 235, fol. 48r, segunda numeración (9 Mar. 1304); and ACA, R. 235, fol. 53r, segunda numeración (21 Apr. 1304). See also Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 241–42.
88. Giménez-Soler, “Caballeros,” 363–65, which gives no citation for this document.
89. As confirmed by ACA, R. 235, fol. 45r, segunda numeración (22 Mar. 1304), a letter from Jaume II to al-‘Abbās. See also Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 241–2; and Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 223.
90. ACA, R. 235, fol. 70r, segunda numeración (16 May 1304).
91. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 91, no. 11351 (4 Apr. 1304), as cited in Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 242–44.
92. ACA, R. 334, fol. 174v (15 Feb. 1304), a letter from Jaume to his ambassador: “Fem vos saber que nos pensans e veens lo gran servey, quens fa Alabez e sa companya e quens fara, si la guerra es del Rey de Granada, la qual esperam segons que sabets, cercam totes maneres con mils e pus leugerament lo puscam retenir e provehir a ell e a sa gent.” See also Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 218–19; and Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 176, 234.
93. ACA, Cartas árabes, 77 (15 Sha‘bān 703/24 Mar. 1304): “wa-waṣala ilaynā irsāl banī marīn alladhīna hunālikum fī bilādikum a‘azzahum allāh wa-‘arafūnā bi-mā ṣadara minkum lahum min al-khayr.” Cf. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 17, no. 2265 (24 Mar. 1304): “E plegaren nos misagers de Bene Marin, los quals son la en vostras terra—onrrels Deu—e feeren nos saber ço quels vench de part vostra de be.” See also Dufourcq, L’Espagne catalane, 374–75.
94. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 111, no. 142 (s.a.): “Jo Hahubeç Abenraho me coman en vostra gracia e besam vostres mans axi com de senyor de qui esper mol de be e de merce. Senyor a vostra alta senyoria vos faç saber que yo reebi la vostra carta en la qual se contenia que vos avietç presa treva ab Castella tro al primer dia de Maig et que manavetç a mi que yo cesas de fer dan a la dita terra de Castella. Et, senyor, yo so pagat de tot ço que vos faretç e ço aparelat de obeir lo vostre manament en totes coses,” as cited in Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 240.
95. ACA, CR, Judíos y Musulmanes, no. 521 (18 Mar. 1304): “Al molt honrat et amat en Bernat de Libia de nos en Bertran de Caneles, saluts et bona amor. Fetz vos saber que nos avem trames a la justicia et als juratz de Valent en Domingo Catena sobrel fet daquests genets e creer que Alabeç es molt mal hom, et cada dia es de pigor enteniment e especialment depuys que a[c] la carta dels Seynor Rey de la treva. E reba ses aço matex tot [...] qui devant li pas, e a preses deli terra den Johan Manuel ço es d[al]arcu M ovels e IIII fadrins. E avem lo request moltes vegades quels nos reta e per res nols avem poguts cobrar ans nos en [fiu] fort mal re[s]post. E a li venguts III genets del Rey de Granada oer missatges dels quels el e tota sa companya se son fort alegrats. E nos sabem que tos los Sarrah[ins] de Regno de Valent son venguts a ell e venen cada dia e fan gra[n] noves dell, e son fort alegres, e non volvendre lo bestiar tan car lo te. Per quens es semblant que con mes sie aturara que mes de mal hic pogues tractar. On nos prec que vos daço parlassets ab los prohomens de Valent e que ordonassets els templers que venguessen açi al pus tost que poguessets, que magor mercat aurien açi de tota res que no aqui. E ell no go[sa]ria fer ço que per aventura a encor de fer, que opinio es de tots quants son que ell al exir que sen menara tot ço que puxa, e daquest regne e de la terra Johan Manuel, a qui menaça fort. E els estans açi nou gosaria ferm que exceptats tro a L homens a cavall totz los altres son la pigor gent e la pus avol del mon e la pus arreada. E prec vos que daço siats curos. Scripte en Xativa, XV kalendas Aprilis.” See Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 233–34, upon which I relied for the transcription because of the deterioration of the original. Cf. ACA, CR, Judíos y Musulmanes, no. 522 (s.a.), in which Bertran writes to Jaume II. See also Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 80; and Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 220. As late as May, the issue remained unresolved. See ACA, R. 235, fol. 63v, segunda numeración (2 May 1304), a letter from Jaume II to Don Juan Manuel; and ACA, R. 235, fol. 63v, segunda numeración (2 May 1304), a letter from Jaume II to al-‘Abbās.
96. ACA, CR, Judíos y Musulmanes, no. 521, with full citation above: “Cada dia es de pigor enteniment e especialment depuys que a[c] la carta dels Seynor Rey de la treva.”
97. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 91, no. 11093 (29 Mar. [1304]): “Al molt alt [e] molt poderos Seynor en Jacme per la gracia de deu Rey d’Arago e de Valent, e de Murcia, com[te] de Barchinona e de la Santa Esglea de [Roma] gamfanoner e almirall e ca[pitan] general. Bernat de Libia, humil servidor e sotsmes vostre besan vostres mans e vostres peus se comana en [la vostr]a gracia. Seynor, lestim[ent] del Regne no es en bona condic[io] quant als Sarrayns per ço con [depus] Nalabez vench ab la cavalcada a Xativa he la treva en continent fo cridada, Nalabez no espeega de vendre sa cavalcada. E tots los moros de la terra son se vist ab el e an molt parlat ab ell e parten se del venen lurs heretats e ço que vendre poden, e aperellensen danar poch a poch. Los morad[i]ns ço es aquells qui perhiquen sajusten molt mes que no solen. Per cert, Senyor, que enteniment es m[eu] e de les altres qui conexem los moros que els no estegren axi \sino/ de pus que salsaren latra vegada. Jo, Seynor, fuhi en Xativa e parle molt Abnalabez. Quant en ço que yo pudia entendre en ell, molt se f[a] volenteros de servir vos, mas empero tots los jenets de mes li dixeren yo estan en Xativa, que ells no farien mal al Rey de Granada. Les castells, Seynor, quem menas recognexer del Regne auria obs en cascun malorament e especialment en lo castell de Oenaguilla e de Bayren axi con dob[re] e de guarda si per aventura los alcayts dels castells no volen crexer en les guardes segons que jo los he manat de part vostra, que manats que si faça. En los fets, Seynor, la vostra dis[c]recio sab mils que [sia] a fer que yo nels altres nous purien trametre a dir. E vos Seynor manats hi ço que vos tingats per be. E seria mester que tost vengues lo manament. Escrita en Valent, diluns XX IX dies anats del mes de Març.” This document was misfiled amongst the records of 1319. See also Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 237; Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 235; and Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 80–81.
98. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 91, no. 11093 (24 Mar. [1304]): “Per cert, Senyor, que enteniment es m[eu] e de les altres qui conexem los moros que els no estegren axi \sino/ de pus que salsaren latra vegada.”
99. ACA, R. 235, fols. 28v–29r, segunda numeración, as cited in Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 82, 230–31, doc. 10.
100. ACA, R. 235, fols. 42v–43r, segunda numeración, as cited in Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 82.
101. Cf. ACA, R. 235, fol. 57r, segunda numeración (22 Apr. 1304), a month earlier when Jaume was ordering the Templars to stop attacks.
102. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 137, Templarios, no. 101 (20 May 1304): “Al molt honrat e molt sani e discret en Bertran de Canelles, frare Berenguer de Cardona, de les cases de la cavaleria del Temple en Aragon e en Catalunya, humil maestre e visitador general en Espanya, salutz e bona amor per tots temps, e aperallada voluntat a tota honor vostra. Fem vos saber que divendres XV dies anatz del mes de Maig, nos ab alcuna companya de Cavall de Regno de Murcia e ab Nalabez e an mille D peons los quals homens a caval erem entre totz CCC homens a caval, e partim de Lorca lot dit divendres e anam lo jorn e la nit, e quant fo tercia nos fam en I loch del Rey de Granada lo qual ha nom Sugena e aqui talam tota lorta e fem hi gran dan. E apres anauem nosen deues bera e quant haguem passat I coll Nabez qui tenia davanter e corria lalgara trames nos missatge que [la] cavaleria de Bera los quals eren CCCL homens a caval venien deues nos e axi quens apercebessem e quens aparella sem. En aço [...] aperlegam tuyt, e Nalabez aria algareyan an ells e ells [...]aren lo tro sus prop de Bera, e puix vanse mestlan ab Nalabez e matarenh tantost nos haguem misatge den Alabez que pensan se de caytar nos e de acorreli. En aço nos e tota la companya pensam de brocar e de correbe una legua e mes. En aço los debera tantost quens veeren giraren les costs e nos donam en ells e fem los recollir en Bera e matamlos XIII homens a cavall e XXX homens de peu, e fem brocada e nostre ganfano entre dins la raval de Bera, e frares nostres e companya entrarem, e forem tro ales portes de Bera. E si tinguessem los cavals armatz, haguerem barreyada tota la Raval de Bera. En aço avallam nosen a les cres e cremam tot lo blat que havien cullit. En apres talam gran res de lorta debera puix anam nosen a I altre loch prop debera que ha nom les Coves, a aqui talam tota lorta, e atendam nos aqui la nit. En apres lendema ço fo ditmenge dia de Sinquagesima partim de les Coves e anam nos lo Rivamunt de Porxena, talan e creman masses e molins e[..]derrocan. En pres anam nosen a I Castell lo qual ha nom Huercal e aqui nos . . . companya puyam tro sus almur, e aqui apeam totz los frares e laltra companya nostra de caval e pensam de Cobatre lo Castell regeament e f . . . haviem mes foch a les portes del Castell e aportatz los homens del Castell a aço [que] no podien als fer sino que gitaven pedres orbes. En aço que nos combatiem lo dit Castell en Pere de Montagut procur[ador] del Regne de Murcia e Nalabez qui sesperaven davayll en Jacme Pla. Trameterem nos missatges quens deguessem jaquir de combatre e quens navallasem a ells, per ço car veyen venir gran companya domens a caval del Rey de Granada. E axi per aquesta rao jaquim nos de combatre lo Castell e avallam no sen, e guarnim nostres cavalles e replegan los peons e les aczembles en Jacme Toçalet e aqui vengeem nos los genetz de Granada esperonant denant. En Alabez ab CC homens a caval ixquells algareyam e torneyat se ab ells e aqui donaren se los uns abs los altres de grans colps. E axi nos fem manament a alcuns homens a cavals nostres los quals tenien cavals alforratz e alcuns ballesters nostres que feesen una esdemesa deves los genetz e aqui brocarem et ferem los dan. En aço nos ab los cavals armatz pensam de brocar en vos la cavaleria de Granada e havuem feytes III mans e erem mille C homens a cavall ço era saber entre de Bera e [. . . .]deix e aqui ab la merce de nostre senyor metem los en arrancada e pensaren de fugie e axi ençalcam los et matam los C homens a cavall e los altres recolliren se en aquell Castell que nos haviem combatut. E axi sildit Castell nols fos tan prop haguerem pres molt major dan la merce de nostre Senyor nos ni les altres companyes qui ab nos eren noy prenguerem dan, exceptat que nos hi perdem I hom de peu, queli donarem an una treyta e Nalabez quey perde de IIII fins a VI homens a caval. E axi tornam nosem benit ajaure a Nogalt prop de Lorca III legues e len doma ço fa dilluns apres sinquagesma, entram nos en Lorca. E car nos som cextz que a vos plauria tota hara nostra honor e nostre e los profit e la honor del Temple per aquesta raho vos scivim aquestes novelles, altres arditz a la sao dara nous podem fer saher mas si nulles coses a vos plahien que nos fer paguessem per vos. Fetz nos a saber fiançosament, car nos sum aperellat a tota honor vestra. [Verso] Data en Lorca, dimercres XX dies anatz de Maig.” Cf. editions in Finke, Acta Aragonensia, III: 122–25; Giménez-Soler, “Caballeros,” 366–69; and Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 260.
103. It was not unprecedented. In the Chivert Charter (1234), the Muslims of Chivert promised to defend the town alongside the Templars against any Christian or Muslim enemy.
104. Cf. ACA, CR, Jaime II, caixa 16, no. 2026 (27 Jan. 1304), as cited in n84, above, which records a complaint from Granada about al-‘Abbās’ jenets raiding their territory. On this occasion the jenets did not directly engage their Granadan counterparts.
105. ACA, R. 235, fol. 78v, segunda numeración (20 May 1304): “A la vostra senyoria senyor fem asaber quen Alabez ses molt be e lealment menat en aquesta entrada e veem e conexem queus ha cor e voluntat de servir lealment. . . . Car sert sia a vos senyor que ell vos es obs en aquest regne.” Cf. Giménez-Soler, “Caballeros,” 368.
106. Finke, Acta Aragonensia, I: 146, as cited in Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 82.
107. ACA, R. 235, fol. 78r, segunda numeración (31 May 1304); and ACA, R. 235, fols. 78v, segunda numeración (31 May 1304): “Don Jayme et cetera. Al noble, amado, e feel vassallo suyo Alabez Abenrraho et cetera. Sepades que vimos una carta, la qual nos embio el amado nuestro Petro de Muntagut, procurador nuestro en el regno de Murcia, en que nos fi fet daquests genets e creeestros cavalleros e con vuestras companyas, ensemble con el maestro del Temple e con las otras companyas nuestras, que sodes en el regno de Murcia, entrastes correr en [el] regno de Granada, e de como oviestes [fol. 79r] daver façienda con los frontaleros e con las companyas del rey de Granada, [e de c]omo, por la gracia e por la merced de Dios, los venciestes e los esbaratastes. De la qual cosa, faciendo gracias a Dios, loamos la vuestra boneza e la vuestra fieldat, la qual por obra manifesta, con la aiuda de Dios, bien nos avedes demostrada. Rogando a vos, que como ben avedes feyto daqui ad agora, que daqui adelant fagades ben vuestro poder en deffender nuestra tierra e en dar danyo a nuestros enemigos, en manera que por el servicio que feyto nos avedes e cada dia nos feyets e quiriendo a Dios, nos faredes daqui adelant, seamos tenidos de façer vos bien e merced. Otrossi, avemos entendido de conmo en esta bataylla perdiestes companya vuestra e cavallos de que nos pesa. Otrossi, que avedes alguna mingua, por que avriades menester que vos acorrissemos. Ont vos femos saber, que nos en çercha mandaremos provehir sobre aquello en tal manera, que vos seredes ende pagado e que vos avredes que gradesser. Datum ut supra.” Cf. Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 266–67; and Masia i de Ros, Jaume II, 227.
108. ACA, R. 235, fol. 83r, segunda numeración (5 June 1304); Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 278–79; and Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 83.
109. ACA, R. 235, fols. 80v–81r, segunda numeración (1 June 1304): “E aquestes letres los trametem per ço com aviem entes que per raho daquels parlamens que avien hauts ab Alabez avien dupte que hom nols agreujas . . . ,” as cited in Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 231–32, doc. 11. See also ACA, R. 235, fol. 82v, segunda numeración (3 June 1304), a letter from Jaume to the Templars on the situation in Valencia.
110. ACA, R. 235, fol. 86v, segunda numeración (9 June 1304), a letter from Jaume II to Bertran de Canelles: “A aclo quens trametes adir que fariets daquel Alha que tenits pres a Galinera, vos responem e tenim per be quel soltets”; and ACA, R. 235, fol. 102r–v, segunda numeración (28 June 1304): “Quantum vero ad negocium del Alhaig quem captum tenetis, mandamus, licet iam madaverimus [vobis] ut ipsius absolatis et permitatis abire.” Cf. Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 273, 286.
111. ACA, R. 235, fol. 87r, segunda numeración (10 June 1304): “Intelleximus per dilectum consiliarum nostrum Bernardum de Serriano quod in conflictu, nuper habito inter vos et frontalerios et alios de terra Regis Granate, cepistis quendam sarracenum, qui est de redempcione. Intelleximus etiam quod cum aliqui de familia dicti Regis Granate barrigaverint quandam villam ipsius Bernardi de Serriano, nomine Villam Joyosam, et secum duxerint ducentas viginti personas christianorum et amplius, quod dictus rex Granate seu alii nomine ipsius offerunt se restituturos omnes dictas personas christianorum vel magnam partem ipsarum, vobis restituentibus eidem sarracenum predictum, unde cum istud sit opus misericordie et magne elemosine, et intellexerimus per dictum Bernardum de Serriano quod nobilis Alabbes Abenrah concessit pro [..] redempcione dictorum christianorum disfinire [et] remitere partem suam sarraceni predicti, rogamus vos, quatenus velitis et consenciatis, quod pro deliberacione seu restitucione dicti sarraceni habeantur et recuperentur christiani predicti.” See also Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 279–80; and Masìa i de Ros, Jaume II, 241–42.
112. I have glossed over some of the complexity of this moment. Muḥammad III agreed in July to join the truce between Castile and the Crown of Aragon. Nevertheless, his agreement provided only a brief reprise before attacks began again. For more detail, see Gaspar Remiro, “Relaciones,” 281–82; and Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 83–85.
113. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 16, no. 2043–2044 (12 July 1304): “Al muyt alto et poderoso senyor don Jayme por la gracia de dios Rey D’Aragon, de Valencia, de Murcia, et compte de Barchinona et de la Santa Romana Eglesia senyaler et almirante et capitanno general. Yo Pere de M[on]tagudo, humil procurador vestro en el dicho Regno de Murcia, beso los vestros piedes et las vestras manas et me encomiendo en la vestra gracia, como a senyor de qui atiendo mucho bien et mucha merçe. Sepa senyor la vestra Real mayestat que recebi las vestras letras et aquella letra que enviavades al Rey de Granada sobre el confirmamiento de la tregua entro a santa mar de agosto et senyor entendi quanto me enviavades a dezir et a mandar [.] las dichas vestras letras. E yo senyor vistas aquellas envie[....] la dicha vestra carta al Rey de Granada, et quand que aya repuesta della, faç vos lo ho luego a saber. E ahun senyor vos fago saber, que el Rey Abenjacob que envie sus mandaderos et sus cartas al noble d’en Alaabbez Abenrraho et a los otros cavalleros qui eran aqui con ell, en que les enviaria a mandar ques fuessen luego por a ell et por a su serviçio et otrasi el dicho Rey Abenjacob envio a mi una carta en la qual me requeria que yo deviesse reçebir los castiellos que Alabbez tenia vestros et quel deviesse tornar sus rahenes por que ell enviaria por Alabbez et por estos cavalleros, que los avia mester al su serviçio et que se fuessen a recoger a aljaçira que el les enviaria alli sus vaxiellos por que nos non de huviessemos afan. E senyor Alaabbez vista la carta de Abenjacob et sus mandaderas, vino a mi, et dixo me como Abenjacob que enviaria por ell et por sus sobrinos et por su companya, et demando me de conseio a mi et a otros cavalleros que eramos en semble, que le consellasemos como faria, et nos consellamos le que se fuesse por a vos et a es pedir se de vos asin como la postura era, et dixo ell que lo faria asin que ell se lo avia a coraçon. Otro dia torno a nos, et dixo nos que ell por ren del mundo no poria ir a vos, que los sobrinos et sus fijos et la otra cavalleria se le querian hir se carrera et que por ren del mundo no lo atendrian. E axi dixo me que se es pedria de mi en lugar de [vos] senyor et que me rendria los castielles et yo quel dase su[s] rahenas. E yo senyor huvi mi acuerdo con cavalleros et con el bayle et con otros homnes buenos de Murcia, et dieron me de conseio que yo deviesse reçebir del dicho don Alaabbez su espedimiento, et cobrar los castiellos, et dar le sus rahenas, por que ell non poria aturar asin como asin, que non se fuesse su carrera. E senyor yo viendo que si sende auria a f[aç] lo que Alaabbez quisiesse por tal que el noy pudiesse atayeger, por que ell era tan poderoso de cavalleria. Reçebi los castiellos et die le sus rahenas et espidio se de mi en vestro lugar senyor, et comienda se en la vestra gracia et que todos tiempos sera al vestro serviçio et al nostro mandamiento, et es se ydo su carrera con toda su cavalleria. E senyor va muyt pagado de vos et de quantos somos en el Regno de Murcia. Senyor todo ell estamiento del Regno esta muyt bien gracia a dios. Senyor la tregua que avedes con el Rey de Granada salrra ayna, et si vos mas tregua adelante avedes a aver con ell, antes que esta passe senyor façet me lo a saber, por que seyamos apercibidos en el Regno, que ellos todavia se adelantan algunas neçes affaçer d’anyo, ante que la tregua salga. E comiendo me en la vestra gracia. Scripte en Murcia, dia Domingo, XII dias de Julio, anno domini millesimo CCC quarto.” Cf. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 17, no. 2266r–v (22, 23 June 1304); and Giménez-Soler, “Caballeros,” 366–68.
114. Cf. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 8, no. 2265 (24 Mar. 1304); and ACA, Cartas árabes, no. 58 (15 Sha‘bān 703/24 Mar. 1304).
115. See the handul of documents at ACA, R. 307, fol. 107r (1 Sep. 1304). For instance, as cited in Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 232–33, doc. 12: “Alabbez et quidam alii de magnatibus regis Granate, cum magna multitudine genetorum et peditum sarracenorum in regnum Valencie hostiliter intraverunt intuleruntque in eo ac inferre non cessant, pugnando fortitudines et loca comburendo et devastando, dampna et mala que possunt.” See also ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 104, no. 12999 (13 Oct. 1304): “Encara a trames a dir que Alabeç que era plegat ab mil homens a cavall. . . .” See Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 228–29 for full edition of this last document.
116. ACA, R. 307, fol. 107r (1 Sep. 1304).
117. ACA, R. 235, fol. 142r, segunda numeración (27 Sep. 1304), with full edition in Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 234–35, doc. 14.
118. Sea support failed to arrive in time; see ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 18, no. 2282 (10 Sep. 1304), with full edition in Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 86, 233–34, doc. 13.
119. Almost the entire village of Gandía was abandoned. ACA, R. 307, fol. 120r, as cited in Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 88, alongside numerous other documents. Some of these Mudéjares later chose to return to Valencia and faced prosecution by the Crown (ACA, R. 203, fol. 94r–v [29 Dec. 1305]).
120. ACA, CR Jaume II, caixa 19, no. 2423 (27 Feb. 1304): “. . . poderos Senyor en Jacme per la gracia de deu Rey d’Aragó et cetera. Jo Gombau d’Entença, . . . de Valencia me coman Senyor en la vestra gracia besan vostres peus et vostres mans, com de Senyor de . . . Senyor la vostra magestat que huy que es ditmenge III kalendas Marcii per a manament per vos . . . et de prendre d’aquells moros los quals sen eren anats ab los jenets et eren tornats . . . sens vol[....] vostra [et] en los dit dia presne CCCCL persones enre pochs et grans et masculs et fembres et axi s[.] . . . es mon enteniment que enserch et prenga tots aquells que daqui avant atrobar pore que daquella raho sien. E en . . . mateix pris alcuna partida de bestiar que es fort pocha. E axi Senyor ens en volgut certificar de les dites . . . quants als altres moros qui no sen eren anats de la vostra terra, tenense per assegurats et esta la terra en bon<="" p="">
121. See Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, for several letters concerning al-‘Abbās’ activities in Granada during this period.
122. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 259.
123. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 382; Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Iḥāṭa, IV: 78; Ibn al-Khaṭīb, al-Lamḥa, 80. See also Andrés Giménez-Soler, “La Corona de Aragón y Granada,” Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 27 (1907): 51–61; Harvey, Islamic Spain, 180–81; Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 93–94; and Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 109–12. Naṣr appealed to the Castilian and Aragonese kings for assistance; see Diego Catalán, ed., La gran crónica de Alfonso XI, 297; ACA, R. 243, fol. 264r–v (5 Apr. 1317), as cited in Ferrer i Mallol, La frontera, 112.
124. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 382, refers to him as “Abū al-‘Abbās.”
125. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, VII: 382: “thumma waqa‘at baynahu and bayna abī jayyūsh mughāḍiba laḥaqa li-ajlihā bi’l-ṭāghiya.”
126. ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 45, no. 5624 (19 Mar. 1317): “A lo que nos enbiastes dezir que el muy noble rey de Aragon, vuestro sennor, que ha veluntad de fazer Guerra contra nuestro enemigo e que vos mando que la fiziesedes vos . . . E lo que nos enbiastes dizir que toviesemos por bien de enbiar al Alabeç Abaraho con cavaleria a esa frontera de Vera e que vos que seriedes con el con la mayor compania que pudiesedes en lugar senalado e a dia çierto . . . a fezer les al maes danno que pudiesedes de vuestra parte e sabria el Alabecc con la nuestra gente que tien en aquel lugar a fezerles danno de la otra parte,” as cited in Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 458–59; and ACA, CR, Jaume II, caixa 114, no. 515 (16 Mar. 1317): “Encara faç saber senyor a la vostra molt alta senyoria que algun temp abans del mes de març jo tramis II homes al Rey de Guadix, per fer-li saber que jo avia manament de vos, senyor, que fees guerra al Rey de Granada e quel pregava que ell me des algun endreçament, perque jo senyor pogues servir a vos en pogues dar don a son enemich e specialment quel pregava que trameses Alabeç en un loch que fos convinent, hon nos li poguessem exir e que fossem tuyt ensems, per ço que mils ne poguessem servir a vos e dar don a son enemich, e ell senyor trames me una letra, la qual vos tramet . . . ,” as cited in Masià i de Ros, Jaume II, 463–65.
127. ACA, R. 243, fol. 264v (5 Apr. 1317): “Don Jayme et cetera. Al amado Alabeç Abenrraho, salut e amor. Fazemos vos saber que recibiemos vuestra carta que nos enviastes con Mahomad fijo de Façan e entendiemos asi lo que se contenia en la dicha vuestra carta como lo que nos dixo de vuestra part el dicho Mahomat. A la qual vos respondemos que ciertos eramos nos e ciertos somos de la buena voluntat que vos havedes al nuestro servicio. E por esto havemos nos voluntat buena a vos de fazer vos toda honrra e toda bien como a aquell que los merescedes. E creet al dicho Mahomat [del] que vos dira de nuestra part sobre aquello que nos enviastes dezir. Dada en Ba[r]celona V dias andados del mes de Abril en el anyo de nuestro senyor de M CCC XVII.”
Epilogue
1. Clifford Geertz,“‘The Pinch of Destiny’: Religion As Experience, Meaning, Identity, Power,” Raritan 18, no. 3 (1999): 13.
2. I take inspiration from Andrew Cole and D. Vance Smith, eds., The Legitimacy of the Middle Ages; and Kathleen Davis, Periodization and Sovereignty: How Ideas of Feudalism and Secularization Govern the Politics of Time.
3. For an overview of the convivencia debates, see Soifer, “Beyond Convivencia”; Novikoff, “Between Tolerance and Intolerance”; and Tolan, “Using the Middle Ages.”
4. Giménez Soler, “Caballeros,” 299. He was strongly influenced by Alemany, “Milicias cristianas,” 133 [my emphasis]: “Independientes del Califato desde el siglo VIII los musulmanes de Occidente, y separados en intereses de los de Oriente, desde el XI, reinó á partir de esta época un amplio espíritu de tolerancia y en algunos casos de buena armonía entre los soberanos del Almagreb y las naciones cristianas.”
5. Giménez Soler, “Caballeros,” 299: “En los primeros tiempos el espíritu religioso no era muy fuerte ni en vencedores ni en vencidos; aquéllos iban no á propagar la ley mahometana, sino á buscar botín y riquezas; éstos debieron aceptar casi inmediatamente la religión de sus nuevos amos para obtener beneficios y librarse de gravámenes.”
6. Giménez Soler, “Caballeros,” 299: “[E]ran las relaciones entre los africanos y los cristianos de la península amistosas y hasta cordiales”; “. . . posponiéndose los intereses de la religión á los viles y positivos de la utilidad”; ibid., 300: “La guerra y el comercio, los dos grandes elementos civilizadores, coadyuvaron á esas recíprocas influencias.”
7. Among the other nineteenth- and early twentieth-century liberal positivists, one might mention José Antonio Conde, Pascual de Gayangos, Francisco Codera, and Julián Ribera. See also Tolan, “Using the Middle Ages,” 330ff; James T. Monroe, Islam and Arabs in Spanish Scholarship (Sixteenth Century to the Present), 84–85; and López García, “Enigmas de al-Andalus,” 45–48. Spanish positivism emerged under the influence of neo-Kantian philosopher Karl Christian Friedrich Krause (1781–1832). For a fuller discussion, see Juan López-Morillas, The Krausist Movement and Ideological Change in Spain, 1854–1874, trans. Frances M. López-Morillas. On the neo-Kantian context more broadly, see Michael Freidman, A Parting of the Ways: Carnap, Cassirer, and Heidegger, 25–39; and Peter Eli Gordon, Continental Divide: Heidegger, Cassirer, Davos.
8. The expression belongs to Leopold von Ranke: “wie es eigentlich gewesen.” See also Dorothy Ross, “On the Misunderstanding of Ranke and the Origins of the Historical Profession in America,” Syracuse Scholar 9 (1988): 31–41.
9. Tolan, “Using the Middle Ages,” 330.
10. Manuel Moreno Alonso, Historiografía romántica española: introducción al estudio de la historia en el siglo XIX.
11. Menéndez Pidal, La España del Cid.
12. Menéndez Pidal, La España del Cid, I: 17–38. Dozy, Recherches sur l’histoire et la littérature de l’Espagne, II: 201–2: “Lui, l’aventurier . . . qui combattait en vrai soudard, tantôt pour le Christ, tantôt pour Mahomet, uniquement occupé de la solde à gagner et du pillage à faire; lui, . . . qui voilà et détruisit mainte église; lui, cet homme sans foi ni loi . . . qui manquait aux capitulations et aux serments les plus solennels; lui qui brûlait vifs ses prisonniers ou les faisait déchirer par ses dogues.” On the rejection of El Cid’s historicity, see J. F. de Masdeu, Historia crítica de España y de la cultura Española, XX: 354–55.
13. Menéndez Pidal, La España del Cid, I: 77: “El Andalus, independizado tan pronto del Oriente, había hispanizado su islamismo. . . . Así, cuando el Norte inició su preponderancia militar, al Andalus se inclinaba fácilmente a la sumisión, falto como se hallaba de un espíritu nacional y religioso; justamente en el siglo XI el islamismo peninsular se hallaba, como vamos a indicar, diluido más que nunca en ideas racionalistas y antiárabes favorables a la convivencia con los cristianos.”
14. “Shallow Enlightenment (flachen Aufklärung)” was the Romantic slogan.
15. Johan Gottfried Herder, Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit, in Sämmtliche Werke, ed. Berhard Suphan, XIV: 213 [trans. A. O. Hirschman]: “All the passions of man’s breast are wild drives of a force which does not know itself yet, but which, in accordance with its nature, can only conspire toward a better order of things.”
16. Thomas Glick, “Darwin y la filología española.”
17. M. E. Lacarra, “La utilización del Cid de Menéndez Pidal en la ideología military franquista,” Ideologies and Literature 3 (1980): 95–127; Pasamar Alzura, Historiografía, e ideología en la postguerra española, 311–14; Peter Linehan, History and the Historians of Medieval Spain, 206–7; and Tolan, “Using the Middle Ages,” 339–40. Menéndez Pidal was not a Francoist sympathizer. See Peter Linehan, “The Court Historiographer of Francoism? La Leyenda oscura of Ramón Menéndez Pidal,” Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 73 (1996): 437–50; and José Ignacio Pérez Pascual, Ramón Menéndez Pidal: ciencia y passion, 285–312. See also Ángel Gómez Moreno, “El Cid y los héroes de antaño en la guerra civil de España,” eHumanista: Journal of Iberian Studies 14 (2010): 210–38.
18. See chapter 4.
19. Américo Castro, España en su historia: cristianos, moros y judíos, 17–45; idem, The Structure of Spanish History; idem, The Spaniards: An Introduction to Their History; Claudio Sánchez Albornoz, España: un enigma histórico. For an overview of the debate, see Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain, 6–13; and José Luis Gómez-Martínez, Américo Castro y el origen de los españoles: historia de una polémica.
20. Castro, The Spaniards, 499–500.
21. Sánchez Albornoz, España: un enigma histórico, 297–99.
22. Important exceptions to this trend and influences on the argument below included Szpiech, “The Convivencia Wars”; Tolan, “Using the Middle Ages”; López García, “Enigmas de al-Andalus”; idem, “30 años de Arabismo Español”; and idem, “Arabismo y orientalismo en España.”
23. Szpiech, “The Convivencia Wars,” 141; Donald L. Shaw, “The Anti-Romantic Reaction in Spain,” Modern Language Review 63 (1968): 606–11.
24. Most recently, see Rosa María Rodríguez Magda, Inexistente Al Ándalus: de cómo los intelectuales reinventan el Islam; Chris Lowney, A Vanished World: Medieval Spain’s Golden Age of Enlightenment; Serafín Fanjul, La quimera de Al-Andalus. Madrid: siglo XXI de España; César Vidal, España frente al islam: de Mahoma a Ben Laden; Serafín Fanjul, Al-Andalus contra España: la forja del mito; María Rosa Menocal, The Ornament of the World: How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain; and Juan Vernet, Lo que Europa debe al islam de España.
25. Georg Simmel, “Die Krisis der Kultur,” Frankfurter Zeitung, 6, no. 43 (February 13, 1916), drittes Morgenblatt, 1–2 [reprinted in Georg Simmel, Der Krieg und die geistigen Entscheidungen: Reden und Aufsätze]. For an overview, see Peter Eli Gordon, Continental Divide: Heidegger, Cassirer, Davos, 43–48.
26. Schmitt, Political Theology, 36. The expression has a longer history, at least as old as Spinoza’s Tractatus Theologico-Politicus.
27. Luis Gabriel Ambriose, Victome de Bonald (1754–1840), Théorie du pouvoir politique et religieux dans la société civile (1796) and Législation primitive (1802). Joseph Marie, Comte de Maistre (1753–1821), Considérations sur la France (1796) and Essai sur le principe générateur des constitutions politiques (1814 [1809]).
28. Hans Blumenberg, The Legitimacy of the Modern Age, trans. by Robert M. Wallace; and Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies. Kantorowicz was more oblique than Blumenberg about his distaste for Schmitt. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies, xviii: “It would go much too far, however, to assume that the author felt tempted to investigate the emergence of some of the idols of modern political religions merely on account of the horrifying experience of our own time in which whole nations, the largest and the smallest, fall prey to the weirdest dogmas and in which political theologies became genuine obsessions defying in many cases the rudiments of human and political reason; in fact, he became the more conscious of certain ideological gossamers the more he expanded and deepened his knowledge of the early development.”
29. Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite.
30. For a fuller discussion, see Martin A. Ruehl, “‘In This Time without Emperors’: The Politics of Ernst Kantorowicz’s Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite Reconsidered,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 63 (2000): 188–89.
31. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies, 19. See also ibid., 207: “The noble concept of the corpus mysticum, after having lost much of its transcendental meaning and having been politicized and, in many respects, secularized by the Church itself, easily fell prey to the world of thought of statesmen, jurists, and scholars who were developing new ideologies for the nascent territorial and secular state.”
32. Victoria Kahn, “Political Theology and Fiction in The King’s Two Bodies,” Representations 106, no. 1 (2009): 77–101, esp. 81.
33. Protestant and Jewish theologians, such as Karl Barth, Jacob Taubes, and Hans Jonas also weighed in on these debates about the relationship of religion and politics. See Benjamin Lazier, God Interrupted: Heresy and the European Imagination Between the World Wars, 5–9. The Islamic theologian, Allama Iqbal, has not been but should be considered in this context. See his The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, which heavily influenced modern Islamic movements from Iran to South Asia.
34. Peter Eli Gordon, “Continental Divide: Ernst Cassirer and Martin Heidegger at Davos, 1929 —An Allegory of Intellectual History,” Modern Intellectual History 1, no. 2 (2004): 222. López García, “30 años de Arabismo Español,” makes a similar argument about the convivencia debates.
35. Gordon, “Continental Divide,” 222–23.
36. Leo Strauss, “Jerusalem and Athens: Some Introductory Reflections,” Commentary, no. 43 (1967): 45–57.
37. Jonathan Sheehan, “Sacrifice Before the Secular,” Representations 105, no. 1 (2009): 19: “[W]e only succeed in recycling concepts of theology and the secular in which each (depending on your commitments) becomes an ‘intangible core content’ hidden as the secret heart of the other.” Benjamin Lazier, “On the Origins of ‘Political Theology’: Judaism and Heresy Between the World Wars,” New German Critique 105, no. 35 (2008): 164: “On this view, the liberal stance works (unwittingly or not) to produce a fundamentalist-style theocracy as an alternative. It produces theocracy as an enemy against which to marshal its own resources and so, in a weird way, to ensure its own survival. In this vein, political theology represents the embodiment of liberalism’s anxieties about itself.”
38. Despite writing from different perspectives, Asad, Genealogies of Religion, 28; and Taylor, A Secular Age, 542–57, agree on this point.
39. Saba Mahmood, Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject, xi: “Within our secular epistemology, we tend to translate religious truth as force, a play of power that can be traced back to the machinations of economic and geopolitical interests.” Cf. Geertz,“‘The Pinch of Destiny,’” 4: “Firmer, more determinate, more transpersonal, extravert terms—meaning, say, or identity, or power—must be deployed to catch the tonalities of devotion in our time.”
40. Webb Keane, Christian Moderns: Freedom and Fetish in the Mission Encounter; and idem,“Secularism As a Moral Narrative of Modernity,” Transit: Europäische Revue 43 (2013): 159–70.
41. Hent de Vries, introduction to Religion: Beyond a Concept, ed. Hent de Vries. Cf. Alister Chapman, John Coffey, and Brad S. Gregory, eds., Seeing Things Their Way: Intellectual History and the Return of Religion, 50.
42. Agamben, Homo Sacer; idem, State of Exception; and Taylor, A Secular Age. For critiques, see Peter Eli Gordon, “The Place of the Sacred in the Absence of God: Charles Taylor’s A Secular Age,” Journal of the History of Ideas 69, no. 4 (2008): 647–73; Jonathan Sheehan, “When Was Disenchantment? History and the Secular Age,” in Michael Warner, Jonathan VanAntwerpen, and Craig J. Calhoun, eds., Varieties of Secularism in a Secular Age, 217–42; and Catherine Malabou, “The King’s Two (Biopolitical) Bodies,” Representations 127, no. 1 (2014): 98–106, esp. 102.
43. See Clifford Geertz, “Religion as a Cultural System” (1966), 90: “[A] religion is (1) a system of symbols which acts to (2) establish powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by (3) formulating conceptions of a general order of existence, and (4) clothing these conceptions with an aura of factuality that (5) the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic.” On the enduring influence of Geertz, see Nancy K. Frankenberry and Hans H. Penner, “Clifford Geertz’s Long-Lasting Moods, Motivations, and Metaphysical Conceptions,” Journal of Religion 79, no. 4 (1999): esp. 617: “The frequency with which scholars continue to cite Geertz’s 1966 essay and endorse its definition of religion uncritically is surprising.”
44. Justice, “Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?” 9–11.
45. Justice, “Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles,” 11: “[T]hey must speak either in a cynical and nearly sociopathic detachment from the truth-content of their words, or in a nearly delusional bondage to interests they do not even recognize as the source of those words.”
46. Mahmood, Politics of Piety, 8: “Agency, in this form of analysis, is understood as the capacity to realize one’s own interest against the weight of custom, tradition, transcendental will, or other obstacles (whether individual or collective). Thus the humanist desire for autonomy and self-expression constitutes the substrate, the slumbering ember that can spark to flame in the form of an act of resistance when conditions permit.” See also Asad, Genealogies of Religion, 47.
47. Glenn Olsen, “The Middle Ages in the History of Toleration: A Prolegomena,” Mediterranean Studies 16, no. 1 (2007): 8, speaking of Robert Moore: “Such a perspective as his, we might conclude, both radically under-describes the unending variety of circumstance and motive actually found in the Middle Ages, and, because it essentially is a moral tale told according to the categories of modern liberalism, is not very interested in the reasons people give for being intolerant, the ‘logic’ of their thought.”
48. Wendy Brown, Regulating Aversion: Tolerance in the Age of Identity and Empire; and Asad, Genealogies of Religion, 14: “O’Hanlon sympathizes with the Subaltern historians’ wish to recover suppressed histories but points to the theoretic danger such an agenda conceals of slipping into ‘essentialist humanism.’”
49. Cole and Smith, “Outside Modernity,” 46–64; Davis, Periodization and Sovereignty, 3, 14, and 98. As Cole and Smith argue, even “New Medievalism,” which sought to challenge this periodization, has only reconfigured its relationship to modernity.
50. Hans Blumenberg, “Affinitäten und Dominanzen,” in Ein mögliches Selbstverständnis: Aus dem Nachlaß, 161–68, as cited in Gordon, Continental Divide, 350.
51. Lazier, God Interrupted, 3; Sheehan, “Sacrifice Before the Secular,” 26.
52. Cf. Justice, “Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles,” 9, who argues differently.
53. Buc, Dangers of Ritual, 194.
54. Friedrich Schleiermacher, On Religion: Speeches to Its Cultured Despisers, trans. Richard Crouter. See also Thomas Albert Howard, Protestant Theology and the Making of the Modern German University, 28; Lazier, God Interrupted, 5–6; Sheehan, “Enlightenment, Religion, and the Enigma of Secularization,” 1075; and M. B. Pranger, “Religious Indifference: On the Nature of Medieval Christianity,” in Hent de Vries, ed., Religion: Beyond a Concept, 514.
55. Geertz, “Pinch of Destiny,” 3.
56. Asad, Genealogies of Religion, 42.
57. Buc, Dangers of Ritual, 214–15.
58. Fenella Cannell, “Introduction: The Anthropology of Christianity” in The Anthropology of Christianity, ed. Fenella Cannell, 41: “[T]he work belongs to a long tradition of antireligious social science that incorporates Christian models by its refusal of them.”
59. Nisbet, The Sociological Tradition, 221–63; Milbank, Theology and Social Theory, 52–61; and Buc, Dangers of Ritual, 194: “The movement from theology to the social sciences proceeded, understandably, on tracks defined in part by theology’s progressively greater willingness to see religion as an integrated facet of society.”
60. Carlos M. N. Eire, War against the Idols: The Reformation of Worship from Erasmus to Calvin; and Sheehan, “Sacred and Profane.” See also Anna Sapier Abulafia, Christians and Jews in Dispute: Disputational Literature and the Rise of Anti-Judaism in the West (c. 1000–1150); David Nirenberg, Anti-Judaism: The Western Tradition; and Seth Kimmel, “‘In the Choir with the Clerics’: Secularism in the Age of Inquisition,” Comparative Literature 65, no. 3 (2013): 285–305.
61. Buc, Dangers of Ritual, 178, 210.
62. For example, Sarah Stroumsa, Freethinkers of Medieval Islam: Ibn al-Rawandi, Abu Bakr al-Razi, and Their Impact on Islamic Thought.
63. Derek R. Peterson and Darren R. Walhof, The Invention of Religion: Rethinking Belief in Politics and History, 2; Ussama S. Makdisi, The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon.
64. See for instance, Gerard E. Caspary, Politics and Exegesis: Origen and the Two Swords.
65. Fenella Cannell, “The Christianity of Anthropology,” Journal of the Royal Anthropology Institute 11, no. 2 (2005): 335–57; Webb Keane, “Anxious Transcendence,” in The Anthropology of Christianity, ed. Fenella Cannell, 308–23, cit. 310: “Transcendence, I suggest, haunts modernity in three unrealizable desires: for a self freed of its body, for meanings freed of semiotic mediation, and for agency freed of the press of other people.”
66. Asad, Genealogies of Religion, esp. 29.
67. See for instance, Caroline Walker Bynum, Christian Materiality: An Essay on Religion in Late Medieval Europe; Kellie Robertson, “Medieval Materialism: A Manifesto,” Exemplaria 22, no. 2 (2010): 99–118; and Steven Justice, “Eucharistic Miracle and Eucharistic Doubt,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 42, no. 2 (2012): 307–32. More broadly, Bruno Latour, “Can We Get Our Materialism Back, Please?” Isis 98, no. 1 (2007): 138–42; and Dick Houtman and Birgit Meyer, eds., Things: Religion and the Question of Materiality.
68. Hurd, “The Specific Order of Difficulty of Religion,” referencing Bruno Latour, Rejoicing: Or The Torments of Religious Speech, trans. Julie Rose, 100.