Part III
Chapter 11
Introduction
Modern Amphipolis is a small village situated on the hill that was once home to the ancient city of the same name. Nestled in a bend of the Strymon River, Amphipolis means ‘around the city’, a reference to the fact that the river surrounds the city on all but its eastern side. The ancient city was founded by a group of Athenian colonists led by Hagnon in 438/7 BCE, the second such attempt by the Athenians to settle in the area. Sometime around 485, the Athenians sent 10,000 colonists to the area, but they were soon driven off by Thracian tribes and defeated at a site called Drabeskos. The Athenian historian Thucydides gives the impression that none of the colonists survived the confrontation with the Thracians. Twenty-nine years later, Hagnon successfully established Amphipolis and also held the town of Eion, where the Strymon meets the Aegean as the commercial port for the city. Amphipolis would soon become an important strategic and economic outpost for the Athenians, and the site of one of the most important battles of the Peloponnesian War. In fact, it was Thucydides himself who would lose the city to the Spartans, an event that would shape his political views and set in motion the very writing of his histories:
I lived through the entirety of the war, being old enough to comprehend it and taking care so that I might know what was true: and it was also my lot to be an exile from my homeland for 20 years after my command at Amphipolis, and since I was familiar with the affairs of both sides, not least of which the affairs of the Peloponnesians on account of my exile, I was at leisure to understand some of these things all the better. (Thucydides 25.6.5)
Directions to the Site
The site of Amphipolis is easily reached from the main National Highway (NH) connecting Thessaloniki and Kavala (E90, known as the Egnatia Odos), and is only about an hour’s drive from either city. From the Amphipolis exit, either the Serron-Amphipolis road or the Thessaloniki-Kavala byway will take visitors to the modern town of Amphipolis. While the newly constructed Serron-Amphipolis road is faster and more direct, the alternate route travels past the Lion Monument of Amphipolis, along the Strymon River and past the building which now preserves the Classical bridge. Once in the village, signs will direct visitors to both the archaeological museum and the site entrance.
Historical Outline of the Battle
In the winter of 424/3 BCE, Athens and Sparta were in the midst of the Peloponnesian War, a conflict between Greek states that would last nearly three decades (431-404). At the heart of the Athenian strategy in this war was its fleet. While the Spartans boasted the fiercest land army in Greece, the Athenians controlled the coastlines and shipping lanes of the eastern Mediterranean. Each summer, the Spartans would wreak havoc on the Athenian hinterland, while the Athenians in turn led naval raids against the towns and villages of the Peloponnesian coastline. The maintenance of a fleet of several hundred warships was a substantial expense, requiring timber, pitch and rope, not to mention pay for the thousands of rowers required to keep the ships afloat. By the end of the fifth century BCE, the forests of Attica had long since been harvested. A generation after the Battle of Amphipolis, the Athenian philosopher, Plato, made note of the deforestation around Athens:
But in the past, when the country was untouched, its mountains were lofty hills, and the region of Phelleus [a rocky region of Attica], as it is now called, held plains full of rich soil, and it had much woodland on the mountains, woodland of which even now there are still visible signs. For there are some of the mountains which now have sustenance only for bees, but it was not very long ago when trees from these same mountains were cut for roofing on the largest buildings, and the roofs are still sound. And there were many other cultivated, lofty trees, and it bore endless pasturage for cattle. (Critias 111b-c)
Because the timber resources of Attica had largely been depleted by the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, the Athenians turned to the forests of Macedonia and Thrace for those materials essential for the construction of their warships. The Strymon River provided shipping access between the northern forests and the Aegean Sea, and so control of this river and its port at Eion was crucial to the Athenian strategy against the Spartans.
Recognizing the military importance of Amphipolis, the Spartans sent their general Brasidas to take the city in 424/3. Marching from the south, Brasidas first took the city of Argilos, an Athenian subject-state within a day’s march of Amphipolis. According to Thucydides, conspirators within this city revolted from Athens at the sight of the Spartans and welcomed Brasidas into the city as its liberator. These Argilian conspirators had long held designs of taking Amphipolis and so informed Brasidas that countrymen of theirs, already in Amphipolis, were ready to lead a coup from the inside should the Spartans attack the city. Eager to take the city quickly, and by surprise, Brasidas set out at once for Amphipolis, marching through a winter storm to capture the bridge that crossed the Strymon. Brasidas found only a small guard protecting this bridge and quickly overpowered them. Because the walls of the city did not at that time reach the river, Brasidas only managed to take the countryside around Amphipolis; nevertheless, the citizens were caught completely by surprise, and there was great confusion within the walls. It was at this time that the Argilians attempted their coup, although, in the confusion, it met with little success. Rather than waiting for this coup to take hold, Brasidas instead offered favourable terms to the citizens of Amphipolis if they would surrender willingly. Faced with the prospect of a dangerous or prolonged engagement with the Spartan force, the citizens surrendered. Some welcomed Brasidas into the city, while others fled to Athenian protection.
Amphipolis Map 1. Satellite image courtesy of the USGS.
Having successfully, and nearly bloodlessly, captured Amphipolis, Brasidas then turned his attention to Eion, the city’s commercial port, which was still under Athenian control. By this time, the Athenians had learned of the fall of Amphipolis and were scrambling to protect Eion and their interests in the region. The general appointed to defend the area was none other than the historian Thucydides, who was on the island of Thasos when Amphipolis fell. While he managed to return in time to save Eion from the Spartans, Thucydides was not able to retake Amphipolis, to the great disappointment of the Athenian citizenry. The Athenians turned, then, to the general, statesman and demagogue Cleon, renowned for his defeat of the Spartans at Pylos in 425.
In 422, Cleon set out for the north, arriving in Eion with a force of 1,200 hoplites, thirty ships and 300 horsemen from Athens. Once in Eion, Cleon awaited additional troops from Athenian allies in the north, hoping to outnumber the Spartan forces at Amphipolis before the final battle. Informed of Cleon’s arrival, Brasidas took up a position on a hill called Kerdylion, from which he could observe the movements of the Athenian army. Brasidas likewise called for reinforcements from his allies to add to the 1,500 Thracian mercenaries, Edonian horsemen and peltasts, 1,000 Myrcinian and Chalkidian peltasts, 2,000 hoplites and 300 Hellenic horsemen already under his command. While both armies awaited reinforcements, Cleon’s men became restless and urged their general to attack Amphipolis, even though the expected reinforcements had not yet arrived. Cleon, compelled by his men and bolstered by his recent victory at Sphacteria, set out to observe the situation in Amphipolis, never expecting that the Spartan army would dare to attack.
At this point, Thucydides’ account of the battle becomes quite detailed, owing, no doubt, to his familiarity with the city and the region. Not only had the historian served as a general in the north, but his family also owned numerous gold mines in Thrace. Such intimate knowledge of the region allowed Thucydides to write with the perspective of one who knows the lay of the land clearly, and so his account is full of topographical details that assume a familiarity with Amphipolis, Eion and their environs. His account, though, is also coloured by his own failure at Amphipolis: following his unsuccessful attempt to retake the city from the Spartans, the Athenians exiled Thucydides for dereliction of duty and appointed Cleon, a statesman for whom Thucydides spared little sympathy or praise. As such, in Thucydides’ history, Cleon is often presented as proud, bumbling and antagonistic, while the historian heaps seemingly excessive praise on Brasidas, the Spartan foe who bested him. Nevertheless, Thucydides’ account remains the most thorough and detailed chronicle of the battle, and it is on his retelling that we must rely.
Amphipolis Map 2: The city and its location. Satellite image courtesy of the USGS.
Amphipolis Map 3: The city, its walls, and the Classical bridge. Satellite image courtesy of the USGS.
Urged by his men to engage with the Spartans holding Amphipolis, Cleon took up a strong position on a hill in front of the city, from where he could view the gates and the movements of Brasidas and his men. Disappointed that he could not begin the siege immediately, Cleon decided to retire and return to Eion, still hoping for further reinforcements. Brasidas, from his position on Kerdylion, was able to observe the Athenian movements and could see that the Athenians’ haphazard and undisciplined withdrawal would be an opportune time to attack. Unsure of the ability of his largely mercenary army, however, Brasidas decided that stratagem, rather than a traditional hoplite engagement, would win the day. Having gathered a small force of 150 hoplites, Brasidas hoped to startle the Athenians with a rapid attack, further confusing their already disorganized withdrawal. The main Spartan force, then, would deliver a full attack on the surprised Athenians, ensuring the Spartan victory.
To prepare for the attack, Brasidas stationed his captain, Clearidas, at the city’s Thracian Gate, a movement Cleon observed from his elevated position on the hill facing the city. His scouts reported that they could even see the feet of men and horses gathering at the wall through the gap beneath the city’s gate. Warned of these sudden movements, Cleon ordered a full retreat to Eion, sending his left wing in advance of the rest of the line. Impatient with the slow pace of the retreat, though, Cleon also made his right wing turn from their line of battle, facing the city, to a line of march, facing Eion. This movement exposed the wing’s right, unshielded flank to the enemy. Capitalizing on this mistake, Brasidas immediately set out by way of the city’s palisade gate to attack the exposed right flank of the retreating army. Shocked by this sudden assault, the Athenian centre was soon routed by Brasidas’ small force of hoplites, while the Athenian left doubled its retreat for Eion. What was left of the Athenian line, then, was both abandoned and in utter disarray. It was at this point that Clearidas set out from the Thracian Gate with the bulk of the Spartan army, routing what was left of the Athenian force and scattering the survivors to the hills.
As Thucydides tells us, the battle was a lop-sided affair. The Athenians lost 600 men, while the Spartans only lost seven. Among these seven, however, was Brasidas, who was killed when he turned against the Athenian right in an attempt to aid Clearidas. We are told that the people of Amphipolis buried him within the city walls (an honour reserved for a city’s founder) and celebrated games and rituals to him as a local hero. Cleon was also killed in the engagement, but if he was granted any special honours, Thucydides does not mention them. Athens was unable to recapture Amphipolis, but the loss of two great generals in a single engagement spurred the Athenians and Spartans to make another attempt at peace in the following year. The so-called Peace of Nicias was agreed upon in 421, effectively ending the first half of the Peloponnesian War. As part of the treaty, Sparta was supposed to restore Amphipolis to Athenian control. This, however, was never done, and the treaty was seemingly doomed from the beginning: despite its attempt at peace, the treaty was formally abandoned seven years later when the Spartans occupied the Attic strongpoint of Decelea, and another decade of war followed.
Amphipolis Map 4: The first phase of the battle. Satellite image courtesy of the USGS.
The Battle Site Today
Thucydides describes a number of topographical features that must be identified when reconstructing the battle at Amphipolis. The city itself sits atop a hill surrounded on three sides by the Strymon River. Only its eastern approach is not protected by the course of the river. On the western bank of the Strymon, in what was once Argilian territory, a long, high ridge stretches to the west. This ridge is part of the foothills of what is now called Mt Kerdylion, a 1,000-metre-tall peak containing numerous wildlife refuges. Almost directly south of the city, this ridge approaches the Strymon River at a point called St Catherine’s Hill, at the base of which now stands the Lion Monument. To the north of Amphipolis, again on the opposite side of the Strymon, stretches a broad plain, which is now dotted with farms and small towns. In antiquity, this was once a marshy region surrounding a shallow lake called Kerkinitis, which was known for its eel fisheries. Much of this marshland has now been drained for agricultural purposes, and the ancient lake, which no longer survives, should not be confused with the man-made reservoir that now lies just over 100km north-west of Amphipolis. This Lake Kerkini lies much further from Amphipolis than the ancient Kerkinitis, and it did not exist until the 1930s (although it does now host one of the most impressive bird sanctuaries in all of Europe).
The plain that now surrounds the Strymon north of Amphipolis is broken by a small outcropping, unromantically called Hill 133 (an indication of its height of 133 metres), that lies about 5km north-east of the city. The town of New Mesolakkia now lies just to the north of this outcropping. The flat, shrub covered peak of Hill 133 may have once been the location of the prehistoric and historic site of Ennea Odoi, the predecessor to the Athenian colony of Amphipolis. To the east of Amphipolis is Mt Pangaion, which rises to nearly 2,000 metres in height. A number of the mountain’s ridges stretch towards Amphipolis, including the so-called Hill of the Macedonian Tombs, upon which a number of Classical and Hellenistic burials were found. This hill lies almost due east of Amphipolis, though it is flanked to the north and south by other ridges of Pangaion. The modern Epar. Od. Elechorious-Peramou now separates these ridges from Amphipolis. Finally, to the south of the city, the Strymon winds its way to the Aegean, near the modern city of Nea Kerdilia. The ancient city of Eion once marked the point where the Strymon met the sea, and so it was Eion that served as the port city for Amphipolis.
Amphipolis Map 5: The second phase of the battle. Satellite image courtesy of the USGS.
It is within this landscape that we must situate Thucydides’ account of the ancient Battle of Amphipolis; in particular, the topographical features that played an important part in the movements of the Athenian and Spartan forces. First, Thucydides tells us exactly where the two armies were positioned before the engagement. Cleon, marching from Eion to Amphipolis, established himself ‘upon a strong ridge in front of Amphipolis’ where he himself ‘viewed the marshy ground of the Strymon and how the city was situated in relation to Thrace’. Brasidas, for his part, encamped upon Kerdylion. Thucydides tells us that ‘this place is in Argilian territory, upon a height on the opposite side of the river, not very far from Amphipolis, and commanding a view of the surrounding country on all sides’. If the historian is to be believed, both generals were able to observe each other’s movements without difficulty from their respective positions. In addition, Cleon’s scouts reported that ‘the entire force of the enemy was visible in the city and that the feet of horses and men, in great number, were visible under the gates’, implying that such a view was relatively easy to obtain from on or near the ‘strong ridge’. Upon receiving this news, Cleon turned his army back to Eion with the left wing leading the way, thinking that there was plenty of time for him to withdraw. It was upon this retreat that Brasidas attacked the Athenians, and Thucydides is very specific about the gates through which the Spartans sprung their trap. Brasidas, with his small force of picked men, set out ‘from the gates in the palisade and the first gates of the long wall, which was then existing’ and ‘ran at full speed along that straight road, by which the trophy now stands as one goes down from the strongest part of the place’. This surprise attack turned the Athenian centre to flight, and Clearidas set out at once ‘from the Thracian Gates’ and ‘rushed upon the [Athenian] army’, thus springing the trap and sending the Athenian line to the hills (except for the left flank, ‘which was already on its way to Eion’).
There are two excellent places from which to view this landscape and to try to understand the battlefield as a whole. The first is the acropolis of Amphipolis (N40° 49.132"; E023° 50.490"), which is now an archaeological park organized around the remains of a series of early Christian churches. While only small portions of Classical and Roman Amphipolis have been excavated, these churches highlight the city’s importance and resurgence in Late Antiquity. Visitors can reach the archaeological park by travelling along the Egnatia Odos north from Thessaloniki toward Kavala and exiting onto the Thessaloniki-Kavala byway. Continue along this byway and take a right turn onto the EO Mesoarchis Amphipolis. This road takes visitors past a Byzantine tower and up the hill to the modern village of Amphipolis. Modern Amphipolis is a small, quiet town with only two main roads, and so the archaeological site is relatively easy to find. A short drive past the town and further up the hill leads visitors to the entrance of the archaeological site, from which the battlefield can be easily observed.
The Thessaloniki-Kavala byway takes visitors past the famous Lion of Amphipolis (N40° 48.183"; E023° 50.543"). While Thucydides does mention a roadside trophy in his account of the battle in 422 BCE, the monument seen today should not be confused with that now lost trophy. Instead, the Lion Monument dates to a century after the meeting of Brasidas and Cleon, and was likely dedicated to one of Alexander the Great’s admirals, who settled in the area. The recent discovery of a massive Hellenistic tumulus tomb at Amphipolis was thought to have been the original resting place of the Lion Monument, but this theory has been largely dismissed. This tumulus, known as the Kasta Tomb, preserves exquisite examples of Hellenistic sculpture and mosaic, and excavations are ongoing at the time of writing. Unfortunately, the tomb is not yet open to the public, but such a grand monument once again highlights the continued importance of Amphipolis even after the Classical period. Visitors to Chaeronea will notice a similarity between the Lion Monument at Amphipolis and the funerary monument that may mark the final resting place of the Sacred Band at Chaeronea. The latter was also a monument of the Macedonian period, erected sometime after 338.
From the Lion Monument, the byway crosses the Strymon, and will take visitors along the river and around to the modern city and the ancient site. The road passes various sections of fortification walls and one of the most unique archaeological finds in all of Greece, the preserved remains of a wooden bridge constructed during the Classical period (N40° 49.725"; E023° 50.084").
The discovery of such a bridge from ancient Greece is exceedingly rare, since 2,500 years of cold, wet Greek winters rarely preserve monuments constructed of ephemeral materials such as wood. Here, however, the changing course of the Strymon, the anaerobic environment of the river’s muddy banks and several reconstructions in the Roman and Ottoman periods have preserved hundreds of wooden pylons. In its Classical form, the bridge spanned the river and led directly into one of the city’s gates. Today, only a small portion of the bridge is preserved along the east bank of the river. Following its excavation, a shed was built around the remains to protect the wood from the weather, and this shed is only irregularly accessible to visitors. A request at the museum, however, may grant you access with the accompaniment of a guard. Several well-preserved sections of the city’s late Classical/Hellenistic fortification wall survive here as well, though these walls were not present when Brasidas captured the city. As Thucydides notes, the city’s fortifications had not yet been completed in 422, but it is possible that Brasidas had begun fortifying the bridge and its environs after he had wrested control of the city in 424.
Fig. 11.1: Remains of the Classical bridge at Amphipolis. Permission courtesy of the Ephorate of Antiquities of Serres. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports – Archaeological Receipts Fund. Authors’ photo.
This bridge has become the focal point of scholarly reconstructions of the battle since Demetrios Lazaridis discovered and excavated it in 1977. Thucydides mentions only one bridge in his description of Brasidas’ capture of Amphipolis in 424, and scholars have long presumed that this bridge was the strategic goal of any attack on the city. As Thucydides notes, possession of the bridge, control of the port at Eion and the natural barrier of Lake Kerkinitis all allowed the Athenians to limit enemy movements across the Strymon to Thrace and the abundant resources of Macedonia. As such, three theories have emerged surrounding the location of the ancient battle. The first, and earliest, suggested that the battle took place south of the city. This theory was largely based on an assumption that the ancient bridge captured by Brasidas was located along the southern bend of the Strymon in the direction of Eion. With the discovery of the Classical bridge north of the city, however, scholars changed their interpretation of the battle, shifting the engagement north-east of Amphipolis. This reconstruction suggests that Cleon and his men took a position atop the prominent Hill 133 (N40° 50.530"; E023° 51.226") and, as they withdrew to Eion, were assailed by Brasidas and Clearidas, both of whom set out from northern-facing gates in the city walls. From the acropolis of Amphipolis, all of the most important topographical features can be easily identified, including the entirety of the southern stretch of the Strymon, the Hill of the Macedonian Tombs, Hill 133, St Catherine’s Hill with the Lion Monument at its base and Mt Kerdylion.
Thucydides, however, makes no mention of the bridge in his account of the battle in 422; in fact, none of our ancient sources, which include Isocrates, Frontinus, Polyaenus and Diodorus of Sicily, mention the bridge, and so a third location for the battle is possible. For strategic and tactical reasons, it is most likely that Cleon stationed his men upon the so-called Hill of the Macedonian Tombs (N40° 49.186"; E023° 51.536") located due east of the city. From this point, Cleon could easily see enemy movements in and around Amphipolis while not risking his escape route back to Eion. The Hill of the Macedonian Tombs is accessible from the Epar. Od. Elaiochoriou-Peramou, and numerous small country roads lead up the hillside. There are a number of small olive orchards on its slopes, which are privately owned, and portions of Mt Pangaion are now used by the Greek military, so it is best to seek permission from the museum before exploring the ridges of Pangaion further. From their heights, however, the acropolis of Amphipolis is clearly visible, and the scattered remains of a number of Macedonian tombs can still be seen by those willing to brave the steep and overgrown hillside.
To better understand, however, how Cleon and his scouts could observe ‘the feet of horses and men, in great number … under the gates’, visitors should descend from the acropolis to the archaeological museum, which houses a wide array of Greek, Roman and early Christian artifacts from Amphipolis and its environs. Various displays within the museum outline the history of the site and its excavation and highlight the importance of Amphipolis and the Strymon River in the ancient world, and so it is well worth visiting. Just outside the museum’s entrance are preserved the remains of one of the city’s gates, now called Gate F (N40° 49.509"; E023° 50.941").
This gate faces toward the east and the Hill of the Macedonian Tombs. Immediately past the gate, the hill slopes quickly down into the valley, where the Epar. Od. Elaiochoriou-Peramou now runs. Just beyond the road, the Hill of the Macedonian Tombs rises upward once again. This rapid decline just outside the gates would allow for scouts beneath it to easily see the feet of an amassing enemy force through a small gap in the gate. And while it cannot be said with certainty that Gate F was the Thracian Gate of Thucydides’ account, it does lend credence to the idea that Clearidas and his men set out from an eastern-facing gate to complete the pincer movement devised by Brasidas. By this reconstruction, the so-called ‘Palisade Gate’ from which Brasidas and his small force launched their initial surprise attack might have been located somewhere to the south of Gate F, allowing the general to surprise Cleon’s forces as they retreated toward Eion.
Finally, on the north side of the museum, a number of buildings dated to the late Classical period have been uncovered within the fortification walls. While the unassuming stone foundations stretching out from beneath the museum hardly inspire the imagination, a small cist grave found beneath one of the buildings has intrigued archaeologists and historians alike.
Fig 11.2: Gate F at Amphipolis, looking east towards the Hill of the Macedonian Tombs. Authors’ photo.
Within the small grave was found a silver cinerary urn and a gold wreath (both now on display in the museum), which suggests that this was the burial of a distinguished individual. Because the earliest phase of the building complex dates to the late fifth century BCE, many have wanted to see this as the tomb of Brasidas, who, Thucydides says, was buried in the city, near the agora, at public expense. While burials within city-walls are rare in ancient Greece, they are not without precedent. The date of the cist grave has not been definitively determined, and so it cannot be said with any certainty that this tomb belonged to Brasidas. Nevertheless, it is difficult not to imagine or hope that it was with this burial that the people of Amphipolis once honoured Brasidas for his successful defence of their city – an achievement for which they would honour him as a hero.
Fig. 11.3: The so-called “Ossuary of Brasidas.” Permission courtesy of the Ephorate of Antiquities of Serres. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports – Archaeological Receipts Fund. Authors’ photo.
The second, and arguably best, vantage point from which to view the topography surrounding Amphipolis is atop Mt Kerdylion, where Brasidas and his men would have been stationed before the final confrontation with Cleon. From the museum, visitors should descend the hill of Amphipolis back to the Serron-Amphipolis road. On the way down the hill, be sure to stop at the impressive gate (now called Gate B) and accompanying section of wall (probably to be dated to a later period than the battle itself), which have been excavated close to the Byzantine tower to the north of the city’s hill (N40°49.691"; E023°50.681"). At the roundabout, take the Thessaloniki-Kavala byway to the Lion Monument. At the monument, turn right onto a small side road, which runs parallel to the E90 highway. After about 1.5km, turn right onto a winding road towards the churches of Ag. Demetrios and Ag. Georgios – a sign naming the churches marks the turn. Follow the road past Agios Demetrios and upward past the Second World War monument that commemorates those local inhabitants killed by the Germans in 1941. This road also takes visitors past the ancient site of Kerdylion (N40° 48.388"; E023° 47.943"), and while little remains of the ancient town, traces of the fortification wall can still be found. Continue past the Second World War monument and further up the mountain. At the top of the ridge lies the lovely and well situated church of Ag. Giorgios. From its terrace, the Strymon River can be clearly seen winding its way inland. Hill 133, The Hill of the Macedonian Tombs, the acropolis of Amphipolis and the site of Eion are all also clearly visible from the church, and it must have been from this ridge that Brasidas and his men observed Cleon’s movements. From here, it is not difficult to picture what Thucydides meant, when he said that Brasidas was not only able to observe all of Cleon’s movements, but also commanded ‘a view of the surrounding country on all sides’.
Fig. 11.4: View from Kerdylion, showing the high ground of Amphipolis in the left middle ground, with the Strymon river winding its way towards Eion and the sea. Authors’ photo..
Further Reading
Ancient Sources:
–Thucydides 4.101.3-108.7; 5.6.1-5.11.3
Providing by far the most detailed and thorough recounting of the battle, Thucydides was the Athenian general in the region when Amphipolis initially fell to Brasidas. Thucydides additionally had long-standing family ties in the area, and is able to include numerous topographical features that were important to the battle. Literarily, Thucydides disparages Cleon and exaggerates the genius of Brasidas.
–Isocrates 6.52-53
Only 14 when the battle was fought, this famous rhetorician mentions it only as a passing reference during a speech in which he is recounting instances of single Spartan men aiding cities under siege and delivering them from Athenian control. According to Isocrates, the inhabitants of Amphipolis were under siege, but, despite being outnumbered, rallied to defeat the besieging Athenians, largely due to Brasidas’ leadership.
–Diodorus of Sicily 11.70.5; 12.32.3; 12.68.1-5; 12.73.2-74.4
This Sicilian historian wrote in the first century BCE, basing his work on earlier sources that are now lost. He should be used with some caution, especially since he alone suggests that the armies of Brasidas and Cleon met in a pitched battle outside Amphipolis, with both armies fighting well. This account undercuts Thucydides’ portrayal of a victory through stratagem and the utter failure of Cleon.
–Frontinus, Stratagems 1.5.23
A compiler of stratagems used in Greek and Roman history, Frontinus wrote during the first century CE. He mentions the Battle of Amphipolis only briefly, though, like Isocrates, he suggests that the Athenians had besieged the city. Frontinus says that Brasidas allowed himself to be enveloped, so as to thin the enemy lines, despite being greatly outnumbered.
–Polyaenus, Stratagems 1.38.1
Writing in the second century CE, this author’s work is a rhetorical piece outlining the achievements of great generals in Greek history. About Amphipolis, he mentions only that Brasidas first took the city by treachery, and that the city was besieged by the Athenians. Polyaenus repeats Frontinus’ note about Brasidas allowing himself to be surrounded. It is highly likely that Polyaenus derived his assertion from Frontinus, or that the two shared a common source.
Modern Sources:
Books
–Lazenby, J.F., The Peloponnesian War: A Military Study (London, 2004).
This eminent military historian agrees with Pritchett’s assertion that the battle took place north of the city. He also examines the meaning of Cleon’s controversial decision to expose his army’s right flank.
–Lazaridis, D., Amphipolis (Athens, 1997).
An archaeological guide to the site of Amphipolis written by the site’s chief excavator. Lazaridis provides little discussion of the battle, but offers detailed information about the excavations, remains and artefacts at the site.
–Pritchett, W.K., Studies in Ancient Greek Topography, Part I (Berkeley, 1965).
In this earlier chapter, Pritchett reconstructs the Battle of Amphipolis with Cleon and his men stationed on Hill 133; and assumes a bridge south of the city (later emended following the discovery of the bridge).
–Pritchett, W.K., Studies in Ancient Greek Topography, Part III (Berkeley, 1980).
Starting with detailed, in-person topographical exploration, Pritchett locates the battle north of the city, siting both the Thracian and Palisade Gates north of the city (an emendation of his earlier assertions, which were made before the discovery of the Classical bridge).
Articles
–Jones, N., ‘The Topography and Strategy of the Battle of Amphipolis in 422 BCE’, Classical Antiquity 10 (1977), pp.71-104.
Jones provides a detailed topographical consideration of the battle, situating it south of the city; however, this article was published before the announcement of the discovery of the Classical bridge north of Amphipolis.
–Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, Ch., ‘Excavating Classical Amphipolis’, in M. Stamatopoulou and M. Yeroulanou (eds), Excavating Classical Culture: Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Greece (Studies in Classical Archaeology I)(Oxford, 2002), pp.57-73.
An examination of the archaeological evidence at Amphipolis and its use to reconstruct the battle, suggesting the battle took place north of the city, with the Thracian Gate identified as Gate F and the Palisade Gate as a northern-facing gate.
–Mitchell, B., ‘Cleon’s Amphipolitan Campaign: Aims and Results’, Historia 40 (1991), pp.170-92.
Mitchell discusses not only Cleon’s ambition and eventual failure, but also the location of the battle itself, arguing for a battle north of the city, with both the Thracian and Palisade Gates facing north.
–Spence, I.G., ‘Thucydides, Woodhead, and Cleon’ Mnemosyne 48.4 (1995), pp.411-37.
Spence examines Thucydides’ treatment of Cleon, arguing that the historian was justified in his portrayal of the general. Spence agrees with Thucydides that Cleon was militarily incompetent.