Notes

Abbreviations

AN	Archives Nationales (Paris)
BEC	Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes
BIHR	Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research (later Historical Research)
BL	British Library (London)
BN	Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris)
BPR	The Register of Edward the Black Prince Preserved in the Public Record Office, ed. M. C. B. Dawes, 4 vols (London, 1930–33)
CCR	Calendar of Close Rolls
CPR	Calendar of Patent Rolls
EHD	English Historical Documents
EHR	English Historical Review
ODNB	Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online edn, 2004–13)
PROME	The Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, ed. C. Given-Wilson et al. (cd-rom) (Woodbridge, 2005)
TNA	The National Archives (London)
TRHS	Transactions of the Royal Historical Society

Introduction (1337)

1.English Historical Documents, IV, 1327–1485, ed. A. R. Myers (London, 1969), 271.

2.H. Martin, Histoire de France (1855). For a discussion of the Hundred Years War as a historiographical concept, see K. Fowler, The Age of Plantagenet and Valois (London, 1967), 13–14.

3.M. G. A. Vale, The Ancient Enemy: England, France and Europe from the Angevins to the Tudors (London, 2007), ix.

4.See further K. DeVries, ‘The Hundred Years Wars: Not One but Many’, The Hundred Years War, II: Different Vistas, ed. D. J. Kagay and L. J. A. Villalon (Leiden, 2008), 3–36.

5.D. Bates, ‘The Rise and Fall of Normandy, c. 911–1204’, England and Normandy in the Middle Ages, ed. D. Bates and A. Curry (London, 1994), 19–35.

6.Treaty of Le Goulet (1200): Recueil des Actes de Philippe Augustus, ed. H.-F. Delaborde, 4 vols (Paris, 1916–79), II, 178–85; T. Rymer, Feodera, conventions, litterae etc, rev. ed. A. Clarke, F. Holbrooke and J. Coley, 4 vols in 7 parts (London, 1816–69), I, i, 75–6; P. Chaplais, ed., Diplomatic Documents, I, 1101–1272 (London, 1964), no. 9; A. Curry, The Hundred Years War (Houndmills, 2nd edn, 2003), 29; J. Bradbury, Philip Augustus, King of France, 1180–1223 (Harlow, 1998), 133–5.

7.G. P. Cuttino, English Medieval Diplomacy (Bloomington, IN, 1985), 49–51.

8.Treaty of Paris (1259): English Historical Documents, III, 1189–1327, ed. H. Rothwell (London, 1975), 376–9. See also W. M. Ormrod, ‘England, Normandy and the Beginnings of the Hundred Years War, 1259–1360’, England and Normandy, ed. Bates and Curry, 198; P. Chaplais, ‘The Making of the Treaty of Paris (1259) and the Royal Style’,EHR, 67 (1952), 235–53; E. Hallam and J. Everard, Capetian France, 987–1328 (Harlow, 2nd edn, 2001), 283, 342–4.

9.F. Watson, ‘Settling the Stalemate: Edward I’s Peace in Scotland, 1303–1305’, Thirteenth-Century England, VI, ed. M. Prestwich, R. H. Britnell and R. Frame (Woodbridge, 1997), 128; M. Prestwich, Edward I (New Haven, CT, and London, 1997), 275.

10.M. Prestwich, Plantagenet England, 1225–1360 (Oxford, 2005), 165–8.

11.For further discussion of this in a wider context, see S. Gunn, ‘War and the Emergence of the State: Western Europe, 1350–1600’, European Warfare, 1350–1750, ed. F. Tallett and D. J. B. Trim (Cambridge, 2010), 50–73; R. G. Asch, ‘War and State Building’, ibid., 322–37.

12.Curry, Hundred Years War, 35–7; J. R. Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair (Princeton, NJ, 1980), 318–24; Prestwich, Edward I, 376–400.

13.M. G. A. Vale, The Origins of the Hundred Years War: The Angevin Legacy, 1250–1340 (Oxford, 1996), 227–9.

14.P. Chaplais, The War of Saint-Sardos (1323–1325): Gascon Correspondence and Diplomatic Documents (London, 1945).

15.S. Phillips, Edward II (New Haven, CT, and London, 2010), 512–16, 522–50.

16.W. M. Ormrod, Edward III (New Haven, CT, and London, 2011), 82–3; R. J. Knecht, The Valois: Kings of France 1328–1589 (London, 2007), 1–2, 24; C. Taylor, ‘The Salic Law and the Valois Succession to the French Crown’, French History, 15 (2001), 358–77; idem, ‘Edward III and the Plantagenet Claim to the French Throne’, The Age of Edward III, ed. J. Bothwell (York, 2001), 156–7.

17.A. Ayton, ‘The English Army at Crécy’, The Battle of Crécy, 1346, ed. A. Ayton and P. Preston (Woodbridge, 2005), 200–29; C. J. Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp: English Strategy under Edward III, 1327–1360 (Woodbridge, 2000), 27–76, esp. 28–33, 36, 54–5, 58–9, 63, 73–4; idem, ed., The Wars of Edward III: Sources and Interpretations(Woodbridge, 1999), 38.

18.H. Knighton, Knighton’s Chronicle 1337–1396, ed. G. Martin (Oxford, 1995), 3. See also G. W. S. Barrow, Robert Bruce and the Community of the Realm of Scotland (London, 1965), 369.

19.M. Prestwich, ‘Why did Englishmen Fight in the Hundred Years War?’, Medieval History, 2 (1992), 63–4; P. Contamine, ‘La Guerre de Cent Ans en France: Une approche économique’, BIHR, 47 (1974), 125–49; E. B. Fryde, ‘Financial Resources of Edward III in the Netherlands, 1337–40, Pt. 2’, Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire, 45 (1967), 1,142–216; J. E. Ziegler, ‘Edward III and Low Country Finances: 1338–1340, with Particular Emphasis on the Dominant Position of Brabant’, Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire, 61 (1983), 802–17; J. F. Verbruggen, ‘Flemish Urban Militias against the French Cavalry Armies in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries’, trans. K. DeVries,Journal of Medieval Military History, I, ed. B. S. Bachrach (Woodbridge, 2002), 145–69; idem, The Battle of the Golden Spurs: Courtrai, 11 July 1302, ed. K. DeVries, trans. D. R. Ferguson (Woodbridge, 2002).

20.J. le Bel, Chronique, ed. J. Viard and E. Déprez, 2 vols (Paris, 1904), I, 119–20; J. Sumption, The Hundred Years War, I: Trial by Battle (London, 1990), 292.

21.T. Wright, ed., Political Poems and Songs Relating to English History, 2 vols (London, 1859–61), I, 1–25; M. G. A. Vale, The Princely Court: Medieval Courts and Culture in North-West Europe (Oxford, 2001), 213–18; Ormrod, Edward III, 189.

22.On the significance of the English claim to the throne and the seriousness with which it was viewed, see E. Perroy, The Hundred Years War, trans W. B. Wells (London, 1951), 69, and for a contrary view J. le Patourel, ‘Edward III and the Kingdom of France’, History, 43 (1958), repr. in Rogers, The Wars of Edward III, 247–64. For further comment, see C. T. Allmand, The Hundred Years War: England and France at War, c.1300–c.1450 (Cambridge, 1988), 7–12; Curry, Hundred Years War, 44–58. For the treaty of Esplechin, see Sumption, Trial by Battle, 358–9.

23.K. A. Fowler, The King’s Lieutenant: Henry of Grosmont, First Duke of Lancaster, 1310–1361 (London, 1969), 46–66.

24.A. Grant, ‘Disaster at Neville’s Cross: The Scottish Point of View’, The Battle of Neville’s Cross, 1346, ed. D. Rollason and M. Prestwich (Stamford, 1998), 32–5; Sumption, Trial by Battle, 574–6.

25.Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp, 286–324.

26.D. Green, The Battle of Poitiers, 1356 (Stroud, rev. edn, 2008), 38–69.

27.D. J. Aiton, ‘“Shame on him who allows them to live”: The Jacquerie of 1358’, unpub. PhD thesis (University of Glasgow, 2007), esp. 97–147.

28.Treaty of Brétigny-Calais (1360): BL Additional MS 32097 fol. 108v; MS Stowe 140ff., 50v–56; E. Cosneau, Les grands traités de la Guerre de Cent Ans (Paris, 1889), 33–68; Rymer, Foedera, III, i, 202–9; English Historical Documents, IV, 103; C. J. Rogers, ‘The Anglo-French Peace Negotiations of 1354–1360 Reconsidered’, Age of Edward III, ed. Bothwell, 193–214; Ormrod, Edward III, 397–413.

29.The grant of the principality of Aquitaine (19 July 1362): TNA E30/1105; BL Cotton MS Nero D VI f.31; Rymer, Feodera, III, ii, 669. On the Free Companies, see K. Fowler, Medieval Mercenaries, I: The Great Companies (Oxford, 2001), 46–52; R. Delachenal, Charles V, 5 vols (Paris, 1909–31), III, 239ff.

30.Knecht, Valois, 33.

31.Treaty of Libourne (1366): Rymer, Foedera, III, ii, 799–807; C. A. González Paz, ‘The Role of Mercenary Troops in Spain in the Fourteenth Century: The Civil War’, Mercenaries and Paid Men: The Mercenary Identity in the Middle Ages, ed. John France (Leiden, 2008), 331–43; P. E. Russell, The English Intervention in Spain and Portugal in the Time of Edward III and Richard II (Oxford, 1955), 59–101; Clara Estow, Pedro the Cruel of Castile, 1350–1369 (Leiden, 1995), 232ff; L. J. A. Villalon, ‘Spanish Involvement in the Hundred Years War and the Battle of Nájera’, The Hundred Years War, I: A Wider Focus, ed. D. Kagay and L. J. A. Villalon (Leiden, 2005), 3–74.

32.T. Walsingham, The St Albans Chronicle: The Chronica Maiora of Thomas Walsingham, I, 1376–1394, ed. and trans. J. Taylor, W. R. Childs and L. Watkiss (Oxford, 2003), 37; D. Green, ‘Medicine and Masculinity: Thomas Walsingham and the Death of the Black Prince’, Journal of Medieval History, 35 (2009), 34–51.

33.Delachenal, Charles V, IV, 408–18; V, 5–37; F. Autrand, Charles V, le sage (Paris, 1994), 568–612.

34.J. B. Henneman, Olivier de Clisson and Political Society in France under Charles V and Charles VI (Philadelphia, PA, 1996), 172–88.

35.A. Curry, ‘War or Peace? Philippe de Mézières, Richard II and Anglo-French Diplomacy’, Philippe de Mézières and His Age: Piety and Politics in the Fourteenth Century, ed. R. Blumenfeld-Kosinski and K. Petkov (Leiden, 2011), 295–320; N. Saul, Richard II (New Haven, CT, and London, 1997), 205–34.

36.M. Bennett, Richard II and the Revolution of 1399 (Stroud, 1999), 170–91; R. C. Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue: Crisis at the Court of Charles VI, 1392–1420 (New York, 1986), 73–110; R. Vaughan, John the Fearless: The Growth of Burgundian Power (Woodbridge, new edn, 2002), 67–102; R. R. Davies, The Revolt of Owain Glyn Dŵr(Oxford, 1995), 102–28.

37.J. Barker, Conquest: The English Kingdom of France, 1417–1450 (London, 2009), 3–30; Allmand, Hundred Years War, 27–9.

38.Treaty of Troyes (1420): Cosneau, Grands traités, 100–15; P. Chaplais, English Medieval Diplomatic Practice, Part One: Documents and Interpretations, 2 vols (London, 1982), II, 629–36.

39.C. T. Allmand, Henry V (New Haven, CT, and London, 1997), 61–150.

40.L. J. Taylor, The Virgin Warrior: The Life and Death of Joan of Arc (New Haven, CT, and London, 2009), 56–60, 92–4; M. G. A. Vale, Charles VII (London, 1974), 56–7.

41.R. Vaughan, Philip the Good: The Apogee of Burgundy (Woodbridge, new edn, 2002), 98–107.

42.Vale, Charles VII, 70–4, 79–84.

43.B. Wolffe, Henry VI (New Haven, CT, and London, new edn, 2001), 184–214; R. A. Griffiths, The Reign of Henry VI: The Exercise of Royal Authority, 1422–1461 (London, 1981), 443–81; A. Corvisier, Histoire militaire de la France, 1: Des origines à 1715 (Paris, 1992), 201–5.

44.M. Keen, ‘The End of the Hundred Years War: Lancastrian France and Lancastrian England’, Nobles, Knights and Men-at-Arms in the Middle Ages (London, 1996), 239–55; A. J. Pollard, John Talbot and the War in France, 1427–1453 (Barnsley, 2nd edn, 2005), 131–8.

Chapter 1 Knights and Nobles: Flowers of Chivalry (1346)

1.Wright, ed., Political Poems and Songs, I, 6–7.

2.Vale, Princely Court, 213–18.

3.J. Huizinga, Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play Element in Culture (London, 1970), 17–18.

4.For further discussion of chivalrous writing in this period, see C. Taylor, ‘English Writings on Chivalry and Warfare during the Hundred Years War’, Soldiers, Nobles and Gentlemen: Essays in Honour of Maurice Keen, ed. P. Coss and C. Tyerman (Woodbridge, 2009), 65–70.

5.R. Vernier, The Flower of Chivalry: Bertrand du Guesclin and the Hundred Years War (Woodbridge, 2003), 5–6.

6.Honoré Bonet (sometimes called Bouvet) became prior of Salon, near Embrun. He studied at the University of Avignon and held various minor official positions. His book L’arbre des batailles is a treatise on war and the laws of war. Written in 1387 for a broad readership, it proved extremely influential: The Tree of Battles of Honoré Bouvet, trans. G. W. Coopland (Liverpool, 1949).

7.See further D. Crouch, ‘Chivalry and Courtliness: Colliding Constructs’, Soldiers, Nobles and Gentlemen, ed. Coss and Tyerman, 32–48.

8.J. Sumption, The Hundred Years War, II: Trial by Fire (London, 1999), 494, 497–8, 532; J. Viard, ‘La campagne de juillet-août et la bataille de Crécy’, Le Moyen Âge, 2nd ser. 27 (1926), 3–4.

9.R. Kaeuper, ‘The Societal Role of Chivalry in Romance: Northwestern Europe’, The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Romance, ed. R. L. Krueger (Cambridge, 2000), 99.

10.On the vexed question of the Blanchetaque crossing and whether Edward III was aware of the ford in advance, see A. Ayton, ‘The Crécy Campaign’, Battle of Crécy, ed. Ayton and Preston, 85–98.

11.For accounts of the battle of Crécy, see Chronicon Galfridi le Baker de Swynebroke, ed. E. M. Thompson (Oxford, 1889), 82–5; Knighton’s Chronicle, 63; A. Murimuth, Continuatio Chronicarum, ed. E. M. Thompson (London, 1889), 246; J. Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, 28 vols (Brussels, 1867–77), V, 33–8; J. Froissart,Chroniques, ed. S. Luce, G. Raynaud and L. Mirot, 15 vols (Paris, 1869–1975), III, 169, 405, 407, 409; Le Bel, Chronique, II, 99ff. For various interpretations, see Viard, ‘Le campagne de juillet-août’, 67, 70–1; Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp, 266–70; B. Schnerb, ‘Vassals, Allies and Mercenaries: The French Army before and after 1346’,Battle of Crécy, ed. Ayton and Preston, 269–70.

12.Ayton, ‘The English Army at Crécy’, 200–15; K. DeVries, Infantry Warfare in the Early Fourteenth Century: Discipline, Tactics and Technology (Woodbridge, 1996), 112–28 (on Dupplin Moor and Halidon Hill); P. Boitani, ‘Petrarch and the “barbari Britanni”’, Petrarch in Britain: Interpreters, Imitators, and Translators over 700 Years, ed. M. McLaughlin, L. Panizza and P. Hainsworth (Oxford, 2007), 9.

13.W. Shakespeare, Henry V, I. ii. 102–12.

14.M. Keen, Chivalry (New Haven, CT, and London, 1984), 18–43; D. Crouch, The Birth of Nobility: Constructing Aristocracy in England and France, 900–1300 (Harlow, 2005), 46–86.

15.C. J. Rogers, ‘The Military Revolutions of the Hundred Years’ War’, Journal of Military History, 57 (1993), 258–75; DeVries, Infantry Warfare, esp. 9–22, 66–85, 100–11.

16.According to Le Baker, French crossbows at Poitiers did inflict considerable damage: Chronicon, 151. For a cautionary note regarding the disparity between longbows and crossbows, see R. Mitchell, ‘The Longbow–Crossbow Shootout at Crécy (1346): Has the “Rate of Fire Commonplace” been Overrated?’, The Hundred Years War, II:Different Vistas, ed. L. J. A. Villalon and D. J. Kagay (Leiden, 2008), 233–57.

17.The True Chronicles of Jean le Bel, 1290–1360, trans. N. Bryant (Woodbridge, 2011), 180.

18.BPR, I, 14, 45; P. Morgan, War and Society in Medieval Cheshire, 1277–1403 (Manchester, 1987), 182, 186.

19.Froissart: Chronicles, ed. and trans. G. Brereton (Harmondsworth, 1978), 92; J. Froissart, Chroniques: Le Manuscrit d’Amiens, III, ed. G. T. Diller (Geneva, 1992), 20. Despite Edward’s comments, reported by Froissart, the bishop of Durham and the earls of Huntingdon and Suffolk may have sent reinforcements to assist the Black Prince:Anonimalle Chronicle, 1333–1381, ed. V. H. Galbraith (Manchester, 1927), 22.

20.Le Baker, Chronicon, 82–5; Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, V, 37–8; R. Barber, Edward, Prince of Wales and Aquitaine: A Biography of the Black Prince (Woodbridge, 1978), 68; Sumption, Trial by Fire, 530.

21.Anonimalle Chronicle, 23, 160.

22.Froissart: Chronicles, ed. and trans. Brereton, 89–90.

23.J. Barker, The Tournament in England, 1100–1400 (Woodbridge, 1986), 184.

24.Cited by Kaeuper, ‘Societal Role of Chivalry’, 102.

25.C. de Pizan, The Book of the Body Politic, ed. and trans. K. L. Forhan (Cambridge, 1994), 59, 63.

26.For examples of the mantra qui plus fait, mieux vault (‘he who achieves most is the most worthy’), see G. de Charny, The Book of Chivalry, ed. and trans. R. W. Kaeuper and E. Kennedy (Philadelphia, PA, 1996), 87, 93, 95, 97, 99. Similarly, Chaucer and Dante judged individuals according to worth, although not only their military value: N. Saul, ‘Chaucer and Gentility’, Chaucer’s England: Literature in Historical Context, ed. B. A. Hanawalt (Minneapolis, MN, 1992), 49.

27.In the foreword to Frontinus’s Stratagems, translated for Charles VII, Jean de Rouvroy, dean of the faculty of theology at the University of Paris, noted ‘more battles … have been won by ruses and subtleties … than by greater numbers’: Vale, Charles VII, 195; C. de Pizan, Book of the Body Politic, 64.

28.Charny, Book of Chivalry, 11–13; Le Bel, Chronicles, trans. Bryant, 208; Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, V, 220–51, 271–4; Y. N. Harari, Special Operations in the Age of Chivalry, 1100–1550 (Woodbridge, 2007), 109–24.

29.M. Keen, ‘War, Peace and Chivalry’, Nobles, Knights and Men-at-Arms, 13–20.

30.For such arguments see J. Huizinga, The Autumn of the Middle Ages, trans. R. J. Payton and U. Mammitzsch (Chicago, IL, 1996); R. Kilgour, The Decline of Chivalry as Shown in the French Literature of the Late Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA, 1937).

31.R. W. Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence in Medieval Europe (Oxford, 1999), 129–49.

32.Chandos Herald, Life of the Black Prince, ed. and trans. M. K. Pope and E. C. Lodge (Oxford, 1910), 136.

33.Jean Juvénal des Ursins, cited by J. Gillingham, ‘Richard I and the Science of War in the Middle Ages’, War and Government in the Middle Ages: Essays in Honour of J. O. Prestwich, ed. J. Gillingham and J. C. Holt (Woodbridge, 1984), 85.

34.A. Ayton and J. L. Price, eds, The Medieval Military Revolution: State, Society and Military Change in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (London, 1995); C. J. Rogers, ed., The Military Revolution Debate: Readings on the Military Transformation of Early Modern Europe (Boulder, CO, 1995), esp. ch. 3.

35.On the recognition of the need for discipline in French armies by the end of the war, see J. de Bueil, Le Jouvencel, ed. C. Favre and L. Lecestre, 2 vols (Paris, 1887, repr. Geneva, 1996), II, 32; M. Chan Tsin, ‘Medieval Romances and Military History: Marching Orders in Jean de Bueil’s Le Jouvencel introduit aux armes’, Journal of Medieval Military History, VII, The Age of the Hundred Years War, ed. C. J. Rogers, K. DeVries, and J. France (Woodbridge, 2009), 126–34.

36.Keen, Chivalry, 221.

37.Walsingham, The St Albans Chronicle: The Chronica Maiora of Thomas Walsingham, II: 1394–1422, ed. and trans. J. Taylor, W. R. Childs and L. Watkiss (Oxford, 2011), 687.

38.Sir T. Gray, Scalacronica, 1272–1363, ed. and trans. A. King (Woodbridge, 2005), 83.

39.A. King, ‘The Ethics of War in Sir Thomas Gray’s Scalacronica’, War, Government and Aristocracy in the British Isles c.1150–1500: Essays in Honour of Michael Prestwich, ed. C. Given-Wilson, A. Kettle and L. Scales (Woodbridge, 2008), 153; idem, ‘A Helm with a Crest of Gold: The Order of Chivalry in Thomas Gray’sScalacronica’,Fourteenth-Century England, I, ed. N. Saul (Woodbridge, 2000), 22–4.

40.R. Barber, ‘The Military Role of the Order of the Garter’, Journal of Medieval Military History, VII, The Age of the Hundred Years War, ed. C. J. Rogers, K. DeVries, and J. France (Woodbridge, 2009), 1–11; D. A. J. D. Boulton, The Knights of the Crown: The Monarchical Orders of Knighthood in Later Medieval Europe, 1325–1520(Woodbridge, 1987), 127–8; J. Munby, R. Barber and R. Brown, Edward III’s Round Table at Windsor (Woodbridge, 2007), esp. 77–99; P. R. Coss, The Knight in Medieval England, 1000–1400 (Stroud, 1993), 91, 100.

41.H. Collins, The Order of the Garter, 1348–1461: Chivalry and Politics in Late Medieval England (Oxford, 2000), 1, 41; N. Saul, ‘Introduction’, St George’s Chapel, Windsor in the Fourteenth Century, ed. N. Saul (Woodbridge, 2005), 1; J. R. Major, From Renaissance Monarchy to Absolute Monarchy: French Kings, Nobles and Estates(Baltimore, MD, and London, 1994), 68.

42.TNA E101/407/4, 17 (knighting of James I); M. G. A. Vale, War and Chivalry: Warfare and Aristocratic Culture in England, France, and Burgundy at the End of the Middle Ages (Atlanta, GA, 1981), 34, 36, 39–42.

43.M. Penman, David II (Edinburgh, 2004), 150–1; K. Stevenson, Chivalry and Knighthood in Scotland, 1424–1513 (Woodbridge, 2006), 2, 170–9.

44.M. Keen, ‘Coucy, Enguerrand (VII) de, earl of Bedford (c.1340–1397)’, ODNB (online edn, 2004); Griffiths, Reign of King Henry VI, 512–13.

45.Boulton, Knights of the Crown, 181, 184–5, 197.

46.Le Bel, Chronicles, trans. Bryant, 217.

47.See Book of Chivalry, esp. 48–64. On the distribution and influence of Vegetius’s text in the Middle Ages, see C. T. Allmand, The De Re Militari of Vegetius: The Reception, Transmission and Legacy of a Roman Text in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 2011), esp. 121–32 (for its influence over C. de Pizan and Jean Juvénal des Ursins).

48.M. Bloch, Feudal Society, trans. L. A. Manyon, 2 vols (London, 2nd edn, 1971), II, 283–344; D. Crouch, The Image of the Aristocracy in Britain, 1100–1300 (London, 1992), 153; idem, Birth of Nobility, 29–36, 222–52; G. Duby, The Chivalrous Society, trans. C. Postan (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA, 1977), 75; idem, The Three Orders: Feudal Society Imagined, trans. A. Goldhammer (Chicago, IL, 1980), 293–307; P. R. Coss, The Lady in Medieval England, 1000–1500 (Stroud, 1998), 37; idem, Knight in Medieval England, 50–2.

49.P. Contamine, ‘Points de vue sur la chevalerie en France à la fin du Moyen Âge’, Francia, 4 (1976), 256; P. R. Coss, The Origins of the English Gentry (Cambridge, 2003), 18, 239.

50.C. de Pizan, Book of the Body Politic, 50.

51.C. de Pizan’s Book of Deeds of Arms and of Chivalry is first and foremost a military guide. While there is consideration of just wars (C. de Pizan, The Book of Deeds of Arms and of Chivalry, trans. S. Willard, ed. C. C. Willard [University Park, PA, 1999], 14–15), the perils of war and the consideration that a prince should give to the matter prior to setting out on a campaign (18–23), the bulk of the work is concerned with the appointment of military officers (e.g. 23–6), the qualities they should possess (37–9), the lodging of troops, procedures for marching, crossing natural obstacles, preparations for battle, the arrangement of soldiers on the battlefield, provisions, advice on storming and defending a fortress, soldiers’ pay (153–5), the distribution of booty and similar matters. A section is devoted to the proper use of tricks and subtlety in combat (163–4). Consideration is also given to topics such as ransoms, judicial combats and heraldry.

52.H. Kaminsky, ‘Estate, Nobility and the Exhibition of Estate in the Later Middle Ages’, Speculum, 68 (1993), 701; H. Zmora, Monarchy, Aristocracy and State in Europe, 1300–1800 (London, 2000), 22–3; J. Mourier, ‘Nobilitas quid est? Un procès à Tain-l’Hermitage en 1408’, BEC, 142 (1984), 255–69.

53.Major, From Renaissance Monarchy to Absolute Monarchy, 58–9. See also G. Prosser, ‘“Decayed Feudalism” and “Royal Clienteles”: Royal Office and Magnate Service in the Fifteenth Century’, War, Government and Power in Late Medieval France, ed. C. T. Allmand (Liverpool, 2000), 180; idem, ‘The Later Medieval French noblesse’,France in the Later Middle Ages, ed. D. Potter (Oxford, 2003), 182–5.

54.P. Contamine, ‘La Guerre de Cent Ans: Le xv^e siècle. Du “Roi de Bourges” au très victorieux Roi de France’, Histoire militaire de la France, 1: Des origines à 1715, ed. A. Corvisier (Paris, 1992), 198–208; D. Potter, ‘Chivalry and Professionalism in the French Armies of the Renaissance’, The Chivalric Ethos and the Development of Military Professionalism, ed. D. J. B. Trim (Leiden, 2003), 152.

55.Jean de Bueil, Le Jouvencel, II, 100.

56.Alongside a number of translations of French works by Christine de Pizan, Alain Chartier and others Nicholas Upton wrote De studio militari for Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, in 1447; and William Worcester’s Boke of Noblesse was later given to Edward IV: Taylor, ‘English Writings on Chivalry and Warfare’, Soldiers, Nobles and Gentlemen, ed. Coss and Tyerman, 68.

57.The Chronica Maiora of Thomas Walsingham (1376–1422), ed. and trans. D. Preest and J. G. Clark (Woodbridge, 2005), 210; St Albans Chronicle, I, cv–cvi, 705.

58.Report of the battle of Poitiers by Robert Prite, clerk: BL Cotton Caligula D III f. 33. See also Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, XVIII, 388; ‘Complainte sur la bataille de Poitiers’, ed. Ch. de Beaurepaire, BEC, 12 (1851), 257–63. French defeats were attributed ‘à l’impéritie [incompetence] de la classe militaire par excellence, c’est-à-dire de la noblesse’. See also P. Contamine, ‘De la puissance aux privilèges: doléances de la noblesse française envers la monarchie aux XIV^e et XV^e siècles’, La noblesse au Moyen Âge, XIe–XVe siècles. Essais à la mémoire de Robert Boutruche, ed. P. Contamine (Paris, 1976), 250; idem, Guerre, état et société à la fin du Moyen Âge. Études sur les armées des rois de France, 1337–1494 (Paris, 1972), 45, 175; F. Autrand, ‘La déconfiture: La bataille de Poitiers (1356) à travers quelques textes français des XIV^e et XV^e siècles’, Guerre et société en France, en Angleterre et en Bourgogne, XIV^e–XV^e siècle, ed. P. Contamine, C. Giry-Deloison and M. Keen (Villeneuve d’Ascq, 1991), 93–121.

Chapter 2 The Peasantry: Vox Populi (1358)

1.Bonet, Tree of Battles, 189.

2.The Chronicle of Jean de Venette, ed. and trans. J. Birdsall and R. A. Newhall (New York, 1953), 76.

3.D. Bessen, ‘The Jacquerie: Class War or Co-opted Rebellion?’, Journal of Medieval History, 11 (1985), 43–59.

4.N. Wright, Knights and Peasants: The Hundred Years War in the French Countryside (Woodbridge, 1998), 84–5; P. S. Lewis, Later Medieval France: The Polity (London, 1968), 283–6; S. K. Cohn, Lust for Liberty: The Politics of Social Revolt in Medieval Europe, 1200–1425 (Cambridge, MA, 2006), 34–5, 220–1.

5.Froissart: Chroniques, ed. and trans. Brereton, 151–2. See further S. K. Cohn, Popular Protest in Late Medieval Europe: Italy, France and Flanders (Manchester, 2004), 143.

6.Further evidence can be found in petitions made to the king or English Parliament (collected chiefly in TNA SC8), and in lettres des remission which the French king offered as pardons for a crime or failure to comply with official instructions (found mainly in AN JJ).

7.See, for example, R. Boutruche, ‘The Devastation of Rural Areas during the Hundred Years War and the Agricultural Recovery of France’, The Recovery of France in the Fifteenth Century, ed. P. S. Lewis, trans. G. F. Martin (London, 1971), 23–59; J.-M. Tourneur-Aumont, La bataille de Poitiers (1356) et la construction de la France(Poitiers, 1943). The Annalistes took their name from the scholarly journal Annales d’histoire économique et sociale. They stressed the significance of long-term (longue durée) historical studies and promoted the use of social scientific methods, often emphasising social rather than political or diplomatic issues.

8.C. de Pizan, Book of the Body Politic, 16–17.

9.For the 1385 ordinances and those of Henry V, usually dated to 1419, see The Black Book of the Admiralty, ed. T. Twiss, 4 vols (London, 1871), I, 453–8; 459–72. For discussion of these see M. Keen, ‘Richard II’s Ordinances of War of 1385’, Rulers and Ruled in Late Medieval England: Essays Presented to G. L. Harriss, ed. R. E. Archer and S. Walker (London, 1995), esp. 34, 37–8; A. Curry, ‘The Military Ordinances of Henry V: Texts and Contexts’, War, Government and Aristocracy in the British Isles, ed. Given-Wilson et al., esp. 227.

10.Gesta Henrici Quinti. The Deeds of Henry the Fifth, ed. and trans. F. Taylor and J. S. Roskell (Oxford, 1975), 69.

11.P. Charbonnier, ‘The Economy and Society of France in the Later Middle Ages: On the Eve of Crisis’, France in the Later Middle Ages, ed. D. Potter (Oxford, 2003), 55; O. J. Benedictow, The Black Death, 1346–1353: The Complete History (Woodbridge, 2004), 98. According to the 1334 English lay subsidy, allowing for two exempt counties and leaving the towns aside, about 13,000 villages paid tax. These were communities of 300–400 people; both size and number fell after the Black Death: C. Dyer, ‘The Political Life of the Fifteenth-Century English Village’, Political Culture in Late Medieval Britain, ed. L. Clark and C. Carpenter (Woodbridge, 2004), 139.

12.J. Dewald and L. Vardi, ‘The Peasantries of France, 1400–1789’, The Peasantries of Europe from the Fourteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries, ed. T. Scott (Harlow, 1998), 22–4.

13.G. Pépin, ‘Does a Common Language Mean a Shared Allegiance? Language, Identity, Geography and their Links with Polities: The Cases of Gascony and Britanny’, Contact and Exchange in Later Medieval Europe: Essays in Honour of Malcolm Vale, ed. H. Skoda, P. Lantschner and R. L. J. Shaw (Woodbridge, 2012), 79–101.

14.Charbonnier, ‘The Economy and Society of France’, 57–8; G. L. Harriss, Shaping the Nation: England 1360–1461 (Oxford, 2005), 209–14, 222, 227.

15.G. Small, Late Medieval France (Basingstoke, 2009), 59–60.

16.Chronicle of Jean de Venette, 75–6.

17.Boutruche, ‘Devastation of Rural Areas’, 27–31.

18.T. Basin, Histoire de Charles VII, ed. C. Samaran, 2 vols (Paris, 1933, 1944), I, 84.

19.M. Bennett, ‘The Experience of Civilian Populations during the Hundred Years War in France, 1330–1440’, British Commission for Military History Newsletter (Spring 2009).

20.C. T. Allmand, ‘War and the Non-Combatant in the Middle Ages’, Medieval Warfare: A History, ed. M. Keen (Oxford, 1999), 260–1; D. Green, ‘National Identities and the Hundred Years War’, Fourteenth-Century England, VI, ed. C. Given-Wilson (Woodbridge, 2010), 115–29.

21.R. Barber, The Life and Campaigns of the Black Prince (Woodbridge, 1979), 52.

22.C. J. Rogers, ‘By Fire and Sword: Bellum Hostile and “Civilians” in the Hundred Years War’, Civilians in the Path of War, ed. M. Grimsley and C. J. Rogers (Lincoln, NB, 2002), 69 n. 34; H. J. Hewitt, The Black Prince’s Expedition of 1355–1357 (Manchester, 1958), 72–5.

23.This is also described in the ‘Bergerie nouvelle, fort joyeuse et morale, de Mieulx que devant, à quatre personnaiges, c’est assavoir: Mieulx que devant, Plat Pays, Peuple Pensif, et la Bergière’, Ancien théâtre françois ou Collection des ouvrages dramatiques les plus remarquables depuis les mystères jusqu’à Corneille, ed. Viollet le Duc, 10 vols (Paris, 1854–7), III, 213–31.

24.Wright, Knights and Peasants, 99–102. See further A. Blanchet, Les souterrains-refuges de la France: Contribution à l’histoire de l’habitation humaine (Paris, 1923), 176–7.

25.Wright, Knights and Peasants, 106–7.

26.M. Jones, ‘War and Fourteenth-Century France’, Arms, Armies and Fortifications in the Hundred Years War, ed. A. Curry and M. Hughes (Woodbridge, 1994), 108–10; N. Wright, ‘French Peasants in the Hundred Years War’, History Today, 33 (1983), 39–42.

27.This appears to be in spite of the orders of 17 August that ‘under pain of death there should be no more setting fire to places (as there had been to begin with) and that churches and sacred buildings along with their property should be preserved intact, and that no one should lay hands upon a woman or on a priest or servant of a church, unless he happened to be armed, offered violence or attacked anyone’: Gesta Henrici Quinti, 27, 61, 71.

28.Wright, Knights and Peasants, 77.

29.P. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, capitaine de Compiègne: contribution à l’histoire de Jeanne d’Arc et à l’étude de la vie militaire et priveée au XVe siècle (Paris, 1906), 205.

30.Le pastoralet, ed. J. Blanchard (Paris, 1983), sections of this work are translated in A. Curry, The Battle of Agincourt: Sources and Interpretations (Woodbridge, 2000), 351–3. See also H. Cooper, ‘Speaking for the Victim’, Writing War: Medieval Literary Responses to Warfare, ed. C. Saunders, F. Le Saux and N. Thomas (Cambridge, 2004), 213–16, 222–8.

31.Froissart: Chronicles, ed. and trans. Brereton, 178.

32.P. Ducourtieux, Histoire de Limoges (Limoges, 1925, repr. Marseille, 1975), 53, 59; D. Green, Edward the Black Prince: Power in Medieval Europe (Harlow, 2007), 91–2; Barber, Edward, Prince of Wales and Aquitaine, 226 and n. 23; idem, The Knight and Chivalry (Woodbridge, rev. edn, 1995), 240.

33.S. McGlynn, By Sword and Fire: Cruelty and Atrocity in Medieval Warfare (London, 2008), 142–3, 151; M. Keen, The Laws of War in the Late Middle Ages (London, 1965), 120–1, 124; J. Bradbury, The Medieval Siege (Woodbridge, 1992), 161.

34.Allmand, Henry V, 81–2, 117.

35.‘Chronique de Ruisseauville’: Curry, Battle of Agincourt, 123.

36.E. de Monstrelet, La chronique d’Enguerran de Monstrelet: en deux livres, avec pièces justificatives: 1400–1444, ed. L. Douët-d’Arcq, 6 vols (Paris, 1857); Curry, Battle of Agincourt,144. See also Gesta Henrici Quinti, 55.

37.The Historical Collections of a Citizen of London in the Fifteenth Century, ed. J. Gairdner (London, 1876), 1–46; McGlynn, By Sword and Fire, 193–4; Allmand, Henry V, 123–7.

38.Froissart: Chronicles, ed. Brereton, 306; M. Hughes, ‘The Fourteenth-Century French Raids on Hampshire and the Isle of Wight’, Arms, Armies and Fortifications, ed. Curry and Hughes, 125–7.

39.Walsingham, Chronica Maiora, ed. Preest, 226; St Albans Chronicle, I, 753.

40.Knighton’s Chronicle, 351.

41.C. Dyer, Making a Living in the Middle Ages: The People of Britain, 850–1520 (New Haven, CT, and London, 2002), 236–9.

42.Boutruche, ‘Devastation of Rural Areas during the Hundred Years War’, 51. R. M. Smith, ‘The English Peasantry’, The Peasantries of Europe from the Fourteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries, ed. T. Scott (London, 1998), 360–1; Dyer, ‘Political Life of the Fifteenth-Century English Village’, 135–58.

43.A. Chartier, Le quadrilogue invectif, ed. E. Droz (Paris, rev. edn, 1950), 33–4; Curry, Battle of Agincourt, 349.

44.Lewis, Later Medieval France, 280.

45.Statutes of the Realm, ed. A. Luders et al., 11 vols (London, 1810–28), I, 307.

46.P. D. Solon, ‘Popular Response to Standing Military Forces in Fifteenth-Century France’, Studies in the Renaissance, 19 (1972), 88.

47.J. Barnie, War in Medieval Society: Social Values and the Hundred Years War, 1337–99 (London, 1974), 38–40; C. Given-Wilson, ‘Purveyance for the Royal Household, 1362–1413’, BIHR, 56 (1983), 145–63; I. Krug, ‘Purveyance and Peasants at the Beginning of the Hundred Years War: Maddicott Reexamined’, The Hundred Years War, II:Different Vistas, ed. D. Kagay and L. J. A. Villalon (Leiden, 2008), 345–65; W. M. Ormrod, ‘Murmur, Clamour and Noise: Voicing Complaint and Remedy in Petitions to the English Crown, c.1300–c.1460’, Medieval Petitions: Grace and Grievance, ed. W. M. Ormrod, G. Dodd and A. Musson (York, 2009), 149–50. For a complaint by the ‘king’s liegemen of Devon’ regarding the purveyance of food by Sir Robert Ashton in preparation for an expedition to Brittany in 1375, see G. Dodd, Justice and Grace: Private Petitioning and the English Parliament in the Late Middle Ages (Oxford, 2007), 150.

48.W. M. Ormrod, ‘The Peasants’ Revolt and the Government of England’, Journal of British Studies, 29 (1990), 1–30; Dyer, Making a Living, 284.

49.Anonimalle Chronicle, 144–7; R. B. Dobson, ed., The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 (London, 2nd edn, 1988), 155–211.

50.St Albans Chronicle, I, 425; W. M. Ormrod, ‘In Bed with Joan of Kent: The King’s Mother and the Peasants’ Revolt’, Medieval Women: Texts and Contexts in Late Medieval Britain: Essays for Felicity Riddy, ed. J. Wogan-Browne et al. (Turnhout, 2000), 277–92.

51.Cohn, Popular Protest, 89; Wright, Knights and Peasants, 85–7.

52.Vaughan, John the Fearless, 99; R. Fédou, ‘A Popular Revolt in Lyon in the Fifteenth Century: The Rebeyne of 1436’, The Recovery of France in the Fifteenth Century, ed. Lewis, trans. Martin, 243–6, 254.

53.I. M. W. Harvey, Jack Cade’s Rebellion of 1450 (Oxford, 1991).

54.The Proclamation of Jack Cade (June 1450): English Historical Documents, IV, 266–7.

55.D. Grummitt, ‘Deconstructing Cade’s Rebellion: Discourse and Politics in the Mid-Fifteenth Century’, Identity and Insurgency in the Late Middle Ages, ed. L. Clark (Woodbridge, 2006), 107.

56.R. Almond and A. J. Pollard, ‘The Yeomanry of Robin Hood and Social Terminology in Fifteenth-Century England’, Past and Present, 170 (2001), 52, 77.

57.See P. R. Coss, ‘Cultural Diffusion and Robin Hood’, Past and Present, 108 (1985), 35–79. The first written reference to Robin occurs in 1377 but the first surviving ballad, Robin Hood and the Monk, only dates from about 1450, and the Gest of Robyn Hode appears about fifty years later. Internal evidence suggests that, at the latest, it was put together by 1400 and ‘there are good reasons for thinking … the Gest is … a product of the first half of the fourteenth century’. J. R. Maddicott, ‘The Birth and Setting of the Robin Hood Ballads’, EHR, 93 (1978), 276. Andrew Ayton suggests a date for the Gest in or before the 1330s: ‘Military Service and the Development of the Robin Hood Legend in the Fourteenth Century’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 36 (1992), 129–30.

58.C. Richmond, ‘An Outlaw and Some Peasants: The Possible Significance of Robin Hood’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 37 (1993), 92, 96–7.

Chapter 3 The Church and the Clergy: Voices from the Pulpit (1378)

1.Walsingham, Chronica Maiora, trans. Preest, 64; St Albans Chronicle, I, 223.

2.J. G. Clark, The Benedictines in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 2011), 255–6.

3.A. K. McHardy, The Age of War and Wycliffe: Lincoln Diocese and its Bishop in the Later Fourteenth Century (Lincoln, 2001), 30–1; D. S. Bachrach, ‘The Organisation of Military Religion in the Armies of King Edward I of England (1272–1307)’, Journal of Medieval History, 29 (2003), 265–86.

4.See C. Beaune, The Birth of an Ideology: Myths and Symbols of France in Late Medieval France, ed. F. L. Cheyette, trans. S. R. Huston (Berkeley, CA, 1991), esp. 172–96; H. J. Hewitt, The Organization of War under Edward III, 1338–62 (New York, 1966), 154 ff; P. S. Lewis, ‘War Propaganda and Historiography in Fifteenth-Century France and England’, Essays in Later Medieval French History (London, 1985), 193–214; A. K. McHardy, ‘Liturgy and Propaganda in the Diocese of Lincoln during the Hundred Years War’, Religion and National Identity, ed. S. Mews (Oxford, 1982), 215–27; D. Pearsall, ‘“Crowned King”: War and Peace in 1415’, The Lancastrian Court, ed. J. Stratford (Donington, 2003), 163–72; N. Pons, ‘La Guerre de Cent Ans vue par quelques polémistes français du XVe siècle’, Guerre et société, ed. Contamine, Giry-Deloison and Keen, 143–69. For examples of legislation against rumour-mongering, see Rymer, Foedera, II, ii, 775; III, i, 72; C. T. Allmand, ed., Society at War: The Experiences of England and France during the Hundred Years War (London, 1973), 149–50.

5.‘The Great Chronicle of London’: Allmand, Society at War, 102–3.

6.Walsingham, Chronica Maiora, ed. Preest, 413; Gesta Henrici Quinti, 102–13; W. R. Jones, ‘The English Church and Royal Propaganda during the Hundred Years War’, Journal of British Studies, 19 (1979), 19, 22–3, 27; G. W. Bernard, The Late Medieval English Church: Vitality and Vulnerability before the Break with Rome (New Haven, CT, and London, 2012), 24.

7.A. Bossuat, ‘La littérature de propagande au XV^e siècle: la mémoire de Jean de Rinel, secrétaire du roi d’Angleterre, contre le duc de Bourgogne (1435)’, Cahiers d’histoire, 1 (1956), 146; N. Pons, ‘Latin et français au XV^e siècle: le témoignage des traits de propagande’, Le Moyen français, 3 vols (Milan, 1986), II, 71; J. Krynen, L’empire du roi: idées et croyances politiques en France, XIII^e–XV^e siècles (Paris, 1993), 311; C. Taylor, ‘War, Propaganda and Diplomacy in Fifteenth-Century France and England’, War, Government and Power in Late Medieval France, ed. C. Allmand (Liverpool, 2000), 71.

8.C. Given-Wilson, Chronicles: The Writing of History in Medieval England (London, 2004), 153–4; G. M. Spiegel, The Chronicle Tradition of Saint-Denis: A Survey (Brookline, MA, and Leiden, 1978), 72–4, 121, 124–5; G. Small, George Chastellain and the Shaping of Valois Burgundy: Political and Historical Culture at Court in the Fifteenth Century (Woodbridge, 1997), esp. 128–61.

9.Walsingham, Chronica Maiora, ed. Preest, 210; Henry Knighton’s chronicle, written between 1379 and 1396, is a history of England from the Norman Conquest to the last decade of the fourteenth century, with some introductory passages on events before 1066. Adam Usk began writing his chronicle in the spring of 1401. It is at its fullest for the years 1397–1402 and has valuable accounts of the Parliament of 1397, the revolution of 1399 and the first two years of Henry IV’s reign. The years 1402–14 are sparse on English affairs, but contain a good deal of information on the Glyn Dŵr revolt and the politics of the papal court; Thomas Walsingham’s main historical works include: Chronica Maiora (written 1376–1422, with a retrospective section stretching back to 1272), Gesta Abbatum (written in the 1390s) and Ypodigma Neustriae (a digest of English and Norman history covering the period from 911 to 1419); the anonymous author of the Gesta Henrici Quinti compiled his narrative of the Agincourt campaign and surrounding events between 1416 and 1417.

10.J. Gerson, ‘Vivat rex’ and ‘De puella Aureliansi’, Oeuvres complètes, ed. P. Glorieux, 10 vols (Paris, 1960–73), VII, 1137–85; IX, 661–5; J. Chiffoleau, ‘La religion flamboyante (v.1320–v.1520)’, Du Christianisme flamboyant à l’aube des Lumières (XIV^e–XVIII^e siècles), ed. J. Chiffoleau et al. (Paris, 1988), 60.

11.B. Guenée, Between Church and State: The Lives of Four French Prelates in the Late Middle Ages, trans. A. Goldhammer (Chicago, IL, 1991), 149–50.

12.Lewis, ‘War Propaganda and Historiography’, 201–2.

13.Chartier, Le quadrilogue invectif, esp. 10–19; see also J. Laidlaw, ‘Alain Chartier and the Arts of Crisis Management, 1417–1429’, War, Government, and Power in Late Medieval France, ed. Allmand, 37–53.

14.N. de Fribois, Abrégé des Croniques de France, ed. K. Daly (Paris, 2006); P. de Nesson, Pierre de Nesson et ses œuvres, ed. A. Piaget and E. Droz (Paris, 1925); J. Juvénal des Ursins, Les écrits politiques, ed. P. S. Lewis and Anne-Marie Hayez, 3 vols (Paris, 1978–92).

15.Wright, Knights and Peasants, 36.

16.H. Solterer, ‘Making Names, Breaking Lives: Women and Injurious Language at the Court of Isabeau of Bavaria and Charles VI’, Cultural Performances in Medieval France, ed. E. Doss-Quinby, R. L. Krueger and E. J. Burns (Cambridge, 2007), 213–15. See also T. Adams, The Life and Afterlife of Isabeau of Bavaria (Baltimore, MD, 2010), esp. 124–5, who argues that the attacks on Isabeau were politically motivated and not as widespread as has been commonly asserted.

17.Basin, Histoire de Charles VII, ed. C. Samaran, I, 220–2; M. Spencer, Thomas Basin (1412–1490): The History of Charles VII and Louis XI (Nieuwkoop, 1997), 104–5.

18.C. T. Allmand, ‘The English and the Church in Lancastrian Normandy’, England and Normandy, ed. D. Bates and A. Curry (London, 1994), 287–9, 292. On clerical resistance, see R. Jouet, La résistance à l’occupation anglaise en Basse-Normandie, 1418–1450 (Caen, 1969), 73–7; J.Barker, ‘The Foe Within: Treason in Lancastrian Normandy’,Soldiers, Nobles and Gentlemen, ed. Coss and Tyerman, 314–15.

19.G. Llewelyn Thompson, Paris and its People under English Rule: The Anglo-Burgundian Regime 1420–1436 (Oxford, 1991), 152–3, 174–5.

20.G. L. Harriss, ‘Beaufort, Henry (1375?–1447)’, ODNB (online edn, 2008); idem, Cardinal Beaufort: A Study of Lancastrian Ascendancy and Decline (Oxford, 1989); R. Cazelles, Société politique, noblesse et couronne sous Jean le Bon et Charles V (Paris, 1982), 125, 155, 175, 244. Over the course of the war thirteen of the twenty-five French chancellors were churchmen; D. Potter, ed., France in the Later Middle Ages, 1200–1500 (Oxford, 2002), 257–8; F. Lot and R. Fawtier, Histoire des institutions françaises au Moyen Age, III: Institutions ecclésiastiques (Paris, 1962), 407–37. A huge preponderance of English lord treasurers and chancellors in this period were bishops – although the first lay chancellor, Robert Bourchier, served in 1340–1. In addition churchmen served as finance ministers and diplomats, e.g. Jean la Grange and Henry Burghersh, bishop of Lincoln; A. McGee Morganstern, ‘The La Grange Tomb and Choir: A Monument of the Great Schism of the West’, Speculum, 48 (1973), 52–3; N. Bennett, ‘Burghersh, Henry (c.1290–1340)’, ODNB (online edn, 2004)). Others were involved in military matters such as defence, e.g. Hamo Hythe, bishop of Rochester (1320–52); M. C. Buck, ‘Hythe, Hamo (b. c.1270, d. in or after 1357)’, ODNB (online edn, 2009).

21.The French clergy were exempt from direct taxation, but indirect taxation affected them and their institutions in a variety of ways. In addition, clerical tenths (levies of one-tenth of clerical income) were granted to French kings by popes regularly up until c.1350 and then again after c.1420.

22.Anon., A Parisian Journal, 1404–49, ed. and trans. J. Shirley (Oxford, 1968), 147. See also T. Guard, Chivalry, Kingship and Crusade: The English Experience in the Fourteenth Century (Woodbridge, 2013), 193–6.

23.Bernard, Late Medieval English Church, 27–33.

24.P. de Mézières, Letter to Richard II: A Plea made in 1395 for Peace between England and France, trans. G. W. Coopland (Liverpool, 1975), 21.

25.Cited by Barnie, War in Medieval Society, 12. See also K. Plöger, England and the Avignon Popes: The Practice of Diplomacy in Late Medieval Europe (London, 2005), 23.

26.G. Barraclough, The Medieval Papacy (London, 1968), 153; D. Wood, ‘Omnino Partialitate Cessante: Clement VI and the Hundred Years War’, The Church and War, ed. W. J. Shiels (Oxford, 1983), 179–89.

27.P. N. R. Zutshi, ‘The Avignon Papacy’, The New Cambridge Medieval History, VI: c.1300–c.1415, ed. M. Jones (Cambridge, 2000), 669–70.

28.J. J. N. Palmer, ‘England, France, the Papacy and the Flemish Succession, 1361–9’, Journal of Medieval History, 2 (1976), 339–64; Ormrod, Edward III, 442–4.

29.C. Given-Wilson, ‘Parliament of October 1404: Introduction’, PROME; Walsingham, Chronica Maiora, ed. Preest, 333–5; M. Wilks, ‘Royal Patronage and Anti-Papalism from Ockham to Wyclif’, Wyclif: Political Ideas and Practice (Oxford, 2000), 132–3; Bernard, Late Medieval English Church, 18–19, 27, 31–3.

30.B. P. McGuire, Jean Gerson and the Last Medieval Reformation (University Park, PA, 2005), 49–51.

31.H. Kaminsky, ‘The Great Schism’, New Cambridge Medieval History, VI, ed. Jones, 675–6. Cardinals usually numbered between 10 and 25. It was a matter of pride for the major states to produce at least one cardinal. The College of Cardinals elected a pope when the incumbent died, usually from among their own number.

32.J. Sumption, The Hundred Years War, III: Divided Houses (London, 2009), 493–510; R. Allington–Smith, Henry Despenser: The Fighting Bishop (Fakenham, 2003), 54–81.

33.H. Kaminsky, ‘The Politics of France’s Subtraction of Obedience from Pope Benedict XIII, 27 July, 1398’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 115 (1971), 367–71.

34.Kaminsky, ‘Great Schism’, 696; J. H. Lynch, The Medieval Church: A Brief History (Harlow, 1992), 328–35.

35.Bonet, Tree of Battles, 189.

36.Walsingham notes that when Henry V’s ordinances became common knowledge, many people began wandering through English encampments in France wearing clerical garb having shaven their heads, ‘engaged in the transactions of the marketplace, and coming and going as they pleased with the English outwitted by their holy cunning’,Chronica Maiora, ed. Preest, 423; St Albans Chronicle, II, 713–14.

37.Chronicle of Jean de Venette, 67.

38.Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce, V, 175; also see ibid., XIV, 164.

39.Keen, Chivalry, 232.

40.Wright, Knights and Peasants, 65.

41.H. Denifle, La désolation des églises, monastères et hôpitaux en France pendant la Guerre de Cent Ans, 2 vols (Paris, 1897–99), II, 592–601.

42.Denifle, La désolation, 613, 615–16, 689, 731–3; Clark, Benedictines, 274.

43.Walsingham, Chronica Maiora, ed. Preest, 97–9.

44.A. K. McHardy, ‘The Effects of the War on the Church: The Case of the Alien Priories in the Fourteenth Century’, England and her Neighbours, 1066–1453: Essays in Honour of Pierre Chaplais, ed. M. Jones and M. G. A. Vale (London, 1989), 277–88.

45.Allmand, Henry V, 273–4; Bernard, Late Medieval English Church, 189–90, 200; Clark, Benedictines, 275.

46.A. Emery, Greater Medieval Houses of England and Wales, 1300–1500, II (Oxford, 2000), 370; McHardy, ‘Effects of War on the Church’, 278–84; A. McHardy and N. Orme, ‘The Defence of an Alien Priory: Modbury (Devon) in the 1450s’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 50 (1999), 303–4.

47.W. M. Ormrod, ‘Parliament of Nov. 1373: Text and Translation’, PROME, item 32.

48.John Cherlewe, prior of Lewes (c.1366–96), was captured during a French raid in 1377: Walsingham, Chronica Maiora, ed. Preest, 46.

49.McHardy, Age of War and Wycliffe, 36–7.

50.Walsingham, Chronica Maiora, ed. Preest, 36–7, 46, 110.

51.Chronicle of Jean de Venette, 64; Gesta Henrici Quinti, 44. Courtenay led embassies to France in 1414 and 1415.

52.G. E. St John, ‘War, the Church, and English Men-at-Arms’, Fourteenth-Century England, VI, ed. C. Given-Wilson (Woodbridge, 2010), 74–7, 83.

53.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 66, 78, 84, 89.

Chapter 4 Making Peace: Blessed are the Peacemakers (1396)

1.The Major Latin Works of John Gower, ed. E. W. Stockton (Seattle, WA, 1962), 207–8 (Vox Clamantis, Bk 5, ch. 8).

2.J. Campbell, ‘England, Scotland and the Hundred Years War in the Fourteenth Century’, The Wars of Edward III, ed. C. J. Rogers (Woodbridge, 1999), 207–30; G. Templeman, ‘Edward III and the Beginnings of the Hundred Years War’, ibid., 233, 245.

3.A. Grant, Independence and Nationhood: Scotland, 1306–1469 (Edinburgh, 1984), 32–57; K. Daly, ‘The Vraie cronicque d’Escoce and Franco-Scottish Diplomacy: An Historical Work by John Ireland?’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 35 (1991), 106–33.

4.Anglo-Castilian treaty (1362): TNA E30/191; A. Goodman, ‘England and Iberia in the Middle Ages’, England and her Neighbours, 1066–1453, ed. Jones and Vale, 85–91; Russell, English Intervention, 1–11, 127; L. J. A. Villalon, ‘Spanish Involvement in the Hundred Years War and the Battle of Nájera’, Hundred Years War, I: A Wider Focus, ed. Kagay and Villalon, 53–6.

5.I. Aspin, Anglo-Norman Political Songs (Oxford, 1953), 104–15; Wynnere and Wastoure, ed. S. Trigg (London, 1990), ll. 265–7; N. Saul, ‘A Farewell to Arms? Criticism of Warfare in Late Fourteenth-Century England’, Fourteenth-Century England, II, ed. C. Given-Wilson (Woodbridge, 2002), 131–45. See also B. L. Bryant, ‘Talking with the Taxman about Poetry: England’s Economy in “Against the King’s Taxes” and Wynnere and Wastoure’, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, 3rd ser. 5 (2008), 219–48, esp. 230.

6.The extract dates to 1356, after the French defeat at Poitiers and the capture of King Jean II: Chronicle of Jean de Venette, 66.

7.F. Petrarca, Le familiari, ed. V. Rossi, 4 vols (Florence, 1933–42), IV, 138–9.

8.T. Meron, ‘The Authority to Make Treaties in the Late Middle Ages’, American Journal of International Law, 89 (1995), 7–10.

9.W. Langland, The Vision of William Concerning Piers the Plowman: In Three Parallel Texts, ed. W. W. Skeat, 2 vols (Oxford 1886; repr. 1965): A Text Passus, I, ll.137 (‘that loue is the leuest thing that vr lord asketh, and eke the playnt of pees’); IV, 34ff; VI, 107–17: B Text, I, 150–6; III, 220ff.; B. Lowe, Imagining Peace: A History of Early English Pacifist Ideas, 1340–1560 (Philadelphia, PA, 1997), 91–3.

10.G. Chaucer, ‘The Former Age’, in Lowe, Imagining Peace, 97–100; Saul, ‘Farewell to Arms?’, 134.

11.J. Gower, Confessio Amantis, ed. and trans. T. Tiller (Harmondsworth, 1963), 145–6.

12.J. Gower, The Complete Works of John Gower, ed. G. C. Macaulay, 4 vols (Oxford, 1899–1902), III, 313 (Vox clamantis; Confessio amantis).

13.J. Bromyard, Summa Predicantium, 24, cited by R. Cox, ‘Natural Law and the Right of Self-Defence according to John of Legnano and John Wyclif’, Fourteenth-Century England, VI, ed. C. Given-Wilson (Woodbridge, 2010), 154.

14.R. Cox, ‘Wyclif: Medieval Pacifist’, History Today, 60 (2010), 26–7.

15.Bonet, Tree of Battles, 154.

16.C. de Pizan, Book of Deeds of Arms and of Chivalry, 171.

17.C. de Pizan, Book of Deeds of Arms and of Chivalry, 14.

18.Jean Juvénal des Ursins, Audite Celi (begun in May 1435 prior to the Congress of Arras): Ecrits politiques, I, 93–281. Having witnessed the impact of the war on his see of Beauvais, Jean Juvénal clearly hoped for peace: see Taylor, ‘War, Propaganda and Diplomacy in Fifteenth-Century France and England’, 81. Jean Juvénal, the author ofHistoire de Charles VI Roy de France, served as bishop of Beauvais (1433–44), bishop of Laon (1444–49) and archbishop of Reims (1449–73).

19.F. Autrand, ‘The Peacemakers and the State: Pontifical Diplomacy and the Anglo-French Conflict in the Fourteenth Century’, War and Competition between States, ed. P. Contamine (Oxford, 2000), 261–3 (regarding papal letters), 268–76 (on peace conferences). For further discussion of the peace conferences, see Plöger, England and the Avignon Popes, 203–9; E. Déprez, ‘La conférence d’Avignon (1344): L’arbitrage pontifical entre la France et l’Angleterre’, Essays in Medieval History Presented to T. F. Tout, ed. A. G. Little and F. M. Powicke (Manchester, 1925), 301–20; B. Guillemain, ‘Les tentatives pontificales de médiation dans le litige franco-anglais de Guyenne au XIV^esiècle’, Bulletin philologique et historique du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques (1957), 423–32; P. Chaplais, ‘Réglements des conflits internationaux franco-anglais au XIV^e siècle’, Le Moyen Âge, 57 (1951), 169–302.

20.Sumption, Trial by Fire, 231–3, 236–8; Green, Battle of Poitiers, 43–5. The cardinal was one of several individuals driven in his search for peace by the possibility of a crusade: see C. Deluz, ‘Croisade et paix en Europe au XIV^e siècle: Le rôle du cardinal Hélie de Talleyrand’, Cahiers de recherches médiévales, I (1996), 53–61.

21.TNA SC 7/13/8; Wood, ‘Omnino partialitate cessante: Clement VI and the Hundred Years War’, Church and War, ed. Shiels, 179–89; idem, Clement VI: The Pontificate and Ideas of an Avignon Pope (Cambridge, 1989), 137–8.

22.Vernier, Bertrand du Guesclin, 129.

23.BL Cotton MS, Vitellius C XI, nos 2–3; J. J. N. Palmer, England, France and Christendom, 1377–99 (London, 1972), 171–2; Sumption, Divided Houses, 827–9; Saul, Richard II, 226–8; C. Phillpotts, ‘The Fate of the Truce of Paris, 1396–1415’, Journal of Medieval History, 24 (1998), 61–80.

24.Westminster Chronicle, 1381–1394, ed. and trans. L. C. Hector and B. F. Harvey (Oxford, 1982), 484. See further J. J. N. Palmer, ‘The Anglo-French Peace Negotiations, 1390–1396’, TRHS, 5th ser. 16 (1966), 81–94; Saul, Richard II, 211–19. For events in Aquitaine, 2 March 1390 (the grant of the duchy to John of Gaunt)–21 March 1395, see TNA E30/1232.

25.C. de Pizan, The Book of Peace, ed. K. Green, C. Mews and J. Pinder (University Park, PA, 2008), 63.

26.C. de Pizan, The Book of Peace, 59–60.

27.Parisian Journal, 252.

28.AN, JJ 104, no. 231: cited by Wright, Knights and Peasants, 51–2; Autrand, ‘The Peacemakers and the State’, 252–3.

29.Parisian Journal, 290.

30.B. Ditcham, ‘The Employment of Foreign Mercenary Troops in the French Royal Armies, 1415–1470’, unpub. PhD thesis (University of Edinburgh, 1979), 229–60.

31.This can be seen throughout the Chroniques, but is perhaps most notable in the reminiscences of the mercenary captain, the Bascot de Mauléon: Froissart: Chronicles, ed. and trans. Brereton, 280–94. G. Pépin, ‘Towards a Rehabilitation of Froissart’s Credibility: The Non-Fictious Bascot de Mauléon’, The Soldier Experience in the Fourteenth Century, ed. A. R. Bell and A. Curry (Woodbridge, 2011), 175–90.

32.De Mézières, Letter to King Richard II, 14.

33.De Mézières, Letter to King Richard II, 93–7, 139.

34.De Mézières, Letter to King Richard II, 86–7, 92. On de Mézières’ role, see further Michael Hanly, ‘Philippe de Mézières and the Peace Movement’, Philippe de Mézières and his Age, ed. Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Petkov, 61–82; A. Curry, ‘War or Peace? Philippe de Mézières, Richard II and Anglo-French Diplomacy’, ibid., 295–320.

35.Vale, Origins of the Hundred Years War, 14.

36.Rymer, Foedera, I, ii, 794; Prestwich, Edward I, 328–9.

37.Rymer, Foedera, II, ii, 150, 153–4. Philippe VI formally took the cross at a great ceremony in the Pré-aux-Clercs outside the abbey of St Germain (Paris) on 2 October 1333. See C. J. Tyerman, ‘Philip VI and the Recovery of the Holy Land’, EHR, 100 (1985), 25–52; E. Déprez, Les préliminaires de la Guerre de Cent Ans. La Papauté, la France et l’Angleterre, 1328–1342 (Paris, 1902), 127–35; Sumption, Trial by Battle, 117–18, 132–3, 135–6, 155–8; Vale, Origins, 257–8; Guard, Chivalry, Kingship and Crusade, 17–19, 34.

38.See, for example, M. Keen, ‘Chaucer’s Knight, the English Aristocracy and the Crusade’, English Court Culture in the Later Middle Ages, ed. V. J. Scattergood and J. W. Sherborne (London, 1983), 45–61; A. Luttrell, ‘The Crusade in the Fourteenth Century’, Europe in the Late Middle Ages, ed. J. Hale et al. (London, 1965), 122–54.

39.N. Housley, The Avignon Papacy and the Crusades (Oxford, 1986). On the Alexandrian crusade of 1365, see A. S. Atiya, ‘The Fourteenth Century’, A History of the Crusades, III: The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, ed. K. M. Setton and H. W. Hazard (Madison, WI, 1975), 3–26; P. Edbury, ‘The Crusading Policy of King Peter I of Cyprus’,The Eastern Mediterranean Lands in the Period of Crusades, ed. P. M. Holt (Warminster, 1977), 90–105.

40.N. Housley, ‘Pro deo et patria mori: Sanctified Patriotism in Europe 1400–1600’, War and Competition between States, ed. P. Contamine (Oxford, 2000), 221–8, esp. 221–2; N. Housley, ‘France, England, and the “National Crusade”’, 1302–1386’, France and the British Isles in the Middle Ages and Renaissance: Essays by Members of Girton College, Cambridge in Memory of Ruth Morgan, ed. G. Jondorf and D. N. Dumville (Woodbridge, 1991), 183–98; Tyerman, ‘Philip VI and the Recovery of the Holy Land’, 52.

41.R. Vaughan, Philip the Bold (Woodbridge, new edn, 2002), 59, 79.

42.For descriptions of the English in this fashion, see Gesta Henrici Quinti, 48, 151: ‘God Himself, gracious and merciful to His people’ (suo populo); ‘God’s chosen people’ (populum dei electrum). See further M. Harvey, ‘Ecclesia Anglicana, cui ecclesiastes noster christus vos prefecit: The Power of the Crown in the English Church during the Great Schism’, Religion and National Identity, ed. S. Mews (Oxford, 1982), 230; A. Curry, ‘War, Peace and National Identity in the Hundred Years War’, Thinking War, Peace and World Orders in European History, ed. A. Hartmann and B. Heuser (London, 2001), 145.

43.E. C. Caldwell, ‘The Hundred Years War and National Identity’, Inscribing the Hundred Years War in French and English Cultures, ed. D. N. Baker (Albany, NY, 2000), 238–41.

44.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 110, 120, 146.

45.The ‘Letter’ was circulated widely and copied into various Burgundian, French and German chronicles: Joan of Arc: La Pucelle, ed. and trans. C. Taylor (Manchester, 2006), 74–6; D. A. Fraoli, Joan of Arc: The Early Debate (Woodbridge, 2000), 58, 71, 74, 119.

46.C. de Pizan, Ditié de Jehanne d’Arc, ed. A. J. Kennedy and K. Varty (Oxford, 1977); C. de Pizan, The Epistle of the Prison of Human Life; with An Epistle to the Queen of France; and Lament on the Evils of the Civil War, ed. and trans. J. A. Wisman (New York, 1984); C. de Pizan, The Book of Peace, 27.

47.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 100–12; Allmand, Henry V, 409–13; C. L. Kingsford, English Historical Literature in the Fifteenth Century (Oxford, 1913), 34.

48.See C. Given-Wilson, ed., ‘Henry V: Parliament of 1420, Text and Translation’, PROME, items 1, 25. See also D. McCulloch and E. D. Jones, ‘Lancastrian Politics, the French War, and the Rise of the Popular Element’, Speculum, 58 (1983), 100.

49.The Chronicle of Adam Usk, 1377–1421, ed. and trans. C. Given-Wilson (Oxford, 1997), 271, entry for 1421.

50.G. L. Harriss, ‘Marmaduke Lumley and the Exchequer Crisis of 1446–9’, Aspects of Late Medieval Government and Society: Essays Presented to J. R. Lander, ed. J. G. Rowe (Toronto, 1986), 143–78.

51.The Libelle of Englyshe Polycye: A Poem on the use of Sea-power, 1436, ed. G. Warner (Oxford, 1926). It has been suggested that Lydgate may have had a hand in the Libelle’s composition: Griffiths, Reign of King Henry VI, 236–7. See also J. Scattergood, ‘The Libelle of Englyshe Polycye: The Nation and its Place’, Nation, Court and Culture: New Essays on Fifteenth-Century English Poetry, ed. H. Cooney (Dublin 2001), 28–49; S. Rose, The Medieval Sea (London, 2007), 120; N. A. M. Rodger, Safeguard of the Sea: A Naval History of Britain, I: 660–1649 (London, 2004), 152.

52.Lydgate’s Troy Book (1420) and Siege of Thebes (c.1422) referred to the treaty of Troyes and peace between England and France. Lydgate wrote ‘On the Prospect of Peace’ prior to Suffolk’s mission to France to secure a marriage alliance for Henry VI: Wright, Political Poems and Songs, II, 209–15, and ‘On the Truce of 1444’, ibid., 215–20; McCulloch and Jones, ‘Lancastrian Politics’, 112.

53.Lydgate, ‘A Praise of Peace’, ll.117–84: The Minor Poems of John Lydgate, ed. H. N. MacCracken (London, 1934), 786–91.

54.Harriss, Shaping the Nation, 576–7.

55.B. M. Cron, ‘The Duke of Suffolk, the Angevin Marriage, and the Ceding of Maine, 1445’, Journal of Medieval History, 20 (1994), 92–3.

56.J. Watts, ‘Pole, William de la, First Duke of Suffolk (1396–1450)’, ODNB (online edn, 2004).

57.Paston Letters, ed. J. Gairdner (London, 1872), I, no. 103; M. Keen, ‘The End of the Hundred Years War: Lancastrian France and Lancastrian England’, England and her Neighbours, ed. Jones and Vale, 297, 307.

58.Rymer, Foedera, V, iii, 65; M. A. Hicks, ‘Edward IV’s Brief Treatise and the Treaty of Picquigny of 1475’, Historical Research, 83 (2009), 253–65.

Chapter 5 The Madness of Kings: Kingship and Royal Power (1407)

1.Contemporary Chronicles of the Hundred Years War from the Works of Jean le Bel, Jean Froissart, and Enguerrand de Monstrelet, ed. and trans. P. E. Thompson (London, 1966), 226.

2.Jean de Terrevermeille, born c.1370 at Nîmes, wrote the Tractatus in about 1418, a work divided into three parts, one being Contra rebelles suorum regum: J. Barbey, La fonction royale. Essence et légitimité d’après les Tractatus de Jean de Terrevermeille (Paris, 1983).

3.La chronique d’Enguerran de Monstrelet, ed. Douët-d’Arcq, I, 154–5.

4.Froissart: Chronicles, ed. and trans. Brereton, 392–401; Walsingham, Chronica Maiora, ed. Preest, 289; J. Capgrave, The Chronicle of England, ed. F. C. Hingeston (London, 1858), 254; Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue, 7.

5.Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, XV, 29–30, 35–43; Chronique des quatre premiers Valois (1327–1393), ed. S. Luce (Paris, 1862), 323–4; Sumption, Divided Houses, 798.

6.For Charles V’s plans for his heir’s minority rule, see Ordonnances des rois de France de la troisième race, ed. D. F. Secours et al., 23 vols (Paris, 1723–1849), VI, 45–9.

7.Knecht, Valois, 45; J. B. Henneman, ‘The Military Class and the French Monarchy in the Late Middle Ages’, American Historical Review, 83 (1978), 946–65; idem, Olivier de Clisson, 72–85.

8.See B. Guenée, Un meurtre, une société: l’assassinat du duc d’Orléans, 23 novembre 1407 (Paris, 1992), 185–7; L. Mirot, ‘Raoul d’Anquetonville et le prix de l’assassinat du duc d’Orléans’, BEC, 72 (1911), 445–58.

9.M. C. E. Jones, ‘The Last Capetians’, New Cambridge Medieval History, VI, 421; Knecht, Valois, 8–9.

10.Parisian Journal, 47; Monstrelet, Chronique, I, 177–242; Vaughan, John the Fearless, 67–73.

11.S. H. Cuttler, The Law of Treason and Treason Trials in Later Medieval France (Cambridge, 1981), 145–6.

12.N. Saul, The Three Richards (London, 2005), 24–5; W. H. Dunham and C. T. Wood, ‘The Right to Rule in England: Depositions and the Kingdom’s Authority, 1327–1485’, American Historical Review, 81 (1976), 744–6; B. Guenée, States and Rulers in Later Medieval Europe, trans. J. Vale (Oxford, 1985), 39; W. Ullmann, Medieval Political Thought (Harmondsworth, 1975), 81; W. R. Childs, ‘Resistance and Treason in the Vita Edwardi Secundi’, Thirteenth-Century England, VI, ed. M. Prestwich, R. Britnell and R. Frame (Woodbridge, 1997), 180–1. For further discussion, see J. G. Bellamy, The Law of Treason in the Late Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1970), 1–58; J. S. Bothwell, Falling from Grace: Reversal of Fortune and the English Nobility, 1075–1455 (Manchester, 2008), esp. 36–46; J. Dunbabin, ‘Government’, The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c.350–c.1450 (Cambridge, 1988), 492; Krynen, L’empire du roi, 384–414.

13.J. Pitt-Rivers, ‘Honour and Social Status’, Honour and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society, ed. J. G. Peristiany (London, 1965), 37; Knecht, Valois, 8.

14.Statutes of the Realm, II, 98–9; English Historical Documents, IV: 406; C. D. Ross, ‘Forfeiture for Treason in the Reign of Richard II’, EHR, 71 (1956), 574.

15.S. J. T. Miller, ‘The Position of the King in Bracton and Beaumanoir’, Speculum, 31 (1956), 267, 293; J. Morrow, History of Political Thought: A Thematic Introduction (Basingstoke, 1998), 279; Cuttler, Law of Treason, 5, 21, 31.

16.Statutes of the Realm, I, 319–20; C. Given-Wilson, ‘Parliament of Oct. 1399: Text and Translation’, PROME, item 70; Ormrod, Edward III, 364–6.

17.C. Wilson, ‘The Tomb of Henry IV and the Holy Oil of St Thomas of Canterbury’, Medieval Architecture and its Intellectual Context: Studies in Honour of Peter Kidson, ed. E. Fernie and P. Crossley (London, 1990), 181–90; T. A. Sandquist, ‘The Holy Oil of St Thomas of Canterbury’, Essays in Medieval History Presented to Bertie Wilkinson, ed. T. A. Sandquist and M. R. Powicke (Toronto, 1969), 330–44.

18.Although the English service conveyed less authority, in liturgical terms it was very similar to the French. An interesting distinction between the two lies in a reference in the French ceremony to the king’s right to rule over the ‘Saxons, Mercians, and Northumbrians’. According to Theodore Godefroy in his compilation of French coronationordines (1619), this clause was introduced after the election of the dauphin Louis to the throne of England in 1216 (during the baronial war against King John). E. S. Dewick, ed., The Coronation Book of Charles V of France: Cottonian MS Tiberius B. VIII (London, 1889), xvii; E. A. R. Brown, ‘“Franks, Burgundians, and Aquitanians” and the Royal Coronation Ceremony in France’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s. 82 (1992), 53, 85; Miller, ‘Position of the King in Bracton and Beaumanoir’, 288.

19.A. Harding, Medieval Law and the Foundations of the State (Oxford, 2002), 256; R. S. Hoyt, ‘The Coronation Oath of 1308’, EHR, 71 (1956), 353–83. There are a number of similarities with the 1308 coronation oath and various tracts on kingship circulating in King John’s reign prior to the drafting of Magna Carta. See Die Gesetze de Angelsachsen, ed. F. Liebermann, 3 vols (Halle, 1903–16), I, 635–6. My thanks to David Crouch for drawing my attention to this.

20.In January 1327, prior to the coronation of Edward III, Archbishop Reynolds preached on the text ‘Vox populi, vox Dei’ (‘the voice of the people [is] the voice of God’), and the medal struck to commemorate the coronation bore the motto ‘Populi dat iura voluntas’ (‘the will of the people gives right’). M. Wilks, The Problem of Sovereignty in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1963), 190 n. 2; C. Valente, ‘The Deposition and Abdication of Edward II’, EHR, 113 (1998), 859.

21.R. S. Hoyt, ‘The Coronation Oath of 1308: The Background of “les leys et les custumes”’, Traditio, 11 (1955), 235–57; H. G. Richardson, ‘The English Coronation Oath’, Speculum, 24 (1949), 44–75. On the notion of the king’s two bodies and many issues concerning medieval kingship, see E. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, NJ, repr. 1997).

22.Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp, 385 ff. On Edward III’s imperial ambitions, see Ormrod, Edward III, 414–45.

23.K. DeVries, Joan of Arc: A Military Leader (Stroud, 2003), 118–28.

24.Vale, Charles VII, 45, 51, 56–7, 195–7. At his coronation Charles VII heard Jean Juvénal des Ursins, archbishop of Reims, declare: ‘au regard de vous mon Souverain Seigneur, vous n’êtes pas simplement personne Laye, mais Prélat Ecclésiastique, le premier en votre Royaume qui soit après le Pape, le bras dextre de l’Eglise’. Each successive king for generations heard his consecrator pray at the coronation that ‘this our Prince … be given Peter’s keys and Paul’s doctrine’. D. de Maillane, Dictionnaire de Droit Canonique et de Pratique Bénéficiale conferé avec les maximes et la jurisprudence de France (Paris, 1761), II, 759–60, cited by A. Guinan, ‘The Christian Concept of Kingship as Manifested in the Liturgy of the Western Church: A Fragment in Suggestion’, Harvard Theological Review, 49 (1956), 246.

25.Griffiths, Reign of Henry VI, 189–94; A. Curry, ‘The “Coronation Expedition” and Henry VI’s Court in France 1430 to 1432’, The Lancastrian Court, ed. J. Stratford (Donington, 2003), 29–52.

26.F. Barlow, ‘The King’s Evil’, EHR, 95 (1980), 3, 14, 17, 24–5; Guinan, ‘Christian Concept of Kingship’, 224; A. D. Hedeman, The Royal Image: Illustrations of the Grandes Chroniques de France, 1274–1422 (Berkeley, CA, 1991), 71.

27.H. S. Offler, ‘Thomas Bradwardine’s “Victory Sermon” in 1346’, Church and Crown in the Fourteenth Century: Studies in European History and Political Thought, ed. A. I. Doyle (Aldershot, 2000), 2–4; M. S. Kempshall, The Common Good in Late Medieval Political Thought (Oxford, 1999), 130–56; Ullmann, Medieval Political Thought, 124–5, 159–73; A. Black, Political Thought in Europe 1250–1450 (Cambridge, 1992), 9–12, 20–1, 49–51, 77–8; A. D. Menut, ‘Maistre Nicole Oresme: Le Livre de Politiques d’Aristote. Published from the Text of the Avranches Manuscript 223’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, new ser. 60 (1970), 1–392. See also Guenée,States and Rulers, 37–9, 67; Morrow, History of Political Thought, 132.

28.A. S. McGrade, ‘Somersaulting Sovereignty: A Note on Reciprocal Lordship in Wyclif’, Church and Sovereignty, ed. D. Wood (Oxford, 1991), 261–8; Harding, Medieval Law, 266; J. H. Burns, Lordship, Kingship and Empire: The Idea of Monarchy, 1400–1525 (Oxford, 1992), 57; Kantorowicz, King’s Two Bodies, 134, 157.

29.J. Taylor, ‘Richard II in the Chronicles’, Richard II: The Art of Kingship, ed. A. Goodman and J. Gillespie (Oxford, 1999), 21–2; N. Saul, ‘The Kingship of Richard II’, ibid., 40; C. M. Barron, ‘The Deposition of Richard II’, Politics and Crisis in Fourteenth-Century England, ed. J. Taylor and W. Childs (Gloucester, 1990), 145. See Vale,Charles VII, 194–228, for comparison with later Valois practice.

30.P. S. Lewis, ‘France in the Fifteenth Century: Society and Sovereignty’, Europe in the Late Middle Ages, ed. J. Hale, R. Highfield and B. Smalley (London, 1965), 279. ‘The English development from the early thirteenth century onwards showed the preponderance of the feudal function of the king at the expense of his theocratic function.’ Ullmann, Medieval Political Thought, 149.

31.N. Perkins, Hoccleve’s ‘Regiment of Princes’: Counsel and Constraint (Cambridge, 2001), 137. On Richard’s deposition, see Bennett, Richard II and the Revolution of 1399; J. Watts, ‘Usurpation in England: A Paradox of State-Growth’, Coups d’état à la fin du Moyen Âge? Aux fondements du pouvoir politique en Europe occidentale, ed. F. Foronda, J.–P. Genet and J. M. Nieto Soria (Madrid, 2005), 51–72; R. V. Turner, ‘The Meaning of Magna Carta since 1215’, History Today, 53 (2003), 29–35.

32.Dunham and Wood, ‘Right to Rule in England’, 744–6; Guenée, States and Rulers, 81.

33.M. Bloch, The Royal Touch, trans. J. E. Anderson (New York, 1989), 38; J. Le Goff, ‘Le roi dans l’occident médiéval: Caractères originaux’, Kings and Kingship in Medieval Europe, ed. A. J. Duggan (Exeter, 1993), 140; C. Taylor, ‘Sir John Fortescue and the French Polemical Treatises of the Hundred Years War’, EHR, 114 (1999), 124–5; A. Vauchez, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages, trans. J. Birrell (Cambridge, 1997), 173.

34.Guenée, States and Rulers, 39; Burns, Lordship, Kingship and Empire, 40–5; Ullmann, Medieval Political Thought, 147.

35.See C. T. Wood, ‘Regnum Francie: A Problem in Capetian Administrative Usage’, Traditio, 23 (1967), 136–9. ‘Next to the King of France no monarch in Europe was of greater importance from a legal point of view than the Emperor of the Byzantine Empire’: J. Goebel Jr, ‘The Equality of States. II’, Columbia Law Review, 23 (1923), 127.

36.P. S. Lewis, ‘Two Pieces of Fifteenth-Century Political Iconography: (b) The English Kill their Kings’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 27 (1964), 319–20.

37.Knecht, Valois, 88–91.

38.Sir J. Fortescue, De laudibus legum Anglie, ed. and trans. S. B. Chrimes (Cambridge, 1942), 3. See also E. Powell, Kingship, Law and Society: Criminal Justice in the Reign of Henry V (Oxford, 1989), esp. 30, 36; J. Krynen, Idéal du prince et pouvoir royal en France à la fin du Moyen Âge (1380–1440): Étude de la littérature politique du temps(Paris, 1981), esp. 109–36.

39.C. de Pizan, Le livre des fais et bonnes moeurs du roi Charles V, le Sage, ed. E. Hicks and T. Moreau (Paris, 1997), 64; K. Langdon Forhan, The Political Theory of Christine de Pizan (Aldershot, 2002), 97. See further D. Delogu, Theorizing the Ideal Sovereign: The Rise of the French Vernacular Royal Biography (Toronto, 2008), 153–83; Krynen, Idéal du prince et pouvoir royal, 144–54.

40.See II Chronicles: 10. See also Fifteenth-Century English Translation of Alain Chartier’s ‘Le Traité l’Esperance’ and ‘Le Quadrilogue Invectif’, ed. M. S. Blayney (London, 1974), 80–1; T. Hoccleve, The Regiment of Princes, ed. C. R. Blyth (Kalamazoo, MI, 1999), ll. 4858 ff.; J. Ferster, Fictions of Advice: The Literature and Politics of Counsel in Late Medieval England (Philadelphia, PA, 1996); J. Coleman, ‘A Culture of Political Counsel: The Case of Fourteenth-Century England’s “Virtuous” Monarchy vs Royal Absolutism and Seventeenth-Century Reinterpretation’, Monarchism and Absolutism in Early Modern Europe, ed. C. Cuttica and G. Burgess (London, 2011), 19–31.

41.Cited by P. S. Lewis, ‘Jean Juvenal des Ursins and the Common Literary Attitude to Tyranny in Fifteenth-Century France’, Medium Aevum, 34 (1965), 119.

42.On Edward’s deposition, see Phillips, Edward II, 529–31.

43.J. Capgrave, The Book of the Illustrious Henries, trans. F.C. Hingeston (London, 1858), 103. See also J. T. Rosenthal, ‘The King’s Wicked Advisors and the Medieval Baronial Rebellions’, Political Science Quarterly, 82 (1967), 595–618.

44.St Alban’s Chronicle, I, 815; W. M. Ormrod, ‘Knights of Venus’, Medium Aevum, 73 (2004), 290–305.

45.John of Salisbury, Policraticus, ed. and trans. C. Nederman (Cambridge, 1990); J. Bothwell, Edward III and the English Peerage: Royal Patronage, Social Mobility and Political Control in Fourteenth-Century England (York, 2004), 154–60.

46.C. de Pizan, Book of the Body Politic, 12–25; Guenée, States and Rulers, 39; Ullmann, Medieval Political Thought, 123–4.

47.De Mézières, Letter to Richard II, 60–2, 134–6.

48.C. de Pizan, Book of the Body Politic, 38–9; C. H. Clough, ‘Late Fifteenth-Century English Monarchs Subject to Italian Renaissance Influence’, England and the Continent: Essays in Memory of Professor Andrew Martindale, ed. J. Mitchell (Stamford, 2000), 301–2.

49.Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Raynaud, X, pt 2, 213. For further discussion, see P. Ainsworth, ‘Froissardian Perspectives on Late Fourteenth-Century Society’, Orders and Hierarchies in Late Medieval and Renaissance Europe, ed. J. Denton (Toronto, 1999), 56–73.

50.Forhan, Political Theory of Christine de Pizan, 31, 82–4, 103–8; Krynen, L’empire du roi, 204–24.

51.Bonet, Tree of Battles, 192.

52.Vale, Charles VII, 5.

53.C. D. Fletcher, ‘Manhood and Politics in the Reign of Richard II’, Past and Present, 189 (2005), 3–39; G. L. Harriss, ‘Introduction: The Exemplar of Kingship’, Henry V: The Practice of Kingship, ed. G. L. Harriss (Oxford, 1985), 1, 19.

54.J. Wheathamstead, Registrum Abbatiae Johannis Wheathamstede, ed. H. T. Riley (London, 1872), I, 415.

55.Incerti Scriptoris Chronicon Angliae de Regnis Henrici IV, Henrici V et Henrici VI, ed. J. A. Giles (1848), 44–7; Wolffe, Henry VI, 271; C. Rawcliffe, ‘The Insanity of Henry VI’, Historian, 50 (1996), 8–12.

56.Saul, Three Richards, 94.

57.Much of what follows has benefited greatly from Chris Given-Wilson, ‘The Exequies of Edward III and the Royal Funeral Ceremony in Late Medieval England’, EHR, 124 (2009), 257–82. The first English royal funeral ordo was written c.1360–70 (De Exequiis Regalibus cum ipsos ex hoc seculo migrare contigerit): P. Binski, ‘The Liber Regalis: Its Date and European Context’, The Regal Image of Richard II and the Wilton Diptych, ed. D. Gordon and L. Monnas (London, 1997), 233–46; R. E. Giesey, The Royal Funeral Ceremony in Renaissance France (Geneva, 1960); M. Gaude-Ferragu, D’or et de cendres: La mort et les funérailles des princes dans le royaume de France au bas Moyen Âge (Lille, 2005), 239–50. For the first funeral of an enthroned monarch after the conclusion of the Hundred Years War, by which time English coronation services clearly had acquired great sacral connotations, see A. F. Sutton, L. Visser-Fuchs with R. A. Griffiths, The Royal Funerals of the House of York at Windsor (London, 2005).

58.This may have been necessary for political or symbolic reasons: J. Burden, ‘Re-writing a Rite of Passage: The Peculiar Funeral of Edward II’, Rites of Passage: Cultures of Transition in the Fourteenth Century, ed. N. F. McDonald and W. M. Ormrod (York, 2004), 13–29; P. G. Lindley, ‘Ritual, Regicide and Representation’, Gothic to Renaissance: Essays on Sculpture in England, ed. P. G. Lindley (Stamford, 1995), 110.

59.R. E. Giesey, ‘The Royal Funeral in Renaissance France’, Renaissance News, 7 (1954), 130–1; idem, Royal Funeral Ceremony, 139–41; idem, ‘The Presidents of Parlement at the Royal Funeral’, Sixteenth-Century Journal, 7 (1976), 25–7. For views that suggest the effigy was used primarily for commemorative purposes, see Gaude-Ferragu,D’or et de cendres, 242–9.

60.Chronique des règnes de Jean II et de Charles V, ed. R. Delachenal, 3 vols (Paris, 1910–14), I, 343.

61.M. Keen, ‘Chivalry and English Kingship in the Later Middle Ages’, War, Government and Aristocracy in the British Isles, ed. Given-Wilson et al., 265. The display of Edward III’s martial ‘achievements’ may have been influenced by the Black Prince’s funeral in 1376: Green, Edward the Black Prince, 163–4.

62.Henneman, ‘Military Class and the French Monarchy’, 946; P. S. Lewis, ‘The Failure of the French Medieval Estates’, Past and Present, 23 (1962), 3.

63.On the ‘war state’, see G. L. Harriss, ‘Political Society and the Growth of Government in Late Medieval England’, Past and Present, 138 (1993), 28–57. For Fortescue’s life, works and theories, see J. Fortescue, The Governance of England, ed. C. Plummer (Oxford, 1885); F. Gilbert, ‘Sir John Fortescue’s dominium regale et politicum’, Medievalia et Humanistica, 2 (1944), 88–97; E. W. Ives, ‘Fortescue, Sir John (c.1397–1479)’, ODNB (online edn, 2005).

64.C. T. Wood, ‘The Mise of Amiens and Saint Louis’ Theory of Kingship’, French Historical Studies, 6 (1970), 307, 309.

65.Vale, Origins of the Hundred Years War, 48–63.

66.Rymer, Foedera, II, iii, 9, 13, 27.

67.Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce, XVIII, 241–2, 246–7; C. Taylor, ‘Edward III and the Plantagenet Claim to the French Throne’, Age of Edward III, ed. Bothwell, 162.

68.See Krynen, L’empire du roi, esp. 345–414; P. Chaplais, ‘English Diplomatic Documents to the End of Edward III’s Reign’, The Study of Medieval Records: Essays in Honour of Kathleen Major, ed. D. A. Bullough and R. L. Storey (Oxford, 1971), 50–4; M. Michael, ‘The Little Land of England is Preferred before the Great Kingdom of France: The Quartering of the Royal Arms by Edward III’, Studies in Medieval Art and Architecture Presented to Peter Lasko, ed. D. Buckton and T. A. Heslop (Stroud, 1994), 113–26; W. M. Ormrod, ‘A Problem of Precedence: Edward III, the Double Monarchy and the Royal Style’, Age of Edward III, ed. Bothwell, 135–6, 143, 153.

69.Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 105–5; Hedeman, Royal Image, 1, 98.

70.J. Bradbury, The Capetians: Kings of France, 987–1328 (London, 2007), 300; Lewis, ‘Failure of the French Medieval Estates’, 8–12.

71.J. B. Henneman, Royal Taxation in Fourteenth-Century France: The Development of War Financing, 1322–1356 (Princeton, NJ, 1971); idem, Royal Taxation in Fourteenth-Century France: The Captivity and Ransom of John II, 1356–1370 (Philadelphia, PA, 1976); idem, ‘Military Class and the French Monarchy’, 947–51, 955.

72.Vale, Charles VII, 18–19.

73.C. M. Woolgar, The Great Household in Late Medieval England (New Haven, CT, and London, 1999), 46–7.

74.S. Hanley, The Lit de Justice and the Kings of France: Constitutional Ideology in Legend, Ritual, and Discourse (Princeton, NJ, 1983), 15–27.

75.W. M. Ormrod, ‘For Arthur and St George: Edward III, Windsor Castle and the Order of the Garter’, St George’s Chapel, Windsor, ed. Saul, 14; John M. Steane, The Archaeology of Power: England and Northern Europe AD 800–1600 (Stroud, 2001), 42–3, 108–9; S. Bond, ‘The Medieval Constables of Windsor Castle’, EHR, 82 (1967), 225–49, esp. 226–8, 234–6, 239, 248.

76.Woolgar, Great Household, 16, 48, 61, 68.

77.M. Whitely, ‘The Courts of Edward III of England and Charles V of France: A Comparison of their Architectural Setting and Ceremonial Functions’, Fourteenth-Century England, III, ed. W. M. Ormrod (Woodbridge, 2004), 153–66; Huizinga, Autumn of the Middle Ages, 50; C. Given–Wilson, The Royal Household and the King’s Affinity, 1360–1413 (New Haven, CT, and London, 1986), 30–3.

78.M. Cohen, ‘An Indulgence for the Visitor: The Public at the Sainte-Chapelle of Paris’, Speculum, 83 (2008), 840–83.

79.Vale, Princely Court, 220; V. Sekules, ‘Dynasty and Patrimony in the Self-Construction of an English Queen: Philippa of Hainault and her Images’, England and the Continent in the Middle Ages, ed. Mitchell, 167; L. Benz St John, Three Medieval Queens: Queenship and the Crown in Fourteenth-Century England (New York, 2012), 100–2. See also John Cherry and Neil Stratford, Westminster Kings and the Medieval Palace of Westminster (London, 1995), 28–49.

80.Fortsecue, De laudibus legum Anglie, 17; Capgrave, Book of the Illustrious Henries, 150; C. de Pizan, Book of the Body Politic, 11. Walter de Milemete’s treatise, De Nobilitatibus Sapientiis et prudentiis Regum (c.1326), offered a model of good kingship to the young Edward III: M. Michael, ‘The Iconography of Kingship in the Walter of Milemete Treatise’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 57 (1994), 36.

81.In the 1340 letter, posted in northern French churches, Edward III stressed he did not wish to overturn the rights of the French people, but to return the country to the ‘good laws and customs which existed in the time of our ancestor [and] progenitor Saint Louis, king of France.’ Rymer, Foedera, II, 1,108–9, 1,111.

82.Thompson, Paris and its People, 183; Michael, ‘Iconography of Kingship’, 38; Hedeman, Royal Image, 63, 143, 180.

Chapter 6 Soldiers: Views from the Front (1415)

1.‘Histoire de Charles VI’, in A. Curry, ed., The Battle of Agincourt: Sources and Interpretations (Woodbridge, 2000), 107.

2.T. Walsingham, St Albans Chronicle 1406–1420, ed. V. H. Galbraith (Oxford, 1937), 333.

3.Henry V suggested, according to Shakespeare, that fighting at Agincourt was intrinsically ennobling for his soldiers: Henry V, IV. iii. 63.

4.Knighton’s Chronicle, 62.

5.J. F. Verbruggen, The Art of Warfare in Western Europe during the Middle Ages, trans. S. Willard and Mrs R. W. Southern (Woodbridge, 2nd edn, 1997), 111, 199.

6.Scalacronica, 163; G. de Cuvelier, La chanson de Bertrand du Guesclin de Cuvelier, ed. J.-C. Faucon, 3 vols (Toulouse, 1990–91), ll. 5875–8; Le Jouvencel, I, 189; C. Rogers, ‘Tactics and the Face of Battle’, European Warfare, 1350–1750, ed. F. Tallett and D. J. B. Trim (Cambridge, 2010), 203–5.

7.M. Bennett, ‘The Development of Battle Tactics in the Hundred Years War’, Arms, Armies and Fortifications, ed. Curry and Hughes, 5, 10–13.

8.P. Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, trans. M. Jones (Oxford, 1984), 87.

9.Contamine, Guerre, état et société, 26–38; C. T. Allmand, The Hundred Years War: England and France at War, c.1300–c.1450 (Cambridge, 1988; rev. edn, 2001), 92–3.

10.A. Curry, A. Bell, A. Chapman, A. King and D. Simpkin, ‘What Did You Do in the Hundred Years War, Daddy? The Soldier in Later Medieval England’, Historian, 96 (2007), 7; Prestwich, ‘Why did Englishmen Fight in the Hundred Years War?’, 58–65.

11.TNA C 1/9/407.

12.A. Curry, Agincourt: A New History (Stroud, 2005), 52–3, 57–8. Clarence contracted dysentery at Harfleur and did not take part in the battle of Agincourt: G. L. Harriss, ‘Thomas, Duke of Clarence (1387–1421)’, ODNB (online edn, 2010).

13.Y. N. Harari, ‘Strategy and Supply in Fourteenth-Century Western European Invasion Campaigns’, Journal of Military History, 64 (2000), 301–2.

14.V. Fiorato, A. Boylston and C. Knussel, eds, Blood-Red Roses: The Archaeology of a Mass Grave from the Battle of Towton, 1461 (Oxford, 2000), 45–59, 94; A. J. Stirland, The Men of the Mary Rose (Stroud, 2005), 81–2; K. DeVries, ‘Teenagers at War during the Middle Ages’, The Premodern Teenager: Youth in Society, 1150–1650, ed. K. Eisenbichler (Toronto, 2002), 207–23.

15.S. A. Novak, ‘Battle-Related Trauma’, Blood-Red Roses, ed. Fiorato, Boylston and Knussle, 116. See ibid., 104, 107–9 for a survey of the skeletons of archers, which shows that the Towton soldiers were not especially tall or robust.

16.Scalacronica, 157.

17.K. DeVries, ‘Medieval Mercenaries: Methodology, Definitions and Problems’, Mercenaries and Paid Men: The Mercenary Identity in the Middle Ages, ed. J. France (Leiden, 2008), 54, 56, and n. 57.

18.Scalacronica, 153.

19.Contamine, Guerre, état et société, 277–319; idem, ‘La Guerre de Cent Ans: le XVe siècle. Du “Roi de Bourges” au très victorieux roi de France’, Histoire militaire de la France, ed. Corvisier, 201–8; Vale, Charles VII, 104–6.

20.‘Chronique française du roi de France Charles VII’, English Historical Documents, IV, 262.

21.Ayton, ‘English Armies in the Fourteenth Century’, Arms, Armies and Fortifications, ed. Curry and Hughes, 34; R. Hardy, ‘Longbow’, ibid., 161–3, 180.

22.Gerald of Wales, The Journey through Wales, ed. and trans. L. Thorpe (London, 1978), 112–13.

23.Curry et al., ‘What Did You Do in the Hundred Years War, Daddy?’, 12; www.medievalsoldier.org; Verbruggen, Art of Warfare, 117–21; A. Chapman, ‘Welshmen in the Armies of Edward I’, The Impact of the Edwardian Castles in Wales, ed. D. M. Williams and J. R. Kenyon (Oxford, 2010), 175–82.

24.J. Bradbury, The Medieval Archer (New York, 1985), 93; Ayton, ‘Military Service and the Development of the Robin Hood Legend in the Fourteenth Century’, 135; A. J. Pollard, ‘Idealising Criminality: Robin Hood in the Fifteenth Century’, Pragmatic Utopias: Ideas and Communities, 1200–1630, ed. R. Horrox and S. Rees Jones (Cambridge, 2001), 158–61.

25.P. V. Harris, ‘Archery in the First Half of the Fourteenth Century’, Journal of the Society of Archer-Antiquaries, 13 (1970), 19–21; Rogers, ‘The Military Revolutions of the Hundred Years War’, 249–51 and nn. 36–41; Novak, ‘Battle-Related Trauma’, 109; P. Marsden, Sealed by Time: The Loss and Recovery of the Mary Rose (Portsmouth, 2003), 121, 124–5. It has been proposed that rather than causing a great number of casualties, archer fire disorganised an enemy assault making them easy prey for infantry: C. Gaier, ‘L’invincibilité anglaise et le grand arc après la Guerre de Cent Ans: un mythe tenace’, Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis, 91 (1978), 378–85; J. Keegan, Face of Battle: A Study of Agincourt, Waterloo and the Somme (Harmondsworth, 1978), 78–116. For a different approach, see C. J. Rogers, ‘The Efficacy of the English Longbow: A Reply to Kelly DeVries’, War in History, 5 (1998), 233–42.

26.Chronicles of Jean Le Fèvre, Jean Waurin and Enguerrand de Monstrelet: Curry, ed., Battle of Agincourt, 160.

27.Le Fèvre, Waurin and Monstrelet: Curry, ed., Battle of Agincourt, 161. Also see M. Strickland and R. Hardy, The Great Warbow: From Hastings to the Mary Rose (Stroud, 2005), 318–38.

28.Mitchell, ‘Longbow–Crossbow Shootout’, 242–5.

29.K. DeVries, ‘The Introduction and Use of the Pavise in the Hundred Years War’, Arms and Armour, 4 (2007), 95, 98–9.

30.M. Prestwich, Armies and Warfare in the Middle Ages: The English Experience (New Haven, CT, and London, 1996), 293; T. F. Tout, ‘Firearms in England in the Fourteenth Century’, EHR, 26 (1911), 670–4, 676.

31.Cited by C. J. Rogers, ‘The Age of the Hundred Years War’, Medieval Warfare: A History, ed. M. Keen (Oxford, 1999), 136.

32.Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce, IV, 11; Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, 140; J. Bradbury, The Medieval Siege (Woodbridge, 1992), 159; S. Storey-Challenger, L’administration anglaise du Ponthieu après le traité de Brétigny, 1361–1369 (Abbeville, 1975), 286.

33.R. D. Smith, ‘Artillery and the Hundred Years War: Myth and Interpretation’, Arms, Armies and Fortifications, ed. Curry and Hughes, 153–5; R. L. C. Jones, ‘Fortifications and Sieges in Western Europe c.800–1450’, Medieval Warfare, ed. Keen, 180–3; M. Prestwich, ‘Was there a Military Revolution in Medieval England?’, Recognition Essays Presented to E. B. Fryde, ed. C.Richmond and I. Harvey (Aberystwyth, 1996), 25.

34.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 39; K. DeVries, ‘The Impact of Gunpowder Weaponry in the Hundred Years War’, The Medieval City under Siege, ed. I. A. Corfis and M. Wolfe (Woodbridge, 1995), 228–30.

35.Curry, Agincourt: A New History, 83.

36.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 86–7 and n. 1; J. Barker, Agincourt (London, 2005), 296–7.

37.Parisian Bourgeois, 257.

38.K. DeVries, ‘The Use of Gunpowder Weaponry by and against Joan of Arc during the Hundred Years War’, War and Society, 14 (1996), 9–14; DeVries, Joan of Arc, 52, 56–8; R. D. Smith and K. DeVries, The Artillery of the Dukes of Burgundy, 1363–1477 (Woodbridge, 2005), esp. 98–103.

39.Vale, War and Chivalry, 132–3.

40.‘Chronique française du roi de France Charles VII’: English Historical Documents, IV, 262.

41.K. DeVries, Medieval Military Technology (Ontario, repr. 2003), 162–3; DeVries, ‘Impact of Gunpowder Weaponry on Siege Warfare’, 22; M. de Lombarès, ‘Castillon (17 juillet 1453): première victoire de l’artillerie’, Revue historique de l’Armée, 3 (1976), 7–31; M. Keen, ‘The Changing Scene: Guns, Gunpowder and Permanent Armies’,Medieval Warfare, ed. Keen, 272–3; A. H. Burne, The Agincourt War: A Military History of the Latter Part of the Hundred Years War from 1369 to 1453 (London, 1956), 332–42.

42.Harari, ‘Strategy and Supply’, 302–3 and n. 10; Prestwich, Armies and Warfare, 247–8.

43.Scalacronica, 175.

44.Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 47–8; P. Hoskins, In the Steps of the Black Prince: The Road to Poitiers, 1355–1356 (Woodbridge, 2011), 21–2.

45.T. Elmham, ‘Liber Metricus de Henrico Quinto’: Curry, ed., Battle of Agincourt, 43; Harari, ‘Strategy and Supply’, 306, 308–10.

46.Chronicles of Jean le Bel, ed. Bryant, 256–7; R.Wadge, Arrowstorm: The World of the Archer in the Hundred Years War (Stroud, 2007), 75–7.

47.Harari, ‘Strategy and Supply’, 298, 304, 315–16, 318–19.

48.Scalacronica, 175, 185.

49.C. de Pizan, Book of Deeds of Arms and of Chivalry, 165–6.

50.‘Chronique française du roi de France Charles VII’, English Historical Documents, IV, 262.

51.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 55.

52.Keen, Laws of War, 64–5, 104–6; Curry, ‘The Military Ordinances of Henry V: Texts and Contexts’, War, Government and Aristocracy in the British Isles, ed. Given-Wilson et al., 214–49.

53.Scalacronica, 185.

54.Curry, ed. Battle of Agincourt, 43–4, 129.

55.Curry, Agincourt: A New History, 85; Barker, Agincourt, 188–92.

56.Walsingham, St Albans Chronicle, II, 673.

57.Keegan, Face of Battle, 114–16.

58.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 81, 83. See further C. J. Rogers, Soldiers’ Lives through History: The Middle Ages (Westport, CT, 2007), 169–74.

59.Ayton, ‘English Army at Crécy’, Battle of Crécy, 200–24; M. K. Jones, ‘The Battle of Verneuil (17 August 1424): Towards a History of Courage’, War in History, 9 (2002), 395–8.

60.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 79; Shakespeare, Henry V, IV. iii. 22–4.

61.Chandos Herald, Life of the Black Prince, 38. See also J. R. E. Bliese, ‘When Knightly Courage may Fail: Battle Orations in Medieval Europe’, Historian, 53 (1991), 489–504.

62.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 79; Elmham, ‘Liber Metricus de Henrico Quinto’: Curry, ed., Battle of Agincourt, 45, 48.

63.Barker, Agincourt, 289. On the religious preparations soldiers made prior to campaigning, see G. St John, ‘Dying Beyond the Seas: Testamentary Preparation for Campaigning during the Hundred Years War’, Fourteenth-Century England, VII, ed. W. M. Ormrod (Woodbridge, 2012), 177–96.

64.Both Contamine and Curry suggest that the French army was much smaller than is commonly accepted (9,000–12,000): P. Contamine, ‘Crécy (1346) et Azincourt (1415): une comparaison’, Divers aspects du Moyen Âge en Occident (Calais, 1977), 35; Curry, Agincourt: A New History, 187. Other recent works suggest a figure of around 24,000 is more accurate: C. J. Rogers, ‘The Battle of Agincourt’, Hundred Years War, II: Different Vistas, ed. Villalon and Kagay, 57–63; Barker, Agincourt, 227, 274; M. Bennett, Agincourt, 1415 (Oxford, 1991), 72.

65.C. Phillpotts, ‘The French Plan of Battle during the Agincourt Campaign’, EHR, 99 (1984), 59–66.

66.Thomas Gray thought the French delay prior to beginning the battle of Poitiers had been instigated for much the same reason: Scalacronica, 145.

67.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 87.

68.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 89.

69.Monstrelet: Curry, ed., Battle of Agincourt, 160.

70.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 91.

71.C. Rawcliffe, Medicine and Society in Later Medieval England (Stroud, 1995), 4.

72.Ayton, ‘English Army at Crécy’, Battle of Crécy, ed. Ayton and Preston, 174.

73.Barker, Agincourt, 29–30, 142–6; M. Carlin, ‘Morstede, Thomas (d.1450)’, ODNB (online edn, 2004); Strickland and Hardy, Great Warbow, 279–86.

74.Scalacronica, 146–7; W. Turner, ‘Mental Incapacity and the Financing of War in Medieval England’, Hundred Years War, II: Different Vistas, ed. Kagay and Villalon, 388, 390. For the sparse and tantalising evidence for trauma arising from primitive combat, see L. N. Keeley, War before Civilization: The Myth of the Peaceful Savage (New York, 1996), 146.

75.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 92–3.

76.‘The Siege of Rouen’, The Historical Collections of a Citizen of London in the Fifteenth Century, ed. J. Gairdner (London, 1876), 1–46, cited by A. Goodman, The Wars of the Roses: The Soldiers’ Experience (Stroud, 2005), 29.

77.Le Fèvre and Waurin: Curry, ed. Battle of Agincourt, 167.

78.Barker, Conquest, 7; C. Richmond, ‘The War at Sea’, The Hundred Years War, ed. K. Fowler (London, 1971), 98–100.

79.Allmand, Henry V, 103, 107–8, 113; A. Curry, ‘After Agincourt, What Next? Henry V and the Campaign of 1416’, Conflicts, Consequences and the Crown in the Late Middle Ages, ed. L. Clark (Woodbridge, 2007), 23–51.

80.Rodger, Safeguard of the Sea, 91–2; S. Rose, Medieval Naval Warfare, 1000–1500 (New York, 2002), 68; Richmond, ‘The War at Sea’, 103; G. R. Cushway, ‘“The Lord of the Sea”: The English Navy in the Reign of Edward III’, unpub PhD thesis (University of Exeter, 2006), 264.

81.D. Green, ‘Jean de Vienne’, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Medieval Warfare and Military Technology, ed. C. J. Rogers, 3 vols (New York, 2010), II, 440.

82.M. M. Postan, ‘The Costs of the Hundred Years’ War’, Past and Present, 27 (1964), 34–5, 39; T. J. Runyan, ‘Ships and Mariners in Later Medieval England’, Journal of British Studies, 16 (1977), 3–4, 8; J. W. Sherborne, ‘The Hundred Years’ War. The English Navy: Shipping and Manpower 1369–1389’, Past and Present, 37 (1967), 163–75.

83.Rose, Medieval Sea, 112. By the end of the fourteenth century the Clos des Gallées had become little more than a scrapyard – it was destroyed when the English took Rouen in 1419.

84.I. Friel, ‘Winds of Change’, Arms, Armies and Fortifications, ed. Curry and Hughes, 185; Cushway, ‘The Lord of the Sea’, 11; Sumption, Trial by Battle, 215–16, 264, 404; Rogers, Wars of Edward III, 36.

85.Friel, ‘Winds of Change’, 187.

86.Rodger, Safeguard of the Sea, 145.

87.Rose, Medieval Sea, 118–20.

Chapter 7 Occupation: Coexistence, Collaboration and Resistance (1423)

1.Parisian Journal, 191.

2.Allmand, Henry V, 186–204.

3.D. Grummitt, ‘Écorcheurs’, Oxford Encyclopedia of Medieval Warfare and Military Technology, ed. Rogers, II, 13. See also Rogers, ‘By Fire and Sword: Bellum Hostile and “Civilians” in the Hundred Years War’, Civilians in the Path of War, ed. Grimsley and Rogers, 47–9, 53. In the fifteenth century, during Bedford’s regime, the garrisons in Normandy on the Maine frontier derived an annual income of 25,000 livres in protection money by raiding across the border: Wright, Knights and Peasants, 78.

4.C. T. Allmand, Lancastrian Normandy, 1415–1450: The History of a Medieval Occupation (Oxford, 1983), 211.

5.J. Sumption, ‘Angle, Guichard (IV) d’, Earl of Huntingdon (c.1308/15–1380)’, ODNB (online edn, 2006); D. Green, The Black Prince (Stroud, rev. edn, 2008), 181–7.

6.Chronique du Mont-St-Michel (1343–1468), ed. S. Luce, 2 vols (Paris, 1879), I, 168 n. 2; J. Barker, ‘The Foe Within: Treason in Lancastrian Normandy’, Soldiers, Nobles and Gentlemen, ed. Coss and Tyerman, 310–11.

7.A. Bossuat, ‘The Re-Establishment of Peace in Society during the Reign of Charles VII’, The Recovery of France in the Fifteenth Century, ed. P. S. Lewis, trans. G. F. Martin (London, 1971), 65.

8.Juvénal des Ursins, Les écrits politiques, III, 109.

9.Barker, Conquest, 50–2, 65–71.

10.AN JJ 107, no. 11; cited by Wright, Knights and Peasants, 90.

11.Parisian Journal, 167.

12.For the oath of allegiance demanded by the English of Frenchmen after the treaty of Troyes, see TNA C 47/30/9/10; M. Mercer, Henry V: The Rebirth of Chivalry (London, 2004), 70–1.

13.A. Curry, ‘Lancastrian Normandy: The Jewel in the Crown’, England and Normandy in the Middle Ages, ed. Bates and Curry, 236.

14.R. A. Griffiths, ‘The English Realm and Dominions and the King’s Subjects in the Later Middle Ages’, Aspects of Late Medieval Government and Society, ed. Rowe, 84–5.

15.D. Green, ‘Lordship and Principality: Colonial Policy in Ireland and Aquitaine in the 1360s’, Journal of British Studies, 47 (2008), 26–7 and nn. 116–18; A. J. Otway-Ruthven, ‘Ireland in the 1350s: Sir Thomas Rokeby and his Successors’, Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 97 (1967), 47–9; R. Frame, ‘Thomas Rokeby, Sheriff of Yorkshire, Justiciar of Ireland’, Peritia, 10 (1996), 275, 285–6, 290, 294; idem, ‘Rokeby, Sir Thomas (d.1357)’, ODNB (online edn, 2008).

16.Among Fastolf’s many offices he served the duke of Clarence in Aquitaine (1412–13); as deputy-constable of Bordeaux, captain of Soubise and Veyres (1413–14); captain of Harfleur and Fecamp (1417–21); and lieutenant in Normandy (1422): G. L. Harriss, ‘Fastolf, Sir John (1380–1459)’, ODNB (online edn, 2009).

17.John Talbot’s official positions included: commander of the English garrisons at Montgomery and Bishop’s Castle (1404); captain of Caernarfon (1409); lieutenant of Ireland (1414); lieutenant-general for the conduct of the war on the eastern front (1434); marshal of France (1436); lieutenant of Ireland (1445); commander of Lower Normandy (1448); lieutenant of Gascony (1452): A. J. Pollard, John Talbot and the War in France 1427–1453 (Barnsley, 2nd edn, 1983); A. J. Pollard, ‘Talbot, John, First Earl of Shrewsbury and First Earl of Waterford (c.1387–1453)’, ODNB (online edn, 2008).

18.J. Watts, ‘Richard of York, Third Duke of York (1411–1460)’, ODNB (online edn, 2009); T. B. Pugh, ‘Richard Plantagenet (1411–60), Duke of York, as the King’s Lieutenant in France and Ireland’, Aspects of Late Medieval Government and Society, ed. Rowe, 107–41.

19.M. W. Labarge, Gascony, England’s First Colony, 1204–1453 (London, 1980); R. Frame, ‘Overlordship and Reaction, c.1200–c.1450’, Ireland and Britain, 1170–1450 (London, 1998), 77–8; R. Boutruche, ‘Anglais et Gascons en Aquitaine du XII^e au XV^e siècles. Problèmes d’histoire sociale’, Mélanges d’histoire dédiés à la mémoire de Louis Halphen (Paris, 1951), 57.

20.Histoire générale de Languedoc avec des notes et les pièces justificatives, ed. C. de Vic and J. Vaissètte, rev. edn A. Molinier, 16 vols (Toulouse, 1872–1904), X, 1,404–6; Barber, Edward Prince of Wales, 213; Ormrod, Reign of Edward III, 36; Green, Edward the Black Prince, 134–5; Green, ‘Lordship and Principality’, 3–30. For a different interpretation of conditions in Aquitaine and of the nature of the prince’s administration, see G. Pépin, ‘Towards a New Assessment of the Black Prince’s Principality of Aquitaine: A Study of the Last Years (1369–72)’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 50 (2006), 59–114; G. Pépin, ‘The Parlement of Anglo-Gascon Aquitaine: The Three Estates of Aquitaine (Guyenne)’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 52 (2008), 133–45.

21.Westminster Chronicle, 484.

22.Wright, Knights and Peasants, 77.

23.M. Jones, ‘Les capitaines anglo-bretons et les marches entre la Bretagne et le Poitou de 1342 à 1373’, La ‘France anglaise’ au Moyen Âge, ed. R. H. Bautier (Paris, 1988), 357–75; M. Jones, ‘Edward III’s Captains in Brittany’, England in the Fourteenth Century, ed. W. M. Ormrod (Woodbridge, 1986), 99–118; M. Jones, Ducal Brittany, 1364–1399: Relations with England and France during the Reign of Duke John IV (Oxford, 1970), 1–21.

24.Repressive legislation enforced in Wales in the early fifteenth century built on that first introduced in the 1284 Statute of Rhuddlan/Wales: Statutes of the Realm, II, 128–9, 140–1; I. Bowen, ed., The Statutes of Wales (London, 1908), 31–7; CPR, 1399–1401, 469–70; R. A. Griffiths, The Principality of Wales in the Later Middle Ages: The Structure and Personnel of Government, I: South Wales, 1277–1536 (Cardiff, 1972), xix; R. R. Davies, The Revolt of Owain Glyn Dŵr (Oxford, 1995), 65–93.

25.A. Curry, ‘Sir Thomas Erpingham: A Career in Arms’, Agincourt, 1415, ed. A. Curry (Stroud, 2000), 66; Allmand, Henry V, 209; A. Chapman, ‘The King’s Welshmen: Welsh Involvement in the Expeditionary Army of 1415’, Journal of Medieval Military History, IX, ed. A. Curry and A. Bell (Woodbridge, 2011), 41–63. Welsh troops continued to be recruited throughout Henry’s campaigns, for example in 1420: TNA E403/645/6.

26.H. F. Berry, ed., Statutes and Ordinances, and Acts of the Parliament of Ireland: King John to Henry V (Dublin, 1907), 430–69; S. Duffy, ‘The Problem of Degeneracy’, Law and Disorder in Thirteenth-Century Ireland: The Dublin Parliament of 1297, ed. J. Lydon (Dublin, 1997), 87–106; J. Lydon, ‘Nation and Race in Medieval Ireland’,Concepts of National Identity in the Middle Ages, ed. S. Forde, L. Johnson and A. V. Murray (Leeds, 1995), 105.

27.J. Le Patourel, ‘The Plantagenet Dominions’, History, 50 (1965), 306.

28.For the approximate boundaries of the pays de conquête, see J. H. Wylie and W. T. Waugh, The Reign of Henry the Fifth, 3 vols (Cambridge, 1914–29), III, 235–7.

29.Allmand, Henry V, 16–38; Curry, Agincourt: A New History, 16–17.

30.Harriss, ‘Introduction: The Exemplar of Kingship’, Henry V: The Practice of Kingship, 29; Curry, ‘Lancastrian Normandy: The Jewel in the Crown?’, England and Normandy, ed. Bates and Curry, 241–52.

31.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 16–18; J. J. N. Palmer, ‘The War Aims of the Protagonists and the Negotiations for Peace’, The Hundred Years War, ed. Fowler, 54–5; Barker, Agincourt, 14.

32.Curry, ‘Lancastrian Normandy: The Jewel in the Crown?’, 237–8; Allmand, Lancastrian Normandy, 126.

33.R. E. Glasscock, ‘Land and People c.1300’, A New History of Ireland, II: Medieval Ireland 1169–1534, ed. A. Cosgrove (Oxford, 1987), 212–16; R. R. Davies, ‘Colonial Wales’, Past and Present, 65 (1974), 3–6, 11; C. T. Allmand, ‘The Lancastrian Land Settlement in Normandy, 1417–50’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 21 (1968), 463.

34.In retaliation Charles (VII), at the assembly of the Estates General held in Selles in January 1421, declared the property of those who had remained in English occupied territories confiscated and distributed it, in theory, to his own followers: Bossuat, ‘Re-Establishment of Peace’, 62.

35.R. Massey, ‘The Lancastrian Land Settlement in Normandy and Northern France, 1417–1450’, unpub. PhD thesis (University of Liverpool, 1987), 67–178; L. Puisseux, L’émigration normande et la colonisation anglaise en Normandie au XVe siècle (Paris, 1866), 66; Allmand, Lancastrian Normandy, 61–3; Curry, ‘Lancastrian Normandy: The Jewel in the Crown?’, 241.

36.These lands reverted to the Crown after Clarence’s death at the battle of Baugé (1421).

37.Montague’s offices and titles in France included captain of Honfleur (1419–20); lieutenant-general in Normandy and in the marches south of the Seine (appointed 26 April 1419), extended to the whole duchy of Normandy and Maine on 13 November 1420; governor of Alençon, Bonsmoulins and Verneuil (1420–23): A. Curry, ‘Montagu, Thomas, Fourth Earl of Salisbury (1388–1428)’, ODNB (online edn, 2008).

38.Allmand, ‘The Lancastrian Land Settlement’, 463–6; idem, Lancastrian Normandy, 52–6.

39.Sumption, Trial by Battle, 576–83; S. Rose, Calais: An English Town in France, 1347–1558 (Woodbridge, 2008), 7–22.

40.Rymer, Feodera, III, i, 548; R. Favreau, ‘Comptes de la sénéchaussée de Saintonge, 1360–2’, BEC, 117 (1959), 76–8; idem, ‘La cession de La Rochelle à l’Angleterre en 1360’, La ‘France anglaise’ au Moyen Âge, ed. Bautier, 222–7; P. Chaplais, ‘Some Documents Regarding the Fulfilment and Interpretation of the Treaty of Brétigny’,Camden Society, 3rd ser. 19 (1952), 52–3 and nn. 1–2.

41.Green, ‘Lordship and Principality’, 8–9, 20–1; Delachenal, Charles V, IV, 18–20, 67; P. Boissonnade, Histoire de Poitou (Paris, 1941), 136–7; É. Labroue, Bergerac sous les Anglais (Bordeaux, 1893), 66; A. Higounet-Nadal, Périgueux au XIV^e et XV^e siècles (Bordeaux, 1978), 148.

42.A. Curry, ‘Towns at War: Norman Towns under English Rule, 1417–1450’, Towns and Townspeople in the Fifteenth Century, ed. J. A. Thomson (Gloucester, 1989), 149.

43.C. T. Allmand, ‘La Normandie devant l’opinion anglaise à la fin de la Guerre de Cent Ans’, BEC, 128 (1970), 355; J. Lydon, ‘The Middle Nation’, The English in Medieval Ireland, ed. J. Lydon (Dublin, 1984), 12–20.

44.Allmand, Lancastrian Normandy, 51.

45.Before 1420 Gisors, Dieppe, Caen, Falaise and Pontoise also had their privileges confirmed: Rymer, Feodera, IV, iii, 137, 146, 199; Curry, ‘Towns at War’, 149, 157–61.

46.A. Curry, A. Bell, A. Chapman, A. King and D. Simpkin, ‘Languages in the Military Profession in Later Medieval England’, The Anglo-Norman Language and its Contexts, ed. R. Ingham (York, 2010), 81–2, 85, 87–8.

47.For the garrison sizes at Bayeux, Caudebec, Coutances, Caen, Carentan, Verneuil and Pont-de-l’Arche in 1433–4, see J. Stevenson, ed., Letters and Papers Illustrative of the Wars of the English in France during the Reign of Henry the Sixth, King of England, 3 vols (London, 1861–4), II, ii, 540–6.

48.Captains of Mantes included: Sir John Grey (later count of Tancarville); Edmund, earl of March; John Handford; Richard Guethin; Ralph Grey; Thomas Hoo; and Richard Lowick. A. Curry, ‘Bourgeois et soldats dans la ville de Mantes pendant l’occupation anglaise de 1419 à 1449’, Guerre, pouvoir et noblesse au Moyen Âge. Mélanges en l’honneur de Philippe Contamine, ed. J. Paviot and J. Verger (Paris, 2000), 179–80, 183; idem, ‘Towns at War’, 148–50, 153, 156, 162; idem, ‘The Nationality of Men-at-Arms Serving in English Armies in Normandy and the Pays-de-Conquête, 1415–1450’, Reading Medieval Studies, 18 (1992), 157.

49.A. Curry, ‘Isolated or Integrated? The English Soldier in Lancastrian Normandy’, Courts and Regions in Medieval Europe, ed. S. Rees Jones, R. Marks and A. J. Minnis (York, 2000), 192; Allmand, Lancastrian Normandy, 80.

50.P. Crooks, ‘Factions, Feuds and Noble Power in the Lordship of Ireland, c.1356–1496’, Irish Historical Studies, 35 (2007), 434–6; P. Capra, ‘Les bases sociales du pouvoir anglo-gascon au milieu du XIV^e siècle’, Le Moyen Âge, 4ème sér. 81 (1975), 276; idem, ‘L’évolution de l’administration anglo-gasconne au milieu du XIV^e siècle’,Bordeaux et les Iles britanniques du XIII^e au XX^e siècle (Bordeaux, 1975), 23; J. Given, State and Society in Medieval Europe: Gwynedd and Languedoc under Outside Rule (Ithaca, NY, and London, 1990), 154–66; Curry, ‘Lancastrian Normandy: The Jewel in the Crown?’, 250.

51.Pépin, ‘Parlement of Anglo-Gascon Aquitaine’, 135, 137–8, 145–9, 153–6. See also Palmer, England, France and Christendom, 152–65; C. J. Phillpotts, ‘John of Gaunt and English Policy towards France, 1389–1395’, Journal of Medieval History, 16 (1990), 363–86; Allmand, Lancastrian Normandy, 171–86; Curry, ‘Towns at War’, 159, 163.

52.Histoire générale de Languedoc, X, 1404–6; Thompson, Paris and its People, 28–9.

53.M. K. Jones, ‘L’imposition illégale de taxes en “Normandie anglaise”: une enquête gouvernementale en 1446’, La ‘France anglaise’, ed. Bautier, 461–8; Wright, Knights and Peasants, 87.

54.Curry, ‘Towns at War’, 153, 155–8, 165–6.

55.Curry, ‘Towns at War’, 162. Mantes provides one of the best examples of the reconquest. The town’s Déliberations have been used extensively by Anne Curry. They are found in Mantes-la-Jolie; Bibliothèque Municipale, Archives Communales de Mantes, Série BB 5ff.

56.Berry, Statutes and Ordinances, 447; E. Tresham, ed., Rotulorum Patentium et Clausorum Cancellarie Hibernie Calendarium (Dublin, 1828), Pat. 49 Edward III, 94 no. 164.

57.Parisian Bourgeois, 281; Vale, Charles VII, 122; Thompson, Paris and its People, 8–9.

58.W. M. Ormrod, ed., ‘Edward III: Parliament of 1373, Text and Translation’, PROME, item 32. See also A. K. McHardy, ‘The Effects of War on the Church: The Case of the Alien Priories in the Fourteenth Century’, England and her Neighbours, ed. Jones and Vale, 277–95.

59.F. X. Martin, ‘John, Lord of Ireland, 1185–1216’, A New History of Ireland, II, ed. Cosgrove, 153; R. R. Davies, The Age of Conquest: Wales, 1063–1415 (Oxford, 1991), 398.

60.Allmand, ‘The English and the Church in Lancastrian Normandy’, England and Normandy, ed. Bates and Curry, 287–9; idem, Lancastrian Normandy, 218; Thompson, Paris and its People, 158–9, 171–5, 179ff.

61.Parisian Journal, 200–1.

62.J. Favier, ‘Occupation ou connivence? Les Anglais à Paris (1422–1436)’, Guerre, pouvoir et noblesse au Moyen Âge Contamine, ed. Paviot and Verger, 247; Thompson, Paris and its People, 151.

63.Stafford also served as constable of France, and lieutenant-general of Normandy. Clarence held the vicomtés of Auge, Orbec and Pont Audemer until his death in 1421. Beaufort served, briefly, as lieutenant in Aquitaine (1413–14), and as captain of some of Henry V’s major conquests – Harfleur, Rouen, Conches and Melun, in addition to Paris.

64.Parisian Journal, 155. After the treaty of Arras the Burgundians played a crucial role in recapturing Paris for Charles VII: Thompson, Paris and its People, 10, 37–44, 149–50, 159, 208–9, 238.

65.Parisian Journal, 161.

66.R. R. Butler, Is Paris Lost? The English Occupation, 1422–1436 (Staplehurst, 2003), 65–6.

67.G. Llewelyn Thompson, ‘Le régime anglo-bourguignon à Paris: facteurs idéologiques’, La ‘France anglaise’ au Moyen Âge, ed. Bautier, 53–60; idem, ‘“Monseigneur Saint Denis”, his Abbey, and his Town, under the English Occupation, 1420–1436’, Power, Culture, and Religion in France, c.1350–c.1550, ed. C. T. Allmand (Woodbridge, 1989), 19.

68.Parisian Bourgeois, 185.

69.S. Roux, Paris in the Middle Ages, trans. Jo Ann McNamara (Philadelphia, PA, 2009), 59; Griffiths, Reign of Henry VI, 516; Thompson, Paris and its People, 208–9, 216–17; Favier, ‘Occupation ou connivence?’, 252; Barker, Conquest, 70.

70.G.L. Harriss, ‘Fastolf, Sir John (1380–1459)’, ODNB (online edn, 2004); Favier, ‘Occupation ou connivence?’, 249–50.

71.Charles d’Orléans’s Italian secretary Antonio Astesano described conditions in Saint-Denis in 1451: Antonio Astesano, ‘Éloge descriptif de la ville de Paris et des principales villes de France en 1451’, ed. A. Le Roux de Lincy and L.–M. Tisserand, Paris et ses historiens aux XIV–XV siècles (Paris, 1867), 552. See also Thompson, ‘Monseigneur Saint Denis’, 15–18, 27–8.

72.This was certainly the case when Limoges renounced its loyalty to the Black Prince in 1370. See Paul Ducourtieux, Histoire de Limoges (Limoges, 1925, repr. Marseille, 1975), 53, 59; Barber, Edward, Prince of Wales, 224–6 and n. 23; Keen, Laws of War, 120–1, 124; Green, Edward the Black Prince, 90–3. The English regimes in Normandy and Paris faced similar problems after 1435 with the collapse of the Burgundian alliance at the Congress of Arras: see Parisian Journal, 318; Allmand, ‘Lancastrian Land Settlement’, 471.

73.B. G. H. Ditcham, ‘“Mutton Guzzlers and Wine Bags”: Foreign Soldiers and Native Reactions in Fifteenth-Century France’, Power, Culture and Religion in France, ed. Allmand, 2–4, 6–8; Norman MacDougall, An Antidote to the English: The Auld Alliance, 1295–1560 (East Linton, 2001), 59–77; M. H. Brown, ‘Stewart, John, third earl of Buchan (c.1380–1424)’, ODNB (online edn, 2006); idem, ‘Douglas, Archibald, fourth earl of Douglas, and duke of Touraine in the French nobility (c.1369–1424)’, ODNB (online edn, 2006); idem, ‘Douglas, Archibald, fifth earl of Douglas, and duke of Touraine in the French nobility (c.1391–1439)’, ODNB (online edn, 2006).

74.L. Taylor, The Virgin Warrior: The Life and Death of Joan of Arc (New Haven, CT, and London, 2009), 2, 11–12, 14–15, 21–2.

Chapter 8 Women and War (1429)

1.Joan of Arc: La Pucelle, ed. and trans. C. Taylor (Manchester, 2006), 89.

2.C. de Pizan, Le ditié de Jehanne d’Arc, ed. and trans. A. J. Kennedy and K. Varty (Oxford, 1997).

3.See C. de Pizan, The Book of the City of Ladies, trans. R. Brown-Grant (Harmondsworth, 1999). Other major works include: ‘The Epistle of Othea’ (c.1399); ‘The Book of the Deeds of King Charles V, the Wise’ (1404); ‘The Book of the Body Politic’ (1405); ‘The Book of Deeds of Arms and of Chivalry’ (c.1410); ‘The Book of Peace’ (c.1412); ‘The Epistle of the Prison of Human Life’ (1415–18); ‘The Song of Joan of Arc’ (1429).

4.J. Bolton, ‘The World Upside Down: Plague as an Agent of Economic and Social Change’, The Black Death in England, ed. W. M. Ormrod and P. Lindley (Stamford, 1996), 37–9, 51.

5.S. Shahar, The Fourth Estate: A History of Women in the Middle Ages (New York, 1983), 191–2; H. Nicholson, Medieval Warfare (Basingstoke, 2004), 185 n. 86; H. Swanson, ‘The Illusion of Economic Structure: Craft Guilds in Late Medieval English Towns’, Past and Present, 121 (1988), 39; J. M. Bennett, Ale, Beer and Brewsters in England: Women’s Work in a Changing World, 1300–1600 (Oxford, 1996); J. C. Ward, Women in England in the Middle Ages (London, 2006), 92; Barker, Agincourt, 92–3.

6.S. H. Rigby, ‘Introduction: Social Structure and Economic Change in Late Medieval England’, A Social History of England, 1200–1500, ed. R. Horrox and W. M. Ormrod (Cambridge, 2006), 16–17; M. E. Mate, ‘Work and Leisure’, ibid., 276–7.

7.S. Bardsley, ‘Women’s Work Reconsidered: Gender and Wage Differentiation in Late Medieval England’, Past and Present, 165 (1999), 3–16.

8.C. Taylor, ‘The Salic Law, French Queenship, and the Defense of Women in the Late Middle Ages’, French Historical Studies, 29 (2006), 543 and n. 2, 548. Comments/treatises on Salic law following Richard Lescot’s rediscovery of the concept (The Laws of the Salian Franks, ed. and trans. K. Fischer Drew [Philadelphia, PA, 1991], 28–55) include Jean de Montreuil’s Traité contre les Anglois (1411), the Audite celi of Jean Juvénal des Ursins (1435), the Abrégé des chroniques de France by Noel de Fribois (1459) and the anonymous Grand traitis la loy salique (c.1464): see K. Daly and R. E. Giesey, ‘Noel de Fribois et la loi salique’, BEC, 151 (1993), 5–27.

9.See, for example, the extremely misogynistic courtesy book written by Geoffrey de la Tour Landry in c.1380: The Book of the Knight of La Tour-Landry, ed. T.Wright (London, 1906).

10.Rigby, ‘Introduction: Social Structure and Economic Change in Late Medieval England’, A Social History of England, ed. Horrox and Ormrod, 9–10.

11.Parisian Journal, 88.

12.C. de Pizan, Book of the City of Ladies, 31–2.

13.Chronique des quatre premiers Valois, cited by Autrand, Charles V, 21. See also Small, Late Medieval France, 98.

14.R. Gibbons, ‘Isabeau of Bavaria, Queen of France (1385–1422): The Creation of an Historical Villainess’, TRHS, 6th ser. 6 (1996), 54. Among Isabeau’s many children, a number died in infancy: Charles (d.1386), Charles (1392–1401), Philippe (d.1407), Louis of Guyenne (1397–1415). Jean, duke of Tourraine (1398–1417) preceded Charles (VII) as dauphin.

15.Taylor, ‘Salic Law’, 555; L. L. Huneycutt, ‘Intercession and the High-Medieval Queen: The Esther Topos’, Power of the Weak: Studies on Medieval Women, ed. J. Carpenter and S.-B. MacLean (Chicago, IL, 1995), 126–46; J. C. Parsons, ‘The Queen’s Intercession in Thirteenth-Century England’, ibid., 147–77; A. Musson, ‘Queenship, Lordship and Petitioning in Late Medieval England’, Medieval Petitions, ed. Ormrod, Dodd and Musson, 158–63.

16.Chronicle of Jean de Venette, 57–8, 69; Benz St John, Three Medieval Queens, 33–63.

17.Taylor, The Virgin Warrior, 35, 42–3, 51, 55.

18.P. Strohm, Hochon’s Arrow: The Social Imagination of Fourteenth-Century Texts (Princeton, NJ, 1992), 95–119.

19.Benz St John, Three Medieval Queens, 99–100; Rose, Calais, 20–2; J.-M. Moeglin, ‘Édouard III et les six bourgeois de Calais’, Revue Historique, 292 (1994), 229–67.

20.Westminster Chronicle cited by A. K. McHardy, ed., The Reign of Richard II: From Minority to Tyranny, 1377–97 (Manchester, 2012), 227, 73–5; J. L. Leland, ‘Burley, Sir Simon (1336?–1388)’, ODNB (online edn, 2011).

21.Taylor, ‘Salic Law, French Queenship and the Defense of Women’, 553, 557–60.

22.Westminster Chronicle, 25; Saul, Richard II, 83–4; idem, ‘Anne (1366–1394)’, ODNB (online edn, 2004).

23.M. Jones, ‘Joan (1368–1437)’, ODNB (online edn, 2008).

24.L. Hilton, Queens Consort: England’s Medieval Queens (London, 2008), 307–20.

25.M. Jones, ‘Catherine (1401–1437)’, ODNB (online edn, 2008); C. Richmond, ‘Beaufort, Edmund, first Duke of Somerset (c.1406–1455)’, ibid. (online edn, 2008); R. A. Griffiths, ‘Tudor, Owen (c.1400–1461)’, ibid. (online edn, 2008); Allmand, Henry V, 66, 68, 131–2, 137, 140–1, 144–5; Wolffe, Henry VI, 45, 90.

26.H. Castor, She-Wolves: The Women who Ruled England before Elizabeth (London, 2010), 301–402; H. Maurer, Margaret of Anjou: Queenship and Power in Late Medieval England (Woodbridge, 2003), 1–38.

27.Estow, Pedro the Cruel, 265.

28.St Albans Chronicle, I, 963; A. Tuck, ‘Edmund, First Duke of York (1341–1402)’, ODNB (online edn, 2008).

29.Autrand, Charles V, 14–16; Delachenal, Charles V, I, 33–5.

30.Vaughan, Philip the Bold, 44.

31.Vale, Charles VII, 22–4.

32.MacDougall, An Antidote to the English, 83–6; idem, ‘Mary (d.1463)’, ODNB (online edn, 2004).

33.St Albans Chronicle, I, 43; cited by W. M. Ormrod, ‘Who was Alice Perrers?’, Chaucer Review, 40 (2006), 219.

34.C. Given-Wilson, ‘Perrers, Alice (d.1400/01)’, ODNB online edn, (2008); W. M. Ormrod, ‘Alice Perrers and John Salisbury’, EHR, 123 (2008), 379–93; Ormrod, ‘Who was Alice Perrers?’, 219–29; J. Bothwell, ‘The Management of Position: Alice Perrers, Edward III, and the Creation of a Landed Estate, 1362–1377’, Journal of Medieval History, 24 (1998), 31.

35.St Albans Chronicle, I, 12; G. A. Holmes, The Good Parliament (Oxford, 1975), 134–5, 137–8.

36.Gibbons, ‘Isabeau of Bavaria’, 57–8; Adams, Life and Afterlife of Isabeau of Bavaria, 113–48.

37.Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue, 1–21; B. Guenée, La folie de Charles VI: roi bien-aimé (Paris, 2004), 23–36.

38.Vale, Charles VII, 90–3, 129; P. Prétou, ‘Les poisons de Jacques Cœur’, Cahiers de recherches médiévales, 17 (2009), 121–40; P. Bernu, ‘Le rôle politique de Pierre de Brezé au cours des dix dernières années du règne de Charles VII (1451–1461)’, BEC, 69 (1908), 303–47.

39.Cited by Vale, Charles VII, 94. See also C. Schaefer, ‘L’art et l’histoire. Étienne Chevalier commande au peintre Jean Fouquet le diptyque de Melun’, Art et architecture à Melun au Moyen Âge, actes du colloque d’histoire de l’art et d’archéologie (Paris, 2000), 293–300.

40.The Goodman of Paris: A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris c.1393, trans. E. Power (Woodbridge, new edn, 2006), 37; John of Reading, Chronica Johannis de Reading et anonymi Cantuariensis, 1346–1367, ed. J. Tait (Manchester, 1914), 166–8; Green, Edward the Black Prince, 118–19; S. M. Newton,Fashion in the Age of the Black Prince: A Study of the Years 1340–1365 (Woodbridge, 1988); M. Dupuy, Le Prince Noir: Edouard seigneur d’Aquitaine (Paris, 1970), 200.

41.V. Sekules, ‘Dynasty and Patrimony in the Self-Construction of an English Queen: Philippa of Hainault and her Images’, England and the Continent in the Middle Ages: Studies in Memory of Andrew Martindale, ed. J. Mitchell (Stamford, 2000), 167; P. Stafford, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers: The King’s Wife in the Early Middle Ages(Leicester, 1998), 108–9; W. M. Ormrod, ‘“In Bed with Joan of Kent”: The King’s Mother and the Peasants’ Revolt’, Medieval Women: Texts and Contexts in Late Medieval Britain, ed. J. Wogan Browne et al. (Turnhout, 2000), 277–92.

42.J. F. Verbruggen, ‘Women in Medieval Armies’, trans. K. DeVries, Journal of Medieval Military History, 4 (2006), 119; R. M. Karras, ‘The Regulation of Brothels in Later Medieval England’, Signs, 14 (1989), 399–433.

43.Goodman, Wars of the Roses, 148; A. Curry, ‘Soldiers’ Wives in the Hundred Years War’, Soldiers, Nobles and Gentlemen, ed. Coss and Tyerman, 205.

44.M. McLaughlin, ‘The Woman Warrior: Gender, Warfare and Society in Medieval Europe’, Women’s Studies, 17 (1990), 193–209.

45.J. Ward, Women of the English Nobility and Gentry, 1066–1500 (Manchester, 1995), 146–7.

46.C. de Pizan, The Treasure of the City of Ladies, trans. S. Lawson (Harmondsworth, 1985), 129.

47.F. Watson, ‘Dunbar, Patrick, Eighth Earl of Dunbar or of March, and Earl of Moray (1285–1369)’, ODNB (online edn, 2008).

48.Sumption, Trial by Battle, 389–95. For a more sceptical view of her heroic role, see M. Jones, ‘The Breton Civil War’, Froissart: Historian, ed. J. J. N. Palmer (Woodbridge, 1981), 68–9.

49.Dictionnaire de biographie Française (Paris, 1967), XI, 1,526.

50.Chronica Maiora, trans. Preest, 331; St Albans Chronicle, II, 403.

51.Taylor, The Virgin Warrior, 58.

52.Giles of Rome, De Regimine Principum, Libri III, cited by J. M. Blythe, ‘Women in the Military: Scholastic Arguments and Medieval Images of Female Warriors’, History of Political Thought, 22 (2001), 253.

53.Taylor, The Virgin Warrior, 19–21, 49–50; M. Warner, Joan of Arc: The Image of Female Heroism (Berkeley, CA, 1981), 185, 188–9.

54.J. Quicherat, ed., Procès de condemnation et de rehabilitation de Jeanne d’Arc dite La Pucelle, 5 vols (Paris, 1841–9), I, 489–93, trans. DeVries, Joan of Arc, 1.

55.S. Crane, The Performance of Self: Ritual, Clothing and Identity during the Hundred Years War (Philadelphia, PA, 2002), 73–106; L. G. Edwards, ‘Joan of Arc: Gender and Authority in the Text of the Trial of Condemnation’, Young Medieval Women, ed. K. Lewis, N. Menuge and K. Phillips (Stroud, 1999), 139–40, 144; Joan of Arc, ed. and trans. Taylor, 46–9.

56.C. de Pizan, The Epistle of the Prison of Human Life with An Epistle to the Queen of France and Lament of the Evils of the Civil War, ed. J. A. Wisman (New York, 1984), 3.

57.A. Goodman, John of Gaunt: The Exercise of Princely Power in Fourteenth-Century Europe (Harlow, 1992), 31.

58.Curry, Agincourt: A New History, 207–9; Barker, Agincourt, 307–8.

59.W. H. TeBrake, A Plague of Insurrection: Popular Politics and Peasant Revolt in Flanders, 1323–1328 (Philadelphia, PA, 1993), 33–4, 123.

60.Chronicle of Jean de Venette, 40–1, 85–6, 93.

61.Chronicle of Jean de Venette, 76; R. Hilton, Bond Men Made Free: Medieval Peasant Movements and the English Rising of 1381 (London, 1973), 127.

62.Parisian Journal, 223.

63.Wright, Knights and Peasants, 73.

64.Gower, Confessio Amantis, ed. and trans. Tiller, 204–5; C. Saunders, ‘A Matter of Consent: Middle English Romance and the Law of Raptus’, Medieval Women and the Law, ed. N. Menuge (Woodbridge, 2000), 106, 109–10; K. Phillips, ‘Written on the Body: Reading Rape from the Twelfth to Fifteenth Centuries’, ibid., 128, 138.

65.I. Mast, ‘Rape in John Gower’s Confessio Amantis and other Related Works’, Young Medieval Women, ed. Lewis, Menuge and Phillips, 103–4, 108; D. Wolfthal, Images of Rape: The ‘Heroic’ Tradition and its Alternatives (Cambridge, 1999), 64–5; A. Ramsay, ‘On the Link between Rape, Abduction and War in C. de Pizan’s Cité des dames’,Contexts and Continuities: Proceedings of the Fourth International Colloquium on Christine de Pizan (Glasgow, 2002), 693–703.

66.Sir Thomas Malory, The Works of Sir Thomas Malory, ed. E. Vinaver and P. J. C. Field, 3 vols (Oxford, 3rd edn, 1990), I, 120; Saunders, ‘A Matter of Consent’, 118–19. Rape clearly had ‘class’ connotations. There was greater abhorrence at the rape of noble women and greater shock when noble men were the perpetrators. See, for example,La chronique d’Enguerran de Monstrelet, III, 9–10 (on the capture of Soissons where noblemen joined the ordinary soldiers in indiscrimate rape); and S. Painter, French Chivalry: Chivalric Ideals and Practices in Mediaeval France (Ithaca, NY, 1957), 141–6.

67.Froissart: Chronicles, ed. and trans. Brereton, 75.

68.J. E. Gilbert, ‘A Medieval Rosie the Riveter? Women in France and Southern England during the Hundred Years War’, The Hundred Years War, I: A Wider Focus, ed. Kagay and Villalon, 345–6.

69.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 34, 54.

70.Curry, ‘Soldiers’ Wives’, 201–3.

Chapter 9 Prisoners of War: Gilded Cages (1435)

1.E. McLeod, Charles of Orléans: Prince and Poet (London, 1969), 172.

2.See J. G. Dickinson, The Congress of Arras, 1435: A Study in Medieval Diplomacy (Oxford, 1955).

3.This despite the fact that the dauphin’s coronation service had to be improvised because the royal insignia and crown were in English hands. Charles also lacked a copy of the most recent order of service and a Capetian coronation ordo had to be used instead. R. A. Jackson, Vive le Roi! A History of the French Coronation from Charles V to Charles X (Chapel Hill, NC, 1984), 34–6.

4.Griffiths, Henry VI, 198–9.

5.Knecht, Valois, 70–2; Vale, Ancient Enemy, 102–3; Harriss, Shaping the Nation, 566–7. For the proposed English response to the collapse of the Burgundian alliance and the failure of the Congress of Arras, see ‘Sir John Fastolf’s Report’ (1435), in J. Stevenson, ed., Letters and Papers Illustrative of the Wars of the English in France during the Reign of Henry the Sixth, King of England, 3 vols (London, 1861–4), II, 575–85; M. G. A. Vale, ‘Sir John Fastolf’s “Report” of 1435: A New Interpretation Reconsidered’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 17 (1973), 78–84.

6.Book of Pluscardensis, cited by Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp, 74.

7.C. Given-Wilson and F. Bériac-Lainé, ‘Edward III’s Prisoners of War: The Battle of Poitiers and its Context’, EHR, 116 (2001), 803–4.

8.P. Contamine, ‘The Growth of State Control, Practices of War, 1300–1800: Ransom and Booty’, War and Competition between States, ed. P. Contamine (Oxford, 2000), 166. Despite the order to kill the prisoners, significant numbers were taken at Agincourt. French sources put the figure at about 1,500 knights and esquires including two dukes, three counts and a dozen or more great lords. English figures are lower. Chronique d’Enguerran de Monstrelet, III, 120–1; Chronique du Religieux du Saint-Denys, contenant le règne de Charles VI, de 1380 à 1422, ed. L.-F. Bellaguet, 6 vols (Paris, 1839–52), V, 574; Gesta Henrici Quinti, 95–6; Curry, Agincourt: A New History, 276–9; R. Ambühl, ‘Le sort des prisonniers d’Azincourt (1415)’, Revue du Nord, 89 (2007), 755–88; R. Ambühl, ‘A Fair Share of the Profits? The Ransoms of Agincourt’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 50 (2006), 129–50.

9.P. C. Timbal, La Guerre de Cent Ans vue à travers les registres du parlement (1337–1369) (Paris, 1961), 305–74.

10.The first general ordinances of war (sometimes called Ordinances of Durham), which stated that a third of spoils were to be paid to one’s captain/commander, who in turn paid a third to the Crown, were issued for the 1385 Scottish campaign: BL Stowe 140, ff. 148–51. Prior to 1385 there is evidence of some differences to this practice. Edward III and the Black Prince, for example, demanded a half of the profits from prisoners in some of their indentures and contracts: BPR, I, 128–9; III, 251–2, 294–5. For further discussion, see D. Hay, ‘The Division of the Spoils of War’, TRHS, 5th ser. 4 (1954), 91–109. For the distribution of booty in Henry V’s reign, see TNA E101/46/4; E101/48/2; 53/7;The Essential Portions of Nicholas Upton’s De Studio Militari, before 1446, ed. F. P. Barnard (Oxford, 1931), 45–6.

11.R. Ambühl, ‘Prisoners of War in the Hundred Years War: The Golden Age of Private Ransoms’, unpub. PhD thesis (University of St Andrews, 2009), 30.

12.Walsingham, Chronica Maiora, ed. Preest, 69–71.

13.E. Perroy, ‘Gras profits et rançons pendant la Guerre de Cent Ans: l’affaire du comte de Denia’, Mélanges d’histoire du Moyen Âge dédiés à la mémoire de Louis Halphen, ed. F. Lot, M. Roques and C. Brunel (Paris, 1951), 573–80; A. Rogers, ‘Hoton versus Shakell’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 6 (1962), 74–108; 7 (1963), 53–78.

14.Le Bel, Chronique, II, 222. See also Prestwich, ‘Why did Englishmen Fight in the Hundred Years War?’, 63–4.

15.According to Jonathan Sumption, even before one takes into account the value of Jean II and his son, the ransoms of those captured at Poitiers totalled not less than £300,000, which was almost three times the cost of the English war effort over the past year: Trial by Fire, 248; Perroy, ‘Les profits et rançons pendant la Guerre de Cent Ans’,Mélanges d’histoire du Moyen Âge, 574. He calculated that between 1360 and 1370 Edward III received £268,000 from three major ransoms. See also Hay, ‘Division of the Spoils of War’, 93. However, M. M. Postan argued that little of the ransom money permeated into the national economy: ‘The Costs of the Hundred Years War’, Past and Present, 27 (1964), 34–53. T. F. Tout showed that perhaps as much as a third of King John’s ransom was retained in the king’s chamber for subsequent use in war disbursements abroad: Chapters in the Administrative History of Mediaeval England, 6 vols (Manchester, 1928), III, 243–8. See further: M. Broome, ‘The Ransom of John II King of France, 1360–70’, Camden Miscellany, 14 (1926), xvii–viii.

16.Given-Wilson and Bériac-Lainé, ‘Battle of Poitiers’, 802–33; K. B. McFarlane, ‘The Investment of Sir John Fastolf’s Profits of War’, TRHS, 5th ser. 7 (1957), 91–116.

17.Contamine, ‘Ransoms and Booty’, 169; Hay, ‘Division of the Spoils of War’, 100.

18.TNA E30/74: agreement of Charles of Blois to pay 700,000 florins for his own ransom and for that of his wife; his sons Jean and Gui were to remain as hostages while the sum was paid (9 August 1356): C. J. Rogers, ‘The Anglo-French Peace Negotiations of 1354–1360 Reconsidered’, Age of Edward III, ed. Bothwell, 193–214.

19.R. Pernoud, Joan of Arc by Herself and her Witnesses, trans. E. Hyams (Harmondsworth, 1964), 182.

20.Pernoud, Joan of Arc, 185–6; Joan of Arc, ed. and trans. Taylor, 175.

21.TNA SC8/261/13046; Sumption, Divided Houses, 182; Jones, Ducal Brittany, 74.

22.Randolf had commanded the first schiltron at Halidon Hill, where very few prisoners were taken, and one hundred of those who surrendered were put to death at Edward III’s order the next morning: Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp, 72, 74.

23.Scalacronica, 120; Rotuli Scotiae in Turri Londiniensi et in Domo Capitulari Westmonasteriensi asservati, I: Edward I–Edward III, ed. D. Macpherson (London, 1814), 371; S. I. Boardman, ‘Randolph, John, Third Earl of Moray (d.1346)’, ODNB (online edn, 2004). See TNA E101/21/22 for John, earl of Moray’s expenses in prison; he was ordered to be kept at Windsor and the constable was paid for his maintenance: CCR, 1339–41, 568.

24.Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp, 187–8. On Edward’s ‘provincial strategy’, see J. Le Patourel, ‘Edward III and the Kingdom of France’, History, 43 (1958), repr. in Rogers, Wars of Edward III, 247–64, esp. 254, 258, 260–3. Ufford had served in the Low Countries and France in various diplomatic and military capacities since 1338. He was released after the truce of Esplechin (September 1340) and the payment of a heavy ransom to which Edward III contributed £500: W. M. Ormrod, ‘Ufford, Robert, First Earl of Suffolk (1298–1369)’, ODNB (online edn, 2008).

25.BN Fr.n.a. 9239 f. 269; W. M. Ormrod, ‘Montagu, William, First Earl of Salisbury (1301–1344)’, ODNB (online edn, 2004); Sumption, Trial by Battle, 309–12.

26.A. Curry, ‘Henry VI, Parliament of 1429: Text and Translation’, PROME, item 18: The petition was made in recognition of ‘the great and notable service given by Lord Talbot both to our present sovereign lord the king and to his father the previous king, whom God absolve, in his realm of France and elsewhere; during which service he was taken prisoner by the king’s adversaries of France who imposed an unreasonable and unbearable ransom on him.’

27.Pollard, John Talbot and the War in France, 17–18, 113–14.

28.Lanercost Chronicle, ed. J. Stevenson (Edinburgh, 1839), 351; A. Grant, ‘Disaster at Neville’s Cross: The Scottish Point of View’, Battle of Neville’s Cross, ed. Rollason and Prestwich, 33; M. C. Dixon, ‘John de Coupland – Hero to Villain’, ibid., 36–49.

29.A. A. M. Duncan, ‘Douglas, Sir William, Lord of Liddesdale (c.1310–1353)’, ODNB (online edn, 2006).

30.After 20 years only 76,000 marks of David II’s ransom had been paid: TNA E39/36; Rymer, Foedera, III, ii, 151–3. Another consequence of the treaty of Berwick was the establishment of a new system of law centring on ‘days of march’ when judicial tribunals would be held: C. J. Neville, ‘Keeping the Peace on the Northern Marches in the Later Middle Ages’, EHR, 109 (1994), 1–25; A. A. M. Duncan, ‘Honi soit qui mal y pense: David II and Edward III, 1346–52’, Scottish Historical Review, 67 (1988), 131–41.

31.Rymer, Foedera, III, iv, 39–42; MacDougall, An Antidote to the English, 46–51.

32.S. I. Boardman, ‘Stewart, Robert, First Duke of Albany (c.1340–1420)’, ODNB (online edn, 2006): Boardman offers a rather more generous interpretation of Albany’s actions and motivations.

33.J. Boffey, Fifteenth-Century English Dream Visions: An Anthology (Oxford, 2003), 90–157; The Kingis Quair and Other Prison Poems, ed. L. R. Mooney and M.-J. Arn (Kalamazoo, MI, 2005), ll. 170–3, 183–4, 191.

34.M. H. Brown, ‘James I (1394–1437)’, ODNB (online edn, 2004). For a discussion of the influence of English court culture on James II, see Stevenson, Chivalry and Knighthood, 2, 44–6, 70–2, 170–9.

35.Sumption, Trial by Fire, 245; Green, Battle of Poitiers, 54.

36.Froissart: Chronicles, ed. and trans. Brereton, 144.

37.With regard to the numbers of those made prisoner, sources vary. According to Richard Lescot, 65 barons, 1,500 nobles, townsmen and ecclesiastics were captured at Poitiers, and some 800 famosi pugnatores (famous warriors) were killed. Jean Le Bel noted 2,000 prisoners were taken. Knighton and other English chroniclers give a figure of between 2,000 and 2,500 prisoners. The chief sources of English information were the newsletters the Black Prince and his captains sent home. The prince’s letter named 42 of the more important captives, added 1,933 further captives and noted the deaths of 19 lords and 2,426 others. The precision of the figures suggests they may have been based on a herald’s list. For further discussion, see F. Beriac-Lainé and C. Given-Wilson, Les prisonniers de la bataille de Poitiers (Paris 2002), esp. 35–7, 75–6, 86–8, 94–9.

38.Ormrod, Edward III, 387–9, quotation at 387.

39.Sumption, Trial by Fire, 497–500.

40.Froissart: Chronicles, ed. and trans. Brereton, 74–5; Sumption, Trial by Battle, 510.

41.Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Diller, II, 384.

42.Froissart: Chronicles, ed. and trans. Brereton, 179.

43.Ambühl, Prisoners of War, 34

44.Ambühl, Prisoners of War, 33.

45.Contamine, ‘Ransom and Booty’, 172.

46.Ambühl, Prisoners of War, 141–5.

47.Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, 289.

48.Parisian Journal, 107; A. King, ‘“According to the custom used in French and Scottish wars”: Prisoners and Casualties on the Scottish Marches in the Fourteenth Century’, Journal of Medieval History, 28 (2002), 281.

49.Le Bel, Chroniques, II, 106; Ayton, ‘Crécy Campaign’, Battle of Crécy, ed. Ayton and Preston, 62–72; E. Porter, ‘Chaucer’s Knight, the Alliterative Morte Arthure and the Medieval Laws of War: A Reconsideration’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, xxvii (1983), 67.

50.Murimuth, Continuatio chronicarum, 247; Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. Martin, 143.

51.For restrictions regarding the capture of prisoners due to the need for military discipline, see BPR, IV, 338: ‘to avoid some perils which might perchance have arisen, an ordinance was made by the [Black] Prince and publicly proclaimed in his host before the battle of Poitiers … that no man should linger over his prisoner on pain of forfeiting him’.

52.Charny, Book of Chivalry, 99.

53.Keen, Chivalry, 221.

54.Gesta Henrici Quinti, 90–3.

55.Vernier, Flower of Chivalry, 116–23; quotation at 122. See also Barber, Knight and Chivalry, 242.

56.Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce, VIII, 239; M. G. A. Vale, ‘Grailly, Jean (III) de (d.1377)’, ODNB (online edn, 2008); A. D. Carr, ‘Owen of Wales (d.1378)’, ODNB (online edn, 2004); S. G. Smith, ‘What Does a Mercenary Leave Behind? The Archaeological Evidence for the Estates of Owain Lawgoch’, Mercenaries and Paid Men, ed. France, 317–30. During the same engagement at Soubise in 1372, Sir Thomas Percy, seneschal of Poitou (d.1403), was captured by a Welsh chaplain from Owain’s company, Hywel Flint. The captal de Buch had benefited from the ransom system earlier in his career having captured the count of Ponthieu at the battle of Poitiers. He sold him to the Black Prince for 25,000 crowns: TNA E30/1632; Ambühl, ‘Prisoners of War’ (PhD), 63.

57.A. Bossuat, ‘Les prisonniers de guerre au XVe siècle: la rançon de Guillaume, seigneur de Châteauvillain’, Annales de Bourgogne, 23 (1951), 7–35, esp. 23; Lewis, Recovery of France, 418; Ambühl, Prisoners of War, 137.

58.See, for example, members of John of Gaunt’s retinue captured in his service: TNA DL 28/3/5 f.19; CPR, 1389–92, 309; Simon Walker, The Lancastrian Affinity, 1361–99 (Oxford, 1990), 73.

59.TNA SC8/289/14407.

60.TNA SC8/85/4221.

61.Allmand, Hundred Years War, 46; Lewis, Later Medieval France, 212.

62.TNA SC 8/85/4217: the money ‘the gentlemen of Kent’ offered the petitioner was a part of a reward given to them for the capture of Jack Cade. Frogenhale mustered a retinue for service in France on 19 August 1453 and must have been captured very soon afterwards: CPR, 1452–61, 124–5.

63.The battle of Bulgnéville (2 July 1431) was fought between René d’Anjou and his cousin, Antoine de Vaudémont, over the partition of the duchy of Lorraine: A. Bossuat, ‘Les prisonniers de guerre au XV^e siècle: la rançon de Jean, seigneur de Rodemack’, Annales de l’Est, 5th ser. 3 (1951), 145–62.

64.Given-Wilson, ‘Parliament of Jan. 1390: Text and Translation’, PROME, item 53.

65.TNA SC8/163/8133.

66.Charny, Book of Chivalry, 133.

67.Chronique des quatre premiers Valois, ed. Luce, 235.

68.St Albans Chronicle, I, 659; R. I. Jack, ‘Hastings, John, Thirteenth Earl of Pembroke (1347–1375)’, ODNB (online edn, 2008).

69.Ambühl, ‘Prisoners of War’ (PhD), 70.

70.Keen, Laws of Law, 181; Ambühl, Prisoners of War, 25.

71.AN, K 57, no. 28; 59, nos 3–4; BL Add. Ch. 1399; G. Dupont-Ferrier, ‘La captivité de Jean d’Orléans, comte d’Angoulême (1412–45)’, Revue Historique, 62 (1896), 42–74.

72.Ambühl, ‘Prisoners of War’ (PhD), 50–1, 54–5; Ambühl, Prisoners of War, 87–97.

73.Scalacronica, xix–xx, xlvi, and n. 123.

74.Such men were far too important to be released to fight against the English once more. Only Artur of Brittany, count of Richemont, was freed before Henry V’s death (1422) and thereafter he fought for a period on the English side. Boucicaut died, still a prisoner, in June 1421. In 1438, Charles d’Artois was exchanged for John Beaufort, earl of Somerset, who had been captured by the French at Baugé. See also Gesta Henrici Quinti, 96–7.

75.Windsor Castle was used regularly to hold valuable prisoners including the kings of France (Jean II) and Scotland (James I), as well as those whose political status was less certain such as Queen Isabella soon after Edward III claimed his majority through the Nottingham coup in 1330: CCR, 1330–3, 434; Bond, ‘Constables of Windsor’, 223–4; M. Bennett, ‘Isabelle of France, Anglo-French Diplomacy and Cultural Exchange in the Late 1350s’, Age of Edward III, ed. Bothwell, 215–25.

76.McLeod, Charles of Orleans, 134.

77.BL MS Harley 682 contains English versions of practically all the poems Charles wrote during his captivity.

78.After paying a ruinous ransom Alençon’s wife was very reluctant to let him fight again – Joan of Arc reassured her in person in 1429 that he would be returned safely: Lewis, Later Medieval France, 48.

79.Charles was regularly displayed at public occasions such as during the imperial state visit of 1416, which led to the alliance concluded in Canterbury on 15 August, when he was seated next to Emperor Sigismund at a banquet with other French prisoners also in attendance: McLeod, Charles of Orleans, 139.

80.BN MS Fr. 12765 f. 3; Les poésies du duc Charles d’Orléans, ed. A. L. Champollion-Figeac (Paris, 1842), 416–19; McLeod, Charles of Orleans, 138, 144–5, 150–1.

81.Artur had been making arrangements for his own ransom for some time: as early as 30 April 1419 he received permission to travel to France to raise funds: TNA E30/403.

82.Curry, ‘Parliament of 1423: Text and Translation’, PROME, item 34; ‘Parliament of 1425’, ibid., item 24; R. A. Griffiths, ‘Holland, John, First Duke of Exeter (1395–1447)’, ODNB (online edn, 2008).

83.McLeod, Charles of Orleans, 161–2.

84.TNA E30/452: undertaking by Charles d’Orléans, dated 16 October 1440, to pay within six months of his return to France the sum of 6,000 crowns, part of the 120,000 crowns due to Henry VI for his ransom.

Chapter 10 National Identities: St George and La Mère France (1449)

1.Thompson, Contemporary Chronicles of the Hundred Years War, 337–8.

2.E. Cosneau, Le connétable de Richemont (Paris, 1886), 620, cited by Vale, Charles VII, 117.

3.Gilles of Brittany became a member of the Order of the Garter and in December 1443 he received various gifts from England including a pension of 1,000 marks: TNA E404/48/333; 60/105; Griffiths, Henry VI, 207, 270 n. 110, 511–13.

4.M. Keen and M. J. Daniel, ‘English Diplomacy and the Sack of Fougères in 1449’, History, 59 (1974), 375–91; Vale, Charles VII, 115–19.

5.CPR, 1452–60, 55; J. Chartier, Chronique de Charles VII, ed. A. Vallet de Viriville, 3 vols (Paris, 1858), III, 7; Basin, Histoire de Charles VII, II, 195–6; Contamine, Guerre, état et société, 313–14; Pollard, John Talbot and the War in France, 137–8; M. G. A. Vale, ‘The Last Years of English Gascony’, TRHS, 5th ser. 19 (1969), 119–38.

6.R. Harris, Valois Guyenne: A Study of Politics, Government and Society in Late Medieval France (Woodbridge, 1994), 8–14, 180–7.

7.For this concept of nation-building, see B. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London and New York, rev. edn, 2006).

8.Chartier, Le quadrilogue invectif, esp. 12–19. See also Fifteenth-Century English Translations of Alain Chartier’s ‘Le traité de l’esperance’ and ‘Le quadrilogue invectif’, ed. M. S. Blayney, 2 vols (Oxford, 1974–80); S. Riches, St George: Hero, Martyr and Myth (Stroud, 2002), esp. 101–13, quotation at 21; J. Good, The Cult of St George in Medieval England (Woodbridge, 2009), 62–86, 95–121.

9.Fortescue, De laudibus legum Anglie, ed. and trans. Chrimes, 85; R. W. K. Hinton, ‘English Constitutional Doctrines from the Fifteenth Century to the Seventeenth, I, English Constitutional Theories from Sir John Fortescue to Sir John Eliot’, EHR, 75 (1960), 412; J. H. Burns, ‘Fortescue and the Political Theory of Dominium’, Historical Journal, 28 (1985), 777–97; C. Taylor, ‘Sir John Fortescue and the French Polemical Treatises of the Hundred Years War’, EHR, 114 (1999), 115.

10.J. de Montreuil, A toute la chevalerie de France, cited by P. S. Lewis, ‘War Propaganda and Historiography in Fifteenth-Century France and England’, TRHS, 5th ser. 15 (1965), 2–3.

11.See for example: A. G. Rigg, ‘Propaganda of the Hundred Years War: Poems on the Battles of Crécy and Durham (1346): A Critical Edition’, Traditio, 54 (1999), 177; J. Doig, ‘Political Propaganda and Royal Proclamations in Late Medieval England’, Historical Research, 71 (1998), 253–80; A. K. McHardy, ‘Some Reflections on Edward III’s Use of Propaganda’, Age of Edward III, ed. Bothwell, 171–89; R. A. Griffiths, ‘The Island of England in the Fifteenth Century: Perceptions of the Peoples of the British Isles’, Journal of Medieval History, 29 (2003), 177–200; Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 20–69, 152–71; J. Bengtson, ‘Saint George and the Formation of English Nationalism’,Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 27 (1997), 317–40; G. Pépin, ‘Les cris de guerre “Guyenne!” et “Saint Georges!”, l’expression d’une identité politique du duché d’Aquitaine anglo-gascon’, Moyen Âge, 112 (2006), 263–82; Curry, ‘War, Peace and National Identity’, 146; P. Barber, ‘The Evesham World Map: A Late Medieval English View of God and the World’, Imago Mundi, 47 (1995), 13–33; N. Pons, ed., L’honneur de la couronne de France: quatre libelles contre les Anglais vers 1418–vers 1429 (Paris, 1990); C. Serchuk, ‘Cest figure contient tout le royaume de France: Cartography and National Identity at the End of the Hundred Years War’, Journal of Medieval History, 33 (2007), 320–38.

12.Incerti Scriptores Chronicon Angliae de Regnis Henrici IV, Henrici V et Henrici VI, ed. J. A. Giles (London, 1848), 34–5. See further J. Watts, ‘The Pressure of the Public on Later Medieval Politics’, Political Culture in Late Medieval Britain, ed. L. Clarke and C. Carpenter (Woodbridge, 2004), 159–80, esp. 159–62.

13.Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 17–19, 310–13; Krynen, L’empire du roi, 296–338; G. Spiegel, Romancing the Past: The Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiography in Thirteenth-Century France (Berkeley, CA, 1993); G. Spiegel, ‘Les débuts français de l’historiographie royale’, Saint-Denis et la royauté, ed. F. Autrand, C. Gauvard and J.-M. Moeglin (Paris, 1999), 395–404.

14.Griffiths, ‘English Realm and Dominions’, 85; J. Gillingham, The English in the Twelfth Century: Imperialism, National Identity, and Political Values (Woodbridge, 2000), 113–60; S. Foot, ‘The Making of Angelcynn: English Identity before the Norman Conquest’, TRHS, 6th ser. 6 (1996), 25–49.

15.W. M. Ormrod, ed., ‘Edward III: Parliament of 1344, Text and Translation’, PROME, item 6; S. Crane, ‘Social Aspects of Bilingualism in the Thirteenth Century’, Thirteenth-Century England, VI, ed. Prestwich, Britnell and Frame, 114 and n. 43; J. H. Fisher, ‘Chancery and the Emergence of Standard Written English in the Fifteenth Century’,Speculum, 52 (1977), 879.

16.Ormrod, ed., ‘Edward III: Parliament of 1346, Text and Translation’, PROME, item 7.

17.R. R. Davies, ‘The Peoples of Britain and Ireland, 1100–1400, IV, Language and Historical Mythology’, TRHS, 6th ser. 7 (1997), 12–14. See also R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonization, and Cultural Change, 950–1350 (Princeton, NJ, 1993), 198, 201; L. E. Voigts, ‘What’s the Word? Bilingualism in Late Medieval England’, Speculum, 71 (1996), 813–26.

18.A. Butterfield, The Familiar Enemy: Chaucer, Language and Nation in the Hundred Years War (Oxford, 2009), 11–35; J. Wogan-Browne, ‘What’s in a Name: The “French of England”’, Language and Culture in Medieval Britain: The French of England, c.1100–c.1500, ed. J. Wogan-Browne et al. (York, 2009), 1–13.

19.T. Turville-Petre, England the Nation: Language, Literature and National Identity, 1290–1340 (Oxford, 1996), 10. See also N. Watson, ‘The Politics of Middle English Writing’, The Idea of the Vernacular: An Anthology of Middle English Literary Theory, 1280–1520, ed. J. Wogan-Browne, N. Watson, A.Taylor and R. Evans (Exeter, 1999), 334–5; M. G. A Vale, ‘Language, Politics and Society: The Uses of the Vernacular in the Later Middle Ages’, EHR, 120 (2005), 15, 18.

20.W. M. Ormrod, ‘The Use of English: Language, Law and Political Culture in Fourteenth-Century England’, Speculum, 78 (2003), 750–87, esp. 780 and n. 119. See also J. Catto, ‘Written English: The Making of the Language 1370–1400’, Past and Present, 179 (2003), 38, 44–7, 56; J. H. Fisher, ‘A Language Policy for Lancastrian England’,Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, 107 (1992), 1,168–80.

21.Given-Wilson, Chronicles, 142–3.

22.The Council of Constance, ed. J. H. Mundy and K. M. Woody, trans. L. R. Loomis (New York, 1961), 344.

23.J.-P. Genet, ‘English Nationalism: Thomas Polton at the Council of Constance’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 28 (1984), 74; B. Guenée, ‘État et nation en France au Moyen Âge’, Revue Historique, 237 (1967), 17–30.

24.E. Gellner, Culture, Identity and Politics (Cambridge, 1987), 18; idem, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford, 1983), 57. R. R. Davies argued strongly that the nations of the medieval period should be discussed as nations: ‘Nations and National Identities in the Medieval World: An Apologia’, Revue belge d’histoire contemporaine, 34 (2004), 567–79. Anthony Smith has suggested an alternative term, ethnies, to describe and categorise medieval ‘nations’: The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford, 1986), esp. 6–18.

25.Le Patourel, ‘Edward III and the Kingdom of France’, 247–64, esp. 254, 258, 260–3; M. Keen, ‘Diplomacy’, Henry V: The Practice of Kingship, ed. G. L. Harriss (Oxford and New York, 1985), 186–9; Allmand, Henry V, 48–9.

26.Henneman, Royal Taxation, 1322–1356, esp. 304–29.

27.P. Contamine, ‘The Norman “Nation” and the French “Nation” in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries’, England and Normandy, ed. Bates and Curry, 216–17, 222; Curry, ‘Lancastrian Normandy: The Jewel in the Crown?’, ibid., 235–52; Allmand, Lancastrian Normandy, 211–40; M. C. E. Jones, ‘“Bons Bretons et Bons Francoys”: The Language and Meaning of Treason in Later Medieval France’, TRHS, 5th ser. 32 (1982), 91, 97, 101–2; M. P. Holt, ‘Burgundians into Frenchmen: Catholic Identity in Sixteenth-Century Burgundy’, Changing Identities in Early Modern France, ed. M. Wolfe (London, 1997), 345–9; Harris, Valois Guyenne, esp. 8–20, 173–90; Labarge,Gascony, 117–216; M. G. A. Vale, English Gascony, 1399–1453: A Study of War, Government and Politics during the Later Stages of the Hundred Years War (Oxford, 1970), 154–215.

28.Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi Etymologiarum Sive Originum Libri XX (Oxford, 1911), XIV, iv, 25; Contamine, Guerre, état et société, 277–312.

29.P. S. Lewis, ‘France and England: The Growth of the Nation State’, Essays in Later Medieval French History (London, 1985), 236.

30.G. E. Aylmer, ‘The Peculiarities of the English State’, Journal of Historical Sociology, 3 (1990), 93–4.

31.England in the poem ‘The Battle of Bannockburn’, dated to the reign of Edward III, was referred to as the matron of many regions (Regionum Anglia plurium matrona): Wright, Political Songs, I, 262; B. Smith, ‘Lordship in the British Isles, c.1320–c.1360: The Ebb-Tide of the English Empire?’, Power and Identity in the Middle Ages: Essays in Memory of Rees Davies, ed. H. Pryce and J. Watts (Oxford, 2008), 153–63.

32.R. W. Kaeuper, War, Justice and Public Order: England and France in the Late Middle Ages (Oxford, 1988), 22–3, 381–4.

33.Wright, Political Songs, I, 273–4.

34.Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ed. T. Thompson and C. Innes (Edinburgh, 1814–75), I, 474–5; G. W. S. Barrow, ed., The Declaration of Arbroath: History, Significance, Setting (Edinburgh, 2003).

35.R. R. Davies has suggested that by the time of the Hundred Years War the tide of Anglicisation had ebbed in the British Isles: The First English Empire: Power and Identities in the British Isles, 1093–1343 (Oxford, 2000), 172–90. See also A. Ruddick, ‘Ethnic Identity and Political Language in the King of England’s Dominions: A Fourteenth-Century Perspective’, Identity and Insurgency in the Late Middle Ages, ed. L. Clarke (Woodbridge, 2006), 17.

36.Frame, ‘Overlordship and Reaction’, 183.

37.Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, XVIII, 108.

38.Allmand, Henry V, 148; Chaplais, English Medieval Diplomatic Practice, II, 629–36, esp. clauses 7–11.

39.‘Nothing brought the recognition of a common Englishness nearer home … than that of being subjects of a single king’: R. R. Davies, ‘The Peoples of Britain and Ireland, 1100–1400, II, Names and Regnal Solidarities’, TRHS, 6th ser. 5 (1995), 13; Griffiths, ‘English Realm and Dominions’, 89, 92–5.

40.Given-Wilson, Chronicles, 157; M. A. Norbye, ‘A Popular Example of “National Literature” in the Hundred Years War: A tous nobles qui aiment beaux faits et bonnes histoires’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 51 (2007), 121, 132, 138; idem, ‘Genealogies and Domestic Awareness in the Hundred Years War: The Evidence of A tous nobles qui aiment beaux faits et bonnes histoires’, Journal of Medieval History, 33 (2007), 307; Curry, ‘War, Peace and National Identity’, 148.

41.Lewis, ‘France in the Fifteenth Century: Society and Sovereignty’, Europe in the Late Middle Ages, ed. J. Hale, R. Highfield, and B. Smalley (London, 1965), 4–6.

42.Griffiths, Henry VI, 533; Lewis, ‘France and England: The Growth of the Nation State’, 236. On Charlemagne as a royal ancestor and, briefly, as a royal saint, see Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 14, 43, 90–1.

43.T. G. Ashplant, G. Dawson and M. Roper, ‘Introduction’, The Politics of War Memory and Commemoration, ed. T. G. Ashplant, G. Dawson and M. Roper (London, 2000), 7.

44.Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 308.

45.Bonet, Tree of Battles, ch. 7.

46.Charny, Book of Chivalry, 165.

47.Walsingham, Chronica Maiora, ed. and trans. Preest, 210.

48.N. Housley, ‘Pro deo et patria mori: Sanctified Patriotism in Europe 1400–1600’, War and Competition between States, ed. Contamine, 221–8, esp. 221–2. See also N. Housley, ‘France, England, and the “National Crusade”, 1302–1386’, France and the British Isles, ed. Jondorf and Dumville, 183–98; Tyerman, ‘Philip VI and the Recovery of the Holy Land’, 52; Guard, Chivalry, Kingship and Crusade, 194–206.

49.Harvey, ‘Ecclesia Anglicana, cui ecclesiastes noster christus vos prefecit: The Power of the Crown in the English Church during the Great Schism’, Religion and National Identity, ed. Mews, 230; Curry, ‘War, Peace and National Identity’, 145.

50.Caldwell, ‘Hundred Years War and National Identity’, 238–41.

51.This was circulated widely and copied into numerous chronicles: Joan of Arc, ed. and trans. Taylor, 74–6; Fraoli, Joan of Arc, 58, 71, 74, 119.

52.Parisian Journal, 191, 240, 337.

53.Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 305; Serchuk, ‘Cartography and National Identity’, 330.

54.This included the principle of naturalisation: for examples of letters of denizenship in England, see CPR, 1385–9, 518; 1388–92, 361.

55.Wykeham’s Register, cited by McHardy, ‘Edward III’s use of Patronage’, 184.

56.Rigg, ‘Propaganda of the Hundred Years War’, 174–5; P. S. Lewis, ‘Two Pieces of Fifteenth-Century Political Iconography’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 27 (1964), 319–20; H. S. Offler, ‘Thomas Bradwardine’s “Victory Sermon” in 1346’, Church and Crown in the Fourteenth Century: Studies in European History and Political Thought, ed. A. I. Doyle (Aldershot, 2000), 6, 11–12, 16; E. Gellner, Nationalism (New York, 1997), 29, 69.

57.Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Lettenhove, VII, 341.

58.E. Renan, ‘Qu’est-ce qu’une nation?’, Discours et Conferences (Paris, 1887), 277–310, cited by A. D. Smith, ‘The Ernest Gellner Memorial Lecture. Memory and Modernity: Reflections on Ernest Gellner’s Theory of Nationalism’: http://members.tripod.com/GellnerPage/SmithLec.html; Bossuat, ‘The Re-Establishment of Peace’, 60–1; Lewis, ‘War Propaganda and Historiography in Fifteenth-Century France and England’, 21. See also C. Taylor, Debating the Hundred Years War: Pour ce que plusieurs (La loi salicque) and A declaracion of the trew and dewe title of Henrie VIII (London, 2007), esp. 8, 29.

Conclusion: 1453 and Beyond

1.Vale, Ancient Enemy, 106–7; Lewis, Later Medieval France: The Polity, 377.

2.M. M. du Jourdin, La Guerre de Cent Ans vue par ceux qui l’ont vécue (Paris, 1992), 153.

3.Allmand, Society at War, 189.

4.Small, Late Medieval France, 168–70.

5.Ambühl, ‘Prisoners of War’ (PhD), 188–90; Ambühl, Prisoners of War, 262–3.

6.Allmand, Society at War, 187–8.

7.Allmand, Society at War, 190; Jourdin, La Guerre de Cent Ans, 154; Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 283–309.

8.Lewis, Later Medieval France: The Polity, 376.

9.D. Potter, ‘Conclusion’, France in the Later Middle Ages, ed. Potter, 210.

10.Ormrod, ‘Voicing Complaint and Remedy to the English Crown’, 152.

11.Lewis, Later Medieval France: The Polity, 377; Harris, Valois Guyenne, 8–19.