Abbreviations
RHC Occ. Recueil des historiens des croisades, Historiens occidentaux, 5 vols, ed. Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (Paris, 1844–95).
RHC Or. Recueil des historiens des croisades, Historiens orientaux, 5 vols, ed. Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (Paris, 1872–1906).
INTRODUCTION
1. During the Middle Ages and beyond, crusades were fought in other theatres of conflict, but at the height of their popularity and significance–between 1095 and 1291–the Christian campaigns primarily targeted the Near East. As a consequence, this book concentrates upon events in the Holy Land. A broad interpretation of the Holy Land’s geographical extent has been adopted. By one definition this region might be deemed to equate roughly to the borders of the modern state of Israel, including those areas under Palestinian authority. But in the medieval era, western European Christians often had a more vaguely defined notion of the ‘Holy Land’, sometimes including other devotionally significant sites–such as the city of Antioch (now in south-eastern Turkey)–within its confines. In the age of the crusades, Muslim contemporaries also tended to refer both specifically to al-Quds (the ‘Holy City’) and more broadly to an area known as Bilad al-Sham (the Coast). The wars for the Holy Land examined in this book, therefore, relate to conflicts ranging across modern Israel, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria, and parts of Turkey and Egypt. In recent times, it has become common to refer, in an overarching sense, to this region as the Middle East, but this is actually somewhat inaccurate. Strictly speaking, the coastal territories are the Near East, with the Middle East lying beyond the expanse of the Euphrates River. This work also makes use of the term ‘the Levant’ to describe the eastern Mediterranean lands–a word derived from the Frenchlever (to rise), and related to the sun’s daily appearance in the east. For overviews of recent advances in crusader studies scholarship see: G. Constable, ‘The Historiography of the Crusades’, The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World, ed. A. E. Laiou and R. P. Mottahedeh (Washington, DC, 2001), pp. 1–22; M. Balard, Croisades et Orient Latin, XIe–XIVesiècle (Paris, 2001); R. Ellenblum, Crusader Castles and Modern Histories (Cambridge, 2007); C. Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives (Edinburgh, 1999); N. Housley, Contesting the Crusades (Oxford, 2006); N. Housley, Fighting for the Cross (New Haven and London, 2008); A. Jotischky, Crusading and the Crusader States (Harlow, 2004); H. E. Mayer, The Crusades,trans. J. Gillingham, 2nd edn (Oxford, 1988); T. F. Madden, The New Concise History of the Crusades (Lanham, 2006); N. Jaspert, The Crusades (New York and London, 2006); J. Richard, The Crusades, c. 1071–c. 1291, trans. J. Birrell (Cambridge, 1999); J. S. C. Riley-Smith (ed.), The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades (Oxford, 1995); J. S.C. Riley-Smith, The Crusades: A History, 2nd edn (London and New York, 2005); C. J. Tyerman, God’s War: A New History of the Crusades (London, 2006).
2. B. S. Bachrach, ‘The pilgrimages of Fulk Nerra, count of the Angevins, 987–1040’, Religion, Culture and Society in the Early Middle Ages, ed. T. F. X. Noble and J. J. Contreni (Kalamazoo, 1987), pp. 205–17.
3. Raoul Glaber, Opera, ed. J. France, N. Bulst, P. Reynolds (Oxford, 1989), p. 192. On the Late Antique period, the conversion of Europe and early Christianity see: R. Fletcher, The Conversion of Europe (New York, 1998); P. Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom (Oxford, 1996); J. Herrin, B. Hamilton, The Christian World of the Middle Ages (Stroud, 2003). On the Franks see: E. James, The Franks (Oxford, 1988). On the use of the term ‘Franks’ in the crusading context see: J. S. C. Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, 1095–1131 (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 64–5. On the Carolingian era and early medieval world see: R. McKitterick, The Frankish Kingdoms under the Carolingians 751–987 (London, 1983); R. McKitterick, The Early Middle Ages: Europe 400–1000(2001); C. Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages: Europe and the Mediterranean, 400–800 (Oxford, 2005).
4. Popes argued that because Christ’s chief apostle St Peter had been Rome’s first prelate, his successors should be recognised not only as the head of the Latin Church in the West, but also as the supreme spiritual power across the whole Christian world. Not surprisingly, this view did not sit well with the likes of the Greek Orthodox patriarch in Constantinople, and a dispute over this principle and wider doctrine caused an open split, or ‘schism’, between these two arms of ‘European’ Christianity in 1054. On the medieval papacy, Pope Gregory VII and the papal Reform movement see: W. Ullmann, A Short History of the Papacy in the Middle Ages (London, 1974); C. Morris, The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford, 1989); H. E.J. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 1073–1085 (Oxford, 1998); U.-R. Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia, 1988).
5. Raoul Glaber, Opera, p. 60; M. G. Bull, Knightly Piety and the Lay Response to the First Crusade: The Limousin and Gascony, c. 970–c. 1130 (Oxford, 1993), p. 158. On medieval religion, monasticism and pilgrimage see: M.G. Bull. ‘Origins’, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, ed. J. S. C. Riley-Smith (Oxford, 1995), pp. 13–33; B. Hamilton, Religion in the Medieval West (London, 1986); C. H. Lawrence, Medieval Monasticism: Forms of Religious Life in Western Europe in the Middle Ages, 3rd edn (London, 2001); J. Sumption,Pilgrimage: An Image of Mediaeval Religion (London, 1975); B. Ward, Miracles and the Medieval Mind, 2nd edn (London, 1987); D. Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, c. 700–c. 1500 (London, 2002); C. Morris, The Sepulchre of Christ and the Medieval West: From the Beginning to 1600 (Oxford, 2005).
6. The heavy costs of functioning as a knight or miles (pl. milites) – particularly those related to equipment and training–made it difficult for less affluent men to operate as milites, although, as yet, the group was not the exclusive domain of the nobility. Virtually all male members of the lay aristocracy were expected to carry out the duties of a knight, and most wealthy lords retained the service of a number of milites as vassals, under contract to protect and farm a parcel of land in return for military service. This convention made it possible for poorer individuals to achieve the status of a miles, acquiring the tools of the trade through employment. On medieval knighthood and European warfare see: J. France, Western Warfare in the Age of the Crusades (London, 1999).
7. I. S. Robinson, ‘Gregory VII and the Soldiers of Christ’, History, vol. 58 (1973), pp. 169–92; F. H. Russell, The Just War in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1975); T. Asbridge, The First Crusade: A New History (London, 2004), pp. 21–31.
8. Over time Sunni Islam also developed four distinct ‘schools’ of law or madhabs: the Hanafi, Shafi‘i, Hanbali and Malaki. During the crusader period these various ‘schools’ gained popularity and support with different groups and in different regions. The Syrian city of Damascus was a Hanbali centre, for example, while the Zangid Turkish dynasty tended to support the Hanafites and the Kurdish Ayyubids were Shafi‘ites.
9. On the history of medieval Islam, the rise of the Seljuqs, and the Near East on the eve of the First Crusade see: H. Kennedy, The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates: The Islamic Near East from the Sixth to the Eleventh Century (London, 1986); J. Berkey,The Formation of Islam: Religion and Society in the Near East, 600–800 (Cambridge, 2003); C. Cahen, ‘The Turkish invasion: The Selchükids’, A History of the Crusades, ed. K. M. Setton, vol. 1, 2nd edn (Madison, 1969), pp. 135–76; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 33–50; C. Cahen, Introduction à l’histoire du monde musulman médiéval, Initiation à l’Islam, vol. 1 (Paris, 1982); C. Cahen, Orient et Occident aux temps des croisades (Paris, 1983); P. M. Holt, The Age of the Crusades: The Near East from the Eleventh Century to 1517 (London, 1986), pp. 1–22; T. el-Azhari, The Saljuqs of Syria during the Crusades 463–549 A.H./1070–1154 A.D. (Berlin, 1997); S. Zakkar, The Emirate of Aleppo 1004–1094 (Beirut, 1971); J.-M. Mouton,Damas et sa principauté sous les Saljoukides et les Bourides 468–549/1076–1154 (Cairo, 1994); M. Yared-Riachi, La politique extérieure de la principauté de Damas, 468–549 A.H./1076–1154 A.D. (Damascus, 1997); A. F. Sayyid, Les Fatimides en Égypte(Cairo, 1992).
10. The basic building block of Muslim armies was the ‘askar–the personal military entourage of a lord or emir. These forces were dominated by highly trained professional ‘slave-soldiers’ (who came to be termed mamluks), initially drawn from the Turkic peoples of Central Asia and the steppe-lands of Russia, but later supplemented by Armenians, Georgians, Greeks and even eastern European Slavs. Within the Seljuq world, large armies were commonly levied through the use of the ‘iqta system–whereby an emir was granted rights to the revenues from a parcel of land in return for an obligation to field his ‘askar for wars and campaigns. This procedure later was adopted in Egypt. On medieval Islamic warfare see: H. Kennedy, The Armies of the Caliph (London, 2001); Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 431–587.
11. On Islamic jihad in the Middle Ages see: E. Sivan, L’Islam et la Croisade (Paris, 1968); Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 89–103; B. Z. Kedar, ‘Croisade et jihad vus par l’ennemi: une étude des perceptions mutuelles des motivations’,Autour de la Première Croisade, ed. M. Balard (Paris, 1996), pp. 345–58; H. Dajani-Shakeel and R. A. Mossier (eds), The Jihad and its Times (Ann Arbor, 1991); R. Firestone, Jihad. The Origins of Holy War in Islam (Oxford, 2000); D. Cook, Understanding Jihad (Berkeley, 2005). According to Shi‘ite theology the duty to wage an external jihad would not become active until the Last Days. Thus the Isma‘ili Shi‘ites of Egypt and Twelver Shi‘ites like the Munqidh clan of Shaizar fought wars against the Franks, but did not regard themselves as being engaged in a holy war.
12. Al-Azimi, ‘La chronique abrégée d’al-Azimi’, ed. C. Cahen, Journal Asiatique, vol. 230 (1938), p. 369; J. Drory, ‘Some observations during a visit to Palestine by Ibn al-‘Arabi of Seville in 1092–1095’, Crusades, vol. 3 (2004), pp. 101–24; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 48–50.
PART I: THE COMING OF THE CRUSADES
1. In spite of the historic significance of this speech, no precise record of Urban’s words survives. Numerous versions of his address, including three by eyewitnesses, were written after the end of the First Crusade, but all were coloured by hindsight and none can be regarded as authoritative. Nonetheless, by comparing these accounts with references to the ‘crusade’ in letters composed by the pope in 1095–6, the core features of his message can be reconstructed. For the primary source accounts of Pope Urban II’s sermon at Clermont see: Fulcher of Chartres, Historia Hierosolymitana (1095–1127), ed. H. Hagenmeyer (Heidelberg, 1913), pp. 130–38; Robert the Monk, Historia Iherosolimitana, RHC Occ. III, pp. 727–30; Guibert of Nogent, Dei gesta per Francos, ed. R. B. C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, 127A (Turnhout, 1996), pp. 111–17; Baldric of Bourgueil, bishop of Dol, Historia Jerosolimitana, RHC Occ. IV, pp. 12–16. For the letters written by Urban at the time of the First Crusade see: H. Hagenmeyer, Die Kreuzzugsbriefe aus den Jahren 1088–1100(Innsbruck, 1901), pp. 136–8; ‘Papsturkunden in Florenz’, ed. W. Wiederhold, Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Kl. (Göttingen, 1901), pp. 313–14;Papsturkunden in Spanien. I Katalonien, ed. P. F. Kehr (Berlin, 1926), pp. 287–8. An English translation of these accounts and letters is given in: L. and J. S.C. Riley-Smith, The Crusades: Idea and Reality, 1095–1274 (London, 1981), pp. 37–53.
2. On Pope Urban II and the Clermont sermon see: A. Becker, Papst Urban II. (1088–1099), Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica 19, 2 vols (Stuttgart, 1964–88); H. E. J. Cowdrey, ‘Pope Urban II’s preaching of the First Crusade’, History, vol. 55 (1970), pp. 177–88; P. Cole, The Preaching of the Crusades to the Holy Land, 1095–1270 (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), pp. 1–36; J. S. C. Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, 1095–1131 (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 60–75. More generally on the preaching and progress of the First Crusade see: J. S. C. Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading (London, 1986); J. France, Victory in the East: A Military History of the First Crusade (Cambridge, 1994); J. Flori, La Première Croisade: L’Occident chrétien contre l’Islam (Brussels, 2001); T. Asbridge, The First Crusade: A New History (London, 2004). For an account that is dated and somewhat unreliable, but lively nonetheless, see: S. Runciman, ‘The First Crusade and the foundation of the kingdom of Jerusalem’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1951). The main primary sources for reconstructing the history of the First Crusade are: Gesta Francorum et aliorum Hierosolimitanorum, ed. and trans. R. Hill (London, 1962); Fulcher of Chartres, Historia Hierosolymitana (1095–1127), ed. H. Hagenmeyer (Heidelberg, 1913); Raymond of Aguilers, Le ‘Liber’ de Raymond d’Aguilers, ed. J. H. Hill and L. L. Hill (Paris, 1969); Peter Tudebode, Historia de Hierosolymitano itinere, ed. J.H. Hill and L. L. Hill (Paris, 1977); Caffaro di Caschifellone, ‘De liberatione civitatum orientis’, ed. L. T. Belgrano, Annali Genovesi, vol. 1 (Genoa, 1890), pp. 3–75; Ekkehard of Aura, ‘Hierosolimita’, RHC Occ. V, pp. 1–40; Ralph of Caen, Gesta Tancredi in expeditione Hierosolymitana,RHC Occ. III, pp. 587–716; Historia Belli Sacri, RHC Occ. III, pp. 169–229; Albert of Aachen, Historia Iherosolimitana, ed. and trans. S. B. Edgington (Oxford, 2007); H. Hagenmeyer, Die Kreuzzugsbriefe aus den Jahren 1088–1100 (Innsbruck, 1901); Anna Comnena, Alexiade, ed. and trans. B. Leib, 3 vols (Paris, 1937–76), vol. 2, pp. 205–36, vol. 3, pp. 7–32; Ibn al-Qalanisi, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, extracted and translated from the Chronicle of Ibn al-Qalanisi, trans. H. A. R. Gibb (London, 1932), pp. 41–9; Ibn al-Athir, The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir for the crusading period from al-Kamil fi’l-Ta’rikh, trans. D. S. Richards, vol. 1 (Aldershot, 2006), pp. 13–22; Matthew of Edessa, Armenia and the Crusades, Tenth to Twelfth Centuries: The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa, trans. A. E. Dostourian (Lanham, 1993), pp. 164–73. For a selection of translated sources see: E. Peters (ed.), The First Crusade: The Chronicle of Fulcher of Chartres and other source materials, 2nd edn (Philadelphia, 1998). For an introduction to these sources see: S. B. Edgington, ‘The First Crusade: Reviewing the Evidence’, The First Crusade: Origins and Impact, ed. J. P. Phillips (Manchester, 1997), pp. 55–77. See also: S. D. Goitein, ‘Geniza Sources for the Crusader period: A survey’, Outremer, ed. B. Z. Kedar, H. E. Mayer and R. C. Smail (Jerusalem, 1982), pp. 308–12.
3. Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 132–3; Robert the Monk, p. 729; Guibert of Nogent, p. 113; Baldric of Bourgueil, p. 13.
4. Fulcher of Chartres, p. 134; Guibert of Nogent, p. 116; Hagenmeyer, Kreuzzugsbriefe, p. 136; Robert the Monk, pp. 727–8; B. Hamilton, ‘Knowing the enemy: Western understanding of Islam at the time of the crusades’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3rd series, vol. 7 (1997), pp. 373–87.
5. Hagenmeyer, Kreuzzugsbriefe, p. 136; Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 134–5; Baldric of Bourgueil, p. 15; J. A. Brundage, ‘Adhémar of Le Puy: The bishop and his critics’, Speculum, vol. 34 (1959), pp. 201–12; J. H. Hill and L. L. Hill, ‘Contemporary accounts and the later reputation of Adhémar, bishop of Le Puy’, Mediaevalia et humanistica, vol. 9 (1955), pp. 30–38; H. E. Mayer, ‘Zur Beurteilung Adhemars von Le Puy’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, vol. 16 (1960), pp. 547–52. Urban appears to have woven an assortment of additional themes into his ‘crusading’ message: that fighting in the name of the papacy as a ‘soldier of Christ’ fulfilled quasi-feudal obligations to God, lord of ‘the kingdom of Heaven’ that joining the expedition would allow one to follow in the footsteps of Christ by imitating the suffering of his Passion; that the Last Days were approaching, and that only the conquest of Jerusalem could usher in the prophesied Apocalypse.
6. On Urban as the progenitor of crusading, attitudes towards martyrdom and the development of the crusading ideal see: C. Erdmann, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade (Princeton, 1977); J. T. Gilchrist, ‘The Erdmann thesis and canon law, 1083–1141’,Crusade and Settlement, ed. P. W. Edbury (Cardiff, 1985), pp. 37–45; E. O. Blake, ‘The formation of the “crusade idea”’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, vol. 21 (1970), pp. 11–31; H. E. J. Cowdrey, ‘The genesis of the crusades: The springs of western ideas of holy war’, The Holy War, ed. T. P. Murphy (Columbus, 1976), pp. 9–32; J. Flori, La formation de l’idée des croisades dans l’Occident Chrétien (Paris, 2001); J. S. C. Riley-Smith, ‘Death on the First Crusade’, The End of Strife, ed. D. Loades (Edinburgh, 1984), pp. 14–31; H. E. J. Cowdrey, ‘Martyrdom and the First Crusade’, Crusade and Settlement, ed. P. W. Edbury (Cardiff, 1985), pp. 46–56; J. Flori, ‘Mort et martyre des guerriers vers 1100. L’exemple de la Première Croisade’, Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, vol. 34 (1991), pp. 121–39; C. Morris, ‘Martyrs of the Field of Battle before and during the First Crusade’, Studies in Church History, vol. 30 (1993), pp. 93–104; J. S. C. Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades?, 3rd edn (Basingstoke, 2002); C.J. Tyerman, ‘Were there any crusades in the twelfth century?’, English Historical Review, vol. 110 (1995), pp. 553–77; C. J. Tyerman, The Invention of the Crusades (London, 1998).
7. Guibert of Nogent, p. 121; Anna Comnena, vol. 2, p. 207; E. O. Blake and C. Morris, ‘A hermit goes to war: Peter and the origins of the First Crusade’, Studies in Church History, vol. 22 (1985), pp. 79–107; C. Morris, ‘Peter the Hermit and the Chroniclers’,The First Crusade: Origins and Impact, ed. J. P. Phillips (Manchester, 1997), pp. 21–34; J. Flori, Pierre l’Ermite et la Première Croisade (Paris, 1999); Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading, pp. 49–57; J. S. C. Riley-Smith, ‘The First Crusade and the persecution of the Jews’,Studies in Church History, vol. 21 (1984), pp. 51–72; R. Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley, 1987); Asbridge, The First Crusade, pp. 78–89, 100–103.
8. This estimate tends towards the calculations made by J. France, Victory in the East, pp. 122–42. For other recent contributions to this vexed question see: B. Bachrach, ‘The siege of Antioch: A study in military demography’, War in History, vol. 6 (1999), pp. 127–46; Riley-Smith,The First Crusaders, p. 109; J. S. C. Riley-Smith, ‘Casualties and the number of knights on the First Crusade’, Crusades, vol. 1 (2002), pp. 13–28.
9. Guibert of Nogent, p. 87; J.H. and L.L. Hill, Raymond IV, Count of Toulouse (Syracuse, 1962).
10. William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum, vol. 1, ed. and trans. R. A. B. Mynors, R. M. Thomson and M. Winterbottom, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1998), p. 693; Anna Comnena, vol. 3, pp. 122–3; R. B. Yewdale, Bohemond I, Prince of Antioch (Princeton, 1917); R. L. Nicholson,Tancred: A Study of His Career and Work in Their Relation to the First Crusade and the Establishment of the Latin States in Syria and Palestine (Chicago, 1940).
11. J. C. Andressohn, The Ancestry and Life of Godfrey of Bouillon (Bloomington, 1947); P. Gindler, Graf Balduin I. von Edessa (Halle, 1901); C. W. David, Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy (Cambridge, Mass., 1920); W. M. Aird, Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy(Woodbridge, 2008); J. A. Brundage, ‘An errant crusader: Stephen of Blois’, Traditio, vol. 16 (1960), pp. 380–95; Gesta Francorum, p. 7; J. A. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader (Madison, 1969), pp. 17–18, 30–39, 115–21; J. A. Brundage, ‘The army of the First Crusade and the crusade vow: Some reflections on a recent book’, Medieval Studies, vol. 33 (1971), pp. 334–43; Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 22–3, 81–2, 114; Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 21–3; Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading, p. 47; France,Victory in the East, pp. 11–16; Asbridge, The First Crusade, pp. 66–76; Housley, Contesting the Crusades, pp. 24–47.
12. Anna Comnena, vol. 2, pp. 206–7, 233. On Byzantine history see: M. Angold, The Byzantine Empire, 1025–1204: A Political History, 2nd edn (London, 1997). On crusader–Byzantine relations during the First Crusade see: R.-J. Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States 1096–1204, trans. J. C. Morris and J. E. Ridings (Oxford, 1993), pp. 1–60; J. H. Pryor, ‘The oaths of the leaders of the First Crusade to emperor Alexius I Comnenus: fealty, homage, pistis, douleia’, Parergon, vol. 2 (1984), pp. 111–41; J. Shepard, ‘Cross purposes: Alexius Comnenus and the First Crusade’, The First Crusade: Origins and Impact, ed. J. P. Phillips (Manchester, 1997), pp. 107–29; J. Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades (London, 2006), pp. 53–71.
13. Albert of Aachen, p. 84; Anna Comnena, vol. 2, pp. 220–34; Asbridge, The First Crusade, pp. 103–13.
14. Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 42–3; Gesta Francorum, p. 15; Fulcher of Chartres, p. 187; Albert of Aachen, pp. 118–20.
15. Gesta Francorum, p. 15; Hagenmeyer, Kreuzzugsbriefe, pp. 138–40; Anna Comnena, vol. 2, pp. 230, 234.
16. Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 202–3; W. G. Zajac, ‘Captured property on the First Crusade’, The First Crusade: Origins and Impact, ed. J. P. Phillips (Manchester, 1997), pp. 153–86.
17. Gesta Francorum, pp. 18–21; Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 192–9; France, Victory in the East, pp. 170–85; Asbridge, The First Crusade, pp. 133–7.
18. Albert of Aachen, pp. 138–40. The quotation has been abridged. Gesta Francorum, p. 23.
19. T. S. Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch 1098–1130 (Woodbridge, 2000), pp. 16–19; France, Victory in the East, pp. 190–96; Albert of Aachen, p. 170.
20. I myself espoused this assumption in 2004. Asbridge, The First Crusade, pp. 153–7.
21. Hagenmeyer, Kreuzzugsbriefe, p. 150; Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 47–8.
22. Gesta Francorum, p. 42; Fulcher of Chartres, p. 221; Albert of Aachen, pp. 208–10, 236–8; Hagenmeyer, Kreuzzugsbriefe, p. 150; Matthew of Edessa, pp. 167–8.
23. Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 224–6; Asbridge, The First Crusade, pp. 169–96. On the debate regarding Taticius’ departure see: Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 33–7; J. France, ‘The departure of Tatikios from the army of the First Crusade’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, vol. 44 (1971), pp. 131–47; France, Victory in the East, p. 243. On the first siege of Antioch see also: R. Rogers, Latin Siege Warfare in the Twelfth Century (Oxford, 1992), pp. 25–38.
24. Hagenmeyer, Kreuzzugsbriefe, p. 151; Raymond of Aguilers, p. 58. On the First Crusaders’ relations with Near Eastern Muslims see: M. A. Köhler, Allianzen und Verträge zwischen frankischen und islamischen Herrschern in Vorderren Orient (Berlin, 1991), pp. 1–72; T. Asbridge, ‘Knowing the enemy: Latin relations with Islam at the time of the First Crusade’, Knighthoods of Christ, ed. N. Housley (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 17–25; Albert of Aachen, p. 268.
25. Fulcher of Chartres, p. 233; Albert of Aachen, pp. 282–4; Gesta Francorum, p. 48.
26. Gesta Francorum, p. 48; Peter Tudebode, p. 97; Albert of Aachen, pp. 298–300. This quotation has been abridged.
27. Raymond of Aguilers, p. 75; Gesta Francorum, pp. 65–6.
28. T. Asbridge, ‘The Holy Lance of Antioch: Power, devotion and memory on the First Crusade’, Reading Medieval Studies, vol. 33 (2007), pp. 3–36.
29. Matthew of Edessa, p. 171; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 1, p. 16; Albert of Aachen, p. 320.
30. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 46. On the Battle of Antioch see: France, Victory in the East, pp. 280–96; Asbridge, The First Crusade, pp. 232–40.
31. Raymond of Aguilers, p. 75; C. Morris, ‘Policy and vision: The case of the Holy Lance found at Antioch’, War and Government in the Middle Ages: Essays in honour of J. O. Prestwich, ed. J. Gillingham and J. C. Holt (Woodbridge, 1984), pp. 33–45.
32. Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 266–7; Raymond of Aguilers, p. 101; T. Asbridge, ‘The principality of Antioch and the Jabal as-Summaq’, The First Crusade: Origins and Impact, ed. J. P. Phillips (Manchester, 1997), pp. 142–52. For alternative readings of these events see: Hill,Raymond IV, Count of Toulouse, pp. 85–109; J. France, ‘The crisis of the First Crusade from the defeat of Kerbogha to the departure from Arqa’, Byzantion, vol. 40 (1970), pp. 276–308.
33. Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 120–24, 128–9; Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 238–41.
34. Albert of Aachen, p. 402.
35. Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 281–92. On medieval Jerusalem see: A. J. Boas, Jerusalem in the Time of the Crusades (London, 2001); J. Prawer, ‘The Jerusalem the crusaders captured: A contribution to the medieval topography of the city’, Crusade and Settlement, ed. P. W. Edbury (Cardiff, 1985), pp. 1–16; France, Victory in the East, pp. 333–5, 337–43.
36. Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 139–41; Albert of Aachen, pp. 410–12. On the siege of Jerusalem see: France, Victory in the East, pp. 332–55; Rogers, Latin Siege Warfare, pp. 47–63; Asbridge, The First Crusade, pp. 298–316.
37. Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 141–2; Albert of Aachen, p. 422.
38. Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 146–8; Albert of Aachen, p. 416.
39. Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 148–9; Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 296–9.
40. Raymond of Aguilers, p. 150; Gesta Francorum, p. 91; Robert the Monk, p. 868.
41. Ibn al-Athir, pp. 21–2; Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 304–5; B. Z. Kedar, ‘The Jerusalem massacre of 1099 in the western historiography of the crusades’, Crusades, vol. 3 (2004), pp. 15–75.
42. Historians continue to debate the precise nature of Godfrey’s title. He may well also have employed the appellation ‘prince’, but it is relatively certain that he did not style himself as ‘king of Jerusalem’. On this debate see: J. S. C. Riley-Smith, ‘The title of Godfrey of Bouillon’,Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, vol. 52 (1979), pp. 83–6; J. France, ‘The election and title of Godfrey de Bouillon’, Canadian Journal of History, vol. 18 (1983), pp. 321–9; A. V. Murray, The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Dynastic History 1099–1125(Oxford, 2000), pp. 63–77.
43. Peter Tudebode, pp. 146–7; France, Victory in the East, pp. 360–65; Asbridge, The First Crusade, pp. 323–7.
44. On the 1101 crusade see: Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading, pp. 120–34; J. L. Cate, ‘The crusade of 1101’, A History of the Crusades, ed. K. M. Setton, vol. 1, 2nd edn (Madison, 1969), pp. 343–67; A. Mullinder, ‘The Crusading Expeditions of 1101–2’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Wales, Swansea, 1996).
45. On the evolving debate surrounding the centrality of the Gesta Francorum as a source for the First Crusade and on the identity of its author see: A. C. Krey, ‘A neglected passage in the Gesta and its bearing on the literature of the First Crusade’, The Crusades and Other Historical Essays presented to Dana C. Munro by his former students, ed. L. J. Paetow (New York, 1928), pp. 57–78; K. B. Wolf, ‘Crusade and narrative: Bohemond and the Gesta Francorum’, Journal of Medieval History, vol. 17 (1991), pp. 207–16; C. Morris, ‘The Gesta Francorum as narrative history’, Reading Medieval Studies, vol. 19 (1993), pp. 55–71; J. France, ‘The Anonymous Gesta Francorum and the Historia Francorum qui ceperunt Iherusalem of Raymond of Aguilers and theHistoria de Hierosolymitano Itinere of Peter Tudebode’, The Crusades and Their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, ed. J. France and W. G. Zajac (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 39–69; J. France, ‘The use of the anonymous Gesta Francorum in the early twelfth-century sources for the First Crusade’, From Clermont to Jerusalem: The Crusades and Crusader Societies, 1095–1500, ed. A. V. Murray (Turnhout, 1998), pp. 29–42; J. Rubenstein, ‘What is the Gesta Francorum and who was Peter Tudebode?’, Revue Mabillon, vol. 16 (2005), pp. 179–204.
46. Kedar, ‘The Jerusalem massacre of 1099’, pp. 16–30; La Chanson d’Antioche, ed. S. Duparc-Quioc, 2 vols (Paris, 1982); The Canso d’Antioca: An Occitan Epic Chronicle of the First Crusade, trans. C. Sweetenham and L. Paterson (Aldershot, 2003). For a discussion of Robert the Monk’s account see: C. Sweetenham, Robert the Monk’s History of the First Crusade (Aldershot, 2005), pp. 1–71. On the role of memory see: Asbridge, ‘The Holy Lance of Antioch’, pp. 20–26; S. B. Edgington, ‘Holy Land, Holy Lance: religious ideas in the Chanson d’Antioche’, The Holy Land, Holy Lands and Christian History, Studies in Church History, ed. R. N. Swanson, vol. 36 (Woodbridge, 2000), pp. 142–53; S. B. Edgington, ‘Romance and reality in the sources for the sieges of Antioch, 1097–1098’, Porphyrogenita, ed. C. Dendrinos, J. Harris, E. Harvalia-Crook and J. Herrin (Aldershot, 2003), pp. 33–46; Y. Katzir, ‘The conquests of Jerusalem, 1099 and 1187: Historical memory and religious typology’, The Meeting of Two Worlds: Cultural Exchange between East and West in the Period of the Crusades, ed. V. P. Goss (Kalamazoo, 1986) pp. 103–13; J. M. Powell, ‘Myth, legend, propaganda, history: The First Crusade, 1140–c. 1300’, Autour de la Première Croisade, ed. M. Balard (Paris, 1996), pp. 127–41.
47. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 44, 48; Ibn al-Athir, pp. 21–2; al-Azimi, pp. 372–3; C. Hillenbrand, ‘The First Crusade: The Muslim perspective’, The First Crusade: Origins and Impact, ed. J. P. Phillips (Manchester, 1997), pp. 130–41; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 50–68.
48. Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 68–74; J. Drory, ‘Early Muslim reflections on the Crusaders’, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, vol. 25 (2001), pp. 92–101; D. Ephrat and M. D. Kahba, ‘Muslim reaction to the Frankish presence in Bilad al-Sham: intensifying religious fidelity within the masses’, Al-Masaq, vol. 15 (2003), pp. 47–58; W. J. Hamblin, ‘To wage jihad or not: Fatimid Egypt during the early crusades’, The Jihad and its Times, ed. H. Dajani-Shakeel and R. A. Mossier (Ann Arbor, 1991), pp. 31–40. Al-Sulami was particularly unusual, because he identified accurately that the Franks were waging a holy war targeting Jerusalem. He also considered the crusade to be part of a wider Christian offensive against Islam that included conflicts in Iberia and Sicily. E. Sivan, ‘La genèse de la contre-croisade: un traité Damasquin du début du XIIe siècle’, Journal Asiatique, vol. 254 (1966), pp. 197–224; N. Christie, ‘Jerusalem in the Kitab al-Jihad of Ali ibn Tahir al-Sulami’, Medieval Encounters, vol. 13. 2 (2007), pp. 209–21; N. Christie and D. Gerish, ‘Parallel preaching: Urban II and al-Sulami’, Al-Masaq, vol. 15 (2003), pp. 139–48.
49. The term ‘crusader states’ is somewhat misleading, as it gives the impression that these settlements were exclusively populated by crusaders and that their history might be interpreted as an example of ongoing crusading activity. The vast majority of the surviving First Crusaders returned to the West in 1099, leaving Outremer to face perpetual manpower shortages and to rely upon the influx of new settlers, most of whom had not formally taken the cross. The issue of the continued influence of crusading ideology over the history of the Latin East is a more vexed question. J. S. C. Riley-Smith, ‘Peace never established: the Case of the Kingdom of Jerusalem’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, vol. 28 (1978), pp. 87–102.
50. For an overview of the history of the crusader states in the first half of the twelfth century see: Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 58–92; Richard, The Crusades, pp. 77–169; Jotischky, Crusading and the Crusader States, pp. 62–102. For a detailed and lively (if not always entirely reliable) account of this period see: S. Runciman, ‘The kingdom of Jerusalem and the Frankish East 1100–1187’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1952). For more detailed regional studies see: J. Prawer, Histoire du Royaume Latin de Jérusalem, 2nd edn, 2 vols (Paris, 1975); J. Richard, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, trans. J. Shirley, 2 vols (Oxford, 1979); A. Murray, The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Dynastic History 1099–1125 (Oxford, 2000); C. Cahen, La Syrie du Nord à l’époque des Croisades et la principauté Franque d’Antioche(Paris, 1940); T. Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch (Woodbridge, 2000); J. Richard, La comté de Tripoli sous la dynastie toulousaine (1102–1187) (Paris, 1945); M. Amouroux-Mourad, Le comté d’Édesse, 1098–1150 (Paris, 1988); C. MacEvitt, The Crusades and the Christian World of the East (Philadelphia, 2008). The main chronicle and narrative primary sources for Outremer’s early history are: Fulcher of Chartres, Historia Hierosolymitana (1095–1127), ed. H. Hagenmeyer (Heidelberg, 1913); Albert of Aachen, Historia Iherosolimitana, ed. and trans. S. B. Edgington (Oxford, 2007); Walter the Chancellor, Bella Antiochena, ed. H. Hagenmeyer (Innsbruck, 1896); Orderic Vitalis,The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. and trans. M. Chibnall, vols 5 and 6 (Oxford, 1975); William of Tyre,Chronicon, ed. R. B. C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, 63–63A, 2 vols (Turnhout, 1986); Ibn al-Qalanisi, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, extracted and translated from the Chronicle of Ibn al-Qalanisi, trans. H. A. R. Gibb (London, 1932); Ibn al-Athir, The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir. Part 1, trans. D. S. Richards (Aldershot, 2006); Kemal ad-Din, La Chronique d’Alep, RHC Or. III, pp. 577–732; Anna Comnena, Alexiade, ed. and trans. B. Leib, vol. 3 (Paris, 1976); John Kinnamos, The Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, trans. C. M. Brand (New York, 1976); Matthew of Edessa, Armenia and the Crusades, Tenth to Twelfth Centuries: The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa, trans. A. E. Dostourian (Lanham, 1993); Michael the Syrian, Chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriarche jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), ed. and trans. J. B. Chabot, 4 vols (Paris, 1899–1910); Anonymous Syriac Chronicle, ‘The First and Second Crusades from an Anonymous Syriac Chronicle’, ed. and trans. A. S. Tritton and H. A. R. Gibb, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 92 (1933), pp. 69–102, 273–306.
51. Albert of Aachen, p. 514. Murray, The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, pp. 81–93; B. Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States. The Secular Church (1980), pp. 52–5.
52. William of Tyre, p. 454; Fulcher of Chartres, p. 353.
53. On the foundation of the Latin Church in Palestine and relations between the patriarch and king of Jerusalem see: Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States, pp. 52–85; K.-P. Kirstein, Die lateinischen Patriarchen von Jerusalem (Berlin, 2002). On the Jerusalemite True Cross see: A. V. Murray, ‘“Mighty against the enemies of Christ”: The relic of the True Cross in the armies of the kingdom of Jerusalem’, The Crusades and Their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, ed. J. France and W. G. Zajac (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 217–37.
54. Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 387–8, 460–61; J. Wilkinson (trans.), Jerusalem Pilgrimage 1099–1185 (London, 1988), pp. 100–101; Albert of Aachen, p. 664. A northern-French cleric, Fulcher of Chartres began the First Crusade in the company of Count Stephen of Blois-Chartres, but later gravitated to Baldwin of Boulogne’s contingent, becoming his chaplain. Fulcher accompanied Baldwin to Edessa and then, with him, relocated to Jerusalem in 1100, remaining resident in the Holy City for the next three decades. In the earliest years of the twelfth century, Fulcher composed a history of the First Crusade (based, in part, upon the Gesta Francorum). He later extended his account to cover events in Outremer between 1100 and 1127, at which point his chronicle came to an abrupt end. As the work of a well-informed witness, Fulcher’sHistoria is an invaluable source. V. Epp, Fulcher von Chartres: Studien zur Geschichtsschreibung des ersten Kreuzzuges (Düsseldorf, 1990).
55. Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 397, 403. On Outremer’s relations with the Italian mercantile communities see: M.L. Favreau-Lilie, Die Italiener im Heiligen Land vom ersten Kreuzzug bis zum Tode Heinrichs von Champagne (1098–1197) (Amsterdam, 1989).
56. In 1103, Muslim Acre was saved from an earlier Frankish siege by the timely arrival of a Fatimid fleet. It is possible that the Genoese may have carried out some ill-disciplined pillaging after Acre’s fall in 1104.
57. This incident was recorded in Latin and Muslim sources: Albert of Aachen, pp. 808–10; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 108–10.
58. On the relationship between the Jerusalemite crown and the Frankish aristocracy see: Murray, The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, pp. 97–114; S. Tibble, Monarchy and Lordships in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 1099–1291 (Oxford, 1989).
59. Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 407–24; Albert of Aachen, pp. 580–82. On the first Battle of Ramla and the two campaigns that followed in 1102 and 1105 see: R. C. Smail, Crusading Warfare 1097–1193 (Cambridge, 1956), pp. 175–7; M. Brett, ‘The battles of Ramla (1099–1105)’,Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras, ed. U. Vermeulen and D. De Smet (Leuven, 1995), pp. 17–39. On Fatimid warfare see: B. J. Beshir, ‘Fatimid military organization’, Der Islam, vol. 55 (1978), pp. 37–56; W. J. Hamblin, ‘The Fatimid navy during the early crusades: 1099–1124’, American Neptune, vol. 46 (1986), pp. 77–83.
60. William of Malmesbury, p. 467; Fulcher of Chartres, p. 446; Albert of Aachen, p. 644.
61. A Muslim pilgrim from Iberia, Ibn Jubayr, journeyed through the Terre de Sueth seventy years later and bore witness to the fact that the cooperative Latin–Muslim agrarian exploitation of this fertile region continued, seemingly unaffected by the war brewing between Saladin and the kingdom of Jerusalem. Ibn Jubayr described how ‘the cultivation of the valley is divided between the Franks and the Muslims…They apportion crops equally, and their animals are mingled together, yet no wrong takes place between them.’ Ibn Jubayr, The Travels of Ibn Jubayr, trans. R. J. C. Broadhurst (London, 1952), p. 315.
62. Matthew of Edessa, p. 192. On the early history of Frankish Antioch see: Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 47–58.
63. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 61; Ralph of Caen, p. 712; Smail, Crusading Warfare, pp. 177–8, no. 6.
64. Ralph of Caen, pp. 713–14. A Norman priest who joined Bohemond’s 1107–08 crusade and then settled in the principality of Antioch, Ralph of Caen wrote a history of the First Crusade and the crusader states toc. 1106. His account focused upon the careers of Bohemond and Tancred. For an introduction to Ralph’s account see: B. S. Bachrach and D. S. Bachrach (trans.), The Gesta Tancredi of Ralph of Caen (Aldershot, 2005), pp. 1–17.
65. Albert of Aachen, p. 702; Ralph of Caen, pp. 714–15; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 57–65.
66. Anna Comnena, vol. 3, p. 51. To date, the standard work of Bohemond’s venture is: J. G. Rowe, ‘Paschal II, Bohemund of Antioch and the Byzantine empire’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, vol. 49 (1966), pp. 165–202. Rowe’s arguments are ripe for revision. See also: Yewdale, Bohemond I, pp. 106–31.
67. It is possible that Tancred fought alongside Ridwan of Aleppo in a second conflict against Chavli of Mosul and Baldwin of Edessa in 1109. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 1, p. 141; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 112–14.
68. Albert of Aachen, pp. 782, 786, 794–6; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 114–21. On the early history of the Latin Church in northern Syria and the ecclesiastical dispute between Antioch and Jerusalem see: Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States, pp. 18–51; J. G. Rowe, ‘The Papacy and the Ecclesiastical Province of Tyre 1110–1187’, Bulletin of John Rylands Library, vol. 43 (1962), pp. 160–89; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 195–213.
69. Contemporaries were aware of the obstacle presented by the Belus Hills, with one Latin eyewitness, Walter the Chancellor (p. 79), commenting on the protection afforded to Antioch by the ‘mountains [and] crags’, but modern historians have largely ignored the significance of the Belus Hills. Being of such limited altitude, they rarely appear on maps of the region. I stumbled (almost literally) upon the range when travelling through this beautiful, yet rugged, area on foot, an experience which led me to re-evaluate the impact of this topographic feature upon Antiochene history. P. Deschamps, ‘Le défense du comté de Tripoli et de la principauté d’Antioche’, Les Châteaux des Croisés en Terre Sainte, vol. 3 (Paris, 1973), pp. 59–60; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, p. 50; T. Asbridge, ‘The significance and causes of the battle of the Field of Blood’, Journal of Medieval History, vol. 23. 4 (1997), pp. 301–16.
70. Matthew of Edessa, p. 212; T. Asbridge, ‘The “crusader” community at Antioch: The impact of interaction with Byzantium and Islam’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th series, vol. 9 (1999), pp. 305–25; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 65–7, 134–9.
71. Fulcher of Chartres, p. 426; Runciman, A History of the Crusades, vol. 2, p. 126; Smail, Crusading Warfare, p. 125; Richard, The Crusades, p. 135; Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 137.
72. On the Assassins see: M. G. S. Hodgson, The Secret Order of the Assassins (The Hague, 1955); B. Lewis, The Assassins (London, 1967); B. Lewis, ‘The Isma‘ilites and the Assassins’, A History of the Crusades, ed. K. M. Setton, vol. 1, 2nd edn (Madison, 1969), pp. 99–132; F. Daftary, The Isma‘ilis: Their History and Doctrines (Cambridge, 1990).
73. Smail, Crusading Warfare, pp. 143–8, 178–9; Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 70–73.
74. Albert of Aachen, pp. 866–8. In the midst of his bout of illness in early 1117 King Baldwin’s ability to dominate Palestine’s Frankish aristocracy was curbed. Having failed to produce an heir, Baldwin was all but compelled by the Latin nobility to repudiate his third wife Adelaide (the widowed mother of the young count of Sicily, Roger II) on grounds of bigamy, in order to avoid the prospect of a Sicilian ruler acceding to the Jerusalemite throne. Murray, The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, pp. 115–17.
75. Kemal al-Din, p. 617; C. Hillenbrand, ‘The career of Najm al-Din Il-Ghazi’, Der Islam, vol. 58 (1981), pp. 250–92. King Baldwin II came to power in Jerusalem in 1118 only after a disputed succession in which Baldwin I’s brother Eustace of Boulogne was an alternative candidate. H. E. Mayer, ‘The Succession of Baldwin II of Jerusalem: English Impact on the East’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vol. 39 (1985), pp. 139–47; A. Murray, ‘Dynastic Continuity or Dynastic Change? The Accession of Baldwin II and the Nobility of the Kingdom of Jerusalem’, Medieval Prosopography, vol. 13 (1992), pp. 1–27; A. Murray, ‘Baldwin II and his Nobles: Baronial Faction and Dissent in the Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1118–1134’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, vol. 38 (1994), pp. 60–85.
76. Walter the Chancellor, pp. 88, 108; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 160–61; Smail, Crusading Warfare, pp. 179–81.
77. Walter the Chancellor, p. 78; Asbridge, ‘The significance and causes of the battle of the Field of Blood’, pp. 301–16. There may have been some truth to the accusations of sexual impropriety–even his supporter Walter the Chancellor hinted at this misdemeanour–but otherwise, Roger seems to have ruled, unchallenged, as a legitimate prince in his own right. The notion that he had unlawfully deprived Bohemond II of his inheritance was probably disseminated posthumously, both to account for the offender’s death and to validate the young prince-designate’s position. Unfortunately for Roger, the slur stuck and ever since he has generally been painted as an ill-fated, grasping regent. On attitudes towards Roger’s status and moral probity see: Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, pp. 139–43; T. Asbridge and S.E. Edgington (trans.), Walter the Chancellor’s The Antiochene Wars (Aldershot, 1999), pp. 12–26.
78. Murray, The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, pp. 135–46; H. E. Mayer, ‘Jérusalem et Antioche au temps de Baudoin II’, Comptes-rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Nov.–Déc. 1980 (Paris, 1980); T. Asbridge, ‘Alice of Antioch: a case study of female power in the twelfth century’, The Experience of Crusading 2: Defining the Crusader Kingdom, ed. P. W. Edbury and J. P. Phillips (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 29–47.
79. ‘Liber ad milites Templi de laude novae militiae’, Sancti Bernardi Opera, vol. 3, ed. J. Leclercq and H. M. Rochais (Rome, 1963), pp. 205–39. For a collection of primary sources relating to the Templars translated into English see: M. Barber and K. Bate (trans.), The Templars: Selected Sources Translated and Annotated (Manchester, 2002). On the history of Templars and Hospitallers see: M. Barber, The New Knighthood. A History of the Order of the Templars (Cambridge, 1994); H. Nicholson, The Knights Templar (London, 2001); J. S. C. Riley-Smith, The Knights of St John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, 1050–1310 (London, 1967); H. Nicholson, The Knights Hospitaller (Woodbridge, 2001); A. Forey, The Military Orders. From the Twelfth to the Early Fourteenth Centuries (London, 1992). On castles in the crusader states during the twelfth century see: Smail, Crusading Warfare, pp. 204–50; H. Kennedy, Crusader Castles (Cambridge, 1994); R. Ellenblum, ‘Three generations of Frankish castle-building in the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem’, Autour de la Première Croisade, ed. M. Balard (Paris, 1996), pp. 517–51.
80. Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 109–41; Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades, pp. 74–92.
81. William of Tyre, p. 656; H. E. Mayer, ‘The Concordat of Nablus’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, vol. 33 (1982), pp. 531–43. On Outremer’s relations with western Europe in the period see: J. P. Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land. Relations between the Latin West and East, 1119–87 (Oxford, 1996). On the progress and consequences of the dispute between King Fulk and Queen Melisende see: H. E. Mayer, ‘Studies in the History of Queen Melisende of Jerusalem’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vol. 26 (1972), pp. 93–183; H. E. Mayer, ‘Angevins versusNormans: The New Men of King Fulk of Jerusalem’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 133 (1989), pp. 1–25; H. E. Mayer, ‘The Wheel of Fortune: Seignorial Vicissitudes under Kings Fulk and Baldwin III of Jerusalem’, Speculum, vol. 65 (1990), pp. 860–77; B. Hamilton, ‘Women in the Crusader States. The Queens of Jerusalem (1100–1190)’, Medieval Women, ed. D. Baker (Studies in Church History, Subsidia, 1) (1978), pp. 143–74; J. S. C. Riley-Smith, ‘King Fulk of Jerusalem and “the Sultan of Babylon”’, Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. B. Z. Kedar, J. S. C. Riley-Smith and R. Hiestand (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 55–66.
82. Melisende Psalter, Egerton 1139, MS London, British Library; J. Folda, The Art of the Crusaders in the Holy Land, 1098–1187 (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 137–63; L.-A. Hunt, ‘Melisende Psalter’, The Crusades: An Encyclopaedia, ed. A. Murray, vol. 3 (Santa Barbara, 2006), pp. 815–17. On crusader art in general see: J. Folda, Crusader Art in the Twelfth Century (Oxford, 1982); J. Folda, The Nazareth Capitals and the Crusader Shrine of the Annunciation (University Park, PA, 1986); J. Folda, The Art of the Crusaders in the Holy Land, 1098–1187(Cambridge, 1995); J. Folda, ‘Art in the Latin East, 1098–1291’, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, ed. J. S. C. Riley-Smith (Oxford, 1995), pp. 141–59; J. Folda, ‘Crusader Art. A multicultural phenomenon: Historiographical reflections’, Autour de la Première Croisade, ed. M. Balard (Paris, 1996), pp. 609–15; J. Folda, Crusader Art in the Holy Land, 1187–1291 (Cambridge, 2005); J. Folda, Crusader Art: The Art of the Crusaders in the Holy Land, 1099–1291(Aldershot, 2008); H. W. Hazard (ed.), Art and Architecture of the Crusader States (History of the Crusades, vol. 4) (Madison, Wis., 1977); L.-A. Hunt, ‘Art and Colonialism: The Mosaics of the Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem and the Problem of Crusader Art’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vol. 45 (1991), pp. 65–89; N. Kenaan-Kedar, ‘Local Christian Art in Twelfth-century Jerusalem’, Israel Exploration Journal, vol. 23 (1973), pp. 167–75, 221–9; B. Kühnel, Crusader Art of the Twelfth Century (Berlin, 1994); G. Kühnel, Wall Painting in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Berlin, 1988).
83. 83 In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the crusader states were commonly interpreted, in a positive light, as a form of proto-colonialism. Particularly among French scholars such as Emmanuel Rey, the forces of integration, adaptation and acculturation were emphasised, and Outremer was painted as a glorious Franco-Syrian nation. In contrast, by the mid-twentieth century the opposite viewpoint was being championed by the likes of the Israeli academic Joshua Prawer: the crusader states were presented as oppressive, intolerant colonial regimes in which Latin conquerors exploited the Levant for their own material benefit and that of their western European homelands, while staunchly maintaining their own Frankish identity through the imposition of an apartheid-like separation from the indigenous population. E. G. Rey, Les Colonies Franques de Syrie au XIIe et XIIIe siècles (Paris, 1883); J. Prawer, ‘Colonisation activities in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Histoire, vol. 29 (1951), pp. 1063–1118; J. Prawer, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem: European Colonialism in the Middle Ages (London, 1972); J. Prawer, ‘The Roots of Medieval Colonialism’, The Meeting of Two Worlds: Cultural Exchange between East and West during the Period of the Crusades, ed. V. P. Goss (Kalamazoo, 1986), pp. 23–38. For the record of an illuminating symposium on this issue held in 1987 see: ‘The Crusading kingdom of Jerusalem–The first European colonial society?’, The Horns of Hattin, ed. B. Z. Kedar (Jerusalem, 1992), pp. 341–66. For more up-to-date overviews see: Jotischky, Crusading and the Crusader States, pp. 123–54; Ellenblum, Crusader Castles and Modern Histories, pp. 3–31.
84. Fulcher of Chartres, p. 748. In exceptional circumstances, Muslim nobles might even be granted land within a crusader state. One such figure, Abd al-Rahim, gained the friendship of Alan, lord of al-Atharib, after 1111, and was granted possession of a nearby village and served as an administrator on the principality of Antioch’s eastern frontier. R. Ellenblum, Frankish Rural Settlement in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Cambridge, 1998); H. E. Mayer, ‘Latins, Muslims and Greeks in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, History, vol. 63 (1978), pp. 175–92; B. Z. Kedar, ‘The Subjected Muslims of the Frankish Levant’, Muslims under Latin Rule, ed. J. M. Powell (Princeton, 1990), pp. 135–74; Asbridge, ‘The “crusader” community at Antioch’, pp. 313–16; J. S. C. Riley-Smith, ‘The Survival in Latin Palestine of Muslim Administration’, The Eastern Mediterranean Lands in the Period of the Crusades, ed. P. Holt (Warminster, 1977), pp. 9–22.
85. Usama ibn Munqidh, The Book of Contemplation, trans. P. M. Cobb (London, 2008), pp. 144, 147, 153. On Usama’s life and work see: R. Irwin, ‘Usamah ibn-Munqidh, an Arab-Syrian gentleman at the time of the crusades’, The Crusades and Their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, ed. J. France and W. G. Zajac (1998), pp. 71–87; P. M. Cobb, Usama ibn Munqidh: Warrior-Poet of the Age of the Crusades (Oxford, 2005); P. M. Cobb, ‘Usama ibn Munqidh’s Book of the Staff: Autobiographical and historical excerpts’, Al-Masaq, vol. 17 (2005), pp. 109–23; P. M. Cobb, ‘Usama ibn Munqidh’s Kernels of Refinement (Lubab al-Adab): Autobiographical and historical excerpts’, Al-Masaq, vol. 18 (2006); N. Christie, ‘Just a bunch of dirty stories? Women in the memoirs of Usamah ibn Munqidh’, Eastward Bound: Travel and Travellers, 1050–1550, ed. R. Allen (Manchester, 2004), pp. 71–87. Alongside this adoption of customs there appears to have been some adaptation of dress to suit the Levantine climate–including greater use of silk by the aristocracy and high clergy–but this was not universal. Frankish envoys from Outremer visiting the great Muslim leader Saladin in February 1193 were said to have scared the sultan’s infant son to tears because of ‘their shaven chins and their cropped heads and the unusual clothes they were wearing’. Baha al-Din Ibn Shaddad, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, trans. D. S. Richards (Aldershot, 2001), p. 239.
86. Ibn Jubayr, pp. 316–17, 321–2. It has to be noted, however, that Ibn Jubayr travelled through only a small corner of Outremer, and that this section of his journey took only a few weeks; so his testimony may not be wholly representative. It is also clear that he wrote his account in part to advocate fairer treatment for Muslim peasants living under Moorish rule in Spain, so he may even have sanitised his description of Latin lordship.
87. In 1978 Hans Mayer concluded that ‘Muslims [in the kingdom of Jerusalem certainly] had no freedom of worship’ (Mayer, ‘Latins, Muslims and Greeks in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, p. 186), but his analysis has since been rebutted convincingly (Kedar, ‘The Subjected Muslims of the Frankish Levant’, pp. 138–9). Not all Muslims residing in Outremer were peasants or farmers: in Nablus, for example, Usama ibn Munqidh stayed at a Muslim-run inn. Nonetheless, some Muslim Hanbali peasant villagers living near Nablus (and within the lordship of Baldwin of Ibelin) decided to leave Frankish territory as refugees and resettle in Damascus in the 1150s. The Muslim chronicler Diya al-Din recorded that Baldwin increased the poll tax imposed on the villagers fourfold (from one to four dinars), and that ‘he also used to mutilate their legs’. It is worth noting, however, that Hanbalis held particularly hard-line views regarding the Franks and even Diya al-Din acknowledged that the group’s leader ‘was the first to emigrate out of fear for his life and because he was unable to practise his religion’. J. Drory, ‘Hanbalis of the Nablus region in the eleventh and twelfth centuries’, Asian and African Studies, vol. 22 (1988), pp. 93–112; D. Talmon-Heller, ‘Arabic sources on Muslim villagers under Frankish rule’, From Clermont to Jerusalem. The Crusades and Crusader Society, 1095–1500, ed. A. Murray (Turnhout, 1998), pp. 103–17; D. Talmon-Heller, ‘The Shaykh and the Community: Popular Hanbalite Islam in 12th–13th Century Jabal Nablus and Jabal Qasyun’, Studia Islamica, vol. 79 (1994), pp. 103–20; D. Talmon-Heller, ‘“The Cited Tales of the Wondrous Doings of the Shaykhs of the Holy Land” by Diya’ al-Din Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Wahid al-Maqdisi (569/1173–643/1245): Text, Translation and Commentary’, Crusades, vol. 1 (2002), pp. 111–54.
88. Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 636–7; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 162–3, 246. Zangi also agreed an ‘armistice’ with Frankish Antioch that apparently allowed hundreds of ‘Muslim merchants and men of Aleppo and traders’ to operate in the Latin principality. This trading pact held until 1138, when it was broken by Prince Raymond (perhaps because of the arrival of the Byzantine imperial army in northern Syria). On trade and commerce in the crusader states see: E. Ashtor, A Social and Economic History of the Near East in the Middle Ages (London, 1976); J. H. Pryor,Commerce, Shipping and Naval Warfare in the Medieval Mediterranean (London, 1987); D. Jacoby, ‘The Venetian privileges in the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem: Twelfth-and thirteenth-century interpretations and implementation’, Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. B. Z. Kedar, J. S. C. Riley-Smith and R. Hiestand (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 155–75. For a selection of articles by the same author see: D. Jacoby, Studies on the Crusader States and on Venetian Expansion (London, 1989); D. Jacoby, Commercial Exchange across the Mediterranean (Aldershot, 2005).
89. C. Burnett, ‘Antioch as a link between Arabic and Latin culture in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries’, Occident et Proche-Orient: contacts scientifiques au temps des croisades, ed. I. Draelants, A. Tihon and B. van den Abeele (Louvain-la-Neuve, 2000), pp. 1–78. William of Tyre, the Latin historian of Outremer, was certainly intrigued by Islam. Around the 1170s he researched and wrote a detailed history of the Muslim world, but he probably could not read Persian or Arabic himself and had to rely on translators. Unfortunately, no manuscripts of this text have survived to the modern day–but this in itself may suggest that the work gained only a limited audience in the West. P. W. Edbury and J. G. Rowe, William of Tyre: Historian of the Latin East (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 23–4.
90. C. Burnett, ‘Stephen, the disciple of philosophy, and the exchange of medical learning in Antioch’, Crusades, vol. 5 (2006), pp. 113–29. Al-Majusi’s Royal Book detailed a remarkable range of medical treatments, some practical even by modern standards, some staggeringly bizarre. The section ‘On the adornment of the body’ included advice on how to remove unwanted hair and deal with cracks in lips and hands, curbing the growth of breasts and testicles, and dealing with body odour. Elsewhere, the section ‘About the regimen of travellers on land and sea’ was a mine of information useful to pilgrims: heat-stroke could be alleviated by pouring cooled rosewater over the head; bodily parts affected by frostbite should be rubbed with oils and grey squirrel fur; and a cure for seasickness was a syrup made from sour grapes, pomegranate, mint, apple and tamarind. The suggestion that an infestation of lice could be resolved by rubbing the body down with a mercury poultice was not quite so judicious.
91. It is worth considering what this evidence actually reveals about Outremer in the twelfth century. Did the patrons who commissioned works expressly demand pieces that reflected the variegated culture of the East; did they employ Latin craftsmen who absorbed oriental styles and techniques, either through deliberate study or organic transmission? If so, then it might reasonably be suggested that a flourishing, immersive artistic culture was developing in the Frankish Levant. It is possible, however, that more practical considerations were also at play; that Latin patrons simply employed the best craftsmen available. Usama ibn Munqidh, pp. 145–6; S. Edgington, ‘Administrative regulations for the Hospital of St John in Jerusalem dating from the 1180s’, Crusades, vol. 4 (2005), pp. 21–37. On the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, crusader architecture and material culture in Outremer see: Folda, The Art of the Crusaders, pp. 175–245; A. Boas, Crusader Archaeology: The Material Culture of the Latin East (London, 1999); N. Kenaan-Kedar, ‘The Figurative Western Lintel of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem’, The Meeting of Two Worlds, Cultural Exchange between East and West during the Period of the Crusades, ed. V. P. Goss (Kalamazoo, 1986), pp. 123–32; N. Kenaan-Kedar, ‘A Neglected Series of Crusader Sculpture: the ninety-six corbels of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre’, Israel Exploration Journal, vol. 42 (1992), pp. 103–14; D. Pringle, ‘Architecture in the Latin East’, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, ed. J. S. C. Riley-Smith (Oxford, 1995), pp. 160–84; D. Pringle, The Churches of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, 3 vols (Cambridge, 1993–2007).
92. B. Hamilton, ‘Rebuilding Zion: the Holy Places of Jerusalem in the Twelfth Century’, Studies in Church History, vol. 14 (1977), pp. 105–16; B. Hamilton, ‘The Cistercians in the Crusader States’, Monastic Reform, Catharism and the Crusade (1979), pp. 405–22; B. Hamilton, ‘Ideals of Holiness: Crusaders, Contemplatives, and Mendicants’, International History Review, vol. 17 (1995), pp. 693–712; A. Jotischky, The Perfection of Solitude: Hermits and Monks in the Crusader States (University Park, PA, 1995); A. Jotischky, ‘Gerard of Nazareth, Mary Magdalene and Latin Relations with the Greek Orthodox Church in the Crusader East in the Twelfth Century’, Levant, vol. 29 (1997), pp. 217–26; B. Z. Kedar, ‘Gerard of Nazareth, a neglected twelfth-century writer of the Latin East’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vol. 37 (1983), pp. 55–77; B. Z. Kedar, ‘Multidirectional conversion in the Frankish Levant’, Varieties of Religious Conversion in the Middles Ages, ed. J. Muldoon (1997), pp. 190–97; B. Z. Kedar, ‘Latin and Oriental Christians in the Frankish Levant’, Sharing the Sacred: Contacts and Conflicts in the Religious History of the Holy Land, ed. A. Kofsky and G. Stroumsa (1998), pp. 209–22; B. Z. Kedar, ‘Convergences of Oriental Christian, Muslim and Frankish worshippers: the case of Saydnaya and the knights Templar’, The Crusades and the Military Orders, ed. Z. Hunyadi and J. Laszlovszky (Budapest, 2001), pp. 89–100.
93. 93 Even Ibn Jubayr–the source of so many revealing insights into transcultural encounters–peppered his testimony with the language of hate and prejudice: describing Baldwin IV of Jerusalem as ‘the accursed king’ and a ‘pig’, and characterising Acre as a stinking hotbed of ‘unbelief and impiety’ that he hoped God would destroy (pp. 316, 318). Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 257–429.
94. C. Hillenbrand, ‘Abominable acts: the career of Zengi’, The Second Crusade: Scope and Consequences, ed. J. P. Phillips and M. Hoch (Manchester, 2001), pp. 111–32; Holt, The Age of the Crusades, pp. 38–42; H. Gibb, ‘Zengi and the fall of Edessa’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, ed. K. M. Setton and M. W. Baldwin (Philadelphia, 1958), pp. 449–62.
95. In 1140 Zangi gained mention of his name in the khutba (Friday prayer) as overlord of Damascus, but this was really an empty honorific. William of Tyre, p. 684.
96. Matthew of Edessa (Continuation), p. 243; William of Tyre, p. 739; Bernard of Clairvaux, ‘Epistolae’, Sancti Bernardi Opera, vol. 8, ed. J. Leclercq and H. M. Rochais (Rome, 1977), pp. 314–15.
97. On the history and significance of assigning numbers to crusading expeditions see: Constable, ‘The Historiography of the Crusades’, pp. 16–17.
98. Calixtus II, Bullaire, ed. U. Roberts (Paris, 1891), vol. 2, pp. 266–7; D. Girgensohn, ‘Das Pisaner Konzil von 1153 in der Überlieferung des Pisaner Konzils von 1409’, Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel, vol. 2 (Göttingen, 1971), pp. 1099–100; Bernard of Clairvaux, ‘Epistolae’, p. 435.
99. For the text of Quantum praedecessores see: R. Grosse, ‘Überlegungen zum kreuzzugeaufreuf Eugens III. von 1145/6. Mit einer Neueedition von JL 8876’, Francia, vol. 18 (1991), pp. 85–92. On the history of the Second Crusade see: V. Berry, ‘The Second Crusade’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, ed. K. M. Setton and M. W. Baldwin (Philadelphia, 1958), pp. 463–511; G. Constable, ‘The Second Crusade as Seen by Contemporaries’, Traditio, vol. 9 (1953), pp. 213–79; M. Gervers (ed.), The Second Crusade and the Cistercians (New York, 1992); A. Grabois, ‘Crusade of Louis VII: a Reconsideration’, Crusade and Settlement, ed. P. W. Edbury (Cardiff, 1985), pp. 94–104; J. P. Phillips and M. Hoch (eds), The Second Crusade: Scope and Consequences (Manchester, 2001); J. P. Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom (London, 2007). The main primary sources for the Near Eastern element of the Second Crusade are: Odo of Deuil, De profectione Ludovici VII in Orientem, ed. and trans. V. G. Berry (New York, 1948); Otto of Freising, Gesta Frederici seu rectius Chronica, ed. G. Waitz, B. Simon and F.-J. Schmale, trans. A. Schmidt (Darmstadt, 1965); William of Tyre, pp. 718–70; John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis, ed. and trans. M. Chibnall (London, 1956), pp. 52–9; John Kinnamos, The Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, trans. C. M. Brand (New York, 1976), pp. 58–72; Niketas Choniates, O’ City of Byzantium: Annals of Niketas Choniates (Detroit, 1984), pp. 35–42; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 270–89; Ibn al-Athir, The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir for the Crusading Period from al-Kamil fi’l-Ta’rikh, trans. D. S. Richards, vol. 2 (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 7–22; Sibt ibn al-Jauzi, ‘The Mirror of the Times’, Arab Historians of the Crusades, trans. F. Gabrieli, pp. 62–3; Michael the Syrian, Chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriarche jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), ed. and trans. J. B. Chabot, vol. 3 (Paris, 1905); Anonymous Syriac Chronicle, ‘The First and Second Crusades from an Anonymous Syriac Chronicle’, ed. and trans. A. S. Tritton and H. A. R. Gibb, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 92 (1933), pp. 273–306.
100. On St Bernard and the Cistercians see: G. R. Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux (New York, 2000); C. H. Berman, The Cistercian Evolution (Philadelphia, 2000).
101. Odo of Deuil, pp. 8–9; Bernard of Clairvaux, ‘Epistolae’, pp. 314–15, 435; Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom, pp. 61–79.
102. ‘Vita Prima Sancti Bernardi’, Patrologia Latina, J. P. Migne, vol. 185 (Paris, 1855), col. 381; Tyerman, God’s War, p. 280; J. Phillips, ‘Papacy, empire and the Second Crusade’, The Second Crusade: Scope and Consequences, ed. J. P. Phillips and M. Hoch (Manchester, 2001), pp. 15–31; G. A. Loud, ‘Some reflections on the failure of the Second Crusade’, Crusades, vol. 4 (2005), pp. 1–14. Despite Graham Loud’s convincing refutation of the arguments posited by Jonathan Phillips in 2001, Phillips made a rather ill-advised attempt in 2007 to defend his suggestion that Pope Eugenius was involved in Conrad’s recruitment. By contrast, Phillips’ observations on the impact of memory and kinship upon recruitment are persuasive (Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom, pp. 25, 87–98, 99–103, 129–30).
103. ‘Chevalier, Mult es Guariz’, The Crusades: A Reader, ed. S. J. Allen and E. Amt (Peterborough, Ontario, 2003), pp. 213–14. For an introduction to crusader songs see: M. Routledge, ‘Songs’, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, ed. J. S. C. Riley-Smith (Oxford, 1995), pp. 91–111.
104. Helmold of Bosau, Chronica Slavorum, ed. and trans. H. Stoob (Darmstadt, 1963), pp. 216–17; Eugenius III, ‘Epistolae et privilegia’, Patrologia Latina, J. P. Migne, vol. 180 (Paris, 1902), col. 1203–4; Constable, ‘The Second Crusade as Seen by Contemporaries’, pp. 213–79; A. Forey, ‘The Second Crusade: Scope and Objectives’, Durham University Journal, vol. 86 (1994), pp. 165–75; A. Forey, ‘The siege of Lisbon and the Second Crusade’, Portuguese Studies, vol. 20 (2004), pp. 1–13; Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom, pp. 136–67, 228–68.
105. Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 142–69; Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land, pp. 73–99; P. Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel Komnenos, 1143–1180 (Cambridge, 1994).
106. Odo of Deuil, pp. 16–17.
107. Suger, ‘Epistolae’, Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, ed. M. Bouquet et al., vol. 15 (Paris, 1878), p. 496; William of Tyre, pp. 751–2.
PART II: THE RESPONSE OF ISLAM
1. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 266; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 112–16; Hillenbrand, ‘Abominable acts: the career of Zengi’, pp. 111–32; C. Hillenbrand, ‘Jihad propaganda in Syria from the time of the First Crusade until the death of Zengi: the evidence of monumental inscriptions’, The Frankish Wars and Their Influence on Palestine, ed. K. Athamina and R. Heacock (Birzeit, 1994), pp. 60–69; H. Dajani-Shakeel, ‘Jihad in twelfth-century Arabic poetry’, Muslim World, vol. 66 (1976), pp. 96–113; H. Dajani-Shakeel, ‘Al-Quds: Jerusalem in the consciousness of the counter-crusade’, The Meeting of Two Worlds, ed. V. P. Goss (Kalamazoo, 1986), pp. 201–21.
2. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 1, p. 382; Hillenbrand, ‘Abominable acts: the career of Zengi’, p. 120.
3. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 271–2; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 222; William of Tyre, p. 956. On Nur al-Din’s career see: H. Gibb, ‘The career of Nur ad-Din’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, ed. K. M. Setton and M. W. Baldwin (Philadelphia, 1958), pp. 513–27; N. Elisséeff, Nur al-Din: un grand prince musulman de Syrie au temps des Croisades, 3 vols (Damascus, 1967); Holt, The Age of the Crusades, pp. 42–52; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 117–41.
4. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 272; Ibn Jubayr, p. 260. In the centuries before the crusading era, Aleppo was ruled first by the Seleucids during the Hellenistic period (that followed Alexander the Great’s conquests), and then prospered for six centuries under the Romans before falling to the Arabs in 637 CE, assuming something of a secondary role to Damascus. The city’s fortunes were rejuvenated under the Iraqi Hamdanid dynasty (944–1003) and, when conquered by the Seljuq Turks in 1070, it stood as a bastion on the frontier with Byzantium.
5. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 274–5; Michael the Syrian, vol. 3, p. 270; Matthew of Edessa, Continuation, pp. 244–5; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 8.
6. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 1, p. 350; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 280–81.
7. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 281–2. The esteemed German historian Hans Mayer went so far as to describe the attack on Damascus as ‘incredibly stupid’ and even ‘ridiculous’ (Mayer, The Crusades, p. 103). On this debate see: M. Hoch, Jerusalem, Damaskus und der Zweite Kreuzzug: Konstitutionelle Krise und äussere Sicherheit des Kreuzfahrerkönigreiches Jerusalem, AD 1126–54 (Frankfurt, 1993); M. Hoch, ‘The choice of Damascus as the objective of the Second Crusade: A re-evaluation’, Autour de la Première Croisade, ed. M. Balard (Paris, 1996), pp. 359–69; Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom, pp. 207–18.
8. Sibt ibn al-Jauzi, p. 62; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 22; Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 286; ‘Die Urkunden Konrads III. und seines Sohnes Heinrich’, ed. F. Hausmann, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Diplomata, vol. 9 (Vienna, 1969), n. 197, p. 357; William of Tyre, pp. 760–70; A. Forey, ‘The Failure of the Siege of Damascus in 1148’, Journal of Medieval History, vol. 10 (1984), pp. 13–24; M. Hoch, ‘The price of failure: The Second Crusade as a turning point in the history of the Latin East’, The Second Crusade: Scope and Consequences (Manchester, 2001), pp. 180–200; Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom, pp. 218–27.
9. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 39–40; Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 163–4.
10. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 1–4, 222–3. One source offering a modicum of balance was authored by Ibn al-Qalanisi (d. 1160), who wrote his Damascus Chronicle while living in that city during the mid-twelfth century, but even he ended up writing under Zangid rule. Ibn al-Qalanisi twice held the office of ra’is–leader of townspeople and head of the urban militia (Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 7–14). On the Arabic sources for this period see: F. Gabrieli, ‘The Arabic historiography of the crusades’, Historians of the Middle East, ed. B. Lewis and P. M. Holt (London, 1962), pp. 98–107; D. S. Richards, ‘Ibn al-Athir and the later parts of the Kamil’, Medieval Historical Writing in the Christian and Islamic Worlds, ed. D. O. Morgan (London, 1982), pp. 76–108; A. M. Eddé, ‘Claude Cahen et les sources arabes des Croisades’, Arabica, vol. 43 (1996), pp. 89–97.
11. For Sir Hamilton Gibb, the renowned British scholar of Arabic history, the change came in 1149. Gibb declared that this was ‘the turning-point in [Nur al-Din’s] own conception of his mission and in the history of Muslim Syria. In the eyes of all Islam he had become a champion of the faith, and he now consciously set himself to fulfil the duties of that role’ (Gibb, ‘The career of Nur ad-Din’, p. 515). Just over a decade later, in 1967, Nikita Elisséeff published an influential three-volume biography of the ‘great Muslim prince of Syria’, refining this view. Elisséeff argued that it was only after 1154 that Nur al-Din truly was driven by authentic devotion to jihad and an overwhelming desire to reconquer Jerusalem (Elisséeff, Nur al-Din, II, p. 426). In 1991, Michael Köhler adopted a less sympathetic tone, suggesting that Nur al-Din was never truly dedicated to the struggle to reclaim the Holy City, but merely used jihad propaganda after 1157 to further his political aims (Köhler, Allianzen und Verträge, pp. 239, 277). On this issue see: Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 132–41.
12. On the Battle of Inab see: Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 288–94; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 31–2; William of Tyre, pp. 770–74; John Kinnamos, p. 97; Matthew of Edessa, Continuation, p. 257; Michael the Syrian, vol. 3, pp. 288–9; Abu Shama, ‘Le Livre des Deux Jardins’, RHC Or. IV–V, pp. 61–4.
13. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 31–2, 36; Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 295; Gibb, ‘The career of Nur ad-Din’, pp. 515–16; Holt, The Age of the Crusades, p. 44; Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 107–8; Richard, The Crusades, p. 171; Jotischky, Crusading and the Crusader States, p. 111.
14. The Zangid supporter Ibn al-Athir later argued that in the early 1150s ‘Nur al-Din had no route to hinder [the Franks] because Damascus was an obstacle between [them]’. It was feared, so the chronicler asserted, that the Franks would soon occupy that ancient metropolis, because they were sucking it dry of wealth through hefty annual tribute payments that ‘their agents used to enter the city and collect…from the population’ (Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 71). Nur al-Din was only too aware of the power of these arguments and actively engaged in a propaganda war against Damascus, sponsoring the composition of poetry decrying the city’s policy of allying with the Franks. On the kingdom of Jerusalem in the period see: Mayer, ‘Studies in Queen Melisende’, pp. 95–183; M. W. Baldwin, ‘The Latin states under Baldwin III and Amalric I 1143–74’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, ed. K. M. Setton and M. W. Baldwin (Philadelphia, 1958), pp. 528–62.
15. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 296–327. Elisséeff echoed the view that Nur al-Din prioritised the Holy War after occupying Damascus, claiming that after 1154 the emir proceeded solely ‘in the name of jihad against the crusaders and to help the revitalisation of Sunni Islam’ (Elisséeff, Nur al-Din, II, p. 426). Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, p. 134.
16. Ibn Jubayr, pp. 271–2, 279; R. Burns, Damascus (London, 2004), p. 169. Damascus developed around an oasis formed by a delta of the Barada River that flows out of the mountains of Lebanon. Muslims conquered the city in the seventh century CE, during the first rush of Arab-Islamic expansion, and it remained the capital of the Umayyad Empire and seat of the caliphate until 750.
17. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 340; B. Hamilton, ‘The Elephant of Christ: Reynald of Châtillon’, Studies in Church History, vol. 15 (1978), pp. 97–108.
18. William of Tyre, pp. 860–61; Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land, pp. 100–39; Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 163–87.
19. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 141–2; William of Tyre, pp. 873–4.
20. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 146–50; William of Tyre, pp. 874–7; Cahen, La Syrie du Nord, pp. 408–9.
21. Elsewhere in his realm, Nur al-Din promoted a similar building programme: in 1159 he sponsored the building of the Madrasa al-Shu‘aybiyya in Aleppo, one of forty-two Islamic teaching colleges built in the city during his rule, half of which enjoyed his personal patronage. Nur al-Din’s pulpit survived intact for eight hundred years. But in 1969 it was destroyed by a fire lit by a fanatical Australian. Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 118–67; D. S. Richards, ‘A text of Imad al-Din on twelfth-century Frankish-Muslim relations’, Arabica, vol. 25 (1978), pp. 202–4; D. S. Richards, ‘Imad al-Din al-Isfahani: Administrator, litterateur and historian’, Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth-Century Syria, ed. M. Shatzmiller (Leiden, 1993), pp. 133–46; E. Sivan, ‘The beginnings of the Fada’il al-Quds literature’, Israel Oriental Studies, vol. 1 (1971), pp. 263–72; E. Sivan, ‘Le caractère sacré de Jérusalem dans l’Islam aux XIIe–XIIIe siècles’, Studia Islamica, vol. 27 (1967), pp. 149–82; N. Elisséeff, ‘Les monuments de Nur al-Din’, Bulletin des Études Orientales, vol. 12 (1949–51), pp. 5–43; N. Elisséeff, ‘La titulaire de Nur al-Din d’après ses inscriptions’, Bulletin des Études Orientales, vol. 14 (1952–4), pp. 155–96; I. Hasson, ‘Muslim literature in praise of Jerusalem: Fada‘il Bayt al-Maqdis’, The Jerusalem Cathedra (Jerusalem, 1981), pp. 168–84; Y. Tabbaa, ‘Monuments with a message: propagation of jihad under Nur al-Din’, The Meeting of Two Worlds, ed. V. P. Goss (Kalamazoo, 1986), pp. 223–40.
22. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 303.
23. William of Tyre, p. 903; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 62; C. F. Petry (ed.), Cambridge History of Egypt: Islamic Egypt, 640–1517 (Cambridge, 1998); Y. Lev, State and Society in Fatimid Egypt (Leiden, 1991); Y. Lev, ‘Regime, army and society in medieval Egypt, 9th–12th centuries’,War and Society in the Eastern Mediterranean, 7th–15th Centuries, ed. Y. Lev (Leiden, 1997), pp. 115–52.
24. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 138; William of Tyre, pp. 864–8. For the Latin perspective on the Egyptian campaigns of the 1160s see: Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 117–22; Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land, pp. 140–67.
25. William of Tyre, p. 871; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 144; M. C. Lyons and D. E. P. Jackson, Saladin. The Politics of the Holy War (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 6–9.
26. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 144, 163; William of Tyre, p. 922; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 9–25; Smail, Crusading Warfare, pp. 183–5.
27. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 175, 177; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 25–9.
28. Holt, The Age of the Crusades, pp. 48–52; Mayer, The Crusades, p. 122; Jotischky, Crusading and the Crusader States, pp. 115–16; Madden, The New Concise History of the Crusades, p. 68. On Saladin’s rule in Egypt see: Y. Lev, Saladin in Egypt (Leiden, 1999); Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 31–69.
29. This colourful story makes a fine tale and, while it could be factual, it is recorded only in Ayyubid sources and thus remains uncorroborated. It is possible that some of its details may have been fabricated to justify a clampdown on the Fatimid court. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 33–4.
30. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 180. On Outremer’s relations with Byzantium and the West in this period see: J. L. La Monte, ‘To What Extent was the Byzantine Emperor the Suzerain of the Latin Crusading States?’, Byzantion, vol. 7 (1932), pp. 253–64; R. C. Smail, ‘Relations between Latin Syria and the West, 1149–1187’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, vol. 19 (1969), pp. 1–20; Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 198–209; Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land, pp. 168–224.
31. One Arabic chronicler suggested that al-Adid was poisoned, but even if Saladin was indeed involved in engineering the caliph’s rather timely death, a subtler form of assassination had been preferred to the traditional Egyptian bloodbath. Lyons and Jackson,Saladin, pp. 44–8.
32. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 46–9, 61–5; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 197–200, 213–14.
33. Baha al-Din Ibn Shaddad, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, trans. D. S. Richards (Aldershot, 2001), p. 49.
34. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 221–2; William of Tyre, p. 956.
35. Baha al-Din, p. 28; Imad al-Din al-Isfahani, Conquête de la Syrie et de la Palestine par Saladin, trans. H. Massé (Paris, 1972); Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 223–409; Abu Shama, ‘Le Livre des Deux Jardins’, IV, p. 159–V, p. 109; Gabrieli, Arab Historians of the Crusades, pp. 87–252; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 435–6. On the sources for Saladin’s life see: H. A.R. Gibb, ‘The Arabic sources for the life of Saladin’, Speculum, vol. 25.1 (1950), pp. 58–74; D. S. Richards, ‘A consideration of two sources for the life of Saladin’, Journal of Semitic Studies, vol. 25 (1980), pp. 46–65. On Saladin’s career from 1174 onwards see: S. Lane-Poole, Saladin and the Fall of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (London, 1898); H. Gibb, ‘Saladin’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, ed. K. M. Setton and M. W. Baldwin (Philadelphia, 1958), pp. 563–89; H. A. R. Gibb, ‘The armies of Saladin’, Studies in the Civilization of Islam, ed. S. J. Shaw and W. R. Polk (London, 1962), pp. 74–90; H. A. R. Gibb, ‘The Achievement of Saladin’, Studies in the Civilization of Islam, ed. Shaw and Polk, pp. 91–107; H. A. R. Gibb, The Life of Saladin(Oxford, 2006); A. Ehrenkreutz, Saladin (Albany, 1972); Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 71–374; H. Möhring, ‘Saladins Politik des Heiligen Krieges’, Der Islam, vol. 61 (1984), pp. 322–6; H. Möhring, Saladin: The Sultan and His Times 1138–1193, trans. D. S. Bachrach (Baltimore, 2008); Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 171–95. On the adoption of the title ‘sultan’ see: P. M. Holt, ‘The sultan as idealised ruler: Ayyubid and Mamluk prototypes’, Suleyman the Magnificent and His Age, ed. M. Kunt and C. Woodhead (Harrow, 1995), pp. 122–37.
36. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 73–4.
37. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 79–84; Baha al-Din, p. 51; William of Tyre, p. 968.
38. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 85–6.
39. The first truce was apparently concluded in secret with the count of Tripoli in spring 1175 (just before the first battle against the Aleppan–Mosuli coalition), to forestall the opening of a second front against the Christians. In July that same year, the sultan entered into a more public dialogue with a high-level diplomat from the kingdom of Jerusalem. Admittedly, Muslim and Latin sources seem to agree that Saladin got the better deal in these negotiations, promising to release some Frankish captives from Homs in return for firm assurances that there would be no moves to counter his campaigns against Aleppo. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 86–110.
40. William of Tyre, pp. 953–4.
41. Lewis, The Assassins, pp. 116–17.
42. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, p. 130; S. B. Edgington, ‘The doves of war: the part played by carrier pigeons in the crusades’, Autour de la Première Croisade, ed. M. Balard (Paris, 1996), pp. 167–76; D. Jacoby, ‘The supply of war materials in Egypt in the crusader period’,Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, vol. 25 (2001), pp. 102–32.
43. William of Tyre, pp. 961–2.
44. B. Hamilton, ‘Baldwin the leper as war leader’, From Clermont to Jerusalem, ed. A. V. Murray (Turnhout, 1998), pp. 119–30; B. Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs: Baldwin IV and the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem (2000).
45. William of Tyre, p. 961. Piers Mitchell published a useful study of Baldwin IV’s leprosy as an appendix to Bernard Hamilton’s biography of the leper king (Hamilton, The Leper King, pp. 245–58).
46. Anonymi auctoris Chronicon ad AC 1234 pertinens, ed. I. B. Chabot, trans. A. Abouna, 2 vols (Louvain, 1952–74), p. 141.
47. William of Tyre, p. 991; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 253; Baha al-Din, p. 54; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 121–6; Hamilton, The Leper King, pp. 132–6.
48. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 130–33.
49. The excavation of the castle at Jacob’s Ford, pioneered by Professor Ronnie Ellenblum of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, represents a massive breakthrough in the field of crusader studies. This dig offers an astonishingly detailed glimpse of the crusading world–the equivalent of a freeze-frame image of the twelfth century–because Jacob’s Ford is the first castle to be discovered as it was in 1179, with its slaughtered garrison still within its walls. Many of the physical and material finds from the site can be dated with incredible precision to the morning of Thursday 29 August 1179, because they lay beneath buildings known to have burned and collapsed when the fortress fell. Somewhat ironically, the fact that the stronghold was incomplete actually adds to its archaeological value, because its remains provide an invaluable insight into the construction techniques of medieval castle builders. William of Tyre, p. 998; M. Barber, ‘Frontier warfare in the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem: the campaign of Jacob’s Ford, 1178–9’,The Crusades and Their Sources: Essay Presented to Bernard Hamilton, ed. J. France and W. G. Zajac (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 9–22; R. Ellenblum, ‘Frontier activities: the transformation of a Muslim sacred site into the Frankish castle of Vadum Jacob’,Crusades, vol. 2 (2003), pp. 83–97; Hamilton, The Leper King, pp. 142–7; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 133–43.
50. 50 Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 211–30. Not surprisingly, given the obvious advantages accrued by Saladin at al-Salih’s death, some rumours circulated suggesting that Ayyubid agents had poisoned the Zangid heir. However, Saladin’s initially slow and relatively inept reaction to al-Salih’s demise (which allowed Imad al-Din Zangi to seize power in Aleppo) probably indicates that the sultan was not involved. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 143–60.
51. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 165–70; Hamilton, The Leper King, pp. 172–5.
52. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 170–75; Hamilton, The Leper King, pp. 175–7.
53. William of Tyre, p. 1037.
54. This territorial expansion prompted Saladin to redistribute power and responsibility within his realm. His brother al-Adil, who since 1174 had governed Egypt, was summoned to Syria to take possession of Aleppo–perhaps with some suggestion that he might be able to pursue semi-independent expansion in the Jazira. The sultan’s nephew Taqi al-Din was promoted, taking over responsibility for the Nile region. Saladin’s other trusted nephew Farrukh-Shah had died of ill-health in late 1182; for the time being he was replaced in Damascus by Ibn al-Muqqadam. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, p. 202.
55. It was once popular to suggest that the kingdom of Jerusalem’s Latin nobility were, at this time, divided into two distinct and opposing factions, vying for power and influence as Baldwin IV’s health and authority waned. On the one hand, it was suggested, were the ‘Native Barons’, including Count Raymond III of Tripoli and the Ibelins, who were familiar with the political and military realities of life in the Levant and thus willing to adopt a cautious approach in their dealings with Saladin and Islam; and on the other, the aggressive upstart ‘Court Party’, including Guy of Lusignan and Sibylla, Agnes and Joscelin of Courtenay and Reynald of Châtillon, who were supposedly headstrong newcomers. The problem with this picture, enthusiastically presented by the likes of Steven Runciman in the 1950s, was that it bore little relation to reality. The make-up and policies of these ‘factions’ were never so clear-cut, nor were the members of the ‘Court Party’ ill-informed new arrivals–Reynald of Châtillon and the Courtenays, for example, were well-established figures in Outremer. This traditional image of endemic political factionalism in the 1180s is also suspect because it tends, uncritically, to incorporate the views and prejudices of William of Tyre, who was himself closely embroiled in events and an ardent supporter of Raymond of Tripoli. P. W. Edbury, ‘Propaganda and Faction in the Kingdom of Jerusalem: The Background to Hattin’, in Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth-Century Syria, ed. M. Shatzmiller (1993), pp. 173–89; Hamilton, The Leper King, pp. 139–41, 144–5, 149–58.
56. Ernoul, La Chronique d’Ernoul, ed. L. de Mas Latrie (Paris, 1871), pp. 69–70; Abu Shama, p. 231; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 185–8; Hamilton, ‘The Elephant of Christ’, pp. 103–4; Hamilton, The Leper King, pp. 179–85.
57. These included Raymond of Tripoli who, after the attempted coup of 1180, had spent two years in the county of Tripoli (effectively in a state of exile from Palestine) before being reconciled with Baldwin IV in spring 1182. William of Tyre, pp. 1048–9; R. C. Smail, ‘The predicaments of Guy of Lusignan, 1183–87’, Outremer, ed. B. Z. Kedar, H. E. Mayer and R. C. Smail (Jerusalem, 1982), pp. 159–76.
58. William of Tyre, p. 1058.
59. Ibn Jubayr also provided a detailed description of the commercial taxes imposed by both Muslims and Latins upon ‘foreign’ traders. Under normal circumstances Muslim merchants passing through either Transjordan or Galilee paid the Franks a toll. This raises the possibility that Saladin targeted these two regions, in part, to open them to commerce free from Christian levies. Ibn Jubayr, pp. 300–301.
60. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 234–9. According to Ibn al-Athir (vol. 2, p. 309), Nasir al-Din ‘drank wine, indulging excessively, and by the morning he was dead. Some have related–and the responsibility for this is theirs–that Saladin arranged for a man, called al-Nasih, who was from Damascus, to go to him, carouse with him and give him a poisoned drink. Come the morning, al-Nasih was nowhere to be seen.’
61. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 239–41; Ehrenkreutz, Saladin, p. 237; Ellenblum, Crusader Castles and Modern Histories, pp. 275ff.
62. William of Tyre, p. 968. Around the same time, Ibn Jubayr (p. 311) applauded Saladin’s ‘memorable deeds in the affairs of the world and of religion, and his zeal in waging holy war against the enemies of God’, noting that ‘his efforts for justice, and his stands in defence of Islamic lands are too numerous to count’. This evidence is significant because it was not coloured by later events.
63. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 243–6.
64. P. Balog, The Coinage of the Ayyubids (London, 1980), p. 77; N. Jaspert, The Crusades, p. 73.
65. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 320; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 175–85.
66. Imad al-Din, p. 22; C. P. Melville and M. C. Lyons, ‘Saladin’s Hattin Letter’, The Horns of Hattin, ed. B. Z. Kedar (Jerusalem, 1992), pp. 208–12.
67. Imad al-Din, p. 23. On Saladin’s defeat of the Franks see: Libellus de expugnatione Terrae Sanctae per Saladinum, Radulphi de Coggeshall Chronicon Anglicanum, ed. J. Stevenson, Rolls Series 66 (London, 1875), pp. 209–62. A translation of this text is available in: J. A. Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary Survey (Milwaukee, 1962), pp. 153–63. On the Battle of Hattin see: Smail, Crusading Warfare, pp. 189–97; P. Herde, ‘Die Kämpfe bei den Hörnen von Hittin und der Untergang des Kreuzritterheeres’, Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte, vol. 61 (1966), pp. 1–50; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 255–66; B. Z. Kedar, ‘The Battle of Hattin revisited’, The Horns of Hattin, ed. B. Z. Kedar (Jerusalem, 1992), pp. 190–207.
68. Imad al-Din, p. 25. My own experience of walking through Israel from the Lebanese border to Jerusalem in July 1999 made me realise just how vital water would be during a midsummer campaign. My water consumption peaked at an extraordinary seventeen litres per day! Luckily I had plenty of opportunities to fill my water bottles–in 1187 the Latins were not so fortunate.
69. Eracles, ‘L’Estoire de Eracles empereur et la conqueste de la Terre d’Outremer’, RHC Occ. II (Paris, 1859), pp. 62–5; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 321; Imad al-Din, p. 26.
70. Imad al-Din, p. 26; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 322.
71. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 323; Imad al-Din, p. 26.
72. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 323–4. This famous episode was recorded in numerous Muslim and Christian accounts, with minor variations on Reynald’s attitude (with some western sources claiming that he remained defiant to the last) and on whether Saladin killed Reynald with his own hand. For example, see: Melville and Lyons, ‘Saladin’s Hattin Letter’, p. 212; Imad al-Din, pp. 27–8; Baha al-Din, pp. 74–5; La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr (1184–1197), ed. M. R. Morgan (Paris, 1982), pp. 55–6.
73. Imad al-Din, pp. 28–9; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 324.
74. Imad al-Din, p. 31. A similarly horrific spectacle of clumsy butchery had been played out for the amusement of spectators in 1178. On that occasion Imad al-Din himself was asked by Saladin to participate in a mass execution of Christian captives, but turned aside when he discovered that his allotted victim was but a boy. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 131–2. Melville and Lyons, ‘Saladin’s Hattin Letter’, pp. 210, 212; Z. Gal, ‘Saladin’s Dome of Victory at the Horns of Hattin’, The Horns of Hattin, ed. B. Z. Kedar (Jerusalem, 1992), pp. 213–15.
75. ‘Historia de expeditione Friderici Imperatoris’, Quellen zur Geschichte der Kreuzzuges Kaiser Friedrichs I, ed. A. Chroust, Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum (Berlin, 1928), pp. 2–4; La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, pp. 56–8. Acre’s immense wealth and valuable landed estates were distributed among three of Saladin’s most prominent lieutenants–al-Afdal, Taqi al-Din and Isa–although even Imad al-Din later admitted that the sultan might have been better advised to retain at least some of this booty for his own treasury. On Saladin’s strategy after Hattin see: W. J. Hamblin, ‘Saladin and Muslim military theory’, The Horns of Hattin, ed. B. Z. Kedar (Jerusalem, 1992), pp. 228–38.
76. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 328; Runciman, A History of the Crusades, vol. 2, p. 471.
77. These hugely influential ideas can be traced through modern scholarship. In the 1950s Hamilton Gibb wrote that Jerusalem surrendered ‘on terms that confirmed–if confirmation were needed–[Saladin’s] reputation for limitless courtesy and generosity’ (‘Saladin’, p. 586). Around the same time, Steven Runciman–whose three-volume account of the crusades often is marred by historical imprecision, but remains widely read–argued that the sultan specifically mentioned the events of 1099 in his dealings with Balian. Runciman added that ‘Saladin, so long as his power was recognised, was ready to be generous, and he wished Jerusalem to suffer as little as possible’, and the historian went on to contrast the ‘humane’ Muslims with the Franks who had ‘waded through the blood of their victims’ (A History of the Crusades, vol. 2, pp. 465–6). In 1988 these sentiments were echoed by Hans Mayer, affirming that Jerusalem’s inhabitants ‘had reason to be grateful that they were at the mercy of a merciful enemy’ (The Crusades, pp. 135–6). And Carole Hillenbrand, in her benchmark study of the crusades from an Islamic perspective (1999), highlighted Saladin’s magnanimity, arguing that for Muslim chroniclers ‘the propaganda value of the bloodless conquest of Jerusalem by Saladin count[ed] for much more than the temptation, soon overcome, to exact vengeance’ (The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, p. 316).
78. Imad al-Din, Arab Historians of the Crusades, pp. 156–8. Massé’s text claimed at this point (p. 46, n. 2) that Imad al-Din’s account was replicated by Abu Shama (even though this is not the case) and, therefore, Massé did not present this part of the text. For this reason the Gabrieli translation has been cited here. Baha al-Din, pp. 77–8; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 273–6; Richard, The Crusades, p. 210. References to the precedent set by the First Crusade appear only in later sources: Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 332;La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, pp. 66–7.
79. Saladin may have sought to engineer the negotiated surrender of Jerusalem in early September while engaged in the siege of Ascalon, but the Franks refused. La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, pp. 61–3; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 271–2.
80. Imad al-Din, Arab Historians of the Crusades, p. 158; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 333–4. The Hospital of Jerusalem also was permitted to stay open for one year, so as not to cause undue harm to its patients, after which point it was transformed into a college of Islamic law. In response to lobbying from Isa, Saladin agreed to allow ‘eastern’ Christians to remain in the Holy City if they accepted subject status and paid a ransom plus the customary poll tax owed by non-Muslims living under Islamic rule.
81. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 275–6.
82. Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 188–92, 286–91, 298–301, 317–19.
83. Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 335; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, p. 316.
PART III: THE TRIAL OF CHAMPIONS
1. The Third Crusade is the first expedition for which modern historians have access to full and detailed eyewitness sources from both Latin Christians and Muslims. Among the western observers was Ambroise, a Norman cleric who went on crusade with Richard the Lionheart and then, between 1194 and 1199, wrote an Old French epic verse poem recounting the expedition–The History of the Holy War–running to more than 12,000 lines. Ambroise’s account seems to have been used by another crusader, Richard de Templo, in constructing his Latin narrative history of the crusade, the Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi (the Itinerary of the Pilgrims and Deeds of King Richard). The narrative accounts, biographies and letters written by three highly placed officials within Saladin’s court–Imad al-Din, Baha al-Din and the Qadi al-Fadil–offer invaluable insights into the Muslim perspective on the crusade. They can also be usefully compared to the testimony of the Mosuli historian Ibn al-Athir, who was not a partisan of Saladin’s Ayyubid dynasty. In spite of this abundance of primary source material, there is a surprising dearth of authoritative modern scholarship focusing specifically on the Third Crusade. Therefore, I have devoted the third part of this current work to the Third Crusade. The main primary sources for this expedition include: Baha al-Din, pp. 78–245; Imad al-Din, pp. 63–434; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 335–409; Abu Shama, ‘Le Livre des Deux Jardins’, RHC Or. IV, pp. 341–522, V, pp. 3–101; Ambroise, The History of the Holy War: Ambroise’s Estoire de la Guerre Sainte, ed. and trans. M. Ailes and M. Barber, 2 vols (Woodbridge, 2003) (all the following references to Ambroise relate to the Old French verse edition in volume I). Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi, Chronicles and Memorials of the Reign of Richard I, vol. 1, ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls Series 38 (London, 1864). For a translation and useful introduction to the complexities surrounding this text see: Chronicle of the Third Crusade: A Translation of the Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi, trans. H. Nicholson (Aldershot, 1997). La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, pp. 76–158. For a translation of this text and a number of other related sources see: P. W. Edbury (trans.), The Conquest of Jerusalem and the Third Crusade: Sources in Translation (Aldershot, 1996). For further reading on these sources see: C. Hanley, ‘Reading the past through the present: Ambroise, the minstrel of Reims and Jordan Fantosme’, Mediaevalia, vol. 20 (2001), pp. 263–81; M. J. Ailes, ‘Heroes of war: Ambroise’s heroes of the Third Crusade’, Writing War: Medieval Literary Responses, ed. F. Le Saux and C. Saunders (Woodbridge, 2004); P. W. Edbury, ‘The Lyon Eracles and the Old French Continuations of William of Tyre’, Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. B. Z. Kedar, J. S. C. Riley-Smith and R. Hiestand (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 139–53. Secondary works that do shed light on the Third Crusade include: S. Painter, ‘The Third Crusade: Richard the Lionhearted and Philip Augustus’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 2, ed. K. M. Setton (Madison, 1969), pp. 45–85; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 279–363; H. Möhring, Saladin und der dritte Kreuzzug(Wiesbaden, 1980); J. Gillingham,Richard I (New Haven and London, 1999); Tyerman, God’s War, pp. 375–474.
2. ‘Annales Herbipolenses’, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, ed. G. H. Pertz et al., vol. 16 (Hanover, 1859), p. 3.
3. E. Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 1056–1273 (Oxford, 1988); E. Hallam, Capetian France, 987–1328, 2nd edn (Harlow, 2001); W. L. Warren, Henry II (London, 1973); J. Gillingham, The Angevin Empire, 2nd edn (London, 2001).
4. Historia de expeditione Friderici Imperatoris’, pp. 6–10. The text of Audita Tremendi is also translated in: Riley-Smith, The Crusades: Idea and Reality, pp. 63–7.
5. Gerald of Wales, Journey through Wales, trans. L. Thorpe (London, 1978), p. 204. On the preaching of the Third Crusade see: C. J. Tyerman, England and the Crusades (Chicago, 1988), pp. 59–75; Tyerman, God’s War, pp. 376–99. According to Muslim testimony, Latin preachers in Europe also made use of tableau paintings depicting Muslim atrocities–including the desecration of the Holy Sepulchre–to incense audiences and spur recruitment. Baha al-Din, p. 125; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 363. This notion is not corroborated in western sources.
6. Routledge, ‘Songs’, p. 99. Other poets expanded on these ideas. In particular, those not taking the cross were accused of cowardice and a reluctance to fight. In some circles it became common to humiliate non-crusaders by giving them ‘wool and distaff’, the tools for spinning, to suggest that they were fit only for women’s work–a distant precursor to the white feather.
7. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 33; Routledge, ‘Songs’, p. 108.
8. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 143–4.
9. Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 1–23. In 1786 the English historian David Hume derided Richard for neglecting England, but the tide of criticism really began with William Stubbs, who in 1867 described the Lionheart as ‘a bad son, a bad husband, a selfish ruler and a vicious man’ and ‘a man of blood…too familiar with slaughter’. In France, René Grousset’s work of 1936 endorsed this view, characterising Richard as a ‘brutal and impolitic knight’, while A. L. Poole’s 1955 history of medieval England observed that ‘he used England as a bank on which to draw and overdraw in order to finance his ambitious exploits elsewhere’. By 1974 the American academic James Brundage declared that Richard had been a ‘peerlessly efficient killing machine…[but] in the council chamber he was a total loss’, confidently concluding that he was ‘certainly one of the worst rulers that England has ever had’. During the Victorian era, at least, this damning appraisal was at odds with the popular romanticisation of Richard’s reign, promoted in works of fiction by the likes of Walter Scott. In the mid-nineteenth century a monumental bronze statue of the Lionheart astride his horse was erected outside the Houses of Parliament in London–a tribute to the ‘great English hero’ paid for by public subscription. Other recent academic studies of Richard I include: J. L. Nelson (ed.), Richard Coeur de Lion in History and Myth (London, 1992); J. Gillingham, ‘Richard I and the Science of War’, War and Government: Essays in Honour of J.O. Prestwich, ed. J. Gillingham and J. C. Holt (Woodbridge, 1984), pp. 78–9; R. A. Turner and R. Heiser, The Reign of Richard the Lionheart: Ruler of the Angevin Empire (London, 2000); J. Flori, Richard the Lionheart: Knight and King (London, 2007). In addition to the evidence presented in Ambroise and the Itinerarium Peregrinorum, the main primary sources for Richard I’s career and crusade include: Roger of Howden, Gesta Regis Henrici II et Ricardi I, 2 vols, ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls Series 49 (London, 1867); Roger of Howden, Chronica, vols 3 and 4, ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls Series 51 (London, 1870). On Howden see: J. Gillingham, ‘Roger of Howden on Crusade’, Medieval Historical Writing in the Christian and Islamic Worlds, ed. D. O. Morgan (London, 1982). Richard of Devizes, The Chronicle of Richard of Devizes of the Time of Richard the First, ed. and trans. J. T. Appleby (London, 1963); William of Newburgh, Historia Rerum Anglicarum, Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, vol. 1, ed. R. Howlett, Rolls Series 82 (London, 1884); Ralph of Coggeshall, Chronicon Anglicanum, ed. J. Stevenson, Rolls Series 66 (London, 1875); Ralph of Diceto, Ymagines Historiarum, The Historical Works of Master Ralph of Diceto, vol. 2, ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls Series 68 (London, 1876).
10. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 143.
11. Roger of Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 29–30. On Philip Augustus see: J. Richard, ‘Philippe Auguste, la croisade et le royaume’, La France de Philippe Auguste: Le temps des mutations, ed. R.-H. Bautier (Paris, 1982), pp. 411–24; J. W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley and London, 1986); J. Bradbury, Philip Augustus, King of France 1180–1223 (London, 1998); J. Flori, Philippe Auguste, roi de France (Paris, 2002).
12. On Frederick Barbarossa and his crusade see: P. Munz, Frederick Barbarossa: A Study in Medieval Politics (London, 1969); F. Opll, Friedrich Barbarossa (Darmstadt, 1990); E. Eickhoff, Friedrich Barbarossa im Orient: Kreuzzug und Tod Friedrichs I(Tübingen, 1977); R. Chazan, ‘Emperor Frederick I, the Third Crusade and the Jews’, Viator, vol. 8 (1977), pp. 83–93; Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 230–42; H. E. Mayer, ‘Der Brief Kaiser Friedrichs I an Saladin von Jahre 1188’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, vol. 14 (1958), pp. 488–94; C. M. Brand, ‘The Byzantines and Saladin, 1185–92: Opponents of the Third Crusade’, Speculum, vol. 37 (1962), pp. 167–81. It was once thought that Frederick contacted Saladin himself at this point, but the two Latin letters purporting to be copies of their correspondence are now regarded as forgeries. However, it is likely that Barbarrosa had established some form of diplomatic contact with Saladin in the 1170s.
13. Gerald of Wales, ‘Liber de Principis Instructione’, Giraldi Cambriensis Opera, vol. 8, ed. G. F. Warner, Roll Series 21 (London, 1867), p. 296.
14. The tithe had an additional impact on recruitment because all those joining the crusade were exempt; as a result, Roger of Howden observed that ‘all the rich men of [the Angevin realm], both clergy and laity, rushed in crowds to take the cross’. Roger of Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 32, 90.
15. Roger of Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 110–11. On the question of naval transport see: J. H. Pryor, Geography, Technology and War: Studies in the Maritime History of the Mediterranean 649–1571 (Cambridge, 1987); J. H. Pryor, ‘Transportation of horses by sea during the era of the crusades: eighth century to 1285 A.D., Part I: To c. 1225’, The Mariner’s Mirror, vol. 68 (1982), pp. 9–27, 103–25.
16. Roger of Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 151–5; Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 123–39.
17. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 277, 280–81.
18. Ibn Jubayr, p. 319; D. Jacoby, ‘Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat, and the kingdom of Jerusalem (1187–92)’, Dai feudi monferrini e dal Piemonte ai nuovi mondi oltre gli Oceani (Alessandria, 1993), pp. 187–238.
19. Roger of Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 40–41; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 337.
20. Imad al-Din, p. 108. For a discussion of Baha al-Din’s career see Donald Richards’ introduction to his own translation of Baha al-Din’s History of Saladin (Baha al-Din, pp. 1–9). See also: Richards, ‘A consideration of two sources for the life of Saladin’, pp. 46–65.
21. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 296, 307.
22. Ambroise, pp. 44–5, indicating that Guy was accompanied by 400 knights and 7,000 infantry. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 61, noting around 700 knights and a total force of 9,000.
23. Ibn Jubayr, p. 318; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 75–6. On the siege of Acre and siege weaponry see: Rogers, Latin Siege Warfare, pp. 212–36, 251–73. On the geography of Acre see: D. Jacoby, ‘Crusader Acre in the thirteenth century: Urban layout and topography’, Studia Medievali, 3rd series, vol. 10 (1979), pp. 1–45; D. Jacoby, ‘Montmusard, suburb of crusader Acre: The first stage of its development’, Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. B. Z. Kedar, J. S. C. Riley-Smith and R. Hiestand (Aldershot, 2000), pp. 205–17.
24. La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, p. 89; Ambroise, p. 45. Mount Toron was also known as Tell al-Musallabin or Tell al-Fukhkhar.
25. Abu Shama, pp. 412–15; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 67.
26. Ambroise, p. 46; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 67.
27. Imad al-Din, p. 172; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 301–2.
28. Baha al-Din, p. 102–3; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 70, 72.
29. Baha al-Din, p. 104; Tyerman, God’s War, pp. 353–4.
30. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 73; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 369.
31. Baha al-Din, pp. 107–8; Ambroise, p. 52.
32. Imad al-Din, Arab Historians of the Crusades, trans. F. Gabrieli, pp. 204–6; Baha al-Din, pp. 27, 100–101; Ambroise, pp. 55, 58; B. Z. Kedar, ‘A Western survey of Saladin’s forces at the siege of Acre’, Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. B.Z. Kedar, J. S. C. Riley-Smith and R. Hiestand (Aldershot, 2000), pp. 113–22.
33. Ambroise, pp. 52, 55; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 80, 82; Baha al-Din, pp. 124, 127.
34. Saladin was joined by his son al-Zahir of Aleppo and Keukburi of Harran on 4 May; by Imad al-Din Zanki, lord of Sinjar, on 29 May; by Sanjar Shah, lord of Jazirat, on 13 June; by Mosuli troops under ‘Ala al-Din, son of Izz al-Din Masud, on 15 June; and by Zayn al-Din of Irbil in late June or early July. Baha al-Din, pp. 109–12.
35. Baha al-Din, p. 106. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 312–13, 316. Saladin dispatched troops to Manbij, Kafartab, Baalbek, Shaizar, Aleppo and Hama. Among those who left the environs of Acre was al-Zahir.
36. Baha al-Din, p. 124.
37. Baha al-Din, pp. 110–11; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 373; Ambroise, p. 55.
38. Baha al-Din, p. 123; Ambroise, p. 59.
39. La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, p. 105; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 74; Ambroise, p. 56.
40. La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, p. 98; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 375.
41. Ambroise, pp. 52, 61–3. Frederick of Swabia’s presence, as a ruler largely bereft of manpower, raised uncomfortable questions about leadership and King Guy’s status. Baha al-Din (pp. 128–31) believed that, soon after his arrival, Frederick spearheaded a new offensive against Acre, employing experimental military technology. This involved the medieval equivalent of a tank–a huge wheeled structure, clad with metal sheets, housing a massive iron-tipped battering ram. But Latin eyewitnesses gave all the credit for this initiative to the French and, in any case, once the ‘tank’ reached the foot of the walls it was quickly crushed and burned beneath a barrage of boulders and Greek fire.
42. Baha al-Din, pp. 130, 132; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 318–20. Around the same time, work to shore up the defences of Alexandria and Damietta was proceeding apace in Egypt, and instructions were broadcast through Syria to store grain from the recent harvest in case of invasion.
43. Baha al-Din, pp. 140, 143; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 323–4; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 127, 129–30; Ambroise, pp. 68–71, 73.
44. Baha al-Din, pp. 141–2; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 323–5.
45. Ambroise, p. 38; Baha al-Din, p. 150.
46. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 204–5; P. W. Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus and the Crusades, 1191–1374 (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 1–12.
47. Baha al-Din, pp. 145, 149–50; La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, pp. 109, 111.
48. Baha al-Din, p. 146; R. Heiser, ‘The Royal Familiares of King Richard I’, Medieval Prosopography, vol. 10 (1989), pp. 25–50.
49. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 206, 211; Baha al-Din, p. 155.
50. Baha al-Din, pp. 153, 156, 159.
51. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 211; Ambroise, p. 74.
52. Codice Diplomatico della repubblica di Genova, ed. C. Imperiale di Sant’ Angelo, 3 vols (Genoa, 1936–42), ii, n. 198, pp. 378–80; J. S. C. Riley-Smith, The Feudal Nobility and the Kingdom of Jerusalem 1174–1277 (London, 1973), pp. 112–17.
53. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 218–19. The precise details of these siege weapons–their origins and exact designs–are unclear, because the contemporary sources are frustratingly imprecise. It is possible that some use was made of counterweight technology in these stone-throwers (traction-powered devices being the established norm). It is also possible that the technology and materials for these engines were brought from Europe, or that captured engineers contributed to their development. The dating of Philip’s independent assault is problematic and it may have occurred at any point between 17 June and 1 July. Hugh of Burgundy, the Templars and Hospitallers all appear to have manned their own catapults. Richard does seem to have built a siege tower at Acre, protected by ‘leather, cords and wood’, but this structure does not appear to have played a major role in the assault.
54. Baha al-Din, pp. 155–7.
55. Baha al-Din, pp. 156–7; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 223–4.
56. Ambroise, p. 80; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 225.
57. Ambroise, pp. 82, 84; Baha al-Din, p. 161; La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, p. 125.
58. Baha al-Din, p. 161; Imad al-Din, p. 318; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 233; Ambroise, p. 84.
59. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 233–4.
60. Baha al-Din, p. 162; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, p. 331; Gillingham, Richard I, p. 162; Pryor, Geography, Technology and War, pp. 125–30.
61. Ambroise, p. 85; Rigord, ‘Gesta Philippi Augusti’, Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, ed. H. F. Delaborde, vol. 1 (Paris, 1882), pp. 116–17; Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 181–3; Gillingham, Richard I, p. 166.
62. ‘Epistolae Cantuarienses’, Chronicles and Memorials of the Reign of Richard I, ed. W. Stubbs, vol. 2, Rolls Series 88 (London, 1865), p. 347.
63. Baha al-Din, pp. 164–5; Imad al-Din, p. 330; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 390; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 331–3.
64. Howden, Chronica, vol. 3, pp. 127, 130–31; Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 187, 189; Ambroise, pp. 87–9; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 240–43; La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, pp. 127–9; ‘Historia de expeditione Friderici Imperatoris’, p. 99; R. Grousset, Histoire des Croisades, 3 vols (Paris, 1936), vol. 3, pp. 61–2; Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 166–71.
65. Richard also had the significant advantage of enjoying close relations with the leaders of the two main Military Orders. Robert of Sablé, who was appointed to the vacant post of master of the Templars in 1191, was one of the Lionheart’s leading vassals from the Sarthe valley and had served as one of five fleet commanders during the journey to the Levant. Garnier of Nablus, who was elected as Hospitaller master in late 1189 or early 1190, was the former prior of England and grand commander of France. He travelled to the Near East with Richard’s contingent.
66. Smail, Crusading Warfare, p. 163; Gillingham, Richard I, p. 174; J. F. Verbruggen, The Art of Warfare in Western Europe during the Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 1997), pp. 232–9; Ambroise, pp. 91–2.
67. Ambroise, p. 92.
68. Baha al-Din, p. 170; Ambroise, p. 93.
69. Ambroise, p. 94; Baha al-Din, p. 170.
70. Ambroise, p. 96; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 253, 258–9; Baha al-Din, p. 171.
71. Ambroise, p. 97; Baha al-Din, pp. 171–2.
72. Baha al-Din, pp. 172–3; Ambroise, p. 98; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, p. 336.
73. Ambroise, pp. 99–107; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 260–80; Howden, Chronica, vol. 3, pp. 130–33; Baha al-Din, pp. 174–6; Imad al-Din, p. 344.
74. Ambroise, pp. 100–101, 103.
75. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 264; Howden, Chronica, vol. 3, p. 131; Baha al-Din, p. 175.
76. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 268–9; Ambroise, p. 104.
77. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 270; Howden, Chronica, vol. 3, pp. 129–31. Richard authored another letter on that same day (this time addressed generally to the people of his realm) which had even less to say about the battle, commenting simply that ‘as we were nearing Arsuf Saladin came swooping down upon us’.
78. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 274–7; Ambroise, pp. 107–9. Richard I described James of Avesnes as the ‘best of men whose merits had made him dear to the whole army’ and as the ‘pillar’ of the crusade (Howden, Chronica, vol. 3, pp. 129–31). Ambroise recalled the circumstances of James’ death, noting that ‘there were some who did not come to his rescue, which gave rise to much talk; this was one of the barons of France, they said, the count of Dreux, he and his men. I have heard so many speak ill of this that the history cannot deny it.’ Unfortunately, no further explanation was offered of Robert of Dreux’s failure to help James.
79. Flori, Richard the Lionheart, pp. 137–8. Many historians have expressed similar views, suggesting that Richard actively sought battle at Arsuf. These include: Gillingham (Richard I, pp. 173–8) who acknowledged that his account of Arsuf was based on Ambroise’s testimony and described the battle as the ‘height of Richard’s fame’, characterising the king’s handling of the encounter as ‘masterful’ Verbruggen (The Art of Warfare, p. 232) who described Arsuf as ‘the last great triumph of the Christians in the Near East’ and S. Runciman (‘The kingdom of Acre and the later crusades’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1954), p. 57) who applauded the Lionheart’s ‘superb generalship’. Tyerman (God’s War, pp. 458–9) downplayed the importance of the battle, but nonetheless maintained that Richard wanted to engage Saladin in combat and launch a heavy cavalry charge. Others, like J. P. Phillips (The Crusades 1095–1197 (London, 2002), pp. 146, 151), praised Richard’s ‘brilliant generalship at Arsuf’, while ignoring the question of whether or not the king deliberately sought battle. Smail (Crusading Warfare, p. 163) did describe Arsuf as a natural event that was merely part of the process of a fighting march, but still believed that Richard had planned the crusader charge (pp. 128–9).
80. Baha al-Din, pp. 175–7; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 338–9.
81. Baha al-Din, p. 178; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 338–42.
82. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 284; Ambroise, p. 114. There can be little doubt that Richard was contemplating an Egyptian campaign from that autumn onwards, as letters to the Genoese dating from October 1191 refer to plans to ‘hasten with all our forces into Egypt’ the following summer ‘for the advantage’ of the Holy Land. Codice Diplomatico della repubblica di Genova, vol. 3, pp. 19–21. Richard showed a deft diplomatic touch in managing to curry the support of the Genoese, while still maintaining the backing of his established allies, the Pisans. Favreau-Lilie, Die Italiener im Heiligen Land, pp. 288–93.
83. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 293; Ambroise, pp. 118–19; Gillingham, ‘Richard I and the Science of War’, pp. 89–90; D. Pringle, ‘Templar castles between Jaffa and Jerusalem’, The Military Orders, vol. 2, ed. H. Nicholson (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 89–109.
84. Baha al-Din, p. 179.
85. Baha al-Din, pp. 185–8; Imad al-Din, pp. 349–51. Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 183–5; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 342–3. The Old French Continuation of William of Tyre (La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, p. 151) mentioned the proposed union between al-Adil and Joanne, but this text (also known as the Lyon Eracles) originated in the mid-thirteenth century. The reason for Joanne’s refusal is unclear. Baha al-Din recorded that she flew into a rage when Richard finally presented his plan to her. Imad al-Din, however, believed that she had been willing to enter into such a union, but had been compelled to refuse by the Latin clergy.
86. Baha al-Din, pp. 193–5; Imad al-Din, pp. 353–4; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 392; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 296; Ambroise, p. 120. Imad al-Din saw Richard’s approaches as duplicitous. Baha al-Din, meanwhile, argued that Saladin’s real ‘aim was to undermine the peace talks’. He recorded a personal conversation in which the sultan emphasised that peace would not end the danger to Islam. Predicting the collapse of Muslim unity after his death and a resurgence in Frankish power, Saladin apparently stated: ‘Our best course is to keep on with the jihad until we expel them from the coast or die ourselves.’ Baha al-Din concluded that ‘this was his own view and it was only against his will that he was persuaded to make peace’. However, this was probably propaganda designed to maintain Saladin’s image as an undefeated mujahid.
87. Baha al-Din, pp. 194–6.
88. Ambroise, pp. 123–4; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 304.
89. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 305; Ambroise, p. 126; Mayer, The Crusades, p. 148; Gillingham, Richard I, p. 191; Phillips, The Crusades, p. 151.
90. Ambroise, p. 126; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 394.
91. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 323; D. Pringle, ‘King Richard I and the walls of Ascalon’, Palestine Exploration Quarterly, vol. 116 (1984), pp. 133–47.
92. Baha al-Din, p. 200.
93. La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, p. 141. Richard certainly struggled to clear himself of blame and suspicion, his guilt being widely reported in the courts of Europe. Eventually his supporters devised a solution that exonerated the Lionheart–producing a letter in 1195, purportedly from the Old Man Sinan himself (but almost certainly a forgery), affirming that the Assassins had acted because of a historic grudge against the marquis. Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 199–201.
94. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 359; Ambroise, p. 153.
95. Baha al-Din, pp. 199–202; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 346–8.
96. Ambroise, p. 153.
97. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 390; Baha al-Din, pp. 208–9.
98. Baha al-Din, pp. 209–12.
99. Ambroise, pp. 163–5; Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 379–82.
100. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 393; Ambroise, p. 172. Many Latin Christian contemporaries were dismayed by this second retreat. Eyewitnesses, like Ambroise, clearly acknowledged that it was King Richard who foiled the attempt to besiege Jerusalem. Back in the West, however, other chroniclers presented a different version of events, exculpating the Lionheart of blame. Roger of Howden (Chronica, vol. 3, p. 183) actually recorded that Richard had been determined to capture the Holy City, but was stymied by the French, who were reluctant to participate because the king of France had ordered them to return to Europe. Ralph of Coggeshall (pp. 38–40), meanwhile, affirmed that Richard had been about to lead the army on to Jerusalem when Hugh of Burgundy, the Templars and the French refused to fight, fearing that Philip Augustus would be angry with them if they helped the Angevin king capture the Holy City. Ralph added that it was discovered later that Hugh had shamefully entered into a secret alliance with Saladin. Ironically, the notion that the French had foiled the Lionheart’s attempts to conquer Jerusalem stuck and, by the mid-thirteenth century, had become embedded in popular memory. Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 208–10; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 353–4. M. Markowski (‘Richard the Lionheart: Bad king, bad crusader’, Journal of Medieval History, vol. 23 (1997), pp. 351–65) criticised Richard’s conduct during the Third Crusade, branding him ‘a failure as a crusade leader’, but on rather different grounds–namely that ‘any good crusade leader should have done what the army expected’ by launching an assault on Jerusalem whether it was militarily viable or not.
101. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 422; Baha al-Din, pp. 223, 225–6. The most influential of the Lionheart’s new allies were: al-Mashtub–the Kurdish emir who had served Saladin since 1169, commanded Acre’s garrison in 1191 and recently (and perhaps deliberately) had been released by Richard; and another of Saladin’s field commanders, Badr al-Din Dildirim al-Yaruqi. Both served as mediators and negotiators through the summer of 1192.
102. Baha al-Din, p. 231; Imad al-Din, pp. 388–91. On the consequences of this accord see: J. H. Niermann, ‘Levantine peace following the Third Crusade: a new dimension in Frankish-Muslim relations’, Muslim World, vol. 65 (1975), pp. 107–18.
103. Baha al-Din, pp. 235, 239, 243.
104. Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, p. 195; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 408–9. See also: Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 361–74; Möhring, Saladin: The Sultan and his Times, pp. 88–104.
105. On Richard I’s later career see: Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 222–348. On the legends surrounding Richard’s life see: B. B. Broughton, The Legends of King Richard I (The Hague, 1966).
PART IV: THE STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL
1. Morris, Papal Monarchy, pp. 358–86, 452–62, 478–89; B. Z. Kedar, Crusade and Mission. European Approaches towards the Muslims (Princeton, 1984); R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society. Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950–1250, 2nd edn (Oxford, 2007); M. D. Lambert, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation, 3rd edn (Oxford, 2002); C. H. Lawrence, The Friars: The Impact of the Early Mendicant Movement on Western Society(London, 1994).
2. H. Roscher, Innocenz III und die Kreuzzüge (Göttingen, 1969); H. Tillman, Pope Innocent III (Amsterdam, 1980); J. Sayers, Innocent III: Leader of Europe (London, 1994); B. Bolton, Innocent III: Studies on Papal Authority and Pastoral Care (Aldershot, 1995); J. C. Moore,Pope Innocent III: To Root Up and to Plant (Leiden, 2003); J. M. Powell (ed.), Pope Innocent III: Vicar of Christ or Lord of the World? (Washington, DC, 1994); Morris, Papal Monarchy, pp. 417–51. Henry VI died before he could participate in a planned crusade to the Holy Land. Nonetheless, a number of German crusaders did fight in the Near East in 1197–8. C. Naumann, Die Kreuzzug Kaiser Heinrichs VI (Frankfurt, 1994).
3. Innocent III, Die Register Innocenz’ III, ed. O. Hageneder and A. Haidaicher, vol. 1 (Graz, 1964), p. 503.
4. M. Angold, ‘The road to 1204: the Byzantine background to the Fourth Crusade’, Journal of Medieval History, vol. 25 (1999), pp. 257–68; M. Angold, The Fourth Crusade: Event and Context (Harlow, 2003); C. M. Brand, ‘The Fourth Crusade: Some recent interpretations’,Mediaevalia et Humanistica, vol. 12 (1984), pp. 33–45. Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades, pp. 145–62; J. Pryor, ‘The Venetian fleet for the Fourth Crusade and the diversion of the crusade to Constantinople’, The Experience of Crusading: Western Approaches, ed. M. Bull and N. Housley (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 103–23; D. Queller and T. F. Madden, The Fourth Crusade: The Conquest of Constantinople, 1201–1204, 2nd edn (Philadelphia, 1997).
5. J. R. Strayer, The Albigensian Crusades (Ann Arbor, 1992); M. D. Costen, The Cathars and the Albigensian Crusade (Manchester, 1997); M. Barber, The Cathars: Dualist Heretics in Languedoc in the High Middle Ages (London, 2000); G. Dickson, The Children’s Crusade: Medieval History, Modern Mythistory (Basingstoke, 2008).
6. J. M. Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade 1213–1221 (Philadelphia, 1986), pp. 1–50.
7. James of Vitry, Lettres, ed. R. B. C. Huygens (Leiden, 1960), pp. 73–4, 82; James of Vitry, ‘Historia Orientalis’, Libri duo quorum prior Orientalis…inscribitur, ed. F. Moschus (Farnborough, 1971), pp. 1–258; James of Vitry, Historia Occidentalis, ed. J. Hinnebusch (Freiburg, 1972); C. Maier, Crusade Propaganda and Ideology: Model Sermons for the Preaching of the Cross (Cambridge, 2000).
8. On the crusader states in the first half of the thirteenth century see: Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 239–59; J. S. C. Riley-Smith, The Feudal Nobility and the Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1174–1277 (London, 1973); P. W. Edbury, John of Ibelin and the Kingdom of Jerusalem (Woodbridge, 1997); Cahen, La Syrie du Nord, pp. 579–652.
9. On the Ayyubid world after Saladin see: Holt, The Age of the Crusades, pp. 60–66; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 195–225; R. S. Humphreys, From Saladin to the Mongols: The Ayyubids of Damascus 1193–1260 (Albany, 1977); R. S. Humphreys, ‘Ayyubids, Mamluks and the Latin East in the thirteenth century’, Mamluk Studies Review, vol. 2 (1998), pp. 1–18; E. Sivan, ‘Notes sur la situation des Chrétiens à l’époque Ayyubide’, Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. 172 (1967), pp. 117–30; A.-M. Eddé, La principauté ayyoubide d’Alep (579/1183–658/1260) (Stuttgart, 1999).
10. In broad terms, the common pattern through all three orders was to have a division between full knights, who were expected to have between three and four horses; sergeants, the less well-equipped subordinates to knights; and priest-brothers, the ordained clerics not involved in fighting, who were responsible for overseeing the spiritual wellbeing of the brother knights. It was also usually possible to enter orders on a temporary basis for set period, such as one year. A. Forey, ‘The Military Orders, 1120–1312’, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, ed. J. S. C. Riley-Smith (Oxford, 1995), pp. 184–216; J. Upton-Ward (trans.), The Rule of the Templars (Woodbridge, 1992).
11. P. Deschamps, ‘Le Crac des Chevaliers’, Les Châteaux des Croisés en Terre Sainte, vol. 1 (Paris, 1934); Kennedy, Crusader Castles, pp. 98–179; C. Marshall, Warfare in the Latin East, 1192–1291 (Cambridge, 1992).
12. James of Vitry, Lettres, pp. 87–8; D. Jacoby, ‘Aspects of everyday life in Frankish Acre’, Crusades, vol. 4 (2005), pp. 73–105; D. Abulafia, ‘The role of trade in Muslim–Christian contact during the Middle Ages’, Arab Influence in Medieval Europe, ed. D. A. Agius and R. Hitchcock (Reading, 1994), pp. 1–24; D. Abulafia, ‘Trade and crusade, 1050–1250’, Cross-cultural Convergences in the Crusader Period, ed. M. Goodich, S. Menache and S. Schein (New York, 1995), pp. 1–20.
13. D. Abulafia, Frederick II: A Medieval Emperor (London, 1988); W. Stürner, Friedrich II, 2 vols (Darmstadt, 1994–2000).
14. James of Vitry, Lettres, p. 102. On the Fifth Crusade see: Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade, pp. 51–204; J. Donavan, Pelagius and the Fifth Crusade (Philadelphia, 1950); T. C. Van Cleve, ‘The Fifth Crusade’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 2, ed. K. M. Setton (Madison, 1969), pp. 377–428.
15. Oliver of Paderborn, ‘The Capture of Damietta’, Christian Society and the Crusades 1198–1229, ed. E. Peters, trans. J. J. Gavigan (Philadelphia, 1971), pp. 65, 70, 88.
16. Mayer, The Crusades, p. 223; Oliver of Paderborn, p. 72; James of Vitry, Lettres, p. 116.
17. James of Vitry, Lettres, p. 118.
18. Oliver of Paderborn, p. 88.
19. J. M. Powell, ‘San Francesco d’Assisi e la Quinta Crociata: Una Missione di Pace’, Schede Medievali, vol. 4 (1983), pp. 69–77; Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade, pp. 178–9.
20. Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade, pp. 195–204.
21. Abulafia, Frederick II, pp. 251–89; F. Gabrieli, ‘Frederick II and Muslim culture’, East and West (1958), pp. 53–61; J. M. Powell, ‘Frederick II and the Muslims: The Makings of a Historiographical Tradition’, Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages, ed. L. J. Simon (Leiden, 1995), pp. 261–9.
22. Abulafia, Frederick II, pp. 148–201; T. C. Van Cleve, ‘The Crusade of Frederick II’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 2, ed. K. M. Setton (Madison, 1969), pp. 429–62; R. Hiestand, ‘Friedrich II. und der Kreuzzug’, Friedrich II: Tagung des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom im Gedenkjahr 1994, ed. A. Esch and N. Kamp (Tübingen, 1996), pp. 128–49; L. Ross, ‘Frederick II: Tyrant or benefactor of the Latin East?’, Al-Masaq, vol. 15 (2003), pp. 149–59.
23. H. Kluger, Hochmeister Hermann von Salza und Kaiser Friedrich II (Marburg, 1987).
24. Ibn Wasil, Arab Historians of the Crusades, trans. F. Gabrieli (London, 1969), p. 270. Sibt ibn al-Jauzi (pp. 273–5) described an outpouring of grief thus: ‘news of the loss of Jerusalem spread to Damascus, and disaster struck the lands of Islam. It was so great a tragedy that public ceremonies of mourning were instituted.’ Roger of Wendover, Flores Historiarum, ed. H. G. Hewlett, 3 vols, Rolls Series 84 (London, 1887), vol. 2, p. 368.
25. Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, ed. H. R. Luard, 7 vols, Rolls Series 57 (London, 1872–83), vol. 3, pp. 179–80. On the authenticity of this letter see: J. M. Powell, ‘Patriarch Gerold and Frederick II: The Matthew Paris letter’, Journal of Medieval History, vol. 25 (1999), pp. 19–26. Philip of Novara, Mémoires, ed. C. Kohler (Paris, 1913), p. 25; B. Weiler, ‘Frederick II, Gregory IX and the liberation of the Holy Land, 1230–9’, Studies in Church History, vol. 36 (2000), pp. 192–206.
26. Kings of the Hohenstaufen line were still acknowledged as titular absentees until 1268. M. Lower, The Barons’ Crusade: A Call to Arms and its Consequences (Philadelphia, 2005); P. Jackson, ‘The crusades of 1239–41 and their aftermath’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 50 (1987), pp. 32–60.
27. Rothelin Continuation, ‘Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr de 1229 à 1261, dite du manuscrit de Rothelin’, RHC Occ. II, pp. 563–4. This text is available in translation: J. Shirley (trans.), Crusader Syria in the Thirteenth Century (Aldershot, 1999), pp. 13–120.
28. Rothelin Continuation, p. 565.
29. Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, vol. 4, p. 397. On Louis IX’s career and crusade see: J. Richard, Saint Louis: Crusader King of France, trans. J. Birrell (Cambridge, 1992); W. C. Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade: A Study in Rulership(Princeton, 1979); J. Strayer, ‘The Crusades of Louis IX’, A History of the Crusades, vol. 2, ed. K. M. Setton (Madison, 1969), pp. 487–518; C. Cahen, ‘St Louis et l’Islam’, Journal Asiatique, vol. 258 (1970), pp. 3–12. On Louis’ piety see: E. R. Labande, ‘Saint Louis pèlerin’, Revue d’Histoire de l’Église de France, vol. 57 (1971), pp. 5–18.
30. John of Joinville, Vie de Saint Louis, ed. J. Monfrin (Paris, 1995). This text is available in translation: C. Smith (trans.), Chronicles of the Crusades: Joinville and Villehardouin (London, 2008). See also: C. Smith, Crusading in the Age of Joinville(Aldershot, 2006). A wonderfully rich collection of additional western and Arabic primary sources is available in translation in: P. Jackson (trans.), The Seventh Crusade, 1244–1254: Sources and Documents (Aldershot, 2007). See also: A.-M. Eddé, ‘Saint Louis et la Septième Croisade vus par les auteurs arabes’Croisades et idée de croisade à la fin du Moyen Âge, Cahiers de Recherches Médiévales (XIIIe–XVes), vol. 1 (1996), pp. 65–92.
31. Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade, pp. 65–104.
32. John of Joinville, p. 62; J. H. Pryor, ‘The transportation of horses by sea during the era of the Crusades’, Commerce, Shipping and Naval Warfare in the Medieval Mediterranean, ed. J. H. Pryor (London, 1987), pp. 9–27, 103–25.
33. John of Joinville, p. 72
34. John of Joinville, pp. 72–6.
35. Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, vol. 6, Additamenta, p. 158; Rothelin Continuation, p. 590; John of Joinville, p. 78; P. Riant (ed.), ‘Six lettres aux croisades’, Archives de l’Orient Latin, vol. 1 (1881), p. 389.
36. Humphreys, From Saladin to the Mongols, pp. 239–307.
37. Nizam al-Mulk, The Book of Government or Rules for Kings, trans. H. Darke (London, 1960), p. 121; Ibn Wasil, The Seventh Crusade, trans. P. Jackson, p. 134; D. Ayalon, ‘Le régiment Bahriyya dans l’armée mamelouke’, Revue des Études Islamiques, vol. 19 (1951), pp. 133–41; R.S. Humphreys, ‘The emergence of the Mamluk army’, Studia Islamica, vol. 45 (1977), pp. 67–99.
38. John of Joinville, p. 90; Ibn Wasil, The Seventh Crusade, trans. P. Jackson (Aldershot, 2007), p. 141.
39. Rothelin Continuation, p. 596; Ibn Wasil, The Seventh Crusade, pp. 133–40; Historiae Francorum Scriptores ad Ipsius Gentis Origine, ed. A. du Chesne, vol. 5 (Paris, 1649), p. 428.
40. Rothelin Continuation, p. 600; Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, vol. 6, Additamenta, p. 195; John of Joinville, pp. 100–102.
41. Rothelin Continuation, p. 602.
42. Rothelin Continuation, pp. 603–4.
43. Rothelin Continuation, pp. 604–5; Ibn Wasil, The Seventh Crusade, p. 144.
44. Rothelin Continuation, p. 606; John of Joinville, pp. 110, 116.
45. Rothelin Continuation, p. 608; John of Joinville, pp. 142–4.
46. John of Joinville, pp. 144, 150; Rothelin Continuation, p. 609.
47. Rothelin Continuation, p. 610. It is perhaps possible that, in these dark days, King Louis IX moved beyond rational decision making, turning instead to God, to pray for a miracle. Such a circumstance was far from inconceivable in the context of a crusade. But given Louis’ views on the need to balance divine aid with practical human responsibility, it is unlikely that he would simply rely on supernatural intervention.
48. Sibt ibn al-Jauzi, The Seventh Crusade, trans. P. Jackson (Aldershot, 2007), p. 159; John of Joinville, p. 150.
49. Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, vol. 6, Additamenta, p. 195; John of Joinville, pp. 156–8.
50. Sibt ibn al-Jauzi, The Seventh Crusade, p. 160; John of Joinville, p. 166.
51. Historiae Francorum Scriptores ad Ipsius Gentis Origine, p. 429.
PART V: VICTORY IN THE EAST
1. D. Ayalon, Le phénomène mamelouk dans l’orient Islamique (Paris, 1996); R. Amitai-Preiss, Mongols and Mamluks: The Mamluk–Ilkanid War, 1260–1281 (Cambridge, 1995). The classic study of Baybar’s career is: P. Thorau, The Lion of Egypt: Sultan Baybars I and the Near East in the Thirteenth Century, trans. P. M. Holt (London, 1992). See also: A.A. Khowaiter, Baybars the First (London, 1978). For a translation of excerpts from Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir’s biography of Baybars see: S. F. Sadaque, The Slave King: Baybars I of Egypt (Dacca, 1956). D. P. Little, An Introduction to Mamluk Historiography (Montreal, 1970); P. M. Holt, ‘Three biographies of al-Zahir Baybars’, Medieval Historical Writing in the Christian Worlds, ed. D. Morgan (London, 1982), pp. 19–29; P. M. Holt, ‘Some observations on Shafi‘ b. ibn ‘Ali’s biography of Baybars’, Journal of Semitic Studies, vol. 29 (1984), pp. 123–30; Y. Koch, ‘Izz al-Din ibn Shaddad and his biography of Baybars’, Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale, vol. 43 (1983), pp. 249–87.
2. D. Morgan, The Mongols, 2nd edn (Oxford, 2007); J.-P. Roux, Genghis Khan and the Mongol Empire (London, 2003); P. Jackson, The Mongols and the West, 1221–1410 (Harlow, 2005); J. Richard, La papauté et les missions d’Orient au Moyen Âge (Rome, 1977); J. D. Ryan, ‘Christian wives of Mongol khans: Tartar queens and missionary expectations in Asia’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3rd series, vol. 8.3 (1998), pp. 411–21; P. Jackson, ‘Medieval Christendom’s encounter with the alien’, Historical Research, vol. 74 (2001), pp. 347–69.
3. D. Morgan, ‘The Mongols in Syria, 1260–1300’, Crusade and Settlement, ed. P. W. Edbury (Cardiff, 1985), pp. 231–5.
4. P. Jackson, ‘The crisis in the Holy Land in 1260’, English Historical Review, vol. 95 (1980), pp. 481–513; Amitai-Preiss, Mongols and Mamluks, pp. 26–48; J. M. Smith, ‘Ayn Jalut: Mamluk success or Mongol failure’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, vol. 44 (1984), pp. 307–47; P. Thorau, ‘The battle of Ayn Jalut: A re-examination’, Crusade and Settlement, ed. P. W. Edbury (Cardiff, 1985), pp. 236–41.
5. Thorau, The Lion of Egypt, pp. 75–88.
6. Thorau, The Lion of Egypt, pp. 91–119.
7. Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 225–46; D. P. Little, ‘Jerusalem under the Ayyubids and Mamluks 1197–1516 AD’, Jerusalem in History, ed. K. J. Asali (London, 1989), pp. 177–200.
8. Thorau, The Lion of Egypt, pp. 103–5.
9. P. M. Holt, ‘The treaties of the early Mamluk sultans with the Frankish states’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 43 (1980), pp. 67–76; P. M. Holt, ‘Mamluk–Frankish diplomatic relations in the reign of Baybars’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, vol. 32 (1988), pp. 180–95; P. M. Holt, Early Mamluk Diplomacy (Leiden, 1995).
10. D. Ayalon, ‘Aspects of the Mamluk phenomenon: Ayyubids, Kurds and Turks’, Der Islam, vol. 54 (1977), pp. 1–32; D. Ayalon, ‘Notes on Furusiyya exercises and games in the Mamluk sultanate’, Scripta Hierosolymitana, vol. 9 (1961), pp. 31–62; H. Rabie, ‘The training of the Mamluk Faris’, War, Technology and Society in the Middle East, ed. V.J. Parry and M. E. Yapp (London, 1975), pp. 153–63.
11. The sultan also tried, but failed, to develop an elephant cavalry. Efforts were made to construct a Mamluk fleet–Islam having enjoyed little or no presence on the Mediterranean since the Third Crusade–but Baybars’ ships seem to have been relatively poorly designed, and most sank during a later attempt to assault Cyprus.
12. Thorau, The Lion of Egypt, p. 168.
13. ‘Les Gestes des Chiprois’, Recueil des historiens des croisades, Documents arméniens, vol. 2, ed. Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (Paris, 1906), p. 766. This text is translated in: P. Crawford (trans.), The ‘Templar of Tyre’: Part III of the ‘Deeds of the Cypriots’(Aldershot, 2003).
14. Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir, Arab Historians of the Crusades, trans. F. Gabrieli (London, 1969), pp. 310–12.
15. William of Saint-Parthus, Vie de St Louis, ed. H.-F. Delaborde (Paris, 1899), pp. 153–5.
16. Ibn al-Furat, Arab Historians of the Crusades, trans. F. Gabrieli (London, 1969), p. 319.
17. S. Lloyd, ‘The Lord Edward’s Crusade, 1270–72’, War and Government: Essays in Honour of J. O. Prestwich, ed. J. Gillingham and J. C. Holt (Woodbridge, 1984), pp. 120–33; Tyerman, England and the Crusades, pp. 124–-32.
18. Thorau, The Lion of Egypt, pp. 225–9, 235–43.
19. L. Northrup, From Slave to Sultan: The Career of al-Mansur Qalawun and the Consolidation of Mamluk Rule in Egypt and Syria (678–689 A.H./1279–1290 A.D.) (Stuttgart, 1998); P. M. Holt, ‘The presentation of Qalawun by Shafi‘ b. ibn ‘Ali’, The Islamic World from Classical to Modern Times, ed. C. E. Bosworth, C. Issawi, R. Savory and A. L. Udovitch (Princeton, 1989), pp. 141–50.
20. Amitai-Preiss, Mongols and Mamluks, pp. 179–201.
21. Richard, The Crusades, pp. 434–41; P. M. Holt, ‘Qalawun’s treaty with the Latin kingdom (682/1283): negotiation and abrogation’, Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras, ed. U. Vermeulen and D. de Smet (Leiden, 1995), pp. 325–34.
22. Abu’l Fida, Arab Historians of the Crusades, trans. F. Gabrieli (London, 1969), p. 342; R. Irwin, ‘The Mamluk conquest of the county of Tripoli’, Crusade and Settlement, ed. P. W. Edbury (Cardiff, 1985), pp. 246–50.
23. Richard, The Crusades, pp. 463–4.
24. Abu’l Fida, Arab Historians of the Crusades, pp. 344–5; ‘Les Gestes des Chiprois’, p. 811; D. P. Little, ‘The fall of ‘Akka in 690/1291: the Muslim version’, Studies in Islamic History and Civilisation in Honour of Professor David Ayalon, ed. M. Sharon (Jerusalem, 1986), pp. 159–82.
25. Abu l-Mahasin, Arab Historians of the Crusades, trans. F. Gabrieli (London, 1969), p. 347; ‘Les Gestes des Chiprois’, pp. 812, 814; Abu’l Fida, Arab Historians of the Crusades, p. 346.
26. Abu l-Mahasin, Arab Historians of the Crusades, p. 349; ‘Les Gestes des Chiprois’, p. 816; J. Delaville le Roulx (ed.), Cartulaire général de l’ordre des Hospitaliers 1100–1310, vol. 3 (Paris, 1899), p. 593; Abu’l Fida, Arab Historians of the Crusades, p. 346.
CONCLUSION: THE LEGACY OF THE CRUSADES
1. M. Barber, The Trial of the Templars (Cambridge, 1978); N. Housley, ‘The Crusading Movement, 1274–1700’, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, ed. J. S. C. Riley-Smith (Oxford, 1995), pp. 260–93; N. Housley, The Later Crusades (Oxford, 1992).
2. E. Siberry, Criticism of Crusading, 1095–1274 (Oxford, 1985). Historians have yet to demonstrate whether or not the warfare carried out during the crusading era was unusually violent or extreme in comparison to other medieval conflicts. This is one fundamental area of enquiry in which further research is urgently needed.
3. For a readable attempt to place crusading within the wider context of Christian and Muslim relations see: R. Fletcher, The Cross and the Crescent (London, 2003).
4. Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 257–429; Housley, Contesting the Crusades, pp. 144–66; C. J. Tyerman, Fighting for Christendom: Holy War and the Crusades (Oxford, 2004), pp. 79–92, 155–70.
5. C. J. Tyerman, ‘What the crusades meant to Europe’, The Medieval World, ed. P. Linehan and J. L. Nelson (London, 2001), pp. 131–45; Tyerman, Fighting for Christendom, pp. 145–54.
6. J. S. C. Riley-Smith, ‘Islam and the crusades in history and imagination, 8 November 1898–11 September 2001’, Crusades, vol. 2 (2003), p. 166.
7. Constable, ‘The Historiography of the Crusades’, pp. 6–8; Tyerman, The Invention of the Crusades, pp. 99–118.
8. Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 589–600; R. Irwin, ‘Islam and the Crusades, 1096–1699’, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, ed. J. S. C. Riley-Smith (Oxford, 1995), pp. 217–59.
9. E. Siberry, ‘Images of the crusades in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries’, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, ed. J. S. C. Riley-Smith (Oxford, 1995), pp. 365–85; E. Siberry, The New Crusaders: Images of the Crusades in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Aldershot, 2000); E. Siberry, ‘Nineteenth-century perspectives on the First Crusade’, The Experience of Crusading, 1. Western Approaches, ed. M. G. Bull and N. Housley (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 281–93; R. Irwin, ‘Saladin and the Third Crusade: A case study in historiography and the historical novel’, Companion to Historiography, ed. M. Bentley (London, 1997), pp. 139–52; M. Jubb, The Legend of Saladin in Western Literature and Historiography (Lewiston, 2000).
10. Riley-Smith, ‘Islam and the crusades in history and imagination’, pp. 155–6. This desire to reconnect with the medieval past found further expression at Versailles, outside Paris. King Louis Philippe of France dedicated five rooms–the Salles des Croisades–of this palace to monumental paintings depicting scenes from the crusades. French nobles with a family history of crusading were permitted to display their coats of arms in these chambers, and 316 emblems were originally hung when the Salles opened in 1840. However, voluble protests over exclusion meant that they were closed, almost immediately, for another three years, so that additional aristocratic dynasties could be represented. This prompted a furious trade in forged documents purporting to prove crusading pedigree, supplied (for a handsome price) by a sharp-witted opportunist named Eugène-Henri Courtois. These forgeries remained undetected until 1956.
11. Siberry, ‘Images of the crusades in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries’, pp. 366–8, 379–81; Riley-Smith, ‘Islam and the crusades in history and imagination’, pp. 151–2; J. Richard, ‘National feeling and the legacy of the crusades’, Palgrave Advances in the Crusades, ed. H. Nicholson (Basingstoke, 2005), pp. 204–22.
12. Siberry, ‘Images of the crusades in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries’, pp. 382–5.
13. E. Sivan, ‘Modern Arab Historiography of the Crusades’, Asian and African Studies, vol. 8 (1972), p. 112; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 590–92; Riley-Smith, ‘Islam and the crusades in history and imagination’, p. 155.
14. Sivan, ‘Modern Arab Historiography of the Crusades’, pp. 112–13.
15. B. Lewis, ‘License to Kill: Usama bin Ladin’s Declaration of Jihad’, Foreign Affairs (November/December 1998), p. 14.
16. Sivan, ‘Modern Arab Historiography of the Crusades’, p. 114; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 592–600.
17. E. Karsh, Islamic Imperialism (London, 2006), pp. 134–5; U. Bhatia, Forgetting Osama bin Munqidh, Remembering Osama bin Laden: The Crusades in Modern Muslim Memory (Singapore, 2008), pp. 39–40, 53.
18. Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 600–602; Bhatia, Forgetting Osama bin Munqidh, Remembering Osama bin Laden, pp. 23, 52–3.