Chapter 36
The death of Anastasius without a direct heir in 518 produced another crisis of succession, but most people seemed anxious to avoid a destructive struggle. The new emperor, Justin (518–527), gained the crown through intrigues that are not entirely clear. He was an Illyrian of fairly humble origin and limited education who had become the count of the Excubitors (comes excubitorum), the emperor’s personal bodyguards. Having risen to high rank, he had promoted his family’s fortunes by bringing his nephews to Constantinople and obtaining for them every advantage of education and rank. Already in his sixty-sixth year, Justin groomed his favorite nephew, Justinian, for succession by closely associating him with his reign right from the start.
Sources for the period of Justin and Justinian
The sources for Justin’s reign are limited. In On the Ceremonies of the Byzantine Court, Constantine Porphyrogenitus preserves the official account of Justin’s election and coronation. About twenty-five of his laws appear in Justinian’s Code, and his letters on religious matters are extant. The principal narrative sources are the contemporary account of the Byzantine chronicler John Malalas, the chronicle of Isidore of Seville (Hispalis) (p. 706), and the ecclesiastical histories of Evagrius (pp. 707–8) and John of Ephesus. Evagrius wrote in Greek from the Chalcedonian point of view; John of Ephesus, in Syriac from the Monophysite.
Justinian’s reign (527–565), on the other hand, is one of the best documented in ancient history. Procopius of Caesarea records, often as an eyewitness, military and diplomatic history in his Persian War, Gothic War, and Vandalic War up to 552. Writing immediately after Justinian’s death, Agathias covers the events from 552 to 558 in his Histories (p. 708), and large fragments of a continuation to 582 by Menander the Protector are preserved in the Historical Excerpts of Constantine Porphyrogenitus. The Latin poet Corippus describes military action in Africa from 546 to 548 and the early reign of Justin II (pp. 702–3).
For internal affairs, John the Lydian’s On the Magistracies of the Roman People and Procopius’ On Buildings are very useful. Procopius’ Secret History is full of scurrilous gossip and scandal designed to present Justinian and his wife, Theodora, in the worst possible light. It does, however, give insights into the working of the bureaucracy, whose abuses are blamed on the emperor himself. The most important sources for internal affairs are, of course, the laws preserved in Justinian’s law code, the Codex Iustinianus. The laws are quite complete up to 534 when the second edition of the Code was published. Of his subsequent laws, 180, mostly dated between 534 to 544, are preserved in other collections. Saints’ lives and ecclesiastical documents in great number from this period are also valuable sources of information.
For Italy in this period, the philosophical writings of Boethius, a Roman noble who had a significant political career in Ostrogothic Italy, are very important, as are the writings of Cassiodorus and Jordanes (p. 705). Of paramount importance are the writings of Pope Gregory the Great (540–604), guardian of papal power in the political and ecclesiastical struggles of the period (p. 715). Venantius Fortunatus wrote informative saints’ lives and panegyrics in prose and poetry relating to the kingdom of the Franks. Most important for the Franks is the History of the Franks by Gregory of Tours (538–594 [p. 705]). Isidore of Seville documents events in Visigothic Spain, and through the excellent Ecclesiastical History of the English People (Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum), the learned and venerable British monk Bede (672 or 673–735) preserves much valuable material on events at the outer edge of the western provinces that Justinian hoped to recover.
The reign of Justin (518 to 527 c.e.)
Justin’s first acts as emperor were to execute his two closest rivals and reverse the pro-Monophysite policies of Anastasius. As natives of Latin-speaking Illyricum, Justin and Justinian sided with Rome in favoring the Chalcedonians (pp. 674–5). Justin immediately convened a council of bishops in Constantinople and instituted a brutal purge of Monophysite bishops and their supporters, but he failed to unseat Bishop Timothy IV at Alexandria. Having weakened the Monophysites, he then turned on the powerful orthodox military commander Vitalian and had him assassinated while he was consul in 520. Justinian succeeded to Vitalian’s offices.
Militarily, Justin’s reign was a success against “barbarian” tribes, but not the Persians. His nephew Germanus, regional commander in Thrace, prevailed on the Thracian frontier for ten years. The Tzani, a fierce tribe on the borders of Colchis and Armenia, were pacified and Christianized. That cut off Persian access to the Black Sea. Late in his reign, Justin intervened in the religious affairs of Iberia, a Persian client state in the Caucasus, and rejected the proposal of Kawad (Kavad) I that Justin adopt Chosroes (Kosroes, Khusro, Khusrau) I (531–579), Kawad’s favorite son, to secure his succession to the Persian throne. It was a clever ploy that would have given Chosroes claim to the Roman throne. Justin’s insulting reply triggered a Persian attack. Before any decisive battles took place, Justin died after designating Justinian as his successor (August 1, 527).
Justinian (527 to 565 c.e.)
In the prime of life and a native speaker of Latin inspired by the history of Rome’s great accomplishments, Justinian yearned to recover the West and restore the territorial integrity of the Empire. A passionate believer in Chalcedonian orthodoxy as the true, universal Christian faith, he also hoped to root out paganism and heresy in the united realm and spread the “true faith” to other realms. Those two goals were tightly linked. His devotion to them bordered on the fanatical. By championing orthodoxy, Justinian hoped to earn divine favor for achieving his secular goals. With success in the secular realm, he hoped to be able to enforce his version of the true faith on God’s behalf. In the process, he increased the emperor’s control over administration, defense, finance, religion, and commerce and created the model of Byzantine autocracy.
Justinian’s faith was buttressed by serious theological study, which also seems to have reinforced a penchant for system, order, and equity in secular affairs. This passion for order and system also reflects a man who wanted to be in control of everything. There is not a great difference between a conscientious, talented administrator pursuing lofty goals with systematic efficiency and an autocrat who demands uniform obedience for the good of the state in whose name he rules. Justinian’s desire for religious orthodoxy led to the systematic persecution of nonbelievers and heretics. He also loved elaborate ceremonials and rules of etiquette designed to exalt him far above his most distinguished subjects. Even senators had to abase themselves by prostration in the presence of either the emperor or empress, now called Lord and Mistress. High officials and members of the court referred to themselves as their slaves. Finally, jealous of his authority, Justinian was reluctant to take advice from most others except the empress and was too willing to listen to charges of disloyalty against those who were trying to serve him best.
Theodora (508–548 c.e.)
Justinian’s empress was the beautiful, intelligent, witty, self-confident, and bold Theodora. She carried on the tradition of effective female leadership established in the eastern court by Eudoxia and Pulcheria. Her importance to Justinian’s reign is difficult to overestimate. She acted with great independence, and Justinian publicly acknowledged her as a partner in counsel. He gave her the palace of Hormisdas in Constantinople and great rural estates. Income from the estates allowed her to maintain a large number of loyal followers ready to do her bidding. She was a powerful friend, whose patronage could advance the careers of some, and a formidable foe, whose enmity could destroy those of others. She was even bold enough to act in contradiction to Justinian’s policies when it seemed best to her.
Theodora’s power and her undeniably humble origin naturally aroused the jealousy and resentment of senatorial aristocrats. As a result, many scandalous rumors were circulated concerning her past and her activities as empress. Because so much about her comes from obviously hostile and biased sources, it is difficult to separate fact from fiction. That her birth was too humble to be acceptable for marriage to the heir to the imperial throne probably accounts for the adamant refusal of Euphemia, Justin’s wife, to agree to let Justinian marry her. Procopius, however, in his Secret History, probably goes too far with the story that she was the daughter of a bear-keeper from the circus and had a sordid career, first as a child actress, then as the most profligate of prostitutes.
No doubt, Theodora’s early life was not perfect, but much of Procopius’ pornographic portrait probably was inspired by a few simple facts. Her father probably was the bear-keeper for a circus faction known as the Greens (p. 678). She may well have become an actress, although the coincidence that Justin abrogated the law forbidding senators to marry actresses about the time that Justinian married Theodora may be the only basis for the story. It does seem that she had borne a daughter to a lover prior to her relationship with Justinian, but that and her interest in saving impoverished young girls from the all-too-common fate of enforced prostitution may be the only facts behind the lurid tales of her youth as told by her enemies.
Protection of women
Theodora deserves much praise for her attempt to protect women from abuse and secure better rights for them. She actively worked for laws to prohibit the sale of and traffic in young girls for prostitution. She even paid her own money to free those already held captive. To provide for their refuge and rehabilitation, she converted a palace across the Bosp(h)orus into a home called Metanoia, Repentance. She also protected women from harsh and arbitrary divorce on charges of adultery—charges that husbands often trumped up to get rid of unwanted wives.
Religious policies of Theodora and Justinian
Another group that benefited from Theodora’s concern was the Monophysites. Theodora favored their views, whereas Justinian sided with the Chalcedonians. As a champion of Chalcedonian orthodoxy, Justinian opposed all whom he viewed as heretics. Against the Manichees and Montanists, he employed harsh measures at the start. In the case of the more widespread Monophysite heresy, he hoped to find a theological formula that would reconcile Chalcedonians and moderate Monophysites. In that way, extreme Monophysites could be isolated and then eliminated by harsh actions if necessary. All efforts to find a theological compromise acceptable to the majority on both sides failed.
Justinian acted on many other religious matters during his long reign. With his fanatical passion for systematization and good order, he passed numerous laws regulating internal affairs of the Church. He also pursued strong measures against pagans and other non- Christians, whom he thought it his duty to convert or eliminate. In 529, he ordered all pagans to be instructed in the Christian faith and to be baptized or lose their property and be exiled. He even closed the Platonic Academy in Athens and executed some prominent pagan aristocrats at Constantinople. Moreover, Justinian enacted laws against Jews and Samaritans that denied them honorable status, restricted their civil liberties, and forced them to bequeath their property to orthodox Christians only. Later, he even dictated the rules for worship in Jewish synagogues, and in 562, he persecuted pagans with renewed vigor.
Legal reforms
Justinian’s legal reforms were more praiseworthy and more successful than his religious policies. The disorganized mass that Roman law had become after centuries of growth and change needed rationalization and systematization. On February 13, 528, Justinian appointed a commission to collect all previous codified and uncodified imperial edicts; update, edit, and simplify them; and codify them into the Codex Iustinianus. This task was completed by Justinian’s quaestor, Tribonian, and the other commissioners on April 7, 529.
In December of 530, Justinian set Tribonian to codify the legal commentaries of the Classical jurists in the Digest, which was completed in three years. It was then time to update the Code to include the large legislative output of Justinian up to that time. This second edition, which survives today, appeared on November 16, 534. A year earlier the Institutes had been published as a textbook to simplify the study of law.
Administrative reforms
In the administration of the Empire, Justinian built on Anastasius’ legacy as he earnestly tried to eliminate corruption and increase efficiency. One of Justinian’s most beneficial reforms was the elimination of suffragia, payments for offices, which were then recouped by graft and corruption. He also issued standard rules for provincial governors and strengthened the powers of the civic defenders, defensores civitatis, who were supposed to act as ombudsmen for the provincials. He streamlined provincial administration by abolishing the vicars, who had been in charge of dioceses since the time of Diocletian (p. 572). In provinces where there were no serious external threats, Justinian combined the office of civil governor and military commander once more. He also gave Christian bishops powers to oversee public officials and provide for the general welfare.
In the capital, Justinian bolstered the office of prefect of the watch (praefectus vigilum) and gave him a new title, praetor of the plebs (praetor plebis). He took measures to provide for the populace’s security and supply food for the armies. He also created a new office, that of quaesitor, investigator. This official made sure that visitors to Constantinople left upon completion of their business, returned illegal immigrants to their homes, and found work for unemployed legitimate residents.
John the Cappadocian
Justinian’s praetorian prefect, John the Cappadocian, carried out these administrative reforms. As with so many reforms, however, they sometimes worked better in theory than in practice. With the abolition of the office of vicar, lawless bands could escape capture by moving from one provincial jurisdiction to another within the same diocese. The corruption and abuse of power that thrive in large bureaucratic organizations, especially in societies where some people are viewed as superior and others as inferior, could not be completely eliminated. In fact, with the abolition of the middle-level vicars, the reforms probably did as much to enhance the power of John the Cappadocian as they did to eliminate corruption.
John’s success in securing revenues for Justinian aroused the hatred of those who had to pay more taxes. It also excited the jealousy of those who resented the power and favors that he received from the emperor. No doubt, he was ambitious, often ruthless in his methods, and eager to maximize his own financial rewards. Still, one must discount considerably the monstrous picture painted of him by sources like Procopius and John the Lydian. The former was a jealous courtier, and the latter another praetorian perfect. They represented wealthy aristocrats and officials who had evaded taxes or enjoyed profits from corruption and had felt the sting of John’s strong fiscal administration most severely. Justinian needed John the Cappadocian to maximize revenues because the aggressive policies and ambitious programs that Justin and he followed quickly exhausted the surplus that Anastasius had built up.
The First Persian War, 527 to 532 c.e.
When Justinian became sole emperor upon Justin’s death in 527, he inherited the latter’s war with Persia, which was going badly. He had no desire to conquer Persian territory and hoped simply to put enough military pressure on the Persians to force them to accept a long-term peace that would free him to reconquer the West. The war see-sawed back and forth until the death of the Persian king, Kawad, in September of 531. The new king, Chosroes, wanted to be free to meet any challenges to his succession. Therefore, he entered into serious negotiations with Justinian’s ambassadors. Finally, in the spring of 532, a treaty of Eternal Peace was signed. The Persians accepted the prewar boundaries, and Justinian paid Chosroes 11,000 pounds of gold as the price for Chosroes’ agreement not to demand an annual subsidy for defending the Caucasus.
The Nika Rebellion of the Blue and Green circus factions, 532 c.e.
In the middle of the negotiations with Chosroes, Justinian almost lost his throne in an uprising involving the circus factions that controlled the chariot races at Constantinople. Chariot races were very popular everywhere (see Box 36.1). Ever since Augustus, emperors had often relied on the goodwill of the masses as a counterweight to the jealousy of the senatorial aristocracy. Consequently, emperors usually were generous patrons of the races. As Roman culture spread through the Empire in the first two centuries c.e., each provincial city of any significance had its own circus for chariot racing and had its own versions of the Red, White, Blue, and Green circus factions that had originated during the time of the late Republic (p. 325). Constantine, of course, replicated the races and factions at Constantinople.
36.1 The popularity of chariot racing
Charioteers were the rock stars of the Roman world: their sport was the most popular entertainment throughout the Empire over many, many centuries. Races among two- or four-horse chariots were held at a specially built track called a circus. The Circus Maximus, Rome’s premier racing venue, could seat approximately 150,000, making it about one-third larger than the largest stadium in the modern world, Rungrado First of May Stadium in Pyongyang, North Korea (114,000 people). The largest sports stadium in the United States—ranking second largest in the world—is Michigan Stadium at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, Michigan, which seats just over 107,600.
FIGURE 36.1 Circus Maximus, Rome.
The sport offered not only high-speed excitement and the opportunity for betting, but also the possibility that the emperor or the local dignitary hosting the races would distribute some sort of gift to the assembled crowd. In addition, there was always a chance of real violence. Crashes, called naufragia (“shipwrecks”), were common, and once one occurred, workers had only about one minute to clear the wreckage before the remaining racers came around the track again. When the most famous driver of his day died in a wreck at the Circus in Rome, Pliny the Elder, writing in the middle of the first century c.e., reports that a deranged fan threw himself onto the charioteer’s funeral pyre and died. Fans did what they could to improve their preferred faction’s chances of winning: numerous curse tablets, bidding spirits and demons to attack the horses and drivers of rival groups, have been found at circuses throughout the Roman world.
By Justinian’s day, however, the Reds and the Whites had been completely overshadowed by the Blues and the Greens at Constantinople. These two factions had acquired such widespread followings and organizational strength that they were a significant element in the political life of the capital. Emperors and powerful senators sought to manipulate the two factions for their own political and religious ends. Emperor Anastasius, for example, had favored the Greens, who became associated with his Monophysite views. The orthodox Justin and Justinian, therefore, had catered to the Blues by putting some in governmental posts, supplying them with money for their activities, and protecting them from punishment for their disorders and crimes.
Neither faction, however, was strongly committed to any one theological doctrine. Once Justinian had secured his own power, he urged the city prefect, Eudaemon, to curb the lawless behavior of both the Blues and the Greens. On January 13, 532, Justinian refused to commute the sentences of two men, one Blue and one Green, who had survived a bungled hanging. The two factions decided to cooperate to force the men’s release. They adopted nika (“conquer” in Greek) as their watchword, which gave the subsequent popular uprising its name.
That evening, rioters set fire to a number of public buildings, including the entrance hall of the Great Palace and the Church of Holy Wisdom, Hagia Sophia. Renewal of the chariot races the next day failed to divert their attention. They set fires at the northern end of the Hippodrome, the circus where the races were held. The ranks of the original rioters were now swollen by those who had suffered from Justinian’s fiscal policies. There were, for example, numerous small farmers who had abandoned their land in the face of heavy taxes and had migrated to Constantinople. Powerful senators who resented both Justinian’s autocratic ways and his fiscal maneuvers encouraged them. They were now demanding removal of three key ministers: Eudaemon, prefect of the city; Tribonian, Justinian’s quaestor; and John the Cappadocian. Justinian reluctantly complied.
No matter what Justinian did, however, he could neither calm nor crush the howling mobs. When they proclaimed Anastasius’ reluctant nephew Hypatius emperor in his stead, Justinian decided to flee. At the crucial moment, however, the dauntless Theodora, who had known deprivation once, argued that death in defense of the throne was far better than exile. Justinian ordered his loyal eunuch Narses to sow dissension between the Blues and the Greens with bribes and reminders of Anastasius’ former favoritism toward the Greens. Then, the general Belisarius and another commander made a surprise attack on the tightly packed mob in the Hippodrome. The subsequent slaughter broke the back of the revolt. The unfortunate Hypatius and his brother were executed, suspect senators were exiled, and the circus factions ceased to be a problem. Justinian was then able to consolidate his autocratic rule, which had fueled resistance in the first place.
The rebuilding of Constantinople
Just as Nero, an earlier promoter of imperial autocracy, had used the great fire of 64 to rebuild Rome on a magnificent scale suitable for the capital of an exalted emperor, so Justinian rebuilt Constantinople after the conflagrations of the Nika Rebellion. In autocratic fashion, Justinian also took the opportunity to renovate his palaces entirely and decorate them with splendid mosaics glorifying his reign. In keeping with Justinian’s desire for divine favor to support his rule, churches received special attention. Constantine’s Church of Holy Peace, Hagia Eirene, was rebuilt on a scale second only to that of his neighboring Hagia Sophia, Holy Wisdom. His earthquake-damaged Church of the Holy Apostles was replaced at this time, too.
Hagia Sophia was Justinian’s most ambitious project and took five years to build. To make it a monument worthy of both Holy Wisdom and Justinian’s reign, thousands of pounds of gold were spent on its construction and furnishings. The pulpit was covered with gold and jewels, the altar was solid gold, and the bishop’s throne was constructed of thousands of pounds of gilded silver. One source places the total cost at 320,000 pounds of gold. Even if it were exaggerated by a factor of ten, the cost would still be staggering. Perhaps Justinian would have been wiser to put off such huge domestic expenses until he had completed his great scheme of reconquering the West.
FIGURE 36.2 Hagia Sophia, with the four minarets added by the Turks.
He launched that campaign right after the Nika Rebellion and the signing of the peace treaty with Chosroes. His failure to devote enough resources to operations in the West after his initial success almost ruined the whole enterprise and caused serious long-term problems in both the East and the West.
Reconquest of the North African provinces, 533 to 534 c.e.
By 532, conditions in the Vandals’ kingdom of North Africa were favorable to Justinian’s hopes of reconquest. The previous Vandal king, Hilderic, had been a descendant of Theodosius the Great. His mother was Valentinian III’s daughter Eudocia, who had married Gaiseric’s son Huneric (p. 660). Clearly hoping to be more than a Vandal king, Huneric had stopped persecuting the orthodox Roman Catholics in his realm and had entered into a treaty with Justinian. Unsuccessful against Moorish raiders, however, he had been deposed by his cousin Gelimer. Invoking the treaty with Hilderic, Justinian considered attacking North Africa. Recalling earlier emperors’ disastrous attacks on the Vandal kingdom, many advisors protested. A bishop’s assurance of divine favor encouraged Justinian to proceed, albeit cautiously. In 533, his favorite general, Belisarius, sailed for North Africa with between 15,000 and 20,000 soldiers. Accompanying Belisarius was his able and fearless wife, Antonina. She was a close friend of Theodora and a real power in politics at court.
Victory was deceptively easy. Gelimer was incompetent and distracted by revolts. Belisarius swooped down on North Africa without opposition. They were helped by the Catholic population, who resented the Arian Vandals. Within a year, North Africa was reconquered. In 534, it and Sardinia were formally organized into the separate praetorian prefecture of Africa. Unfortunately, the unexpected ease and speed with which the African operation proceeded were a disaster in disguise. They would encourage Justinian to seize opportunities for reconquering western territories, which proved extremely difficult and costly to retain after the initial victories.
Italy is invaded, 536 to 540 c.e.
Soon after the recovery of the North African provinces, an attractive opportunity arose to restore Roman power in Italy. From his capital at Ravenna, Theoderic the Amal had provided an enlightened Ostrogothic regime for Italy throughout most of his long reign (471–526). He greatly admired Roman culture and institutions. Although he was an Arian, he had tried not to provoke his orthodox Roman subjects. For all classes in Italy, therefore, life had gone on much as before, and they had enjoyed relative peace and prosperity. The only major difference was that taxes were now paid to Theoderic, who held the political and military power. Unfortunately, neither the orthodox Roman aristocracy nor Theoderic’s fellow Ostrogoths always appreciated his policies. Yet, he had managed to prevail over both until his death in 526.
Theoderic’s ten-year-old grandson, Athalaric, succeeded to the Ostrogothic throne. His mother, Theoderic’s daughter Amalasuntha, acted as regent. She continued Theoderic’s policies and gave Athalaric a Classical education. A powerful anti-Roman faction among the Ostrogoths, however, insisted that Athalaric be raised as a German warrior. They ultimately prevailed, and Amalasuntha entered into negotiations with Justinian for asylum. The intemperate behavior fostered by Athalaric’s peers, moreover, led to his alcoholic death in 534.
Amalasuntha then offered the throne to her cousin Theodahad, with the proviso that she be his guide. Once securely enthroned, however, Theodahad ordered her imprisoned and executed (535). Empress Theodora may even have secretly maneuvered him into doing so in order to give Justinian the chance to act as Amalasuntha’s avenger.
At any rate, Theodahad’s actions gave Justinian a convenient pretext to intervene. First, he seized Sicily and Illyricum and then opened negotiations with Theodahad. Ultimately, Theodahad promised to hand over Italy to Justinian in exchange for luxurious exile on rich eastern estates. Then, a Gothic army momentarily recovered Illyricum. Theodahad reneged on his promise, and Justinian ordered the invasion of Italy. Belisarius and Antonina finally arrived in Italy with fewer than 10,000 men in June of 536. They made good progress because the feckless Theodahad scarcely opposed them and the Catholic population of Italy generally supported their cause. Naples, however, had to be taken by a long siege and clever stratagem before they could march on Rome.
FIGURE 36.3 Justinian’s “Reconquest,” 533–565 c.e.
Vitigis and the siege of Rome, 537 to 539 c.e.
In the meantime, the Ostrogoths had replaced the fainthearted Theodahad with Vitigis (Vitiges, Witigis), a successful general unrelated to the Amal royal clan. To legitimize the change of rulers, Vitigis forcibly married Amalasuntha’s daughter Matasuntha. Although he negotiated unsuccessfully with Justinian and called on the Franks for aid, the majority of Romans, led by Pope Silverius and the senate, brought about the surrender of Rome to Belisarius. Vitigis then mounted a siege that Belisarius, always with Antonina’s help, stoutly resisted for over a year.
Rival commanders
Belisarius was unable to break the siege when John, the ambitious nephew of the Vitalian assassinated under Justin (p. 672), brought reinforcements to Italy. John soon became insubordinate, however, and hampered Belisarius’ success. The problem was compounded when Narses brought more reinforcements and also refused to take orders from Belisarius. Justinian finally recalled Narses and clearly designated Belisarius as the supreme commander.
The capture of Ravenna, 540 (spring) c.e.
Firmly in command and aided by an attack by the double-dealing Franks against the Ostrogoths, Belisarius methodically attacked the Ostrogoths’ stronghold in the North. He was kept supplied by sea while war-induced famine worked enormous hardship on both the Ostrogothic garrisons and the civilian population. From Ravenna, Vitigis vainly summoned the Lombards from beyond the Danube and secretly encouraged Chosroes to divert the Romans by starting another war on the Persian front. Learning of the latter move, Justinian offered generous terms to Vitigis, who readily agreed. Belisarius, however, resented losing five years of hard work on the eve of total victory and refused to sign the treaty on Justinian’s behalf. Fearing bad faith on Justinian’s part, the Ostrogoths ceased dealing with him.
Changing tack, once they recognized Belisarius’ dislike for Justinian’s policy, they proposed to accept Belisarius as a new western emperor. He pretended to accept the offer and was received into Ravenna with an armed escort. He then treacherously seized Vitigis and Matasuntha, many Ostrogothic nobles, and the royal treasury. He took them all back to Constantinople in May of 540. Vitigis was kept there until he died in 542.
Justinian was not wholly pleased by Belisarius’ unauthorized actions and did not give him a triumph, as he had after the Vandalic War. Despite the superficially spectacular results, the situation in Italy was left worse than Justinian’s terms would have made it. The Ostrogoths north of the Po refused to surrender to anyone after Belisarius’ duplicity was revealed. Bound by no treaty, they created the problem that Justinian had hoped to avoid—major wars on two fronts.
Troubles in North Africa
Justinian’s haste to invade Italy before securing adequate control of North Africa had already produced an example of that strategic difficulty on a smaller scale. Moorish tribes had begun devastating raids right after Belisarius’ departure. It took two years to repel them, but they were still restive. No sooner had the Moors been repulsed than about two-thirds of the Roman army in North Africa mutinied for various reasons. Slowness in collecting taxes in the new province caused long delays in paying the soldiers. Many soldiers resented the harsh discipline of their new commander, Solomon. Non-Roman auxiliaries felt that they had been poorly rewarded with booty. Men who had married Vandal women were aggrieved that Justinian would not allow the women to inherit their fathers’ and former husbands’ estates, which he confiscated instead. Also, many of the Romans’ Germanic allies were Arian Christians, who resented Justinian’s suppression of Arianism among the conquered Vandals.
The mutineers besieged Carthage. It was rescued only when Belisarius interrupted his invasion of Italy and returned from Sicily. Belisarius, however, soon had to return to Sicily. Justinian placed his own capable cousin, Germanus, in charge of restoring order in North Africa. Germanus defeated the rebels decisively in the spring of 537 and consolidated control until Solomon received command again in 539. For the time being at least, those actions reduced Justinian’s worries in North Africa.
The Second Persian War, 540 to 562 c.e.
By 539, Justinian’s biggest worry was the threat of renewed war with Persia. The situation on the eastern frontier was already unstable. Armenia had always been a point of contention between the Romans and Persians. A revolt had broken out there because of Roman fiscal exactions. Unable to defeat the Romans, the rebels had appealed for help from the Persian king, Chosroes. With additional encouragement from Vitigis in Italy, Chosroes opened the war in 540. It was not officially ended until 562.
In Chosroes, the successor of Kawad (p. 676), Sassanid Persia had an energetic and able leader comparable to the Roman Empire’s Justinian. Chosroes continued administrative and land reforms begun by his father, he made the army more efficient, and he took great interest in literature, philosophy, and religion. In every way, he hoped to increase the glory and greatness of the Sassanid Persian Empire.
Justinian’s successes in Africa and Italy had aroused fear and envy in Chosroes. He scarcely needed the pleas of either Ostrogoths or Armenians to prompt his breaking of the Eternal Peace of 532 and renewing war on Justinian’s eastern flank in 540. In the meantime, fortunately for the Romans, Justinian had carefully rebuilt or strengthened frontier fortresses and the walls of cities in Mesopotamia and Syria. Chosroes’ main goals, therefore, were not so much to capture Roman territory as to make a show of strength by successfully besieging some major strongholds in Syria. Chosroes wanted plunder or money from those whom he besieged or threatened. He hoped to force Justinian to pay tribute in return for peace on the frontier. Justinian would have agreed to pay the 5000 pounds of gold demanded immediately plus an annual subsidy of 500 pounds if Chosroes had not unsuccessfully besieged the great fortress of Dara during negotiations.
In 541, however, Chosroes scored a major coup. He seized the Roman client kingdom of Lazica, ancient Colchis, at the eastern end of the Black Sea. Chosroes garrisoned its fortress city of Petra to secure his control of the kingdom. Then, he returned to Persian territory. He had to face Belisarius, who had arrived to take command and had captured a major Persian stronghold. In 542, when Chosroes failed in attacking a Roman fortress, he and Belisarius made a temporary truce.
Resumption of war in Italy, 541 to 543 c.e.
Justinian probably was anxious to secure some kind of truce, however imperfect. He needed the incomparable Belisarius back in Italy. The new Ostrogothic king, Ildebad, had been determined to continue the war in Italy. Bad Roman policies made it easy for him to do so in 541. First, with the departure of Belisarius in the previous year, military command in Italy was left fragmented among his former subordinates. Second, the harsh fiscal policies of imperial administrators were alienating both the soldiers and the very people whom Justinian claimed to be freeing from tyranny. Murder, however, ended Ildebad’s success within months.
Ildebad’s cousin Totila became king shortly thereafter. In the following year, he took the offensive against the divided Roman commanders. He quickly recovered most of southern Italy except Naples, which fell in the spring of 543 only after a lengthy siege. Totila increased the ranks of his army by recruiting slaves and wisely refrained from plundering the countryside for supplies. Instead, he collected the regular taxes and rents, which provided regular income without ruining the territory. His humane treatment of captured cities and towns also advanced his cause.
Troubles everywhere
In 542, the Romans had been forced to battle not only the Ostrogoths and Persians but a far more deadly enemy as well—plague. The initial outbreak was enormously destructive. Its appearance in Syria had already contributed to Chosroes’ willingness to sign the truce with Belisarius. Up to 300,000 people may have died in Constantinople alone. Justinian himself became ill but survived. Those who did survive became immune. Subsequent attacks appeared with diminishing severity during the next twenty years, until a general immunity had built up in the Empire’s population.
The truce of 542 with Chosroes was not highly effective. Immediately afterward, Chosroes demolished a Roman fortress. In 543, he was preparing an invasion of Roman Armenia but was thwarted by another outbreak of plague and the revolt of a son. On the other hand, the Romans successfully invaded Persarmenia near the headwaters of the Euphrates. Finally, in 545, Chosroes, after failing to take Edessa in 544, consented to a meaningful five-year truce. In return, Justinian paid him 2000 pounds of gold, but the agreement did not extend to the conflict over Lazica. The truce was subsequently renewed for another five years on similar terms in 551.
Internal conflicts and administration
As soon as Justinian had regained firm control after the Nika Rebellion, he had reappointed John the Cappadocian as praetorian prefect. Nevertheless, John remained the object of machinations by his enemies, particularly Theodora. She resented his influence with her husband and may honestly have thought that he had ambitions for the throne himself. Antonina, Belisarius’ wife, helped Theodora against John because she wanted Belisarius to be supreme in Justinian’s favor. In 541, Theodora finally secured John’s banishment from the capital and his forced ordination into the Church. After Theodora’s death, however, Justinian freed John and allowed him to return to Constantinople, but only as a priest.
After John, Justinian adjusted the administrative system to provide a middle level of authority over groups of provinces once more. He also continued to issue laws designed to improve administrative procedures and control abuses. In the financial sphere, John’s role was assumed by Peter Barsymes, first count of the sacred largess and praetorian prefect in 543. Procopius portrays Peter Barsymes negatively, too, but laws inspired by him show that he was concerned to protect both revenue and small taxpayers by fair procedures. That would not have appealed to the wealthy and powerful, who often tried to shift taxes onto the weaker citizens and exploit them.
Belisarius returns to face Totila in Italy, 544 to 549 c.e.
After the initial truce with Chosroes in 542, Justinian had reassigned Belisarius to take charge of the war against the Ostrogoths in Italy. No doubt Belisarius’ preparations were hindered by the outbreak of plague at Constantinople in 543. He and Antonina did not arrive at Ravenna until 544. Also, he desperately lacked manpower. Plague and lack of funds due to the war with Persia and Justinian’s expensive building program probably hindered recruitment. He brought only 4000 men with him. Moreover, many of the soldiers originally sent to Italy had deserted because they had not been paid for years. Belisarius finally persuaded Justinian to divert some troops from the East now that there was a truce with Chosroes, but they were not adequate.
Totila besieged Rome in 545. Belisarius, faced with disobedient subordinates, had to abandon efforts to relieve it. Totila eventually captured it with the help of treachery at the end of 546. In 547, Belisarius retook the depopulated and devastated city. Still, he was not able to mount a major offensive even after Justinian sent him 6000 assorted troops in 548.
Clearly, Belisarius was Justinian’s best general, but even he could not successfully prosecute a war without adequate forces. Therefore, he sent Antonina to Constantinople in the hope that she might obtain more men through her influence with Theodora. Unfortunately, Theodora had died on June 28, 548, just before Antonina arrived. Justinian was preoccupied with finding enough men to prosecute the war in Lazica, which had been exempted from the truce with Chosroes in 545. Seeing her husband in a hopeless situation, Antonina then asked that he be recalled: it was futile to remain. Belisarius returned to Constantinople in early 549. He was reappointed chief military commander for the East but remained inactive in Constantinople for many years.
The Lazic War, 549 to 557 c.e.
Chosroes was determined to preserve his unprecedented access to the Black Sea by consolidating his hold on Lazica (Colchis). Justinian was just as determined to prevent Rome’s ancient enemy from retaining this strategic naval advantage. The Lazi had soon begun to dislike Persian oppression even more than the Roman kind. They asked for Roman help, and Justinian sent 7000 men to retake Lazica in 549. The city of Petra was recaptured in 551, but the war was a stalemate after that.
Peace in the East
In 557, Chosroes and Justinian signed a five-year truce that included Lazica. They finally worked out a fifty-year peace in 562. In return for evacuating his positions in Lazica, Chosroes received an annual subsidy of 30,000 gold pieces. He also agreed to guard the Central Caucasus against outside attackers. Other provisions regulated commercial, military, and diplomatic relations between the Persian and Roman empires. They also set up rules for arbitrating personal disputes between Persians and Romans on the frontier to prevent wider conflicts. In a separate agreement, Chosroes promised to tolerate the Christians in his empire so long as they did not seek converts.
Disaster in Italy, 549 to 551 c.e.
After Belisarius’ departure in 549, things went from bad to worse in Italy. The ease with which Belisarius had initially reconquered both North Africa and Italy had deceived Justinian and caused him to discount the seriousness of subsequent problems in the West. Also, he needed large amounts of money to expend on buildings or art to glorify God and the Empire and to mount campaigns against Chosroes in the East or to buy him off with subsidies. Therefore, Justinian was even more willing to believe that Belisarius and others in the West wanted more than they needed. Already undermanned, therefore, Roman armies in both Italy and North Africa suffered mutinies and betrayals by troops angry over the lack of pay.
Just such a situation caused some Isaurian soldiers to betray Rome in 550 to Totila again after Belisarius left. That finally spurred Justinian to take more vigorous action. He rejected Totila’s offers to renegotiate. Totila then promptly invaded Sicily, which previously had been spared. At last, Justinian placed his cousin Germanus in charge of the war. Using private as well as public money, Germanus prepared a proper expedition to recover Italy.
The recovery of Italy, 552 to 562 c.e.
Germanus had shrewdly married Vitigis’ widow, Matasuntha. As Amalasuntha’s daughter, she was the granddaughter of Theoderic. By marrying her, Germanus hoped to divide Ostrogothic loyalties. Unfortunately, he died before he could depart for Italy. In his place, Justinian appointed the popular and capable Narses, who had clashed with Belisarius earlier (pp. 678–9). Narses arrived in Italy with at least 25,000 men, almost half being Lombards, Heruli, Gepids, and Huns. He promptly defeated Totila in a set battle in 552, and Totila was killed in flight.
In the same year, Narses won another great battle against the Ostrogoths. After that, Ostrogothic resistance was confined to a number of fortified cities. Narses systematically reduced them, but he soon had to face a large army of Franks and their Alemannic subjects. They swept into Italy from the north in 553 to reap what Narses had sown. Narses kept to the fortified towns, whereas the Franks dissipated their energies in plundering much of the rest of Italy. Finally, in 554, Narses annihilated them at a great battle outside of Capua. Italy south of the Po was free at last from warfare, but it was not until 562 that Narses finished taking Ostrogothic strongholds between the Po and the Alps.
The Pragmatic Sanction, 554 c.e.
In 554, Justinian issued what is known as his Pragmatic Sanction to restore order and provide proper imperial administration to Italy. It restored rights and property to prisoners and exiles, slaves to their masters, and coloni (tenants) to their landlords. Gothic landowners of long standing, however, retained their property. Justinian also forbade the kind of fiscal and administrative abuses that had caused so much discontent after the initial reconquest, and he provided for the proper provisioning of troops without undue burdens on the people.
Wars on other fronts, 544 to 561 c.e.
While Justinian was confronting simultaneous wars or uneasy truces on the eastern frontier and in Italy, he was not free of trouble elsewhere. Remarkably, he even continued to pursue reconquering other parts of the West before he had adequate control of North Africa and Italy. In 544, the Moors revolted once more in North Africa. They were aided by the Roman general in charge of Numidia, who wished to rule Africa independently, and by troops who had not been paid. This revolt was not crushed until 547. The Moors then remained subdued (except for a brief rebellion in 563) for the remainder of Justinian’s reign.
After 550, Justinian seems to have devoted greater energy to the West. He not only committed adequate resources to prosecute the war in Italy but also rather treacherously took advantage of a dynastic struggle among the Visigoths. By backing a Visigothic pretender named Athanagild, Justinian was able to recapture part of southern Spain along both the Atlantic and Mediterranean coasts. The Visigoths then accepted Athanagild as king, but the Romans refused to hand over the captured territory to him. Instead, they organized it into the province of Baetica, which included such important cities as New Carthage, Malaca, and Corduba.
In the Balkans, various frontier tribes had periodically raided Thrace and Illyricum since 529. Three tribes combined for a massive invasion in 559. One group penetrated Macedonia and Greece as far south as Thermopylae, another attacked the Thracian Chersonese (Gallipoli Peninsula), and another drove through Thrace right up to the walls of Constantinople.
Belisarius, who had long learned to do much with little, took charge again in this emergency. With a makeshift army of his 300 loyal bodyguards and some hastily recruited, poorly armed civilians, he set a clever ambush for the 2000 Huns who confidently rode up to attack his small force before Constantinople. Without any losses, his men killed 400 Huns, while the rest retreated in panic. At Thermopylae and at the entrance to the Chersonese, Roman defenses held. The invaders went back across the Danube after Justinian promised them an annual subsidy. A similar offer in 561 dissuaded the Avars, another group of central Asian invaders. The Balkans then remained calm for the rest of Justinian’s reign.
Invading tribes could be persuaded to accept subsidies because it was impossible for them to remain in the Balkans for very long after an initial breakthrough. Between 540 and 549, Justinian had expended much effort on building and repairing defenses and forts at hundreds of places along the Danube and throughout the Balkan peninsula. Perhaps that is why he did not feel able also to commit adequate resources to Italy during this period. At any rate, his expenditures in the Balkans proved their worth. Raiders could sweep through the open country, but the Romans could hold the well-supplied fortified places with a few men and harass the enemy when they scattered to plunder. Roman forces could also wait to attack them in the rear after they had exhausted available food and were returning encumbered with spoils.
Justinian’s legacy and his successors, 565 to 602 c.e.
Justinian was one of the most important emperors in Roman history. He stood at the crossroads of antiquity. His failures demonstrated that the empire of Old Rome was gone forever. Nevertheless, Justinian left a legacy that shaped the Byzantine Empire of the New Rome at Constantinople for centuries to come.
Law and administration
Justinian’s policy of codifying and revising the corpus of Roman law was a great success. It is what one recalls first about his reign (p. 689). The elimination of outdated and contradictory laws and the systematic presentation of those retained provided a uniform and efficient body of law such as is necessary for the well-being of any large, complex state. It still provides the model for the legal systems in most European nations.
Justinian’s attempt to provide more efficient and honest administration by increasing salaries, combining functions to lessen the number of officials, and centralizing authority at Constantinople was not always successful. No system is immune to corruption. Justinian remained flexible, however, corrected mistakes and abuses when he could, and definitely improved upon what had existed before. During his reign, imperial administrators better served the interests of both the ordinary person and the state as a whole.
Byzantine autocracy
Justinian’s legal and administrative reforms contributed to the creation of a fully autocratic monarchy, which was characteristic of the succeeding Byzantine Empire. The office of emperor had grown more and more autocratic since the time of Augustus—sometimes faster, as under Caligula, Nero, Domitian, Septimius Severus, or Diocletian; sometimes more slowly, as under Vespasian, Antoninus Pius, Tacitus, Probus, or Gratian. The personalities of the individual emperors had affected the pace, but in the long run, the need for a powerful, efficient, central authority to deal with increasingly large and complex problems pushed the emperors in the direction of autocracy. Justinian’s policies were the culmination of that process. The Byzantine autocracy had all the unpleasant faults of any highly centralized, bureaucratically administered monarchy. That fact resulted in the pejorative meaning of the word Byzantine when applied to the complex politics of large organizations. Nevertheless, for centuries, Justinian’s successors and their ministers were able to maintain armies and organize resources enough to preserve Greco-Roman civilization in the East from being overwhelmed by a constant stream of outside attackers.
Long stable reign
Perhaps Justinian’s greatest success was in living so long and sparing his subjects the civil wars and disorders that would have accompanied shorter reigns. A well-disciplined man of Spartan habits, he enjoyed a sound constitution. It enabled him to survive the plague that killed countless thousands. He also seems to have been safe from plots. Only two conspiracies after the Nika Rebellion are noteworthy, and they were revealed before he was in any serious danger.
Unfortunately, two men connected with Belisarius were involved in one of these plots. That raised suspicions against him. He was forced to dismiss his armed retainers and was disgraced. Contrary to legend, however, he did not end his life as a blind beggar. Justinian restored him to favor after less than a year, and they passed the rest of their days together. Belisarius died in March of 565, and Justinian followed a few months later on November 14, 565.
Religious persecution
Despite notable accomplishments, Justinian’s reign was, on balance, a failure. One of his biggest failures was in the sphere of religion. His policy of seeking divine favor by uniting the Empire under the orthodox version of Christianity as defined at Chalcedon was a disaster. It only created deep animosities toward the imperial government among inhabitants who espoused different faiths or other versions of Christianity. Persecution of the Jews and Monophysite Christians in Egypt and the Levant so embittered many of them that they welcomed the Muslim conquerors who seized those lands seventy-five years after Justinian’s death. Similarly, the Arian Christians of North Africa resented the continued attempts to impose a hostile orthodoxy. Again, the resultant divisiveness made it easier for the Muslim conquerors in the mid-seventh century. Likewise, the devastating Ostrogothic rebellion after the initial reconquest of Italy was fueled by the Arian Ostrogoths’ resistance to the imposition of orthodoxy.
Bankruptcy of the Empire
By the time Justinian died, the imperial treasury had been exhausted by the expenses of his grandiose building projects, his impetuous wars, and the ruinous subsidies that he agreed to pay some enemies in order to be free to fight others. The desperate state of the treasury subsequently contributed to his successor’s decision to risk war with Persia rather than continue subsidies. Ironically, that war dragged on for twenty years and weakened the Empire even further.
Mishandling of succession
Justinian compounded problems by his poor handling of the arrangements for providing a successor. He had two choices: Justin, an able general and son of his cousin Germanus, and another Justin, a nephew whom Theodora had greatly favored. Although the latter had no conspicuous abilities, Justinian had advanced him to high rank. Nevertheless, Justinian had not clearly indicated who was to succeed. Unfortunately, the less able Justin was well placed to seize the throne and immediately executed his rival when Justinian died. As Justin II (565–578), he had pretensions that bordered on megalomania. He pursued a disastrous foreign policy with Persia and eventually revived his predecessor’s internally disruptive religious persecutions. On the other hand, his fiscal frugality so overcompensated for Justinian’s excessive spending that he undermined imperial security. Finally, he became so mentally unbalanced that he could not rule. In 574, Empress Sophia persuaded him to appoint as Caesar a man named Tiberius, count of the Excubitors. In 578, the latter smoothly succeeded Justin as Emperor Tiberius II (578–582). Nevertheless, too much damage had already been done.
Tiberius II and his successor Maurice (582–602) achieved some success on the Persian frontier, but Maurice’s attempt to regain control of the Balkans from Slavic invaders without adequate pay for his troops led to his assassination and disastrous political instability just as the first wave of Arabic Muslim conquests was about to crash upon the provinces of the East. The smaller state that eventually survived was no longer the eastern Roman Empire that had evolved between Constantine and Theodosius I, but had clearly become what is now called Byzantine Greece.
Reconquest of the West
Even Justinian’s reconquest of the North African provinces, Italy, and part of Spain must be counted as a failure—his biggest. To pursue these unprovoked wars, he had to weaken frontier defenses. Their weakened state invited external attacks from Persia and various aggressive tribes. The net result was to overstrain the resources of the Empire and undermined it for the future.
Furthermore, the reconquered provinces did not repay the costs of their conquest and subsequent defense. The North African provinces suffered periodic revolts and constant raids from the surrounding Moors. By the time Italy finally had been pacified, the long years of warfare had devastated its cities and permanently impaired its prosperity. The imperial province in Spain was under constant pressure from the surrounding Visigoths, from whom it had been treacherously seized.
After all of the trouble and expense of reconquering these western provinces, they began to be lost right after Justinian’s death. In 568, the Lombards and their allies invaded northern Italy. By 572, they held everything between the Po and the Alps. By 590, much of the rest of Italy had also been lost. About sixty years after Justinian’s death, the Visigoths wrested back the territories in Spain. By 709, the Muslims had also swept away the remnants of imperial power in North Africa.
Final judgment
Justinian wasted his considerable talents in trying to recapture the West and impose an empire-wide religious orthodoxy. If he had concentrated on strengthening the Roman Empire that he had inherited in the East and if he had not sown internal bitterness and discord with his religious policies, the Roman Empire of the East might not have suffered severe losses in the seventh century. Moreover, the Germanic successors to imperial power in the West might have been better able to resist subsequent conquerors, who did more extensive damage to Roman civilization in Europe. The historical conditions that had made possible the universal Roman Empire of the first two centuries c.e. no longer existed. The resources needed to maintain it under changed circumstances had not been there to prevent the loss of the West in the first place. They were not available under Justinian. His effort to revive the dead had only weakened the living.
Suggested reading
Cameron , A. The Mediterranean World in Late Antiquity 395–700 AD. 2nd ed. Routledge History of the Ancient World. London and New York: Routledge, 2012.
Hughes , I. Belisarius: The Last Roman General. Yardley, PA: Westholme Publishing, 2009.
Potter , D. Theodora: Actress, Empress, Saint. Women in Antiquity. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015.