44
“THE MAGNITUDE OF THE SOLOMONS CAMPAIGN HAS NEVER BEEN fully realized,” Joe Custer wrote. “Some day its detailed, barbaric history will awe the civilized world. The clock had been turned back thousands of years, back to the primitive, on Guadalcanal.”
That history was quickly in the writing. The surrender ceremony on board the USS Missouri was barely two weeks past when recriminations were flying in the papers. The Marine Corps, it seemed, was working to shape its preferred narrative of the campaign. By that account, the marines had been left high and dry by the Navy and had to make do on their own.
In the fall of 1945, with the war just two weeks over, The New York Times ran an article in which “senior Marine Corps operations officers” claimed that Ghormley’s secretiveness had been costly at Guadalcanal, early on. “The Australian government, which might have moved to aid Admiral Ghormley, was alienated by his refusal to disclose the nature of his operations, it is said.… If Admiral Ghormley had been less secretive his original force might have been at least doubled, it is said here, and the tremendous tax upon the Marines would have been materially diminished.” Ghormley made an easy target. But with Nimitz strongly allergic to public displays of interservice discord, no one rose to dispute the criticism.
Out of concern for decorum, Nimitz would long conceal the real reasons for Ghormley’s relief. When Ghormley’s son wrote Nimitz after the war to inquire as to CINCPAC’s rationale, the admiral wrote back: “Your father was relieved by Admiral Halsey because of my belief that he was on the verge of a nervous breakdown during the early days of our attempt to capture Guadalcanal from the Japanese. The dispatches he sent to me from his headquarters in Nouméa so alarmed my operations staff officers by their panicky and desperate tone that I decided to replace him with Admiral Halsey—who had been sent to the area for a lookaround.… We parted the very best of friends—and when he was returned to me for employment after he had had some leave at home he served most satisfactorily as Commandant of the 14th Naval District and Commander, Hawaiian Sea Frontier, and we were always on most friendly terms and I admired him and considered him to be my friend.”
The war’s psychological casualties, from Robert Ghormley to Howard Bode to Alleta Sullivan and on through the years, would never be counted. They were lost in the larger story, for November 1942 had brought the Allies a worldwide turning of the tide. The victories at Guadalcanal and in North Africa, broadly seen, were part of the same worldwide effort. The two major Axis nations could pursue their separate military ambitions, but “their hopes for a combined victory over their enemies still looked to a meeting in the Middle East and the Indian Ocean, which had been blocked for the Japanese at Midway and in the Solomons as it was blocked for the Germans in North Africa and the southern part of the Eastern Front,” the historian Gerhard Weinberg observed. A Collier’seditorialist saw this on the day after Christmas 1942: “We don’t claim to be prophets, but we feel constrained to agree with the numerous prophets, analysts and commentators who are saying that the first two weeks of November, 1942, in all probability, were the turning point of the war.”
Five months later, a contributor to the magazine wondered what had been gained. “We have not begun to penetrate more than Japan’s outpost lines. In sixteen months of war we have taken one airfield and three jungle towns. Japan has captured an empire.… The Japanese could lose all of the Solomons and all of New Guinea and New Britain without endangering any vital point in their empire.”
But the significance of the Guadalcanal campaign was never about just war matériel or real estate. Though the idea had haunted Yamamoto from the beginning that American victory was inevitable, the outcome was not foreordained by advantages in industry and war production. As the French Army’s performance against Germany in 1940 had suggested, arms and matériel were not sufficient for victory. It had to be seized by men with an active will to fight. On that score Japan had misestimated the United States as, in Weinberg’s words, “unwilling to pay the price in blood and treasure to retake islands of which they had never heard, only to be returned to allies for whose colonial empires they had only disdain.”
An American defeat was strongly possible well into November. Had such a setback occurred, Ernest King, who two weeks after Pearl Harbor was appointed COMINCH in a major shakeup, would likely have fallen in another one. The campaign would have been written off as his signature folly, a haphazardly conceived fantasy. King’s powerful rivals such as General Hap Arnold would have testified morosely, no doubt, to the folly of the Navy’s ambitions in the war’s secondary theater. That it ended differently is a testament to the fighting character of the fleet at the squadron level. The Navy wasn’t ready for its light forces—its cruisers and destroyers—to be the primary weapons of a naval campaign. By the end of November 1942, it wouldn’t need to use much else to finish the job in the southern Solomons.
At Guadalcanal from August through November, the Japanese saw for the first time the terrifying aspect of the American nation resolved to total war and bent to slaughter. The Imperial Japanese Navy, well blooded, seemed to lose some of its will to fight. In the decades before the outbreak of the war, Japan came to the negotiating table in Washington and again in London out of a conviction of its matériel inferiority to the Western navies. Despite its fleet’s achievement in the early stages of the war, a powerful current within the IJN cast it as an underdog against the United States. It compensated for the perceived inferiority through a dedication to training and esprit de corps. After Guadalcanal, pessimism was preeminent again. Not until October 1944—and not in any of the significant amphibious invasions that took place from Tarawa to Peleliu—did Japan again commit heavy surface forces to battle. The reason appears to be the shattering effect of the Guadalcanal defeat on morale.
Though Japanese losses in planes, pilots, and aircrewmen were terrible at Guadalcanal, far worse than at Midway, the 8th Fleet chief of staff, Toshikazu Ohmae, would cite the U.S. Fleet’s use of radar-controlled gunfire as “the outstanding feature in the Guadalcanal campaign.” The IJN’s first realization, after the Battle of Cape Esperance, that the United States held a meaningful technology advantage at night was “a bad influence upon the morale of the men,” Ohmae wrote. “The once high morale of the Japanese destroyer crews participating in the so-called ‘Tokyo Express’ … soon suffered a letdown. This lack of confidence in night engagements” disclosed “physical and mental defects in the Japanese naval forces which participated in the Guadalcanal sea battle fought from 12th to 14th November.” A Marine veteran of Guadalcanal who became a general and a historian as well, Samuel B. Griffith II, argued that the land fighting had a “decisive nature.” The air and sea actions were “ancillary.” This avoids the fact that if the seas were lost, no level of gallantry would have saved the marines ashore from starvation and attrition. Admiral Halsey drew a convincing parallel. “If our surface forces in this epic battle had been routed our land forces on Guadalcanal would have been in the same position as our forces in the Philippines were at the beginning of the war. Archie Vandegrift would have undoubtedly taken to the hills. Those who had fallen into the hands of the Japanese would have received the same horrible mistreatment our prisoners did on all occasions. Archie Vandegrift would have been the ‘Skinny’ Wainwright of Guadalcanal, and the Bataan Death March would have been repeated.”
Raymond Spruance credited Kelly Turner foremost among those making courageous decisions prior to November 13. “There were many courageous decisions, from lowest to highest commands, and heroic actions without number. First place among them, however, belongs to the decision of Commander Task Force 67, well knowing the odds and possible destruction of his forces, to send his cruisers and destroyers against the Japanese battleship bombarding force, and the resolute manner in which our ships were led into the resulting battle. The night action of 12–13 November probably saved Henderson Field and made possible subsequent air operations from Guadalcanal.”
Some would question the value of that sacrifice. The historian Richard B. Frank did not second-guess Callaghan’s tactical decisions, but wrote that the so-called Battle of Friday the 13th (or the Cruiser Night Action) only “purchased one night’s respite for Henderson Field” and “postponed, not stopped, the landing of major Japanese reinforcements.” However, the aviation historian John B. Lundstrom called that melee between ships “the key to Allied success” given what Henderson Field’s fliers were thereby allowed to wreak the following day. The pivotal air attacks on the transport force throughout the day on the fourteenth might not have occurred at all had Abe’s battleships been permitted to work over the airfields. And the meager troop landings that did take place were a fraction of what they might have been had all eleven transports reached Guadalcanal.
In Admiral King’s analysis, Callaghan’s fight was a triumph, despite the aspersions many, including the president of the Naval War College, Admiral Pye, would cast. “We have come to expect, and to count on, complete courage in battle from officers and men of the United States Navy,” King wrote. “But here, in this engagement, we had displayed for our lasting respect and admiration, a cool but eager gallantry that is above praise. Had this battle not been fought and won, our hold on Guadalcanal would have been gravely endangered.”
Having confronted the Imperial Japanese Navy’s skill, energy, persistence, and courage, Nimitz identified the key to victory: “training, TRAINING and M-O-R-E T-R-A-I-N-I-N-G,” he wrote King in February. In June 1943, the Navy’s light forces got a new playbook from which to train. Common tactical principles were spelled out in Current Tactical Orders and Doctrine, U.S. Pacific Fleet, known as PAC 10. Its standardization of basic maneuvers helped make possible the victories of 1943, from Kolombangara (July 13) to Empress Augusta Bay (November 1–2) and onward. They also got better weapons. Terrible mechanical problems afflicted U.S. torpedoes in the first year of the war. The scuttlings of the Benham and Hornet were cases in point; in both instances, American destroyers firing on static targets at point-blank range had embarrassing results. Only three of the first eight fired by the Mustin against the Hornet hit and exploded. None of the four that the Gwin fired at the Benham scored.
The emotional truth of battle was a deeper, more complex matter. Robert Graff had years to think about it, and years not to talk. After serving in three warships he returned to New York to pursue a career in broadcast journalism at NBC. He put the “inhuman existence” of his experiences on the Atlanta out of his mind.
“War is unlike life,” he said. “It’s a denial of everything you learn life is. And that’s why when you get finished with it, you see that it offers no lessons that can’t be better learned in civilian life. You are exposed to horrors you would sooner forget. A disconnect needs to be made to get yourself cleansed.” His children were after him for thirty-five years to talk about it. “I refused. I said ‘Read it in the history books. I can’t do it justice.’ We were closed up tight as a clam.” He attended the reunions of the Atlanta, the Monterey, and the Flint, a sister ship to the Atlanta, only sparsely. Then the memberships aged, and their associations faded away.
Before Christmas in 1997, his son, age fifty-five, made him an offer that Graff wished on one level that he could have refused: a trip to Guadalcanal. They would fly there via Fiji and stay in a Japanese-owned hotel in Honaira about ten miles up the coast from Henderson Field. All the arrangements had been made for a five-day trip. Against his better judgment, and years of reflexive avoidance, he agreed to go. They flew out in November 1998.
“I couldn’t stop crying for most of the five days,” Graff said. “After that trip, it was like finally I’m back in life. Like so many people, I never opened my mouth for fifty years about all of this. Suddenly everything was open. Most people get to that stage only with the help of doctors.”
They spent the first few days visiting battle sites. There were rusted hulks of trucks and tanks and memorials to fallen Americans and Japanese. The drive out to Cape Esperance took them over twenty-five miles of rough island roads.
One morning they chartered a dive boat and took it out into Savo Sound armed with bouquets of flowers and leis and a big floating raft. The skipper gave a signal when they arrived over the wreck, 421 feet below. Using the sonor, backing down once or twice and pulling the helm as if he were parking a car, the captain positioned the boat over the wreck, then, on Graff’s request, cut the engines and shut down the air-conditioning system. “We’re right over the Atlanta,” the captain said. Graff wanted silence.
The Atlanta survivor went to the fantail with a Melanesian Episcopal padre who had helped them make the arrangements. The padre, Graff’s son Christopher, and his grandson Kenneth, who was in his twenties, each said a few words. The grandson talked about how far away the war seemed now, and how it was hard to understand what it was all about because its veterans didn’t like to talk. So far away, and so little to talk about, except the hulk of the ship right below them, lying on her side on a ridge in the mud, her remaining anchor still wedged in the bank to keep her from going aground.
Somebody read some Scripture, then, stepping onto a diving platform mounted just inches above the surface, Graff began his eulogy. He addressed it to his former shipmates, whom he could sense all around him. He said that he had come out with his family to honor them and that they were good people and would be always remembered. “From the waters surrounding us, millions of javelins, reflected rays of the sun, blind us with your memory and pierce our hearts.” He wondered whether life had turned out as they all had hoped it would, and said he feared there might not be much to show for everybody’s efforts. “We were the youthful hope of the nation and the promise of mankind. Taking the world as we found it, in our way and in our time, we tried to remake the world—more hope, more possibility, a much larger community for happiness. That is what, years ago, brought us to Guadalcanal.”
The three men and the padre threw their leis onto the water, and then pushed the raft overboard with a copy of the text of the speech. “And we just stood there and everybody cried watching these float on the surface of the water away from the ship on the current. And then I remember when it was time to go, and the captain started the engine. I impulsively removed the Navy cap I brought with me and flung it into the water with the flowers. And I sat down in the corner of the upper deck and cried a little bit more.
“Finally we got back to shore, and that was that.”
PHOTO INSERT
(Photo Credit: 1)
Admiral Ernest J. King: “He would acknowledge no mind as superior to his own.”
(Photo Credit: 2)
Admiral Chester W. Nimitz: the Pacific War’s essential man.
(Photo Credit: 3)
Vice Admiral Robert L. Ghormley wasn’t Nimitz’s first choice to command South Pacific naval forces. His remote leadership style and tight nerves would lead to his relief by Halsey.
(Photo Credit: 4)
Rear Admiral Frank Jack Fletcher, victorious at Coral Sea and Midway, took heat for his cautious employment of his carriers off Guadalcanal.
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Rear Admiral Richmond Kelly Turner, commander of amphibious forces, had a virulent disagreement with Fletcher over how Operation Watchtower should be run.
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Rear Admiral John S. McCain, commander of land-based naval air forces in the South Pacific.
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An F4F Wildcat prepares to launch from the Wasp in support of Watchtower, August 7, 1942.
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Before dawn, the heavy cruiser Vincennes opens fire on Japanese positions on Guadalcanal. She went down in glory two nights later.
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Captain Frederick L. Riefkohl, commanding officer of the Vincennes and Task Group 62.6.
(Photo Credit: 10)
The Astoria, in the early days of Operation Watchtower.
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Astoria gunners in drills, spring 1942.
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Captain William G. Greenman commanded the Astoria before her loss, then ran Guadalcanal’s makeshift naval base.
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The Astoria, shown in Hawaiian waters in July 1942, prepares to recover a floatplane using her starboard-side crane.
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The last photo of the Quincy, caught in the glare of Japanese searchlights, down by the stern in the Battle of Savo Island.
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Rear Admiral Gunichi Mikawa, victor in the Battle of Savo Island.
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Captain Samuel N. Moore, commander of the Quincy, was killed in action.
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The Quincy in the South Pacific, August 1942.
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Two U.S. destroyers, the Blue and the Patterson (U.S. Navy)
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Chicago sailors cut away bow plating damaged by a Japanese torpedo, August 10, 1942.
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Captain Howard D. Bode of the Chicago was among many who performed poorly at Savo Island. He would bear more than his share of the blame.
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Two U.S. destroyers, the Blue (left) and the Patterson, assist the burning HMAS Canberra on the morning of August 8. She could not be saved.
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Lloyd M. Mustin (shown here as a rear admiral), served as assistant gunnery officer in the Atlanta.
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Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto, commander of the Imperial Combined Fleet, believed he would find his decisive battle off Guadalcanal.
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Rear Admiral Norman Scott (shown here as a captain) taught the Navy’s light forces how to fight.
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The light cruiser Boise in a South Pacific port, late August 1942.
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Captain Robert G. Tobin (right) commanded Scott’s destroyers in the Battle of Cape Esperance. Here he receives the Navy Cross from Admiral William F. Halsey.
(Photo Credit: 26)
The antiaircraft cruiser Atlanta (foreground) maneuvers with four destroyers from Task Force 16, July 10, 1942.
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The destroyer Farenholt, shown here in August 1942, took a beating from friendly fire on October 11.
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Radar first came to the fleet in 1941. Once the fighting sailors learned how to use it, the new technology would change everything.
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The SG radar, with its 48-inch by 15-inch parabolic transmitter, was the first to employ the familiar circular display. Used for search, fire control, or navigation, it gave commanders an unprecedented picture of the enemy at night.
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Major Joseph Foss, the executive officer of VMF-121 at Henderson field, arrived in October and became the USMC’s leading fighter ace of WW2.
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Major General Alexander A. Vandegrift, USMC, paid all costs to hold Henderson Field against repeated Japanese assault from air, land, and sea.
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Marine tanks prowl the killing field near Alligator Creek, where Colonel Ichiki’s detachment was slaughtered on August 21.
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Lieutenant Colonel Lewis B. “Chesty” Puller (shown here, second from left, in January 1944 with his regimental staff on Cape Gloucester) worked closely with the Navy in defense of Marine positions on Guadalcanal.
(Photo Credit: 34)
The SBD Dauntless served as the principal ship killer of the Cactus Air Force while Henderson Field’s Wildcats controlled the skies of the Slot by day.
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Nimitz with Vandegrift. Nimitz boosted morale with his September visit to Guadalcanal.
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As the Wasp burns in the background, the destroyer O’Brien is rocked by a torpedo from the submarine I-19.
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Rear Admiral Raizo Tanaka led the Tokyo Express, as the Japanese seaborne reinforcement runs to Guadalcanal became known.
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The Wasp sank quickly. Japanese submarines were nowhere more effective than off Guadalcanal.
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The destroyer Laffey brought hundreds of Wasp survivors home to Espiritu Santo. An Atlanta-class AA cruiser is in the background.
(Photo Credit: 40)
In the Battle of Santa Cruz, the South Dakota (left) churns a heavy wake. A Japanese plane takes the plunge while the Enterprise takes a bomb.
(Photo Credit: 41)
The damaged Hornet under tow from the Northampton, October 26, 1942. Another Japanese air strike is inbound to finish her.
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Chaplain James Claypool (facing camera, at left) presides over burials at sea on the South Dakota after the air battle off Santa Cruz.
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Daniel J. Callaghan, shown here as a captain, served on Robert Ghormley’s staff before returning to the fighting fleet.
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Many argued the newly outfitted Helena should have served as Callaghan’s flagship.
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The Atlanta: a welterweight ship with a middleweight’s jab.
(Photo Credit: 46)
Captain Gilbert C. Hoover
(Photo Credit: 47)
The Portland paid her freight on Friday the 13th.
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Captain Laurance T. DuBose, shown here as a rear admiral in 1943, maneuvered the Portland out of a jam.
(Photo Credit: 49)
Captain Samuel P. Jenkins, shown in 1946.
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Lieutenant Robert D. Graff, signal officer in the Atlanta.
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Yard workers at Mare Island tend to the Portland’s massive torpedo wound.
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The battleship Hiei, shown in dry dock in 1942.
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Vice Admiral Nobutake Kondo led Japanese forces against Admiral Callaghan in the Cruiser Night Action, November 13, 1942.
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The Juneau alongside the Aaron Ward in New York shortly after their commissionings, March 19, 1942.
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Captain Cassin Young (right) replaced Charles H. McMorris as commander of the San Francisco. He had received the Medal of Honor from Admiral Nimitz in April 1942.
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Captain Lyman K. Swenson, commander of the Juneau, was among more than 700 lost when she was torpedoed on November 13.
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Four of the Sullivan brothers were killed when the Juneau exploded. George died later at sea.
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Damaged after battle with Callaghan’s force, the Hiei burns and bleeds oil while evading attack from B-17 bombers the following day. She limped toward home but disappeared that night.
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The Cushing led Callaghan’s column—and paid the price.
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The Laffey battled the Hiei at point blank range.
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The Aaron Ward was heavily damaged the night of Friday the 13th.
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Recruits at Bainbridge, Maryland, undergo testing, 1943.
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New sailors at Naval Air Station Corpus Christi, October 9, 1942.
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Metalworkers at a Chrysler plant in Detroit turn out 40 mm gun tubes.
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The battleship Washington off New York City, preparing to leave for the Pacific, August 1942.
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Willis A. Lee reports to the USS Washington at Tongatabu, September 14, 1942.
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The South Dakota, July 1942.
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The South Dakota’s secondary battery roars.
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The South Dakota took a beating from Japanese cruisers on the night of November 14 but returned as a legend, hailed in the press as “Battleship X.”
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Note the effects of the blast, and the patches in the hull below the large hole.
(Photo Credit: 71)
A 14-inch shell from the Kirishima splintered the South Dakota’s deck and disabled turret three.
(Photo Credit: 72)
The Walke was one of three destroyers sacrificed in the cause of Willis Lee’s victory.
(Photo Credit: 73)
The Barton, shown on her commissioning day at Boston Harbor, May 29, 1942.
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South Dakota sailors bow their heads in memory of sailors lost in the Battleship Night Action, November 14–15, 1942.
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Halsey said it was Scott’s and Callaghan’s bravery that got him his fourth star. He takes the oath from his chief of staff, Captain Miles Browning.
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The Japanese transport Kinugawa Maru, beached on Guadalcanal after attack by Cactus Air Force fliers on November 15.
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Nearly sunk in the Battle of Cape Esperance and with her bow bearing a large patch, the Boise returns to Philadelphia for repairs, November 20, 1942.
(Photo Credit: 78)
Captain Edward J. “Mike” Moran (right) hosts Admiral King aboard the Boise.
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A Boise sailor inspects heavy splinter damage to a bulkhead.
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Her proud crew claimed six enemy ships.
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Captain Moran stands in front of the Boise’s battle-worn gun barrels.
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Battle damage to the San Francisco’s hangar area, looking slightly aft from port to starboard.
(Photo Credit: 83)
The battered San Francisco enters San Francisco Harbor, December 11, 1942.
(Photo Credit: 84)
Closeup with sailors (Fox Movietone News, © University of South Carolina)
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Glimpsed through a shell hole in a gun shield, Admiral Nimitz comes aboard the San Francisco.
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Nimitz inspects the damaged bridge with Lieutenant Commander Herbert E. Schonland.
(Photo Credit: 87)
Lieutenant Commander Bruce McCandless received the Medal of Honor for conning the San Francisco after her senior officers were killed.
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McCandless comforts the father and aunt of Admiral Callaghan.
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The heavy cruiser New Orleans, her entire bow shorn away by a Long Lance torpedo, undergoes temporary repairs at Tulagi after the November 30 Battle of Tassafaronga.
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Exuberant San Francisco sailors meet the press.
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The PT-109 heads for shore with 94 survivors of the Northampton. In the background, the New Orleans, with the Maury standing by, fights for her life. John F. Kennedy would take command of the PT boat in April 1943.
(Photo Credit: 92)
Admiral Arthur J. Hepburn conducted the official inquest into the causes of the defeat at Savo Island. Scapegoats were duly found.
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Eugene Tarrant, photographed March 5, 2007 in San Francisco, served as captain’s cook in the San Francisco.
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The New Orleans returns to Pearl Harbor with a false bow and her forward eight-inch guns removed.
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What victory looks like: Guadalcanal boasts a new wharf and several cranes to assist in unloading supplies.
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Ghormley with Eleanor Roosevelt at Pearl Harbor, 1943. Ghormley’s relief was wrongly thought the consequence of the defeat at Savo Island. Nimitz believed he was having a nervous breakdown.
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The sailors of the PT boat fleet fought gallantly in the Solomons, but the press still felt the need to sensationalize their capabilities.
(Photo Credit: 98)
After a taste of victory, the Navy learned how to play the PR game. Captain Gatch of the South Dakota confers with journalist Sidney Shallet in July 1943.
(Photo Credit: 99)
Lieutenant Hugh M. Robinson (left) and Lieutenant John M. Searles (right) display the scorecard for Motor Torpedo Boat Squadron 3: thirteen hits on Japanese ships in four months of work.