Notes

The following abbreviations and editions are used in the notes.

AE	L’Année Epigraphique (Paris, 1888–); cited by year and inscription number.
Ambrose, Ep.	Epistulae et acta, ed. O. Faller and M. Zelzer (4 vols., CSEL 82.1–4). Vienna, 1968–1996.	č Panegyrici Latini, ed. R. Mynors. Oxford, 1964.
Paulinus, V. Ambrosii	A. Bastiaensen, Vita di Cipriani, Vita di Ambrogio, Vita di Agostino. Milan, 1975. pp. 51–124.
Peter the Patrician	FHG 4: 181–91.
PG	Patrologia Graeca.
Philostorgius, HE	Philostorgius Kirchengeschichte mit dem Leben des Lucian von Antiochien und den Fragmenten eines arianischen Historiographen, ed. J. Bidez, rev. F. Winkelmann. Berlin, 1972.
PLS	Patrologia Latina Supplementum.
Procopius, Aed.	Procopii Caesariensis Opera č: De aedificiis libri č, ed. J. Haury, rev. G. Wirth. Leipzig, 1964.
RIC	The Roman Imperial Coinage (10 vols.). London, 1923–1994.
Rufinus, HE	Eusebius Werke č.2: Die Kirchengeschichte, ed. E. Schwartz and Th. Mommsen. Berlin, 1907. pp. 951–1040.
Rutilius, De reditu suo	Rutilius Namatianus: Sur son retour, ed. J. Vessereau and F. Préchac. Paris, 1933.
Socrates, HE	Sokrates Kirchengeschichte, ed. G. C. Hansen. Berlin, 1995.
Sozomen, HE	Sozomenus Kirchengeschichte, ed. J. Bidez, rev. G. C. Hansen. Berlin, 1960.
Synesius, De providentia and De regno	Synesii Cyrenensis opuscula, ed. N. Terzaghi. Rome, 1944.
Tacitus, Germ.	Germania, in Cornelii Taciti opera minora, ed. M. Winterbottom. Oxford, 1975. pp. 35–62.
Tacitus, Hist.	Historiae, ed. E. Koestermann. Leipzig, 1969.
Themistius, Or.	Orationes, ed. G. Downey and A. F. Norman (3 vols.). Leipzig, 1965–1974.
Theodoret, HE	Theodoret Kirchengeschichte, ed. L. Parmentier, rev. G. C. Hansen. Berlin, 1998.
Zosimus, HN	Zosime: Histoire nouvelle, ed. F. Paschoud (3 vols. in 5). Paris, 1970–1993.

Prologue: Before the Gates of Rome

[1] Sources for the foregoing are Zosimus, HN 5.34–50; Sozomen, HE 9.6–7; Olympiodorus, frag. 7.1 (Blockley) = 4 (Müller); 24 (Blockley) = 24 (Müller); Rutilius Namatianus, De reditu suo.

Chapter One: The Goths Before Constantine

[2] For instance the Scythians supposedly recruited into the army by Septimius Severus, in Cassius Dio 75.3, taken as Goths by P. Heather, The Goths (Oxford, 1996), 39.

[3] Dexippus, frag. 20 (Jacoby) = 14 (Müller); 22 (Jacoby) = 16 (Müller).

[4] Jordanes, Getica 91 and Historia Augusta, V. Gord. 31.1: the Historia Augusta is much earlier than Jordanes, but it is more likely that its author – much given to invention and word games – conflated two historical names into one than that Jordanes, a much less adventurous writer, expanded a single name into two. Furthermore, the name Argunt is far less plausible than either Argaith or Guntheric.

[5] Zosimus, HN 1.23.

[6] Lactantius, De mort. pers. 4.1, but ascribing the victory to the Carpi.

[7] Zosimus, HN 1.31–35. In this and the following section, I omit references to the later Byzantine traditions preserved in Syncellus, Cedrenus and particularly Zonaras. Although much valuable information is undoubtedly transmitted in these writers from earlier sources, its precise application is not always clear, as is shown by the best treatment of the subject, B. Bleckmann, Die Reichskrise des č. Jahrhunderts in der spätantiken und byzantinischen Geschichtsschreibung. (Munich, 1992), 156–219.

[8] Zosimus, HN 1.35.

[9] Canons 5–10 (PG 10: 1020–48 at 1037–47). There is a complete translation in P. Heather and J. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century (Liverpool, 1991), 1–11. Note that although the Boradoi of Gregory are probably the Boranoi of Zosimus, we should not correct Gregory’s reading to that of Zosimus, as Heather and Matthews do, as the two words may in fact have slightly different significance.

[10] Dexippus, frag. 25 (Jacoby) = 18 (Müller); Zosimus, HN 1.43; 46.

[11] Zosimus, HN 1.45.

[12] Historia Augusta, V. Aurel. 22.2.

[13] Ammianus, RG 31.5.17, in the aftermath of Adrianople, writes nostalgically of Aurelian’s distant successes. For the raids under Tacitus and Probus, see Zosimus, HN 1.63.1.

[14] Tacitus, Hist. 1.4.

[15] G. Woolf, Becoming Roman: The Origins of Provincial Civilization in Gaul (Cambridge, 1998).

[16] Zosimus, HN 1.29–30; Aurelius Victor 32–33; Eutropius 9.7–8; Epitome de Caesaribus 31–32.

[17] For Postumus’ victory see the recently discovered victory altar from Augsburg: L. Bakker, ‘Die Siegesaltar zur Juthungenschlacht von 260 n. Chr. Ein spektakulärer Neufund aus Augusta Vindelicium/Augsburg’, Archäologische Nachrichten 24 (1993): 274–77.

[18] Zosimus, HN 1.42–43; 1.45–46; Eutropius 9.11.

[19] Zosimus, HN 1.63.

[20] Zosimus, HN 1.71–72; Eutropius 9.17–18; Epitome de Caesaribus 37–38; Historia Augusta, V. Prob. 21–22; John of Antioch, frag. 158; 160 (FHG 4: 600).

[21] Aurelius Victor 38.2.

[22] Eutropius 9.18; Historia Augusta, V. Car. 8.

[23] Pan. Lat. 10.4.2; Aurelius Victor 39.18–19; Eutropius 9.20.3. Pan. Lat. 10, delivered by Mamertinus on 21 April 289, is our main evidence for the early campaigns of Maximian.

[24] Pan. Lat. 11.17.1: Tervingi, pars alia Gothorum adiuncta manu Taifalorum.

Chapter Two: The Roman Empire and Barbarian Society

[25] The earliest attestation of the word is an inscription from the 220s: T. Sarnowski, ‘Barbaricum und ein Bellum Bosporanum in einer Inschrift aus Preslav’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 87 (1991): 137–44.

[26] A. Bursche, ‘Contacts between the late Roman empire and north-central Europe’, Antiquaries Journal 76 (1996): 31–50.

[27] M. Speidel, ‘The Roman army in Arabia’, Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Weltč.8 (1977), 687–730 at 712. This inscription is often thought to refer to a Gothic recruit in Roman service, both because young Guththa’s name may itself mean ‘Goth’ and because he was the son of one Erminarius, a name similar to many recorded later among the Goths. But the main element of the father’s name (Erman- or Herman-) is not found exclusively among later Goths, and naming a child ‘the Goth’ is more likely to reflect the perspective of an outsider than an insider; perhaps Guththa was the child of a Goth in a non-Gothic environment. All of this is speculative, and it is not at all clear that personal names, in very many societies good evidence for familial relationship, are equally useful in establishing connections to a much broader identity such as that of third-century Goths. For that reason, the Goths (Gouththon te kai Germanon) of Shapur’s monumental inscription are the first certain attestation of Goths in Roman service: see the text at M. Back, Die Sassanidischen Staatsinschriften (Leiden, 1978), 290–91. The opaque evidence of Peter the Patrician, frag. 8 (FHG 4: 186) may refer to these Goths as well.

[28] W. S. Hanson and I. P. Haynes, eds., Roman Dacia: The Making of a Provincial Society, Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplement 56 (Portsmouth, RI, 2004).

Chapter Three: The Search for Gothic Origins

[29] It has now been shown that the real site of the battle was nearly 80 kilometres distance from Detmold at Kalkriese.

[30] Jordanes, Getica 316.

[31] Jordanes, Getica 1.

[32] Jordanes, Getica 2–3.

[33] Jordanes, Getica 65.

[34] Jordanes, Getica 25: velut vagina nationum.

[35] Jordanes, Getica 25–28.

[36] E.g., Jordanes, Getica 68, where the connection is most explicit.

[37] The subtlest and most important work to emerge from this school of thought is Walter Pohl, ‘Aux origines d’une Europe ethnique. Transformations d’identités entre Antiquité et Moyen Âge’, AnnalesHSS 60 (2005): 183–208.

[38] Jordanes, Getica 29.

[39] Jordanes, Getica 47.

[40] Jordanes, Getica 28.

[41] Jordanes, Getica 43.

[42] The Gotones mentioned in Tacitus, Germania 44.1 and located somewhere in what is now modern Poland would not be regarded as Goths if Jordanes’ migration stories did not exist.

[43] W. Pohl, ‘Telling the difference: signs of ethnic identity’, in W. Pohl and H. Reimitz, eds., Strategies of Distinction: The Construction of Ethnic Communities, 300–800 (Leiden, 1998), 17–69.

[44] But the Greek may actually be a loanword from Sumerian: Jonathan Hall, Hellenicity: Between Ethnicity and Culture (Chicago, 2002), 112.

[45] Dexippus, frag. 6.1 (Jacoby) = 24 (Müller); Zosimus, HN 1.37.2, derived from Dexippus.

[46] Codex Theodosianus 14.10.2.

[47] S. Brather, Ethnische Interpretationen in der frühgeschichtlichen Archäologie: Geschichte, Grundlagen und Alternativen (Berlin, 2004). For a short English introduction to the ideas developed at length in Brather’s large book, see his ‘Ethnic identities as constructions of archaeology: the case of the Alamanni’, in Andrew Gillett, ed., On Barbarian Identity: Critical Approaches to Ethnicity in the Early Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2002), 149–76.

[48] E.g., V. Bierbrauer, ‘Archäologie und Geschichte der Goten vom 1.–7. Jahrhundert’, Frühmittelalterlichen Studien 28 (1994): 51–172.

[49] P. Heather, The Goths (Oxford, 1996), 19.

[50] I draw the phrase from R. Reece, ‘Interpreting Roman hoards’, World Archaeology 20 (1988): 261–69, who cites it from M. Jarrett, ‘Magnus Maximus and the end of Roman Britain’, Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion for 1983(1983), 22–35 at 22.

[51] Rolf Hachmann, Die Goten und Skandinavien (Berlin, 1970).

[52] Michel Kazanski, Les Goths (Paris, 1993).

[53] Bernard S. Cohen, Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Princeton, 1996).

Chapter Four: Imperial Politics and the Rise of Gothic Power

[54] For the Sarmatian campaign see T. D. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius (Cambridge, MA, 1981), 299 n. 15. For the Carpic, ibid., 300 n. 30.

[55] Jordanes, Getica 110.

[56] Epitome de Caesaribus 41.3.

[57] Constantine (306/307): Pan. Lat. 6.10.2; 4.16.4–5; 7.4.2; Lactantius, De mort. pers. 29.3; Eusebius, Vita Const. 1.25. Licinius: ILS 660 (27 June 310).

[58] Pan. Lat. 6.2.1.

[59] Pan. Lat. 4.17.1–2; Optatianus, Carm. 10.24–28; Anon. post Dionem 15.1 (FHG 4: 199); RIC 7.185 (Trier 240, 241) for Crispus’ victory over the Franks, ibid. (Trier 237–239) for the Alamanni.

[60] The victories are recorded in Optatianus, Carm. 6.18–21 and Zosimus, HN 2.21. Orig. Const. 21 describes the victory as Gothic, but the numismatic and epigraphic evidence is decisive.

[61] RIC 7.135 (Lyons 209–222); AE (1934), 158.

[62] CIL 1: 2335; for the appropriate date, A. Lippold, ‘Konstantin und die Barbaren (Konfrontation? Integration? Koexistenz?)’, Studi Italiani di Filologia Classica 85 (1992): 371–91 at 377.

[63] Anon. post Dionem 14.1 (FHG 4: 199).

[64] ILS 8942; ILS 696, before 315.

[65] Alica: Orig. Const. 27, with the emendation of Valesius. The testimony of Jordanes, Getica 111 is garbled. Franks and Constantine: Zosimus, HN 2.15.1. Bonitus: Ammianus, RG 15.5.33.

[66] Julian, Caes. 329B.

[67] Aurelius Victor 41; Epitome de Caesaribus 41.13; Chronicon Paschale, s.a. 328 (Bonn 527); commemorated on coins: RIC 7: 331 (Rome 298); Orig. Const. 35 for the ripa Gothica.

[68] Zosimus, HN 2.31.3.

[69] Descriptio consulum, s.a. 332 (Burgess, 236).

[70] Eusebius, Vita Const. 4.5.1–2; Orig. Const. 31; Aurelius Victor 41.13; Eutropius 10.7.

[71] Julian, Or. 1.9D.

[72] Themistius, Or. 15.191a.

[73] Jordanes, Getica 112.

[74] Eusebius, Vita Const. 4.5.2.

[75] Eunapius, frag. 37 (Blockley) = 37 (Müller); Zosimus, HN 4.10; Ammianus, RG 26.10.3, which puts the number of Procopius’ Gothic supporters at 3,000.

[76] Tribute: Eusebius, Vita Const. 4.5.2; Ammianus, RG 17.12. Military service in 332: Eusebius, Vita Const. 4.5 is vague on the Goths and entirely explicit about the Sarmatians being forced to serve in the army as a condition of peace (Vita Const. 4.6); cf. the late testimony of Jordanes, Getica 112 (Goths send 40,000 troops as a result of the treaty). Service on a case-by-case basis thereafter: Libanius, Or. 59.89 for 348; Ammianus, RG 20.8.1 for 360 and id. 23.2.7 for 363.

[77] See in particular G. L. Duncan, Coin Circulation in the Danubian and Balkan Provinces of the Roman Empire,AD294–578 (London, 1993) and E. Stoljarik, Essays on Monetary Circulation in the North-western Black Sea Region in the Late Roman and Byzantine Periods, Late 3rd Century–Early 13th CenturyAD (Odessa, 1993).

[78] Alexandru Popa, Romains ou barbares? Architecture en pierre dans le barbaricum à l’époque romaine tardive (sur le matériel archéologique du Nord-Ouest du Pont Euxin) (Chisinau [Moldova], 2001), 55–61; Andrei Opait, Local and Imported Ceramics in the Roman Province of Scythia (4th–6th centuriesAD): Aspects of Economic Life in the Province of Scythia, British Archaeological Reports, International Series 1274 (Oxford, 2004).

[79] A. Suceveanu and A. Barnea, La Dobroudja romaine (Bucharest, 1991), 260.

[80] See the articles in Bente Magnus, ed., Roman Gold and the Development of the Early Germanic Kingdoms: Symposium in Stockholm 14–16 November 1997, Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, Konferenser 51 (Stockholm, 2001); Attila Kiss, ‘Die “barbarischen” Könige des 4.–7. Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken, als Verbündeten des römischen bzw. byzantinischen Reiches’, Communicationes Archaeologicae Hungariae (1991): 115–28.

[81] Aleksandrovka: Popa, Romains ou barbares, 19–21. Bašmačka: ibid., 22–34. Gorodok: ibid., 42–43. Palanca: ibid., 64–65.

[82] Alexandru Popa, ‘Die Siedlung Sobari, Kr. Soroca (Republik Moldau)’, Germania 75 (1997): 119–131.

[83] Popa, Romains ou barbares, 45–49.

[84] See generally Attila Kiss, ‘Die Schatzfunde č und č von Szilágysomlyó als Quellen der gepidischen Geschichte’, Archaeologia Austriaca 75 (1991): 249–60; Radu Harhoiu, The Treasure from Pietroasa in Romania, British Archaeological Reports, International Series 24 (Oxford, 1977); id., Die frühe Völkerwanderungszeit in Rumänien (Bucharest, 1997); Florin Curta, ‘Frontier ethnogenesis in late antiquity: the Danube, the Tervingi, and the Slavs’, in id., ed., Borders, Barriers and Ethnogenesis: Frontiers in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2005), 173–204. For the fortifications of the site, Popa, Romains ou barbares, 66–69.

[85] Tomb 14 at Hanska-Luterija, with fragments of many bronze vessels, a gold bracelet, and glass items, is a rare exception.

[86] M. Kazanski, Les Goths (Paris, 1993) is the best short introduction to Sântana-de-Mureč/černjachov funerary sites, but see many useful articles collected in the following publications: Herwig Wolfram and Falko Daim, eds., Die Völker an der Mittleren und unteren Donau im fünften und sechsten Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1980); Patrick Perin, ed., Gallo-Romains, Wisigoths et Francs en Aquitaine, Septimanie et Espagne (Actes des če Journées internationales d’Archéologie mérovingienne. Toulouse, 1985) (Paris, 1991); Françoise Vallet and Michel Kazanski, eds., L’armée romaine et les barbares du če au če siècle, Mémoires publiées par l’Association Française d’Archéologie Mérovingienne V (Paris, 1993); Françoise Vallet and Michel Kazanski, eds., La noblesse romaine et les chefs barbares du če au če siècle, Mémoires publiées par l’Association Française d’Archéologie Mérovingienne č (Paris, 1995).

[87] See especially Guy Halsall, Settlement and Social Organization: The Merovingian Region of Metz (Cambridge, 1995); Bonnie Effros, Merovingian Mortuary Archaeology and the Making of the Early Middle Ages (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 2003).

Chapter Five: Goths and Romans, 332–376

[88] Ammianus, RG 26.10.3

[89] Ambrose, De spir. sanct., prol. 17 (= CSEL 79: 23).

[90] Hippolyte Delehaye, ‘Saints de Thrace et de Mésie’, Analecta Bollandiana 31 (1912): 161–300 at 276: Kunstanteinus (recte Kunstanteius) thiudanis, which are the Gothic spellings for Constantine and (the correct) Constantius.

[91] Eusebius, Vita Const. 4.6; Descriptio consulum, s.a. 334 (Burgess, 236); Orig. Const. 31.

[92] Eusebius, Vita Const. 4.7.

[93] Before 340, both Constantius and Constans had taken the title Sarmaticus, implying either a joint campaign or two consecutive ones: T. D. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius (Cambridge, MA, 1981), 262, with references.

[94] Ammianus, RG 15.8.

[95] That is the argument of T. D. Barnes, Ammianus Marcellinus and the Representation of Historical Reality (Ithaca, 1998).

[96] Ammianus, RG 16.5.

[97] Sarmatian raids in 357: Ammianus, RG 16.10. Campaign in 358: Ammianus, RG 17.12–13; Aurelius Victor 42. Destruction of the Limigantes (359): Ammianus, RG 19.3.

[98] CIL 3: 3653 =ILS 775.

[99] Ammianus, RG 22.7.8.

[100] Eusebius, Vita Const. 4.5 does not demonstrate religious stipulations within the treaty, merely stating that Constantine subdued the barbarians under the sign of the cross, while no specifics can be read into Vita Const. 4.14.1 in which all nations are said to be steered by the single helmsman Constantine. The evidence of Eusebius is on this point surely to be preferred to the fifth-century Socrates, HE 1.18 and Sozomen, HE 2.6.1 where legendary accretions are to be suspected.

[101] Socrates, HE 4.33–34.

[102] Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. 10.19 (PG 34: 657–90 at 688C).

[103] Province: Auxentius 35–37 (CCSL 87: 164–65) = 56–59 (PLS 1: 703–706); Philostorgius, HE 2.5. Nicopolis: Jordanes, Getica 267.

[104] Philostorgius, HE 2.5.

[105] Sozomen, HE 6.37.

[106] Sozomen, HE 6.37.11.

[107] Philostorgius, HE 2.5; trans. P. Heather and J. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century (Liverpool, 1991), 144.

[108] Ammianus, RG 31.3.1.

[109] Ammianus, RG 29.1.11.

[110] N. Lenski, Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth CenturyA.D. (Berkeley, 2002).

[111] Ammianus, RG 26.10.3; 27.5.1–2; Eunapius, frag. 37 (Blockley) = 37 (Müller).

[112] Zosimus, HN 4.10–11.

[113] Valentia: Codex Theodosianus 8.5.49; 11.1.22; 12.1.113. Gratiana: Procopius, Aed. 4.11.20 (Haury, 149). Valentiniana: Notitia Dignitatum, Or. 39.27.

[114] Coins: RIC 9: 219 (Constantinople 40). Inscription: CIL 3.7494 =ILS 770. More generally, Themistius, Or. 10.136a–b.

[115] Ammianus, RG 27.5.6.

[116] Themistius, Or. 10.133a; Ammianus, RG 27.5.7.

[117] Ammianus, RG 27.5.8–9; 31.4.13; Themistius, Or. 10.134a.

[118] Ammianus, RG 27.5.10; Themistius, Or. 10.135c–d; Zosimus, HN 4.11.

[119] Themistius, Or. 10.135a.

[120] Socrates, HE 4.33–34, and following him Sozomen, HE 6.37; Orosius, Hist. 7.33.19. See in general, N. Lenski, ‘The Gothic civil war and the date of the Gothic conversion’, Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 36 (1995): 51–87.

[121] Basil, Ep. 154, 164, and 165, following the identification of C. Zuckermann, ‘Cappadocian fathers and the Goths’, Travaux et Memoires 11 (1991): 473–86.

[122] Text of the Passio in Hippolyte Delehaye, ‘Saints de Thrace et de Mésie’, Analecta Bollandiana 31 (1912): 161–300 at 216–21, with the translation of Heather and Matthews, Goths, 111–17.

[123] Jerome, Chron., s.a. 369 (ed. Helm, 249i).

[124] Delehaye, ‘Saints’, 279. See also the translations at Heather and Matthews, Goths, 125–30.

[125] Socrates, HE 4.33–34; Delehaye, ‘Saints’, 276, but the manuscript tradition is faulty and the original name commemorated not entirely clear.

Chapter Six: The Battle of Adrianople

[126] The whole of Ammianus’ Hun excursus comes in 31.2.

[127] Zosimus, HN 4.20.4.

[128] See, e.g., Ammianus, RG 31.4.2 where rumour is explicitly cited as the source for people’s knowledge of events in the barbaricum.

[129] Ammianus, RG 31.3.1–4.

[130] Ammianus, RG 31.3.5–8.

[131] Ammianus, RG 31.4.1–2.

[132] Ammianus, RG 31.4.1.

[133] Socrates, HE 4.33–34.

[134] Basil, Ep. 237.

[135] Themistius, Or. 10.

[136] Ammianus, RG 31.4.5–7. Hostages are implied at Eunapius, frag. 42 (Blockley) = 42 (Müller).

[137] Attested by Zosimus, HN 4.20.6; Eunapius, frag. 42 (Blockley) = 42 (Müller).

[138] Ammianus, RG 31.4.9; Orosius, Hist. 7.33.11.

[139] Ammianus, RG 31.4.11; Zosimus, HN 4.20.6.

[140] Ammianus, RG 31.4.12–13.

[141] Ammianus, RG 31.5.3.

[142] Ammianus, RG 31.5.4–8.

[143] See especially Ammianus, RG 18.2.13; 21.3.4; 29.6.5; 30.1.18–22.

[144] Ammianus, RG 31.5.9–17.

[145] Ammianus, RG 31.6.1–3.

[146] But see the account of them in Ammianus, RG 31.6–11.

[147] Ammianus, RG 31.7.1.

[148] Ammianus, RG 31.7.3–5.

[149] Ammianus, RG 31.7.5–9.

[150] Ammianus, RG 31.9.1–5. For another example, see 28.5.15, on the Alamanni.

[151] Ammianus, RG 31.8.1–8; Zosimus, HN 4.22; Socrates, HE 4.38; Sozomen, HE 6.39.2.

[152] Codex Theodosianus 7.6.3 (9 August 377).

[153] Basil, Ep. 268.

[154] Ammianus, RG 3.10.21.

[155] Ammianus, RG 31.10.1–20.

[156] Socrates, HE 4.38; Ammianus, RG 31.11.1; Zosimus, HN 4.21.

[157] M. Speidel, ‘Sebastian’s strike force at Adrianople’, Klio 78 (1996): 434–37.

[158] Ammianus, RG 31.11.1–5; Zosimus, HN 4.21; Eunapius, frag. 44.4 (Blockley) = 47 (Müller); Theoderet, HE 4.33.2 for Valens on Traianus.

[159] Ammianus, RG 31.12.3.

[160] Ammianus, RG 31.12.4.

[161] Ammianus, RG 31.12.4–7; Zosimus, HN 4.23–24.

[162] Ammianus, RG 31.12.8–9.

[163] Ammianus, RG 31.12.10–15.

[164] Ammianus, RG 31.12.16.

[165] Ammianus, RG 31.12.16–31.13.11.

[166] Ammianus, RG 31.13.12–17; Zosimus, HN 4.24.

[167] Ammianus, RG 31.13.18–19.

[168] Themistius, Or. 16.206d.

Chapter Seven: Theodosius and the Goths

[169] Eunapius, frag. 39.9 (Blockley) = 38 (Müller).

[170] Ammianus, RG 31.16.8.

[171] Zosimus, HN 4.25–26. The date is established by the fact that Modares, a general of the new emperor Theodosius, had already won some victories in Thrace when the massacre in Asia Minor took place.

[172] All earlier scholarly solutions are summarized in S. Elbern, ‘Das Gotenmassaker in Kleinasien (378 n. Chr.)’, Hermes 115 (1987): 99–106.

[173] Scythians repulsed from Euchaita in Helenopontus: PG 46: 736–48, at 737A (encomium of St. Theodore, dated 17 February 380); young man shot by Scythians outside Comana Pontica: PG 46: 416–32 at 424C (sermon on baptism, undated), on both of which see C. Zuckerman, ‘Cappadocian fathers and the Goths’, Travaux et Memoires 11 (1991): 473–86.

[174] Ammianus, RG 31.10.1–20.

[175] S. Williams and G. Friel, Theodosius: The Empire at Bay (London, 1994).

[176] Ammianus, RG 29.6.14–16.

[177] Theoderet, HE 5.5.

[178] N. McLynn, ‘“Genere Hispanus”: Theodosius, Spain and Nicene orthodoxy’, in K. Bowes and M. Kulikowski, eds., Hispania in Late Antiquity: Current Approaches (Leiden, 2005), 77–120.

[179] Pan. Lat. 2.10–11; Theoderet, HE 5.5–6; Sozomen, HE 7.2.1; Orosius, Hist. 7.34.2–5; Epitome de Caesaribus 47–48.

[180] The case for western help, though not accepted here, is best made in R. Malcolm Errington, ‘Theodosius and the Goths’, Chiron 26 (1996): 1–27.

[181] Units: some or all of Notitia Dignitatum, Or. 5.64–66; 6.33, 62, 64, 67; 7.47, 57; 8.27, 32; 9.41, 46 (= 6.64), 47; 28.20; 31.64; 38.18–19, 32–33. Laws: Codex Theodosianus 7.13.8–11. Farmers: Libanius, Or. 24.16.

[182] Zosimus, HN 4.30.2; 4.31.2–4.

[183] Evidence tabulated at M. McCormick, Eternal Victory: Triumphal Rulership in Late Antiquity, Byzantium and the Early Medieval West (Cambridge, 1986), 41–46.

[184] P. Heather, Goths and Romans, 332–489 (Oxford, 1991), 147–56, clarified the structural defect of Zosimus’ account for the first time.

[185] Zosimus, HN 4.25.2–4.

[186] Themistius, Or. 14.181b.

[187] Zosimus, HN 4.31.2–4; Codex Theodosianus 7.18.3–5.

[188] Zosimus, HN 4.33.1.

[189] Zosimus, HN 4.33.1–2.

[190] Descriptio consulum, s.a. 382 (Burgess, 241).

[191] Themistius, Or. 16.

[192] Synesius, De regno 21 (Terzaghi, 50C); Themistius, Or. 16.209a–210a; Pan. Lat. 2.22.3, but the reference to military service at 2.32.4 need not necessarily refer to the agreement of 382.

[193] Themistius, Or. 16.211a.

[194] Synesius, De regno 19 (Terzaghi, 43D).

[195] Notitia Dignitatum, Or. 5.61; 6.61.

[196] Campaign against Maximus: Philostorgius, HE 10.8; Zosimus, HN 4.45.3; Pan. Lat. 2.32.3–4; against Eugenius, Orosius, Hist. 7.35.19.

Chapter Eight: Alaric and the Sack of Rome

[197] R. Harhoiu, Die frühe Völkerwanderungszeit in Rumänien (Bucharest, 1997); M. Kazanski and R. Legoux, ‘Contribution à l’étude des témoignages archéologiques des Goths en Europe orientale à l’époque des Grandes Migrations: la chronologie de la culture de černjahov récente’, Archéologie médiévale 18 (1988): 7–53.

[198] Descriptio consulum, s.a. 381 (Burgess, 241).

[199] Zosimus, HN 4.35.1; 4.38–39.

[200] Eunapius, frag. 59 (Blockley) = 60 (Müller).

[201] Gregory of Nazianzus, Ep. 136.

[202] Eunapius, frag. 59 (Blockley) = 60 (Müller); Zosimus, HN 4.56.2–3.

[203] Zosimus, HN 5.5.4; Claudian, Get. 166–248; 598–647; Synesius, De regno 19–21. For Alaric’s Goths described as a gens: Claudian, č cons. Hon. 474; Get. 99, 134, 169, 533, 645–47.

[204] Descriptio consulum, s.a. 383 (Burgess, 241).

[205] Zosimus, HN 4.45.3.

[206] Sozomen, HE 7.25; Theodoret, HE 5.18; Rufinus, HE 11.18; Ambrose, Ep. 51.

[207] ILS 2949.

[208] Claudian, Get. 524–25; č cons. Hon. 104–108.

[209] Jordanes, Get. 146.

[210] Zosimus, HN 4.50–51; Claudian, Ruf. 1.350–51.

[211] Claudian, Stil. 1.94–115; Ruf. 1.314–22, č cons. Hon. 147–50.

[212] Eunapius, frag. 58.2 (Blockley) = John of Antioch, frag. 187 (FHG 4: 608–10).

[213] Orosius, Hist. 7.35.19; Zosimus, HN 4.58.2–3.

[214] Zosimus, 4.58.6; Orosius, Hist. 7.35.19; Socrates, HE 5.25.11–16; Sozomen, HE 7.22–24; Rufinus, HE 11.33; Philostorgius, HE 11.2; Epitome de Caesaribus 48.7.

[215] Socrates, HE 7.10.

[216] Zosimus, HN 5.5.4.

[217] Claudian, Ruf. 2.54–99; Eunapius, frag. 64.1 = John of Antioch, frag. 190 (FHG 4: 610).

[218] Zosimus, HN 5.7.3; Eunapius, frag. 64.1 = John of Antioch, frag. 190 (FHG 4: 610).

[219] Claudian, Stil. 2.95–96.

[220] Claudian, Ruf. 2.105–23 and 235–39, with Gild. 294–96 and Stil. 1.151–69.

[221] Claudian, č cons. Hon. 435–49; Stil. 1.188–245.

[222] Zosimus, HN 5.5.6–8.; Claudian, Ruf. 2.186–96; Eunapius, VS 476, 482.

[223] Claudian, č cons. 479–83; Zosimus, HN 5.7.2. Date: Paulinus, č. Ambrosii 45, 48, for the relevance of which see E. Burrell, ‘A re-examination of why Stilicho abandoned his pursuit of Alaric in 397’, Historia 53 (2004): 251–56.

[224] Eunapius, frag. 64.1 = John of Antioch, frag. 190 (FHG 4: 610); Zosimus, HN 5.7.1 – both misdated, but both clearly referring to 397 because of their reference to Hellas.

[225] Claudian, Eutr. 2.211–18; Get. 533–40.

[226] Claudian, Stil. 1.269–81.

[227] Main sources for the revolt: Synesius, De providentia 2.1–3; Socrates, HE 6.6.1–34; Sozomen, HE 8.4; Theoderet, HE 5.30–33; Zosimus, HN 5.18–19; Philostorgius, HE 11.8. My narrative follows A. Cameron and J. Long, Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius (Berkeley, 1993).

[228] Date: Codex Theodosianus 9.40.17 (17 August 399).

[229] Fasti Vindobonenses Priores 532 (Chron. Min. 1: 299).

[230] Claudian, č cons. Hons. 201–15; 281–86.

[231] Claudian, č cons. Hon. 229–33.

[232] Sozomen, HE 8.25.3; 9.4.2–4.

[233] The arguments of A. R. Birley, The Roman Government of Britain (Oxford, 2005), 455–60, very nearly persuade me to abandon my attempt, in ‘Barbarians in Gaul, usurpers in Britain’, Britannia 31 (2000): 325–45, to redate the Rhine crossing from the traditional 31 December 406 to 405.

[234] Orosius, Hist. 7.37.13–16.

[235] Olympiodorus, frag. 7.2 (Blockley) = 5 (Müller).

[236] Olympiodorus, frag. 3 (Blockley) = 2 (Müller).

[237] Olympiodorus, frag. 5.1 (Blockley) = 2 (Müller); Sozomen, HE 9.4; Philostorgius, HE 12.3.

[238] Zosimus, HN 5.35.5–6.

[239] Zosimus, HN 5.36.1–3.

[240] Sozomen, HE 9.6–7.

[241] Olympiodorus, frag. 7.3 (Blockley) = 6 (Müller); Zosimus, HN 5.38.

[242] Sozomen, HE 9.7.

[243] Zosimus, HN 5.46.1.

[244] Zosimus, HN 5.45–51; Sozomen, HE 9.7.

[245] On Olympiodorus, one should consult A. Gillett, ‘The date and circumstances of Olympiodorus of Thebes’, Traditio 48 (1993): 1–29.

[246] Olympiodorus, frag. 14 (Blockley) = 13 (Müller); Sozomen, HE 9.8.

[247] Sozomen, HE 9.8 has the former, Zosimus, HN 6.12.2 the latter. Both were drawing on Olympiodorus, but it is unclear which version better transmits the original.

[248] Sozomen, HE 9.9.2–3; Philostorgius, HE 12.3.

Epilogue: The Aftermath of Alaric

[249] Orosius, Hist. 7.39.4–14.

[250] Sozomen, HE 9.9.5.

[251] Olympiodorus, frag. 25 (Blockley) = 25 (Müller).

[252] Rutilius Namatianus, De reditu suo 1.140.

[253] Olympiodorus, frag. 16 (Blockley) = 15 (Müller).

[254] Jordanes, Get. 158.

[255] Sozomen, HE 9.9.1.