Part III
10
The Norman Kingdom of Sicily is reputed to be a haven of peaceful coexistence of cultures and a paragon of Christian religious tolerance in medieval Europe. Isidoro La Lumia noted the kingdom’s “tolleranza” that made it possible for Saracens, Jews, Greeks, French, Amalfitans and others to live together, while Charles Diehl praised its “tolérance politique et religieuse.”1 Francesco Gabrieli lauded the Normans’ lack of prejudice towards the Arab legacy and the resultant fruitful amalgamation of different civilizations.2 For Antonio Marongiu, Roger II’s respect for customs and languages of various ethnic and religious groups as well as his judicious urge for mutual esteem made the Norman Kingdom of Sicily a forerunner of modern states.3 The Palatine Chapel (Cappella Palatina), which combines Greek, Romanesque and Arab styles, epitomizes this peaceful coexistence for Ernst Kitzinger,4 while for Wolfgang Krönig it is symbolized by a multilingual epitaph with Arabic, Greek, Latin and Hebrew letters.5 Several scholars view the patronage of Arab scholars by the Norman kings as well as Frederick II’s closeness with Arab and Jewish scholars as an expression of religious tolerance.6
Many scholarly works discussing tolerance in the Norman Kingdom of Sicily focus on Greeks, Jews and especially Arabs7 as “minority groups,” applying this term to populations that do not belong to the ruling ethnos regardless of their numbers. The kings’ favorable attitude toward the Muslim “minority” – more numerous in eleventh-century Sicily than the Normans – is most often quoted as proof of their religious tolerance. The status of this best documented “minority group” will therefore be examined in this article in order to check the pertinence of the concept of tolerance to the Norman rulers’ attitudes and policies over time in a changing political situation. The actual evidence, as we will discover, is highly contrasted. Many sources attest to the kings’ favor and trust of their Muslim subjects who enjoyed not only religious freedom but also a degree of self-government in cities in which they lived. Ample evidence to this count is provided by Ibn Jubayr, a traveler from Spain, who visited Sicily in the winter of 1184–1185 and who will often be quoted herein. A miniature in a book by Peter of Eboli showing King William II attended in his bed by a Muslim doctor and a Muslim astrologer epitomizes the king’s close relationship with Muslims, in particular palace servants and scholars.8 Other evidence, however, often produced by the same Ibn Jubayr, reveals the harshness of Muslims’ existence, feelings of humiliation and slavery and a strong pressure to convert to Christianity. Whether this contrasting evidence can be described in terms of “tolerance” versus “intolerance” will be the question to ask.
It should be noted that the term “Muslims,” used in this article to indicate those who believe in Islam, is only employed in Arabic sources (pl. muslimūn, sing. muslim). Latin and Greek sources use ethnic terms such as Arabs (Arabici/Araboi), Turks, Moors and Saracens (Saraceni/Saracenoi) or pagans (pagani), as well as Ishmaels and Hagarenes/Agarenoi to indicate the offspring of Ishmael and Hagar. Unless employed in an explicit contrast with “Christians,” these designations were not defined by religion and did not necessarily indicate Muslims.9 In this article, I use the word “Arabs” to designate those who speak Arabic. Wherever possible, I keep the terms used in primary sources.
I
The relationship between the first count of Sicily, Roger I, and the Muslims must be considered in the political context of the conquest. While we tend to associate the Norman conquest of Sicily with the Crusades or the Iberian Reconquista, it is crucial to remember that at its early stage the simplistic scheme of a global confrontation between Christians and Muslims in Sicily does not work. The conquest started with a Norman involvement in a war between two Muslim rulers. Roger I’s first expedition to Sicily in 1060 took place after Ibn al-Thumna, heavily defeated by another Muslim ruler, Ibn al-Hawwās, invited Roger I as ally from the Italian peninsula and offered him lands in Sicily as reward.10 Roger I occupied Messina, Rametta, Paternò and Troina in 1061, and he conquered Petralia near Cefalù together with Ibn al-Thumna in 1062. Then, as he went back to the peninsula to help his brother Robert Guiscard, Ibn al-Thumna was killed.11 Only after his death, the war gained the character of a Norman conquest of Muslim Sicily, to which Roger I devoted himself after the fall of Bari in 1071. He occupied Palermo together with his brother in 107212 and spent the next twenty years in an effort to complete the conquest with his Norman vassals without his brother’s help. In about forty years of warfare, the territory under Roger I’s power increased rapidly, and so did the diversity of its population.
Many sources show a large number of Saracen soldiers in Roger I’s service. For example, Malaterra informs us that Roger I had many Saracen soldiers in the siege of Cosenza in 1091 and that of Castrovillari in 1094,13 and that Saracen soldiers entered his army on his way to Capua in 1098.14 Lupus Protospatarius witnesses that Roger I had twenty thousand Saracen soldiers with him when he besieged Amalfi in 1096.15 Eadmer of Canterbury also states that there were many Saracens in Roger I’s army.16 Elias of Cartomi (†1081), a Muslim convert to Christianity, commanded one of Roger I’s four troops in the expedition to Taormina in 1079.17 A man of an Arab-Islamic cultural background, he was one of Roger I’s magnates and a prominent member of his entourage.18
Given the fact that Roger I first joined the war as an ally of Ibn al-Thumna, a Muslim ruler, it is no wonder that numerous Saracen soldiers later served in his army. It is difficult to know, however, whether this situation resulted from his “religious tolerance” or from a pragmatic political choice. His successors the Norman kings, Hohenstaufen kings and even Angevin kings took over the tradition of employing Muslim soldiers.19 Ibn Jubayr notes that William II had a corps of black Muslim slaves,20 and Richard of San Germano indicates that Frederick II dispatched ten thousand Saracen soldiers into North Italy.21
Most of the Muslims under Roger I’s rule were not soldiers, however, but city dwellers and villagers and their social and legal conditions differed accordingly. Roger I, who disposed of only several hundred knights during the conquest, according to Malaterra,22 strove to avoid battles and to submit Muslims through negotiations. Cities, endowed with military power and autonomy, could better resist the conquest and negotiate better conditions for submission.
The surrender of Muslims in Palermo to Roger I and Robert Guiscard in January 1072 was negotiated by their representatives, two qā’ids, and other magnates.23 No source specifies the content of the negotiations, but Roger I and Robert Guiscard must have guaranteed the security of the Muslims’ lives and worship in exchange of tributes and labor service.24 The Muslim negotiators stipulated, according to Malaterra, that their commitments were valid “lest they should be oppressed by new and unfair laws.”25 Some historians think that the Muslims of Palermo obtained in these negotiations the degree of autonomy, especially the right to keep their own judges and legal system, as described later by Ibn Jubayr.26
Other Sicilian cities, such as Catania, Mazara, Trapani, Taormina, Syracuse, Castrogiovanni, Butera and Noto,27 probably negotiated similar agreements. Most of them probably preserved the old administrative systems used by Muslims and only replaced the heads of administration with Roger I’s vassals or men of his trust. Therefore, a city that had submitted to Roger I could revolt against him rather easily. For example, Catania gave in to Roger I in 1071 or 1072 and was first governed by his son-in-law, Hugh of Gercé, but after the latter’s death the new governor, the local Muslim leader Ibn al-Thumna, soon switched allegiances to Roger I’s Muslim opponent, Ibn al-Wald, obliging the count to invest time and energy in reclaiming the city.28 Thus, Muslim inhabitants in cities probably kept some extent of autonomy after the Norman conquest.
In contrast to the city dwellers, Muslim villagers did not have the power to negotiate with the Norman conquerors. The most notable change in their condition produced by the conquest seems to have been the replacement of their former Muslim landlords by the Norman ones. Roger I’s donation of land to the bishop of Messina in 1094 was made according to “the old division of Saracens.”29 He made use of the old Muslim land registers (daftar al-ḥudūd in Arabic) and lists of inhabitants (jarīda in Arabic, plateia in Greek, or platea in Latin), and preserved the old land divisions (iqlīm).30 The two documents of 12 February 109531 and 20 February 109532 had Greek forewords and afterwords and a list of peasants in Arabic. This composition suggests a reuse by Roger I of the old Muslim landlords’ lists when he conferred lands to his vassals. The condition of Muslim peasants transferred to the new landlords with the donated land probably did not change much.
Past studies on Muslims in villages suggest a social organization independent from the surrounding Christian society. Very few sources, however, provide any detail on their actual situation or the pressure to convert to Christianity.33 Further classification of peasants inferred by analysis of terms employed in medieval sources, including Muslim ones, stands on very fragile conjectures and needs reexamination.34
Roger I completed his conquest of Sicily in 1091. Even before, though, his priority changed from conquering more lands and people to securing control of land and people, and to establishing an efficient administration. From about 1086 on an entourage of feudal vassals, clerics and officials was formed around the count and a new administrative system was created.35 Roger I made wide use of Muslim and Byzantine Greek institutions, lists of peasants and land registers, but while employing Byzantine officials on all levels of administration he did not employ Muslims in the central government.
Just after the conquest, the majority of the population in areas of Sicily other than its Eastern part was made up of Muslims, while Greeks made up the majority in Calabria and Eastern Sicily. When Roger I’s administrative system was formed around 1086, most of his court officials were Greeks with Byzantine titles, and some Byzantine officials continued to exercise influence in the local government.36 A Greek document of 1105 mentions three magnates, all Greeks, who had the greatest influence in the court: Nicholas the chamberlain, Leo the logothetes and Eugenius.37
Muslim officials or Arabic titles in Roger I’s documents are hard to find. The only exception is the title of amiratus, a transliteration of Arabic amīr.38 According to William of Apulia, Robert Guiscard, after he occupied Palermo with Roger I, gave this title to the knight he appointed to govern the city.39 The choice of an Arabic title, rather than Latin or Greek one, made it clear to the Muslims in Palermo that this knight was the person in control and that he was to take over the existing administrative system instead of destroying it. The title of amiratus originating from Arabic was not given to Muslims or Arabs, however, but mainly to Greeks.40 The fact that Muslims seldom appear in the witness lists of Roger I ’ s documents confirms their exclusion from his central government. We ignore the reasons of this policy, but the memory of a long war against Muslims and the betrayal of Ibn al-Thumna in Catania may have been contributing factors.
II
Roger I, count of Sicily and Calabria, died in 1101 and was succeeded in turn by his young sons, Simon and Roger II, under the regency of his widow Adelasia (Adelaide). Her regency (1101–1112) produced little change in the administrative system, institutions, or officials at the court.41 The capital, however, was moved from Mileto in Calabria to Messina and then to Palermo (1112), marking the transfer of the county’s center of gravity from a zone of a strong Byzantine influence to the mostly Muslim Sicily.
This move greatly affected the relationship between the Norman rulers and the Muslims. Palermo, the capital of Islamic Sicily, kept a large Muslim population long after the Norman conquest. The predominance of Islamic culture in this city as late as 1184–1185 is revealed by an observation of Ibn Jubayr: “Christian women in this town wear dresses like Muslim women. They speak Arabic correctly and fluently. They wear elegant garments and veil their faces.”42 The old palace of the Muslim rulers in Palermo became the main residence of the Norman kings after Roger II moved there around 1130.43 In 1130 he claimed the title of king of Sicily, and by the summer of 1140 he became the sole ruler of the county of Sicily and Calabria, the duchy of Apulia, the duchy of Naples, the principality of Capua and the principality of Taranto.
The kingdom born of this rapid expansion was a mosaic of different geopolitical units with different traditions and cultures, each with a tendency for autonomy. Roger II’s first effort at creating a new order can be observed in the assembly at Ariano, where he announced to magnates and bishops of his kingdom the minting of new money and the appointment of commissioners to enforce its use. He also promulgated “the assises of Ariano” in which he set out his policies. The first article declares that customs, traditions and laws of the peoples ruled by the Normans should not be abolished unless they contradict newly promulgated laws.44 The ruler’s respect for the existing laws and customs reveals his policy to make different peoples, including the Muslims, coexist in peace, judged principally by their own laws within their community.
The predominance of Greek officials and the marked absence of Muslim officials as seen in the court of Roger I are also observed in the courts of Adelasia and Roger II. Most amirati who had great influence during this period were Greeks, including George, head minister for Roger II;45 John, son of Eugenius; and Nicholas, Theodore, Basil and Michael.46
However, a few Muslim officials, such as Abū al-Daw’47 and Philip of Mahdīya,48 began to appear in the 1120s under Roger II. In the process of renewal of his own or his ancestors’ documents of donation in 1144–1145, Roger II probably employed many Muslim scribes. Some of these renewed documents of donations were written entirely in Arabic, while documents issued beforehand had usually Greek forewords and afterwords and a list of inhabitants in Arabic. Carlo A. Garufi suggests that documents of donation had been translated into Greek from Arabic before, but in 1144–1145 they were translated from Greek to Arabic.49
Roger II was under a strong Greek influence and usually signed in Greek in both Greek and Latin documents.50 He loved the sciences and the arts, and he gathered doctors, astrologers, philosophers, geologists and mathematicians to his palace, including the Muslim geographer Al-Idrīsī and the Greek theologian Neilos Doxopatres. According to Al-Idrīsī, Roger II had deep knowledge of mathematics, political science and the natural sciences.51 Ibn al-Athīr reports a rumor among Christian and Muslim subjects that Roger II was a secret Muslim because of his conspicuous favor of Muslims.52 It is also said that he was fond of conversations with Muslim scholars, and he spent much of his time on scientific speculation in the last fifteen years of his life.53
III
Roger II died in 1154, and was succeeded by his son William I. After subduing a revolt, which broke out just after his succession, William I entrusted the government to his head minister Maio and secluded himself in the palace. Thus from 1156 till his assassination in 1160, Maio became the effective ruler of the kingdom. Afterwards, the government was entrusted to three familiares regis who exercised the real power,54 while William I preferred to live with Muslim pages and maids in a palace outside Palermo.
During his reign, Arabs become prominent in the government for the first time. Iohar, an Arab eunuch, became master chamberlain of the royal palace before 1162,55 and Martin, also an Arab eunuch, became master of the duana de secretis before 1161.56 Peter, another Arab eunuch, succeeded Iohar as master chamberlain of the royal palace in 1162.57 Peter was born on the island of Jerba, and was a converted Christian with an Arab-Islamic cultural background. Falcandus described him as “a Christian in name and clothes, but a Saracen in heart like all other eunuchs in the royal palace.”58 Peter became one of the three familiares regis at the end of the reign of William I and took control of the government.59
During the weak reign of William I, frequent disturbances provoked massacres of Saracens by Christians, notably after the assassination of Maio in 1160.60 On another occasion, Christian immigrants from Northern Italy massacred their Saracens neighbors.61 Furthermore, Saracens and Christians in William I’s army clashed with and killed each other.62
After the death of William I in 1166, thirteen-year-old William II succeeded to the throne under the regency of his mother Margaret. Margaret made Peter, one of the three familiares regis, head minister and appointed the other two as his assistants. Thus Peter, an Arab eunuch, held the control of the government. Other people with Arab-Islamic background also occupied important offices in the central government. This was the case of most of the chamberlains of the royal palace,63 and all three master chamberlains under William I and William II – Iohar,64 Peter65 and Richard66 – were Arab eunuchs. Masters of the duana de secretis, which kept and controlled the documents concerned with lands, also had Arab-Islamic background.67
William II did not take part in administration even after he came of age, and the familiares regis took care of the government. He appeared to Ibn Jubayr as a Muslim rather than a Christian ruler because of his deep trust in Muslims. He could read and write Arabic, and encouraged visiting foreign doctors and astrologers to stay in his kingdom by offering them large sums of money. He trusted Muslims employing them as cooks; his troop of guards was made up of black Muslim slaves and his many Arab eunuchs (fityān) were secret Muslims. What is more, when a great earthquake hit Sicily in February 1169, the king told maids and pages in the palace to pray to the One, which each of them worshipped and believed in for protection.68 According to Ibn Jubayr, Muslims in Palermo had their own mosques, their own residential area excluding Christians, their own markets and their own judge (qādī).69 This strongly suggests that Muslims in Palermo had a system of self-government. While visiting Trapani, Ibn Jubayr witnessed a procession of Muslims sounding drums and trumpets, and he was surprised by the Christians’ generosity.70 The testimony of Ibn Jubayr, the lasting influence of the Islamic culture in Norman Sicily, and the strong influence of Muslims in the royal court are quoted by historians to support the “tolerance” of the kingdom.
In another illustration in Peter of Eboli, Muslims and Greeks in Palermo are fraught with grief at the death of William II.71 The painter clearly views in a positive light a king loved by people of different cultures and religions.
However, Ibn Jubayr also notes that Muslims in Sicily were subject to humiliation and slavery under the rule of Christians and lived hard lives. Women and children were exposed to temptation to convert, and shaikhs were threatened to abandon their worship.72 He later notes that the pressure to convert to Christianity was felt by all Muslims in Sicily.73
When Ibn Jubayr met ‘Abd al-Masīh, a page, the latter said “We hide our belief, but keep worshipping to God with anxiety about security of our life, and perform religious duties in secret. We are captives of infidels with our neck roped like a slave.”74 According to Falcandus, Martin, the powerful Arab eunuch, raged against all Christians and condemned them when he learned that his brother had been killed by Christians.75 This vividly illustrates the anxiety and discontent of Arab officials at the center of power.76
Abū al-Qāsim, a member of a prominent Sicilian family and a high official of William II, was accused of conniving with Muwahhids and confined to his home. All of his property was confiscated, and he was left penniless.77 Abū al-Qāsim did not give in to the pressure to convert, but some other Muslims did. As mentioned before, many chamberlains of the royal palace and many of the masters of the duana de secretis were converted Arabs with Christian names. Ibn Jubayr also describes the life of Ibn Zur’a, who converted to Christianity.78
Thus Ibn Jubayr shows facts indicating the “intolerance” of the kingdom as well as those showing the “tolerance” of the kings. The Muslim population continued to decrease after the Norman conquest, supporting the argument for the “intolerance” of the kingdom. Muslims in Sicily began to immigrate to North Africa, especially Tunisia and Egypt during the conquest, and they continued to do so under the Norman rule.79 In particular, the Muslim population decreased rapidly in the latter half of the twelfth and the first half of the thirteenth century. In the 1220s, Frederick II made the Muslims in Sicily, who continued to revolt against the king, immigrate to Lucera in Apulia. Thus Lucera became a colony of Muslims. Most of them lived peasant lives separated from the outer Christian society while others served the king as soldiers and courtiers. In 1300 the last Muslims in Lucera were sold as slaves, and Muslims were extinguished from the Italian peninsula.
* * *
Tolerance, deriving from the Latin tolerantia (or toleratio), is a word which indicates an attitude: Someone (an individual, a group, an institution) is tolerant towards another. Determining which human acts and statements, and in what context, should be considered “tolerant” is very much a matter of subjective judgment. The problem of ambiguity and subjectivity inherent in the concept of tolerance is illustrated by the work of Henry Kamen, which traces the history of ideas about tolerance as a moral value. Kamen examines ideas of tolerance in the Old and New Testaments, in the writings of Church Fathers like Tertullian and Augustine, medieval scholastics including Thomas Aquinas, and Renaissance humanists and modern philosophers of the Enlightenment.80 It is the author’s arbitrary judgment, however, which determines what statements of past writers show tolerance and how they can be related.
In speaking of a “tolerant society,” scholars tend to view “tolerance” as a sort of a social mechanism which discourages members from driving out or attacking minority groups. Numerous historical studies, notably on Norman Sicily and Spain, consider tolerance from this angle. The subjects of tolerance are then always those who rule (ruler, ruling group, majority, etc.), and the objects of tolerance are “minority groups” defined not in terms of number but by opposition to rulers. In this scheme, scholars drew a line of confrontation between the conquering Normans, who formed a ruling class of kings, lay aristocrats and high clerics, and the conquered “minorities” – Muslims, Greeks, South Italians – who made up most of Sicily’s population.81 Based on this understanding, some scholars think that Muslims and Greeks lived safely in the kingdom thanks to the Normans’ tolerant policy. In fact, the relationships between Normans, Muslims and Greeks were not so simple. Opposition could be created not only by religion but also by other factors. As I made it clear elsewhere, the difference in religion or cultural background did not serve as a clear line of confrontation, and those who were at the center of power in the Norman Kingdom of Sicily had various cultural backgrounds.82 Thus we cannot simply regard the Normans as the majority in the kingdom, or see the Normans’ stance towards other peoples as being “religious tolerance.”
It is not easy to judge whether coexistence of different religious groups in the kingdom was a result of religious tolerance or a result of an unavoidable choice in the situation the Normans found themselves in. This is not just because it is difficult to know their actual state of mind, but because it is extremely difficult to exclude our subjectivity inherent in the concept of tolerance. The relationship between two groups that we call “tolerance” seems to be better understood if we consider it in relation to recognition of others, the issue of minority or the issue of identity and group, rather than the issue of tolerance.
Even in the kingdom where different religious groups seemed to coexist peacefully, there were lots of conflicts among people. One important point I see in examining the changes in relationships between Norman rulers and Muslims is the collision and struggle of two forces, one seeking to exclude others from the group and the other seeking to keep order in the group. However, since others can be multilayered just as identity can be multilayered, those who believe in a different religion or in different sectarian beliefs can be regarded as others while also being members of the group one belongs to. A person or group may seek for coexistence with other religions or sects at one time, and try to be exclusive at another time according to how the other is recognized. Thus, the issue of tolerance is closely linked to the issue of “identity” and the issue of “others.”
Notes
1 Isidoro La Lumia, Guglielmo II. La Sicilia sotto il suo regno (Palermo, 1867; repr. 2000), pp. 31–33; Charles Diehl, Palerme et Syracuse (Paris, 1907), pp. 2, 62–76.
2 Francesco Gabrieli, “La politique arabe des Normands de Sicile,” Studia Islamica, vol. 9 (1958), p. 84.
3 Antonio Marongiu, “A Model State in the Middle Ages: The Norman Swabian Kingdom of Sicily,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 1 (1963), pp. 313–314.
4 Ernst Kitzinger, The Art of Byzantium and the Medieval West (Bloomington, 1976), pp. 290–313.
5 Wolfgang Krönig, “Der viersprachige Grabstein von 1148 in Palermo,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, vol. 52 (1989), p. 550.
6 Francesco Giunta and Umberto Rizzitano, Terra senza crociati (Palermo, 1967), pp. 72–97; David C. Douglas, The Norman Fate, 1100–1154 (London, 1976), pp. 146–149; Hubert Houben, “Möglichkeiten und Grenzen religiöser Toleranz im normannisch-staufischen Königreich Sizilien,” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, vol. 50 (1994), pp. 159–198 (revised Italian edition: “Possibilità e limiti della tolleranza religiosa nel Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo,” Hubert Houben, Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo, monasteri e castelli, ebrei e musulmani [Naples, 1996], pp. 213–242); Francesco Tateo, “La cultura nelle corti,” Centri di produzione della cultura nel Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo, ed. Giosuè Musca (Bari, 1997), pp. 41–54.
7 Francesco Gabrieli, “Normanni e Arabi,” Archivio storico pugliese, vol. 12 (1959), pp. 53–68; Giunta and Rizzitano, Terra senza crociati; Umberto Rizzitano, “La cultura araba nella Sicilia Normanna,” Atti del Congresso internazionale di Studi sulla Sicilia normanna (Palermo, 1973), pp. 125–135; Francesco Giunta, Bizantini e Bizantinismo nella Sicilia normanna, 2nd ed. (Palermo, 1974); Houben, “Möglichkeiten”; Henri Bresc, “Mudéjars des pays de la Couronne d’Aragon et sarrasins de la Sicile normande: le problème de l’acculturation,” Jaime I y su época. 10 Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Expansión politico-militar, ordenamiento interior, relaciones exteriores (Zaragoza 1975), vol. 2 (Zaragoza, 1980), pp. 51–60; Vera Von Falkenhausen, “Il popolamento: etnie, fedi, insediamenti,” Terra e uomini nel Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo, ed. Giosuè Musca (Bari, 1987), p. 39–73; Henri Bresc and Annliese Nef, “Les Mozarabes de Sicile (1100–1300),” Cavalieri alla conquista del Sud. Studi sull’Italia normanna in memoria di Léon-Robert Ménager, ed. Errico Cuozzo and Jean-Marie Martin (Rome/Bari, 1998), pp. 134–156; Jeremy Johns, Arabic Administration in Norman Sicily: The Royal Dīwān (Cambridge, 2002); Alex Metcalfe, “The Muslims of Sicily under Christian Rule,” The Society of Norman Italy, ed. Graham A. Loud and Alex Metcalfe (Leiden, 2002), pp. 289–317; Alex Metcalfe, Muslims and Christians in Norman Sicily: Arabic Speakers and the End of Islam (London/New York, 2003); Annkristin Schlichte, Der “gute” König Wilhelm II. von Sizilien (1168–1189) (Tübingen, 2005), pp. 198–211.
8 Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Codex 120 II, folio 97r; Petrus de Ebulo, Liber ad Honorem Augusti di Pietro da Eboli, secondo il cod. 120 della Biblioteca civica di Berna, ed. Giovanni B. Siragusa (Rome, 1906), Tav. III; Petrus de Ebulo, Liber ad Honorem Augusti sive de rebus Siculis, ed. Theo Kölzer and Marlis Stähli (Sigmaringen, 1994), p. 43.
9 John Victor Tolan, Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York, 2002), p. xv; Metcalfe, Muslims and Christians, pp. 55–60.
10 Ibn al-Athīr, Al-Kāmil fī al-Tārīkh, ed. J. H. Tornberg, 12 vols. (Leiden, 1851–1871), vol. 10, pp. 131–132; in Michele Amari, ed., Biblioteca arabo-sicula ossia Raccolta di testi arabici che toccano la geografia, la storia, le biografie e la bibliografia della Sicilia (Leipzig, 1847) [hereinafter Amari, Biblioteca, testo arabo], p. 275, sana 484 (Italian translation: Michele Amari, ed. and trans., Biblioteca arabo-sicula, versione italiana, 2 vols. [Rome/Turin, 1880–1881] [hereinafter Amari, Biblioteca, versione italiana], vol. 1, p. 275, anno 484); Al-Nuwayrī, Nihāya al-Arab fī Funūn al-Adab, in: Amari, Biblioteca, testo arabo, pp. 444–449, sana 410, 440 (Amari, Biblioteca, versione italiana, vol. 2, pp. 140–146, anno 410, 440); Abū al-Fidā’, Kitāb al-Mukhtaṣar fī Akhbār al-Bashar, in: Amari, Biblioteca, testo arabo, pp. 413–414, sana 484 (Amari, Biblioteca, versione italiana, vol. 2, pp. 96–99, anno 484); Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘Ibar, 7 vols. (Beirut, 1959–61), vol. 4, pp. 207–208, in: Amari, Biblioteca, testo arabo, pp. 484–485 (Amari, Biblioteca, versione italiana, vol. 2, pp. 200–203); Amatus Casinensis, Storia de’ Normanni di Amato di Montecassino, ed. Vincenzo de Bartholomaeis (Rome, 1935), Lib. V, Cap. VIII, pp. 229–230; Gaufredus Malaterra, De rebus gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae comitis et Roberti Guiscardi ducis fratris eius, ed. Ernesto Pontieri (Bologna, 1928), Lib. II, Cap. III, IV, XVI–XXII, pp. 30, 34–36. Cf. Michele Amari, Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, 2nd ed. Carlo A. Nallino, 3 vols. (Catania, 1933–1939 [1st ed., 3 vols., Florence, 1854–1872]), vol. 3, p. 65; Francesco Gabrieli, “Storia e cultura della Sicilia araba,” Libia, vol. 1/4 (1953), p. 5; Umberto Rizzitano, “Ibn al-Hawwās,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., 12 vols. (Leiden, 1960–2005), vol. 3, p. 788; Umberto Rizzitano, “Ibn al-Thumna,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., vol. 3 (Leiden, 1960–2005), p. 956; Aziz Ahmad, A History of Islamic Sicily (Edinburgh, 1975), pp. 36–37, 49; Hiroshi Takayama, “The Fāṭimid and Kalbite Governors in Sicily: 909–1044 – Islamic Sicily II,” Mediterranean World, vol. 13 (1992), pp. 25–27. For Ibn al-Thumna, see Metcalfe, The Muslims of Sicily, pp. 289, 293.
11 Amatus, Lib. V, Cap. XIII–XXII, pp. 239–240; Malaterra, Lib. II, Cap. VIII–XVII, pp. 31–34; Ferdinand Chalandon, Histoire de la domination normande en Italie et en Sicile, 2 vols. (Paris, 1907), vol. 1, pp. 192–195; Ferdinand Chalandon, “The Conquest of South Italy and Sicily by the Normans,” The Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 5 (Contest of Empire and Papacy) (Cambridge, 1926), pp. 175–176; Ahmad, A History of Islamic Sicily, pp. 49–50.
12 Malaterra, Lib. II, Cap. XLV, pp. 52–53; Amatus, Lib. VI, Cap. XVI–XIX, pp. 278–282; Chalandon, Histoire de la domination, vol. 1, pp. 206–208; Ahmad, A History of Islamic Sicily, pp. 51–52; Falco Beneventanus, Falco di Benevento, Chronicon Beneventanum: città e feudi nell’Italia dei Normanni, ed. Edoardo D’Angelo (Florence, 1998), ad an. 1072 (Italian translation: Falcone Beneventano, Chronicon, trans. Raffaele Matarazzo [Naples, 2000]); Amari, Storia dei Musulmani, vol. 1, p. 137.
13 Malaterra, Lib. IV, Cap. XVII, p. 96: “ab omni Sicilia multa Sarracenorum millia excitans, sed et militum copias conducens”; Malaterra, Lib. IV, Cap. XXII, p. 100: “Comes vero multa millia Saracenorum a Sicilia et Calabria conducens, equitum quoque sive peditum Christianorum copias.”
14 Malaterra, Lib. IV, Cap. XXVI, p. 104: “in usus Saracenorum, quorum maxima pars exercitui intererat.”
15 Lupus Protospatarius, “Annales Barenses. Rerum in Regno Neapolitano gestarum breve chronicon,” in MGH. SS, ed. Georg H. Pertz, vol. 5 (Hannover, 1884), p. 62: “Rogerius comes Siciliae cum 20 milibus Sarracenorum et cum innumera multitudine aliarum gentium, et universi comites Apuleae obsederunt Amalfim.”
16 Eadmer, Vita Sancti Anselmi: the Life of St. Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. Richard W. Southern (London 1963), pp. 111–112: “nam eorum multa milia in ipsam expeditionem secum adduxerat…. Quorum etiam plurimi velut comperimus se libenter eius doctrinae instruendos summisissent ac Christianae fidei iugo sua per eum colla iniecissent, si crudelitatem comitis sui pro hoc in se sevituram non formidassent. Nam revera nullum eorum pati volebat Christianum impune fieri.” Cf. Chalandon, Histoire de la domination, vol. 1, p. 304; Houben, “Possibilità e limiti,” p. 217.
17 Malaterra, Lib. III, Cap. XVIII, p. 67: “Primus ad excubias Othonus, alter Elias, Tertius Arisgotus, Jordanus abinde remotus Esse recusavit.”
18 Malaterra, Lib. III, Cap. XXX, p. 75: “Porro Jordanus, filius comitis, et Robertus de Surda-valle et Elias Cartomensis – qui ex Saracenis ad fidem Christi conversus, postea apud Castrum-Johannis a sua gente hostiliter interfectus, quia negando apostata fieri noluit, martyrio vitam laudabiliter finivit – exercitu commoto, versus Cathaniam iter intendunt.” Elias of Cartomi was probably from Cartomi in Spain. See Amari, Storia dei Musulmani, vol. 3, p. 156 note 1.
19 Julie Taylor, Muslims in Medieval Italy: The Colony at Lucera (Lanham, MD, 2003), pp. 102–111; Joachim Göbbels, Das Militärwesen im Königreich Sizilien zur Zeit Karls I. von Anjou 1265–1285 (Stuttgart, 1984), pp. 118–127.
20 Ibn Jubayr, Riḥla (The Travels of Ibn Jubayr), ed. William Wright, 2nd ed. by Michael J. De Goeje (Leiden/London, 1907), p. 324.
21 Ryccardus de Sancto Germano, Ryccardi de Sancto Germano notarii Chronica, ed. Carlo A. Garufi (Bologna 1937–1938), p. 195.
22 Malaterra, Lib. II, Cap. XVII, p. 34: “Comes vero Rogerius, quietis impatiens et laboris avidus, trecentos juvenes secum ducens, usque Agrigentum praedatum et terram inspectum vadit, totam provinciam indendio concremando devastans.”; Malaterra, Lib. II, Cap. XVIII, p. 35: “Media vero hieme, videlicet ante natalem Domini, cum ducentis quinquaginta militibus iterum mare transiens, usque ad Agrigentinam urbem, totam patriam sollicitans, praedatum vadit.”; Malaterra, Lib. II, Cap. XXIX, p. 39: “iterum Siciliam cum trecentis debellaturus aggreditur.” Cf. Chalandon, Histoire de la domination, vol. 1, p. 328.
23 Amatus, Lib. VI, Cap. XVIII, p. 281: “Et, en celle nuit, se esmurent o tout li ostage, et manderent certains messages liquel doient dire coment la terre s’est rendue. Et puiz, quant il fu jor, dui Cayte alerent devant, loquel avoient l’ofice laquelle avoient li antique, avec autrez gentilhome.” Cf. Amari, Storia dei Musulmani, vol. 3–2, p. 130, note.
24 Malaterra, Lib. II, Cap. XLV, p. 53: “Quandoquidem fortuna praesenti sic hortabantur, urbis deditionem facere, se in famulando fideles persistere, tributa solvere: et hoc juramento legis suae firmare spopondunt.”; Guillaume de Pouille, La geste de Robert Guiscard, ed. Marguerite Mathieu (Palermo, 1961), Lib. III, p. 182: “Cuncta duci dedunt, se tantum vivere poscunt. Deditione sui facta meruere favorem Exorare ducis placidi; promittitur illis Gratia cum vita. Nullum proscribere curat, Observansque fidem promissi, laedere nullum, Quamvis gentiles essent, molitur eorum. Omnes subiectos sibi lance examinat aequa.” Cf. Amari, Storia dei Musulmani, vol. 3, pp. 130–131, 277; Chalandon, Histoire de la domination, vol. 1, p. 208; Graham A. Loud, The Age of Robert Guiscard: Southern Italy and the Norman C onquest (New York, 2000), pp. 161–162.
25 Malaterra, Lib. II, Cap. XLV, p. 53: “Proximo mane primores, foedere interposito, utrisque fratribus locutum accedunt, legem suam nullatenus se violari vel relinquere velle dicentes, scilicet, si certi sint, quod non cogantur, vel injustis et novis ligibus non atterantur.”
26 Ibn Jubayr, Riḥla, p. 332. Cf. Amari, Storia dei Musulmani, vol. 3, p. 132; Chalandon, Histoire de la domination, vol. 1, p. 208; Gabrieli, “La politique arabe,” p. 93.
27 Amari, Storia dei Musulmani, vol. 3, p. 277.
28 Malaterra, Lib. III, Cap. X, p. 61: “Comes vero, quibusdam necessitatibus se vocantibus, a Sicilia versus Calabriam digrediens, Hugoni de Gircaea, cui, propter strenuitatem, quam habebat – nam et praeclari generis a Cenomanensi provincia erat – cum filia sua de priore uxore Cathaniam dederat, totam Siciliam servandam delegavit, interdicens ne, si Bernarvet, quia vicinius sibi Syracusis morabatur, aliquem incur-sum versus se faceret, callidas eius versutias cavens, nusquam urbe digregiens, hostem persequeretur”; Malaterra, Lib. III, Cap. XXX, p. 75: “Hic quendam paganum, nomine Benthumen, quem comes apud Cathaniam majorem urbi praefecerat, callidis circumventionibus aggrediens, ad tradendam urbem multis munerum, possessionumve pactionibus sollicitabat. Paganus vero nominis sui competens imitator, avaritia coecatus, fidei sacramentorumque, quae comiti dederat, oblitus, statuto termino, infra urbem illum cum multitudine suorum fraudulenter de nocte accipiens, traditionis nomen sibi perpetuo vindicavit.”
29 Rocco Pirro, Sicilia sacra disquisitionibus et notitiis illustrata, ed. Antonio Mongi-tore, 2 vols. (Palermo, 1733), vol. 1, p. 384: “Unde audita ejus petitione pro salute animae meae, et fratris mei nobilissimi Ducis Roberti Guiscardi… dedi, et in perpetuum concessi Ecclesiae S. Nicolai Episcopii Messanae, casale Saracenorum, quod dicitur Butahi cum omni tenimento, et pertinentiis suis secundum antiquas divisiones Saracenorum.”
30 Amari, Storia dei Musulmani, vol. 2, p. 34; Michele Amari, “Su la data degli sponsali di Arrigo VI con la Costanza erede del trono di Sicilia, e su i divani dell’azienda normanna in Palermo. Lettera del dottor O. HARTWIG e Memoria del Socio AMARI,” Atti della R. Accademia dei Lincei, anno 275 (1877–78), serie 3, Memorie della classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, vol. 2 (1878), p. 430; Mario Caravale, “Gli uffici finanziari nel Regno di Sicilia durante il periodo normanno,” Annali di storia del diritto, vol. 8 (1964), pp. 185–187; Chalandon, Histoire de la domination, vol. 1, p. 348.
31 Salvatore Cusa, I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia pubblicati nel testo originale, 2 vols. (Palermo, 1868–1882), vol. 1, pp. 1–3.
32 Catania, Archivio Capitolare della Cattedrale di Catania, Pergamene greco-arabe e greche, no. 1; Cusa, I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia pubblicati nel testo originale, pp. 541–549; Johns, Arabic Administration, pp. 301–302, Appendix 1, no. 4.
33 Henri Bercher, Annie Courteaux, and Jean Mouton, “Une abbaye latine dans la société musulmane: Monreale au XIIe siècle,” Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations, vol. 34 (1979), pp. 525–547; Metcalfe, The Muslims of Sicily, pp. 295–297; Metcalfe, Muslims and Christians, pp. 34–39, 71–98.
34 Chalandon, Histoire de la domination, vol. 2, pp. 528–530; Amari, Storia dei Musulmani, vol. 3, pp. 245–250; Ernst Mayer, Italienische Verfassungsgeschichte von der Gothenzeit bis zur Zunftherrschaft (Leipzig, 1909), vol. 1, p. 185; Carlo A. Garufi, “Censimento e catasto della popolazione servile. Nuovi studi e ricerche sull’ordinamento amministrativo dei Normanni in Sicilia nei secoli XI e XII,” Archivio storico siciliano, vol. 49 (1928), pp. 73–75; Johns, Arabic Administration, pp. 61–62, 144–167; Metcalfe, Muslims and Christians, p. 37.
35 For Roger I’s administration, see Hiroshi Takayama, “The Administration of Roger I,” Ruggero I Gran Conte di Sicilia, 1101–2001, ed. Guglielmo De’ Giovanni-Centelles (Rome, 2007), pp. 124–140; Hiroshi Takayama, The Administration of the Norman Kingdom of Sicily (Leiden/New York/Cologne, 1993), pp. 25–40; Loud, The Age of Robert Guiscard, pp. 146–185; Ruggero il Gran Conte e l’inizio dello stato normanno (Rome, 1977).
36 Jules Gay, L’Italie méridionale et l’empire byzantin depuis l’avènement de Basile Ier jusqu’à la prise de Bari par les Normands (867–1071) (Paris, 1904), pp. 556–560; George Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State (New Brunswick, NJ, 1969), p. 247. For the titles of Byzantine officials in South Italy, see also Vera Von Falkenhausen, Untersuchungen über die byzantinische Herrschaft in Süditalien vom 9. bis ins 11. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden, 1967); Vera Von Falkenhausen, La dominazione bizan-tina nell’Italia meridionale dal IX all’XI secolo (Bari, 1978).
37 Palermo, Archivio di Stato, Tabulario di Abbazia di S. Filippo di Fragalà e di S. Maria di Maniaci, Pergamene, no. 8, and Catania, Archivio Provinciale, Fondo Radusa, no. 22 (Original. May, AM 6613 [= AD 1105], Indiction XIII. Edition: Cusa, I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia pubblicati nel testo originale, pp. 396–400; Giuseppe Spata, Le pergamene greche esistenti nel grande archivio di Palermo [Palermo, 1862], pp. 197–204).
38 For amiratus, see Hiroshi Takayama, “Amiratus in the Norman Kingdom of Sicily: A Leading Office of Arabic Origin in the Royal Administration,” Forschungen zur Reichs-, Papst- und Landesgeschichte: Peter Herde zum 65. Geburtstag von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen dargebracht, ed. Karl Borchardt and Enno Bünz, 2 vols (Stuttgart, 1998), vol. 1, pp. 133–144.
39 Guillaume de Pouille, Lib. III, vers 340–343, p. 182: “Obsidibus sumptis aliquot castrisque paratis, Reginam remeat Robertus victor ad urbem, Nominis eiusdem quodam remanente Panormi Milite, qui Siculis datur amiratus haberi.”
40 Takayama, “Amiratus.” Some of the earliest amirati seem to have been Normans, such as Peter Bido armeratus Palermi, who appears in two documents: Cava de’ Tirreni, Archivio della Badia della S.ma Trinità, Arca magna, Armarium C, nos. 5–6 (edition: Léon-Robert Ménager, Recueil des actes des ducs normands d’Italie (1046–1127), vol. 1: Les premiers ducs (1046–1087) (Bari, 1981), nos. 52–53, pp. 182–184).
41 Takayama, The Administration, pp. 40–46.
42 Ibn Jubayr, Riḥla, p. 333.
43 For the palace, see Hugo Falcandus, “Epistola ad Petrum Panormitane ecclesie thesaurarium de calamitate Sicilie,” Giovanni B. Siragusa, ed., La historia o Liber de Regno Sicilie e la epistola ad Petrum Panormitane ecclesie thesaurarium (Rome, 1897), pp. 177–178 (English translation: Graham A. Loud and Thomas Wiedemann, eds. and trans., The History of the Tyrants of Sicily by ‘Hugo Falcandus’ 1154–69 [Manchester/New York, 1998], pp. 258–260). Cf. Hugo Falcandus, Liber de Regno Sicilie, in Giovanni B. Siragusa, ed.,La historia o Liber de Regno Sicilie e la epistola ad Petrum Panormitane ecclesie thesaurarium (Rome, 1897), p. 55 (English translation: Loud and Wiedemann, eds. and trans., The History of the Tyrants, p. 108). The kings also constructed palaces in other places, for example, the white palace in Messina, the Favara and the palace of Altofonte outside Palermo. Al-Idrīsī, Kitāb nuzhat al-mushtāq fī Ikhtirāq al-Āfāq (Opus geographicum), 6 vols. (Rome, 1970–1976), pp. 590–592, in Amari, Biblioteca, testo arabo, pp. 28–30 (Amari, Biblioteca, versione italiana, vol. 1, pp. 59–62); Romualdus Salernitanus, Chronicon sive Annales, ed. Carlo A. Garufi(Città di Castello, 1909–1935), p. 232 (English translation: Loud and Wiedemann, trans., The History of the Tyrants, p. 219; Italian translation: Romualdo II Guarna, Chronicon, ed. Cinzia Bonetti [Cava de’ Tirreni, 2001]); Falcandus, Liber de Regno, p. 87 (Loud and Wiedemann, trans., The History of the Tyrants, pp. 136–137); Hubert Houben, Roger II. von Sizilien: Herrscher zwischen Orient und Okzident (Darmstadt, 1997), p. 131 (English translation: Hubert Houben, Roger II of Sicily, a Ruler between East and West [Cambridge, 2002], pp. 130–131).
44 Francesco Brandileone, Il diritto romano nelle leggi normanne e sveve del regno di Sicilia (Rome/Turin/Florence, 1884), pp. 95–96; Orfensio Zecchino, Le Assise di Aria no (Cava de’ Tirreni, 1984), p. 26.
45 For George, see Ibn ‘Adhārī, Kitāb al-Bayān al-Mughrib, in: Amari, Biblioteca, testo arabo, p. 373 (Amari, Biblioteca, versione italiana, vol. 2, p. 38); Amari, Storia dei Musulmani, vol. 3, pp. 368–369; Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘Ibar, in: Amari, Biblioteca, testo arabo, p. 487 (Amari, Biblioteca, versione italiana, vol. 2, p. 206); Takayama, The Administration, pp. 53, 66–67.
46 Takayama, “Amiratus,” pp. 138–140.
47 Johns, Arabic Administration, pp. 74, 81, 88–90, 212, 215, 252–253, 274, 289, 295; Metcalfe, Muslims and Christians, pp. 43–44, 46–47, 101.
48 Johns, Arabic Administration, pp. 198 note 25, 215–218, 249–255, 289; Metcalfe, Muslims and Christians, pp. 46–50.
49 Garufi, “Censimento e Catasto,” p. 67.
50 Hiroshi Takayama, “Central Power and Multi-Cultural Elements at the Norman Court of Sicily,” Mediterranean Studies, vol. 12 (2003), p. 5 note 16. However, Vera Von Falkenhausen believes that Roger II’s signatures were written by a scribe and not by his own hand: Vera Von Falkenhausen, “I diplomi dei re normanni in lingua greca,” Documenti medievali greci e latini: studi comparativi. Studi Comparativi, ed. Giuseppe De Gregorio and Otto Kresten (Spoleto, 1998), pp. 283–286.
51 Al-Idrīsī, Kitāb nuzhat al-mushtāq, p. 5, in Amari, Biblioteca, testo arabo, p. 16 (Amari, Biblioteca, versione italiana, vol. 1, p. 35).
52 Ibn al-Athīr, Al-Kāmil fī al-Tārīkh, in Amari, Biblioteca, testo arabo, p. 288 (Amari, Biblioteca, versione italiana, vol. 1, p. 464). Cf. Edmund Curtis, Roger of Sicily (New York, 1912), pp. 309–312; Ahmad, A History of Islamic Sicily, p. 58.
53 Curtis, Roger of Sicily, p. 312.
54 For familiares regis, see Hiroshi Takayama, “Familiares Regis and the Royal Inner Council in Twelfth-Century Sicily,” English Historical Review, vol. 104 (1989), pp. 357–372; Takayama, The Administration, pp. 98–101, 115–125; Takayama, “Central Power and Multi-Cultural Elements,” pp. 1–15; Hiroshi Takayama, “Confrontation of Powers in the Norman Kingdom of Sicily: Kings, Nobles, Bureaucrats and Cities,” Città e vita cittadina nei Paesi dell’area mediterranea: secoli XI-XV, ed. Biagio Saitta (Rome, 2006), pp. 541–552.
55 Falcandus, Liber de Regno, p. 83 (Loud and Wiedemann, The History of the Tyrants, p. 133).
56 Cusa, I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia pubblicati nel testo originale, pp. 622–624.
57 Falcandus, Liber de Regno, p. 83 (Loud and Wiedemann, The History of the Tyrants, p. 133).
58 Falcandus, Liber de Regno, p. 25 (Loud and Wiedemann, The History of the Tyrants, p. 78): “sicut et omnes eunuchi palatii, nomine tantum habituque christianus erat, animo saracenus.” Siragusa (Falcandus, Liber de Regno, p. 99, note 1) and Amari (Storia dei Musulmani, vol. 3, p. 496) identify Peter with Aḥmad al-Ṣiqillī of a Berber origin. According to Ibn Khaldūn (Kitāb al-‘Ibar, in: Amari, Biblioteca, testo arabo, p. 462 [Amari, Biblioteca, versione italiana, vol. 2, pp. 166–167]), Aḥmad al-Ṣiqillī was brought from Jerba to Sicily, and educated there, and employed by the ruler of Sicily (Roger II); Takayama, The Administration, p. 100 note 20; Johns, Arabic Administration, pp. 222–228.
59 Falcandus, Liber de Regno, p. 83 (Loud and Wiedemann, The History of the Tyrants, p. 133).
60 Falcandus, Liber de Regno, pp. 56–57 (Loud and Wiedemann, The History of the Tyrants, pp. 109–110); Romualdus Salernitanus, pp. 246–247 (Loud and Wiedemann, The History of the Tyrants, p. 230).
61 Falcandus, Liber de Regno, p. 70 (Loud and Wiedemann, The History of the Tyrants, pp. 121–122).
62 Falcandus, Liber de Regno, p. 73 (Loud and Wiedemann, The History of the Tyrants, p. 124). For the political situation at this time, see also Romualdus Salernitanus, pp. 248–249 (Loud and Wiedemann, The History of the Tyrants, pp. 231–232).
63 Hiroshi Takayama, “The Great Administrative Officials of the Norman Kingdom of Sicily,” Papers of the British School at Rome, vol. 58 (1990), pp. 321–326.
64 Falcandus, Liber de Regno, p. 77 (Loud and Wiedemann, The History of the Tyrants, p. 128). Cf. Evelyn Jamison, Admiral Eugenius of Sicily: his Life and Work (London, 1957), p. 44 and note 3; Takayama, “The Great Administrative Officials,” pp. 322–323; Johns, Arabic Administration, p. 224.
65 See notes 58–59 above.
66 Takayama, “The Great Administrative Officials,” pp. 323–324; Johns, Arabic Administration, pp. 228–234.
67 Takayama, “The Great Administrative Officials,” pp. 326–331.
68 Ibn Jubayr, Riḥla, pp. 324–326.
69 Ibn Jubayr, pp. 332. Cf. Gabrieli, “La politique arabe,” p. 93.
70 Ibn Jubayr, Riḥla, pp. 334–336. Cf. Gabrieli, “La politique arabe,” p. 89.
71 Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Codex 120 II, folio 97r; Petrus de Ebulo, Liber ad Honorem Augusti, ed. Siragusa, Tav. III; Petrus de Ebulo, Liber ad Honorem Augustis, ed. Kölzer and Stähli, p. 43.
72 Ibn Jubayr, Riḥla, p. 340. Cf. Gabrieli, “La politique arabe,” p. 89.
73 Ibn Jubayr, Riḥla, p. 342.
74 Ibn Jubayr, p. 326.
75 Falcandus, Liber de Regno, p. 79 (Loud and Wiedemann, The History of the Tyrants, p. 129).
76 Douglas, The Norman Fate, pp. 146–149. David Abulafia contests the idea that the kingdom was a place of religious tolerance: David Abulafia, “The End of Muslim Sicily,” in Muslims under Latin Rule, 1100–1300, ed. James M. Powell (Princeton, 1990), p. 103.
77 Ibn Jubayr, Riḥla, pp. 341–342. Cf. Gabrieli, “La politique arabe,” p. 90.
78 Ibn Jubayr, Riḥla, pp. 340–341. Cf. Gabrieli, “La politique arabe,” p. 92.
79 Gabrieli, “La politique arabe,” p. 86.
80 Henry Kamen, The Rise of Toleration (London, 1967). Recent works which have discussed ideas of tolerance in a long-time span include Cary J. Nederman, Worlds of Difference: European Discourses of Toleration, c. 1100–c.1550 (University Park, PA, 2000); Perez Zagorin, How the Idea of Toleration Came to the West (Princeton, 2003).
81 Vera Von Falkenhausen, “I gruppi etnici nel regno di Ruggero II e la loro partecipazione al potere,” Società, potere e popolo nell’età di Ruggero II (Bari, 1979), pp. 133–141. For Langobard aristocracy after the Norman conquest in Campania, see Graham A. Loud, “Continuity and Change in Norman Italy: The Campania during the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” Journal of Medieval History, vol. 22 (1996), pp. 324–336.
82 Takayama, “Central Power and Multi-Cultural Elements”; Takayama, “Confrontation of Powers.”