CHAPTER SIXTEEN
This is a story of men and women, of their ideas and beliefs, their power and vision as well as personal ambition and treachery. Sometimes it is an account of how they perceived their countries’ interests could best be served, imperial, strategic and economic; at other points it relates how these became submerged in individual gain and even a desire for re-election. The important decisions were taken by a small number of people: they were open to persuasion, lobbying and blackmail. Chance and accident played a part, but so far as it is possible to discern the course of events1 there is no evidence of blind impersonal forces, or of an inevitable progression.2 The Arab–Israeli Wars can be attributed largely to the actions of people and the decisions they took at particular points in time.
The background to the wars forms an episode in imperial history: it is an account of how Britain tried to exercise paramountcy over both Arabs and Zionists. In the era of proconsuls surprisingly few statesmen were able to divide a vast area of the world, without consulting the inhabitants as to their wishes, with a view to relations with France and a possible future war with Germany. British paramountcy over the Middle East lasted until the end of the Second World War: it was undermined by an American President obsessed with his re-election prospects, Zionist terrorism that wore down domestic morale, and an exploding sense of nationalism among a new generation of Arabs who were just as disillusioned with their hierarchical leaders as with the colonial powers. The attempt to reassert British suzerainty was thwarted in 1956 by another American President and his election. After this, the Middle East increasingly became an area of Super Power confrontation as Russia and the United States competed with one another for control of what was considered to be the principal reservoir of the world’s oil. It was a difficult game for the United States to play during decades when many of its citizens ceased to think of themselves as being principally American and discovered hyphenate identities. This meant that administrations were faced with powerful electoral groups who threatened punishment through the ballot box not so much on American issues, but on those affecting their other, and often principal, loyalty.3 But in the end the Arab states retained a surprising degree of independence, resisting both American and Russian dominance.
It was the existence of Israel that precipitated the Arab–Israeli Wars. The idea of the Zionist state was promulgated by Herzl late in the nineteenth century. Almost fifty years later Ben-Gurion proclaimed its birth under Herzl’s portrait. Weizmann, whose very Jewishness seemed to make him attractive to the British Establishment, nurtured the growth of the Yishuv in Palestine by winning the sympathy of influential people in British public life. But his gradualist tactics seemed inadequate during the Second World War, and were replaced by Ben-Gurion’s activism. The Zionists used Weizmann again, however, in 1947–48 to persuade Truman to support the creation of Israel, and, appropriately, it was he who handed the American President the scroll of the law. Israel came into being largely through Ben-Gurion’s policy of using the Zionist pressure groups in the United States to persuade that government to instruct Britain to implement a policy favourable to Zionism in Palestine, together with his policy of wearing down British morale in the mandate. Ben-Gurion was helped by Begin’s Irgun and its terrorist activities: it was the hanging of the two sergeants and the booby-trapping of their bodies that ultimately forced the British government to withdraw. Israel was initially nurtured by Ben-Gurion, but probably its most successful leader was Eshkol: during his office Israel achieved a state of military preparedness that enabled it to occupy territories necessary for secure boundaries during the June 1967 War; with his premiership Israel also obtained international recognition and even sympathy. Allon and Dayan played important roles in the military planning and its execution. It was Golda Meir, though, who finally achieved the development of American sponsorship into an assurance that the United States would guarantee Israel’s survival. It is perhaps significant that the Zionist founders of Israel, and its early leaders, were either east European or Russian Jews, victims of anti-Semitism and pogroms.
In the eyes of many Arabs it was Britain that was responsible for the creation of the state of Israel. It was the British government that issued the Balfour Declaration in 1917, held the mandate and admitted the Jewish immigrants who took over the Arab land. There was widespread sympathy within the British establishment for Zionism both in Conservative and Labour circles. In the case of some this was to compensate for guilt feelings over latent anti-Semitism, for others like Harold Wilson, and possibly Lloyd George, it was a consequence of the teaching of Old Testament religious history in schools and churches. Until the 1960s there was a tendency for even the Anglican Church to use the Judaic Ten Commandments, rather than Christ’s injunctions, in the eucharist service. Officials taking key decisions were often converted to Zionism by shrewd lobbying, though many later became disillusioned. But by then they had served their purpose. It is often said that the British Foreign Office was pro-Arab. A surprising number of its officials were Zionists, or Zionist sympathizers. And, on the whole, the Colonial Office was always sensitive to Zionist demands. There is at least one instance of a British politician, Richard Crossman, who placed his loyalty to Zionism before his loyalty to king and country. British official policy, however, was not to support a Zionist state: British declarations always emphasized that the Balfour Declaration safeguarded the existing rights of the indigenous inhabitants. Churchill’s White Paper stressed this, it was implicit in the terms of the mandate, and only wavered for a short period after Ramsay MacDonald’s letter to Weizmann, and then the Arabs themselves secured a rapid reversal of policy. The British government, possibly because of its strategic concerns and relations with the Arab world, severely restricted Jewish immigration into Palestine. After 1945 it fought at considerable cost to sustain this policy, under the threat of Truman’s displeasure and Zionist terrorism. Bevin felt that the Jews should be able to stay in Europe: if they had to leave that would defeat one of the objects of fighting the Second World War. He feared that the creation of a Zionist state would destroy British paramountcy in the Middle East. After the First Arab–Israeli War, when unjustly accused of anti-Semitism, the Foreign Secretary lamented the plight of the Arab refugees, far exceeding the number of Jewish refugees in Europe in 1945, but largely ignored in the West.
Rather than Britain, it was the United States that fathered Israel. The State Department, opposed to the creation of a Zionist state as officials thought it would undermine the United States’ strategic position and destroy relations with the Arab world, referred to Truman’s determination to be its foster-father. Truman’s private correspondence has overtones of anti-Semitism, and suggests little sympathy for the Jews themselves, but an alliance between Roman Catholics under Wagner (who did not want Jewish immigrants to use up quota certificates available to Roman Catholics in Europe), Gentile anti-Semites, and the Zionist lobby headed by Silver, Wise and Rosenman, used by Clifford and Niles, convinced Truman that the Jewish vote was a determining factor in American elections. As Marshall observed, domestic political considerations overrode both American national security considerations and those of the West. The United Nations vote for partition which secured international backing for a separate Zionist state was achieved by blackmail on the part of American citizens. Election politics also appear to have determined Eisenhower’s stand over Suez in 1956. As Kissinger has noted, the American humiliation of Britain and France led, in the end, to the United States having to assume those countries’ responsibilities in the Middle East. It was largely tax-free contributions from American citizens that enabled Israel to absorb the immigrants from the Middle East during the 1950s, and industrialize and rearm during the 1960s. The American media, which selectively emphasized the Holocaust, helped to create a favourable climate for this. Old Testament Christianity was also a factor. Johnson was openly sympathetic to Israel, but it was Nixon, a Republican who had not been supported by the Zionist vote in his presidential election, who finally identified Israel’s existence with that of the United States.
Russia, too, at the time of the joining of the Cold War, contributed to the foundation of Israel. Partition was supported by Russia: possibly it hoped, through the Zionist state, to establish a bridgehead in the Middle East. But as the Middle East became an area of superpower conflict, Russia sided with the Arabs.
Most of the modern Arab states were British or French creations. They were born in the era of imperialism, and emerged into the modern world under a form of tutelage. Many were a consequence of the personal relationships formed between British officials and the Arab leaders whom they later installed as rulers. T. E. Lawrence felt that, through doing this, he discharged his debts to the Arabs incurred during the Middle Eastern campaign of the First World War. During the last decades of the nineteenth century Arab secret societies and writers probably floated the idea of an Arab identity. But it was Lawrence, and the legend that grew up around him, who brought a consciousness of the Arabs before people in the West. Zionists have often complained about a sympathy between British Foreign Office officials and the Arabs: one has attributed this to the public school education system and a common preference for homosexuality and horses.4 Apart from Lawrence, who was in the Colonial Office anyway, there is little if any evidence of homosexual proclivities on the part of the officials concerned. And it seems an irrelevant consideration anyway. It is true that most were products of Arnold’s educational system but some, like Sykes, came from a merely Bohemian background. The public school system of the time was designed not only to enable its recipients to exercise authority, but also to understand the suffering they might inflict. On the whole it produced dedicated officials whom the Arabs in Arabia respected, and even admired. The exception was Egypt, where the British developed a separate social society comparable to that in India. This alienated the young generation.5 In particular, the resentment over the activities of Lampson was a formative influence in Nasser’s experience, that of the free officers and other Egyptian nationalists. Back in London, however, it was the Egyptian hands, including Lampson, who were the most ardent advocates of the Arab cause in Palestine. The nationalism that emerged in the Arab world in the early 1950s, particularly under Nasser, was not directed so much at Israel as at getting Britain out, and the promotion of the Philosophy of Revolution. Nasser only discovered the Palestinian refugee question after the June 1967 War. Divisions in the Arab world, fostered by the promotion of the Philosophy of Revolution, meant that the Arabs not only lost the propaganda war, but were unable even to agree among themselves as to how to deal with the existence of Israel.
Israel was built on Arab land. The Arabs could not understand why they had been selected by the West for this particular treatment. At the time of the Balfour Declaration Arab leaders were concerned about the nature of a possible Jewish homeland or commonwealth. They feared that it would not be just another Middle Eastern state, but would be one of a very special nature, possibly exclusive and even theocratic. As the number of Jewish refugees into Palestine increased with Hitler’s persecutions, Arab resentment grew. The Arabs argued that Palestine could not absorb the refugees anyway, and that they would have to be settled on Arab land. After the Second World War Arab leaders complained to the Anglo-American commission of inquiry that they could not see why they, who had no anti-Semitic traditions, should be made to pay for the sins of Christian Europe. In a way Israel came into being as a refuge for the Jewish survivors of Hitler’s persecutions. The Anglo-American commission in April 1946 estimated that there were 226,000 Jewish refugees in Europe, of which 100,000 were in camps. The creation of the state of Israel, and the First Arab–Israeli War, left almost 1 million Arab refugees. Over the following two decades their numbers doubled. But during Nasser’s attempts to lead the Arab world, the promotion of the Philosophy of Revolution took precedence, and there was little awareness in the West of the plight of the refugees. It was only when the leaders of the Palestinians started using, with variations, the terrorist tactics Begin had employed against the British that concern was aroused in the West over their plight. To some extent this also coincided with the Arab use of the oil weapon. Arafat did more to promote the Palestinian cause than Nasser. But the Palestinians’ tactics often alienated the leaders of Arab states in which they based themselves, and attacks on Western citizens estranged Western sympathy. Western citizens could not accept the concept of collective guilt for the Palestinian refugee question. The Arab states, after all, had largely ignored it for almost two decades.
After the October War it was the Palestinian issue that dominated the Arab–Israel conflict. As the Palestinian cause received attention and the concept of a Palestinian state gained international recognition, Israel, under Prime Ministers who had been leaders of the Irgun and the Stern gang, denounced terrorism and refused to have dealings with the PLO. For a while leaders of the Likud coalition insisted that Jordan was the Palestinian state. A possible motivation for the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 was the expectation that it could lead to the Palestinians overthrowing Hussein in Jordan, and with Jordan as Arab Palestine it was anticipated that demands for Palestinian self-determination on the West Bank would lessen and the occupied territories could be formally annexed by Israel. Although faced with mounting international condemnation, Israel retained and increased American support, financial backing and military assistance. Ronald Reagan was sympathetic to the Israeli cause, as were key members of his administration, and the activities of the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee proved that it was as influential a Zionist lobby in the United States as the American Palestine Committee had been in the 1940s.
Towards the end of the 1980s there were around 5 million Palestinians scattered across the world; 1.3 million Palestinians lived in Jordan and held Jordanian citizenship. Those in Lebanon, Syria and Kuwait did not have the same rights as citizens of those states. Between 650,000 and 700,000 Palestinians were citizens of Israel and lived within its pre-1967 borders, and 125,000 lived in East Jerusalem. Just over 800,000 Palestinians lived on the rest of the West Bank, and around 15 per cent of these were refugees. There were 550,000 Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, and almost 70 per cent of these lived in refugee camps. Since 1949 about 70 per cent of the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip had lived in refugee camps.6 On the Great Bitter Lake in Egypt, aboard USS Quincy, Ibn Saud had told Roosevelt on 14 February 1945 that the Arabs would rather die than yield their land to Jews. Ibn Saud said that the hope of the Arabs was based on the word of honour of the allies and the love of justice of the United States. Roosevelt had given his assurance that he would do nothing to assist the Jews against the Arabs, and that he would make no move hostile to the Arab people. On 23 March 1945 Roosevelt had received a letter from Ibn Saud warning him that to bring Jewish immigrants into land ‘already occupied and to do away with the original inhabitants’ was ‘an act unparalleled in human history’.7 The Palestinians, a people who increasingly saw themselves as abused and forgotten even by their fellow Arabs, on 9 December 1987, after an incident rumoured to be a revenge-killing by an Israeli, rose in the Gaza Strip in what was seen as a spontaneous upheaval and defied shooting and attacked Israeli soldiers and even armed personnel carriers with a boldness not seen before. In later years the intifada seemed to die down, but that was an illusion and it erupted again in October 1990 with the Temple Mount killings. Subsequent revenge murders of Israeli citizens, allegedly by HAMAS, led to demands for the expulsion of Palestinian activists. An irreconcilable fight for possession of the land appeared to be under way. Some 225,000 immigrants, almost all Russian Jews, came to Israel between January 1990 and February 1991. After arriving in Israel 3,000 of them later settled on the West Bank and the Golan Heights, and 5,830 in East Jerusalem.8
PLO and Palestinian support for Saddam Hussein during the Gulf War eroded the international sympathy for a separate Palestinian state, and this sympathy was largely transferred to Israel when, faced with Scud missile attacks on Tel Aviv and Haifa, Shamir exercised ‘remarkable restraint’. With the end of the Gulf War, and continued restrictions on Palestinians working in Israel against the background of fears that immigrant Russian Jews could do the jobs formerly done by Palestinians,9 there was an upsurge of unrest on the West Bank: the intifada continued. American efforts to set up an international conference on the Middle East were frustrated by Shamir, who disliked the possibility that such a forum could force Israel to trade captured Arab lands for peace. The Israeli Prime Minister preferred separate negotiations with Arab states.
As part of the diplomacy leading to the Gulf War, however, Saddam Hussein managed to link any Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait to an overall settlement of conflicts in the Middle East. With the ending of the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, and the peaceful election of a new government in South Africa based on one man one vote, the Arab–Israeli conflict increasingly looked like a relic from a past era. The Americans initiated what became known as ‘the peace process’. Fears of the Islamization of the conflict possibly prompted talks between the Israelis and the Palestinians. But diplomatic negotiations did not necessarily mean that the conflict could be resolved immediately.
To Palestinians, with the arrival of the millennium, it increasingly seemed that Israel, with the connivance of the United States, had used the Oslo Accords to consolidate its occupation of the West Bank, and even to institute a South-African-style apartheid.10 The al-Aqsa intifada exploded against a changing intellectual perception of Zionist occupation, with the Zionist narrative of the history of the Middle East seriously challenged,11 including the use of the Holocaust as a justification for the state of Israel12 – a history that stressed the tragedy of the Jews and ignored the dispersal of over 700,000 Palestinians, and gave the impression of the Jews returning to a largely empty homeland and cultivating it for the benefit of all its inhabitants, of Palestinian refugees fleeing despite Jewish pleas to stay, of the June 1967 War being launched by Israel in self defence, and of the West Bank and Gaza being part of the historic Erez-Israel.13 This challenge, partly mounted by a new generation of Israeli historians,14 one of whom even described the nakba as ‘ethnic cleansing’,15 was supplemented by scholarly studies exposing the ‘Israeli-centred’ frame of reference of successive American administrations, and the ignorance and disinterest of the American public in the Palestinian question.16 The al-Aqsa intifada, however, did lead to a shift in the stand of the original Israeli ‘new historian’: he appeared to come out in favour of a transfer of the Palestinian population outside the area of the former British mandate as a solution.17 In his earlier account of the Arab–Zionist controversy he had seemed to endorse the view that there had been no such thing as a Palestinian Arab: ‘despite the indisputable presence of Arab communities in most areas of the country, the Jews, down to the 1920s, were right on one level: They themselves were the only “nation” or “people” in the country: The Arabs simply did not exist as a Palestinian people – as another, competing nationalism’.18
The second Palestinian uprising was marked by Palestinian suicide bombers, and the Israelis applied vicious punishments in the occupied territories. Palestinians could have understood the road map to mean an ‘independent, viable sovereign Palestinian state’. The Israeli understanding looked like envisaging only ‘provisional borders’, ‘attributes of sovereignty’, and a minuscule Palestinian state, divided into two and surrounded by concrete walls and electrified fences. In 1947 the United Nations partition vote had awarded the Palestinians 47 per cent of their ‘homeland’; the Oslo Accords of 1993, with the offer of the West Bank and Gaza, awarded 22 per cent of that ‘homeland’; at Camp David in 2000 the Palestinians were offered 80 per cent of the 22 per cent of the 100 per cent of their original homeland.
George W. Bush’s administration viewed the world in the new millennium as ‘inherently unstable and dangerous’. As the only Super Power it wanted not only to sustain the pax Americana, but to ‘reconfigure’ the world ‘in line with America’s interests and in emulation of its virtues’.19 The Anglo-American invasion of Iraq was part of this vision. Britain did link this operation with the need for renewed efforts to find a solution to the Arab–Israeli conflict. The ‘road map’ could be seen in this context. But these developments took place against a domestic situation in the United States where an alliance of the Christian fundamentalists and the pro-Israeli lobby meant that the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee had an influence in Congress comparable only to that of the American (later Christian) Palestine Committee in the 1940s.20 The Arab–Israeli conflict in the early years of the new millennium had to be seen in the context of an American preoccupation with imposing its values on countries in the Middle East. It was, once again, in the arena of Great- and Super-Power politics.
The Arab–Israeli Wars resulted from Great-Power, and then Super-Power, policies. Domestic considerations, particularly in the United States, were often a determining factor. But the wars were also the consequence both of Israel’s determination to secure the right to exist and to establish the defensible boundaries that would make this possible, and of Arab opposition to the presence of what they considered an alien Zionist state on Arab land.
References
1See R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of History (Oxford 1961), pp. 205–231; Carl Becker, ‘Everyman his own historian’, American Historical Review, 37 (1931–32), pp. 221–236; Charles Beard, ‘Written history as an act of faith’, American Historical Review, 39 (1933–34), pp. 219–231; E. H. Carr, What is History (London 1964), pp. 7–30; R. J. B. Bosworth, Explaining Auschwitz and Hiroshima: History Writing and the Second World War 1945–1990 (London 1993).
2See Isaiah Berlin, Four Essays on Liberty (London 1969), pp. 51–81; Ernest Nagel, ‘Determinism in history’, Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, XX (1960), 219–317; Carey B. Joynt and Nicholas Rescher, ‘The problem of uniqueness in history’, History and Theory, 1 (1960–61), pp. 150–162; Edmund Wilson, To the Finland Station. A Study in the Writing and Acting of History (London 1974).
3Inis L. Claude, National Minorities, an International Problem (Cambridge, Mass. 1955); Lawrence H. Fuchs, The Political Behaviour of American Jews (Glencoe, Ill. 1956); Louis L. Gerson, The Hyphenate in Recent American Politics and Diplomacy (New York 1964); Ben Halpern, The Classic American Minorities (New York 1971); Samuel Halpern, The Political World of American Zionism (Detroit 1961).
4Ian Mikardo, Sept. 1970, quoted by Michael Adams and Christopher Mayhew, Publish it Not … the Middle East Cover-Up (London 1975), p. 26.
5See Trefor E. Evans, Mission to Egypt (1934–1946): Lord Killearn, High Commissioner and Ambassador (Cardiff 1971), pp. 3–25.
6Lisa Hajjar, Mouin Rabbani and Joel Beinin, ‘Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict for beginners’, in Zachary Lockman and Joel Beinin (Eds), Intifada. The Palestinian Uprising against Israeli Occupation (London 1990), p. 105.
7Ritchie Ovendale, Britain, the United States, and the End of the Palestine Mandate, 1942–1948 (Woodbridge, Suffolk 1989), pp. 46–49.
8Israeli Mirror (Mar. 1991).
9Middle East International (22 Mar. 1991), pp. 7–8; (5 Apr. 1991), pp. 11–12.
10Ian Urbina, ‘The analogy of apartheid’, Middle East Report, 223 (Summer 2002), pp. 58–64.
11The Zionist interpretation was, however, restated in 1998 by Martin Gilbert, Israel: A History (London 1998).
12Joseph Massad, ‘Palestinians and Jewish history; recognition or submission?’, Journal of Palestine Studies, XXX, 1 (2000), pp. 52–67; Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American Life (New York 1999); Norman Finkelstein, The Holocaust Industry: Reflections of the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering (New York 2000); see Joseph Massad, ‘Review essay: Deconstructing holocaust consciousness’, Journal of Palestine Studies, XXXII, 1 (2002), pp. 78–89.
13Haim Baram, ‘Israel’s dominant narrative’, Middle East International (10 August 2001), p. 9.
14See Neill Lochery, ‘Scholarship or propaganda: works on Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict, 2001’, Middle East Studies, 37, 4, October 2001, pp. 219–236; Eugene L. Logan, Avi Shlaim and Edward Said (Eds), The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948 (Cambridge 2001); Tom Segev, One Palestine Complete: Jews and Arabs under the British Mandate (New York 2000); Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab Wall (London 2000); Benny Morris, The Road to Jerusalem: Glubb Pasha, Palestine, and the Jews (London 2002).
15Avi Shlaim, ‘A betrayal of history’, Guardian, 22 Feb. 2002; Ian Katz, ‘Radical Israeli in u-turn on Palestinians’, Guardian, 3 Oct. 2002.
16Michael Prior (Ed.), Western Scholarship and the History of Palestine (London 1998); Kathleen Christison, Perceptions of Palestine: Their Influence on US Middle East Policy (Los Angeles 1999); Lawrence Davidson, America’s Palestine: Popular and Official Perceptions from Balfour to Israeli Statehood (Gainesville 2001); Samuel W. Lewis, ‘The United States and Israel: evolution of an unwritten alliance’, Middle East Journal, 53, 3 (Summer 1999), pp. 364–378.
17Benny Morris, ‘A new exodus for the Middle East?’, Guardian, 3 Oct. 2002; Ian Katz, ‘Radical Israeli in u-turn on Palestinians’, Guardian, 3 Oct. 2002.
18Benny Morris, Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881–1999 (London 2000), p. 654.
19Raphael de Kadt, ‘The new Rome?: America and Iraq … and the making of a new world order’, Focus, 14, 1 (2003), pp. 6–10.
20Michael Jansen, ‘Jerusalem and the US Congress’, Middle East International (11 Oct. 2002), pp. 2–3.
Bibliography
A: MANUSCRIPT SOURCES BRITAIN
BRITAIN
CAMBRIDGE
Churchill College, Cambridge
Alexander of Hillborough Papers
Attlee Papers
Halifax Papers
LONDON
British Library
Oliver Harvey Diaries
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James Meade Diaries
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OXFORD
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ABILENE, KANSAS
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John Foster Dulles Papers, 1951–59
Christian A. Herter Papers, 1957–61
C. D. Jackson Papers, 1931–67
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BURLINGTON, VERMONT
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Governor Ernst Gibson Jr Papers
Warren R. Austin Papers
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Samuel I. Rosenman Papers
Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Papers
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Jonathan Daniels Papers
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Howard McGrath Papers
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MHCD 184: Correspondence between Merriam and Henderson
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PPF 1395: Rabbi Samuel Thurman Files
PPF 25 13: Herbert H. Lechman Files
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Abi-Aad, Naji and Michel Grenon, Instability and Conflict in the Middle East: People, Petroleum and Security Threats. London 1997.
Abu-Lughod, Ibrahim (Ed.), The Arab-Israeli Confrontation of June 1967. An Arab Perspective. Evanston 1970.
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Adelson, Roger, Mark Sykes. Portrait of an Amateur. London 1975.
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Ashrawi, Hanan, This Side of Peace: A Personal Account. London 1995.
Ashton, Nigel John, Eisenhower, Macmillan and the Problem of Nasser: Anglo-American Relations and Arab Nationalism, 1955–59. London 1996.
Avishai, Bernard, The Tragedy of Zionism. Revolution and Democracy in the Land of Israel. New York 1985.
Ball, George W., Error and Betrayal in Lebanon. Washington 1984.
Barnett, Michael N. (Ed.), Israel in Comparative Perspective: Challenging the Conventional Wisdom. Albany, N.Y. 1996.
Bar-On, Mordechai, In Pursuit of Peace: A History of the Israeli Peace Movement. Washington 1996.
Bar-Siman-Tov, Yaacov, The Israeli-Egyptian War of Attrition 1969–1970. New York 1980.
Bawden, Liz-Anne (Ed.), The Oxford Companion to Film. London 1976.
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