Notes

Introduction: “This Place Was Holiest of All”

1. There has been great debate as to the precise dates of the writing of Geographica as well as where it was written. Some argue that the work was started in the last decade B.C.E., and others that it was composed entirely two decades later between 16 and 18 C.E. See discussion in Dueck 2000, 146–50, who argues that it was composed even later between the years 18 and 24 C.E.

2. Strabo 5.3.2.

3. Ibid.

4. Strabo 5.3.8.

5. Ibid.

6. Varro Ling. 5.143; Richardson 1992, 293–6. See Beard, North, and Price, vol. 1, 177–81.

7. See, e.g., Livy 30.21.12, 33.24.5, 42.36.2. See also Richardson 1992, 58; Dyson, 23.

8. Livy 2.5.2. Livy, and William Masfen Roberts, The History of Rome (New York: Dutton, 1912).

9. Livy 1.60.3.

10. Livy 2.5.2. The reference to the sixth century B.C.E. space as the Campus Martius was likely anachronistic. See Chapter 2.

11. As Katherine Welch notes in her introduction to Dillon and Welch, 1, “War suffused Roman life to a degree unparalleled in other ancient societies.”

One: “The Size of the Plain Is Remarkable”: Defining the Limits of the Campus Martius in Time and Space

1. For an excellent discussion of the Capitoline's geology, see Heiken, Funiciello, and De Rita, 27–34.

2. Christopher Smith, “Early and Archaic Rome,” in Coulston and Dodge, 18. The earliest known settlements date to approximately 1700 B.C.E. See also A. Grandazzi, “The Emergence of the City,” in Erdkamp, 11.

3. Richardson 1992, 287–8.

4. C. Smith, “Early and Archaic Rome,” 18.

5. Boatwright, Gargola, and Talbert, 34. The date of 753 B.C.E. is generally assigned by Marcus Terentius Varro, who wrote six centuries later.

6. Palatine: C. Smith, “Early and Archaic Rome,” 23; Grandazzi, “Emergence,” 14; Forum: Boatwright et al., 34–5.

7. Plut. Vit. Rom. 27.5, believed that Romulus built a temple to Vulcan (Aedes Volcanus) in the southern Campus Martius, but there is no archaeological verification for this assertion. See Chapter 3.

8. C. Smith, “Early and Archaic Rome,” 27; Grandazzi, “Emergence,” 20.

9. C. Smith, “Early and Archaic Rome,” 25; Richardson 1992, 91.

10. See Stamper, 31–2. The temple was begun as early as the late seventh century B.C.E. Grandazzi, “Emergence,” 18.

11. Richardson 1992, 222.

12. C. Smith, “Early and Archaic Rome,” 26. The Comitia Calata met at the Curia Calabra, likely a precinct or enclosed area within the Area Capitolina. Ibid.

13. See Chapter 2 with respect to the Ara Martis.

14. Cornell, 191; Livy 4.22.7.

15. The structures were added some time before 194 B.C.E. Livy 34.44.5. See Richardson 1992, 430.

16. The Temple of Apollo was built by a certain C. Julius. Livy 4.29.7; Richardson 1992, 12.

17. Richardson 1992, 57; Platner and Ashby, 82.

18. Varro Ling. 5.146. Richardson 1992, 164, 206. See Tac. Ann. 2.49.

19. See discussion in Chapter 3.

20. Richardson 1976, 60–6; Haselberger, Romano, and Dumser, 205.

21. See Richardson 1992, 383–5.

22. See Cic. Att. 13.33a.

23. Aldrete, 182–3.

24. Richardson 1992, 67.

25. Suet. Aug. 81 (Octavian's equestrian exercises); App. B.Civ. 3.94 (claim of inheritance).

26. Thornton, 50.

27. Richardson 1992, 70.

28. See discussion in Haselberger 2007, 136, 138.

29. The area is calculated from the approximate boundaries of the Villa Publica suggested by Richardson 1992, 430.

30. As Diane Favro has noted, “The field of the war god Mars became a lush parkland.” Favro 1996, 179.

31. Aldrete, 165.

32. Richardson 1992, 394.

33. Cassius Dio 66.24.1; Suet. Titus 8.

34. Cassius Dio 66.24.1.

35. Suet. Claud. 18.1; Cassius Dio 55.8.4, 66.24.2. Thereafter, the Diribitorium was left open to the sky.

36. Richardson 1992, 211. See discussion in Chapter 7.

37. Cassius Dio 66.24.1.

38. Richardson 1992, 191.

39. Richardson 1992, 256.

40. According to Lanciani 1897, 446, the twelve largest colonnades enclosed approximately 100,000 square meters of space.

41. See M. Andreussi, “Pomerium,” in Lexicon topographicum urbis romae (hereafter LTUR), vol. 4, 96–105; Richardson 1992, 296.

42. Livy 40.52.4, notes the dedication of a “temple to the Lares of the Sea in the Campus” (Larium permarinum in Campo). See also Cic. Cat. 2.1; Hor. Carm. 1.8.4, 3.1.11.

43. Suetonius, Aug. 100.3–4, placed Augustus's Mausoleum inter Flaminiam viam ripamque Tiberis (between the Via Flaminia and the bank of the Tiber), while the funeral procession traveled in campum. Livy, 21.30.11, employed the phrase campum interiacentem Tiberi ac moenibus Romanis (in the field that lay between the Tiber and the walls of Rome) to describe the area of Rome promised by Hannibal to his troops, but in several other passages he merely referred to the campus Martius. See, e.g., Livy 1.44.1; 3.10.1; 3.27.4; 3.43.6; 6.20.10; 22.33.2; and 31.7.1. In another passage, Livy, 2.5.2, described the land of the Tarquinii that was “consecrated to Mars” as “lying between the City and the Tiber” (inter urbem ac Tiberim fuit). See also Ov. Fasti 3.519–20. See Richardson 1980, 1.

44. One channel was the Petronia Amnis, whose waters traveled from the Quirinal on the east to the Tiber by the Isola Tibertina. The other, now known as the Aqua Sallustiana, began between the Quirinal and the Pincian Hills and emptied into the river near the modern Ponte Umberto I. See Richardson 1992, 66.

45. See Richardson 1992, 4 (oak grove); Ov. Fast. 2.491, Richardson 1992, 70 (Caprae Palus); Livy 2.5.2, Plut. Publ. 8.1 (grain of Tarquinius Superbus).

46. T. P. Wiseman, “Campus Martius,” LTUR, vol. 1, 220; Coarelli 2007, 261.

47. T. P. Wiseman, “Campus Martius,” LTUR, vol. 1, 220–1.

48. Livy, 40.52.2–4, notes that Marcus Aemilius Lepidus dedicated temples to Diana and Juno Regina in circo Flaminio and also dedicated one to the Lares Permarini in Campo.

49. Richardson 1992, 65. Coarelli 2007, 261–70, includes the Circus Flaminius as part of the southern Campus Martius but also notes that, even after Augustus tied all of the land west of the Via Flaminia into Region IX, the Circus Flaminius space “was always considered a separate entity.” Ibid. 261.

50. While Livy, 40.52.1, placed the Temple to Juno Regina in the Circus Flaminius as did Obsequens (Obseq. 16), the Fasti Antiates Maiores placed it in campo. A temple of Vulcan is described as aedem in campo Volcani by Livy, 24.10.10, and in circo Flaminioin Fasti Vallenses. See Wiseman 1974, 5, 8 and nn. 27, 31.

51. See Strabo 5.3.8. T. P. Wiseman (LTUR, vol. 1, 221), however, believes that Strabo was mistaken, stating that the Greek author's inclusion of the Theater of Marcellus in the Campus Martius “cannot be pressed as a technical description.”

52. T. P. Wiseman, “Campus Martius,” LTUR, vol. 1, 221. This delineation would have excluded about 100,000 square meters of land along the river, possibly placing outside of its limits the naval sheds (navalia) along the banks. The navalia, however, are described as in campo Martio (Livy 45.42.12; Enn., ann. fr.504 Sk), and Richardson 1992, 266, places them in the lower Campus Martius southeast of the Tarentum. See also Platner and Ashby, 358; Coarelli 1977, 823; Coarelli 2007, 260. T. P. Wiseman (LTUR, vol. 1, 220) is able to include the navalia within the Campus Martius by placing them “well upstream” of the Tarentum.

53. Coarelli 2007, 261, has proposed that the Campus Martius included the first emperor's tomb as well as the parkland that surrounded it, while T. P. Wiseman, “Campus Martius,” LTUR, vol. 1, 220, asserts that the line fell just south of the tomb. Richardson1992, 65, has argued that the border of the field faded in the horizon about 1.6 kilometers past the modern Piazza del Popolo.

54. It may have been the northern limit of Region IX, however, and to the extent that the two were coterminous at that point, it would have formed a boundary for the Campus Martius at the Piazza del Popolo. See discussion in Muzzioli, 184–6.

55. Coarelli 2007, 261, and Richardson 1992, 65. See Coarelli 1997, 5, based on Livy 2.5.2 and Dion. Hal. 5.13.2.

56. T. P. Wiseman, “Campus Martius,” LTUR, vol. 1, 222.

57. Ov. Pont. 1.8.33–8, as quoted in Edwards, 123.

58. T. P. Wiseman, “Campus Martius,” LTUR, vol. 1, 223, believes it would have left the impression of a city wall.

59. This road is identified as the Via “Recta” or Via “Tecta” by some historians (see, e.g., Albers, 281), while others assign those names to the road that connected the Circus Flaminius to the Pons Neronianus, now the location of the Ponte Sant’Angelo. See Richardson 1992, 419. See also discussion in Patterson, “Via Tecta,” LTUR, vol. 5, 145–6.

60. T. P. Wiseman, “Campus Martius,” LTUR, vol. 1, 224.

61. Favro 1996, 137–8.

62. Richardson 1992, 332.

63. Later known as the “Via Lata,” this region included the vast parklands that had been owned by Marcus Agrippa.

64. Interestingly, the Campum Martium is listed as a place within Region IX along with, e.g., the Pantheon, Basilica of Neptune, and Baths of Agrippa. See Palmer 1990, 32.

65. Richardson 1992, 295.

66. Cic. Agr. 2.31.

67. If we use the perimeter of Region IX, the Campus Martius enclosed 1.7 square kilometers or 423 acres. Maria D’Alessio, “Regione IX. Circus Flaminius,” in Carandini and Carafa, eds. vol. 1, 493. See also vol. 2, tav. 207.

Two: Gathering Troops in the War God's Field

1. Plut. Vit. Rom. 27; 29. See also Cic. Rep. 1.16.25. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Ant. Rom. 2.56.5) indicated that Romulus disappeared at the time of the celebration of the Poplifugia, Flight of the Throng, on July 5, not on the Nones of Quintilis. See discussion in Woodard, 37–41.

2. Livy 1.16. The Caprae Palus or Goat Marsh is believed to be the swampy and lowest area of the Campus Martius, which was later drained and is the area in which the Pantheon was built. Richardson 1992, 70. See Plan 1.

3. Livy, 1.16, notes that not all were ready to believe that Romulus was “caught up on high in the blast” but rather had been torn to pieces by the senators present.

4. Plut. Cam. 33.2–7; De Fort. Rom. 8.

5. Livy 3.26–9.

6. Livy 3.69.8.

7. It was “impious for the assembly of the centuries to be held within the pomerium, because the army must be summoned outside of the city, and it is not lawful for it to be summoned within the city.” Gell. NA 15.27.5.

8. Gell. NA 15.27.5. It has also been suggested that guards were used at voting assemblies to prevent voters from casting more than one ballot. L. R. Taylor, 47.

9. Livy 7.23.3.

10. Livy 1.43; Dion. Hal. 4.16–18. See Cornell, 173, 179–81, 191.

11. Livy 1.44.1–3.

12. Livy 1.44.2; Dion. Hal. 4.22.

13. The frieze showing the lustrum ceremony to mark the completion of the census is now in the Louvre; another piece depicting a marine thiasos is in the Glyptothek in Munich. See discussion in Chapter 6.

14. First censors: Livy 4.8.2. Villa Publica built: Livy 4.22.7.

15. Centuriate assemblies were initiated by Servius in conjunction with his military reforms. Livy 1.42.

16. Cassius Dio 37.28.3.

17. John Rich, introduction to Rich and Shipley, 1.

18. Livy, 1.44.2, notes that, according to Fabius Pictor, there were 80,000 citizens, although it is reasonably certain that the total population at that time did not exceed 35,000. Cornell, 208.

19. Cornell, 182.

20. Polyb. 6.20.8. Because the number of centuries per legion stayed the same and they generally had half the strength of the original Servian legion, overall strength was accomplished by increasing the number of legions. See Cornell, 182–3 (discussing the theory of Plinio Fraccaro), 193.

21. Polyb. 6.19. See Cornell, 182, 354, citing Livy 9.30.3.

22. During the imperial era, the cippi were blocks of stone two meters in height. Beard et al., vol. 1, 177.

23. Livy, 1.44.4, notes that the pomerial line was actually a cleared space on either side of the wall itself, and as the walls moved out, so did the pomerium.

24. See Richardson 1992, 262. Livy, 6.32.1, notes that a wall of “hewn stone” was built following the sack. See Katherine Welch, introduction to Dillon and Welch, 3.

25. Cornell, 198; A. Grandazzi, “Emergence,” in Erdkamp, 22.

26. Livy, 5.41.4, notes that during the sack of Rome in 390 B.C.E. the Gauls attacked Rome from the north but clearly circumvented the Campus Martius by entering through the open Colline Gate on the east side of the city.

27. See L. R. Taylor, 85; Cassius Dio 37.26–8.

28. Stephen Oakley, “The Roman Conquest of Italy,” in Rich and Shipley, 15–16.

29. Ibid., 10.

30. Grandazzi, “Emergence,” 9.

31. “An army was levied, marched out to fight for a few months, and then returned to be discharged.” Rich, “Fear, Greed and Glory,” 44.

32. Ibid., 44–8.

33. Harris, 45.

34. John Patterson, “Military Organization and Social Change in the Later Roman Republic,” in Rich and Shipley, 95–6. The high participation rate occurred during the Second Punic War.

35. See Keppie, 55.

36. Harris, 166–67; Woodard, 184. Livy, 1.32, traces the practice back to Rome's third king, Ancus Marcius, in the seventh century B.C.E. Dionysius of Halicarnassus differs slightly in his description of the procedure with three visits to the enemy territory at ten-day intervals. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2.72.

37. See Livy 8.22 (327 B.C.E.), 9.45 (304 B.C.E.), 10.12 (298 B.C.E.), and 10.45 (293 B.C.E.). In the case of the declaration of war in 298 B.C.E. (the Third Samnite War), the Fetiales never made it to enemy-controlled territory as Samnite messengers met them along the route and warned them that a closer approach risked bodily harm. Livy 10.12.

38. A fifth-century C.E. commentator, Servius Auctus, 9.52, explained that in 281 B.C.E. the Romans captured one of Pyrrhus's soldiers and forced him to buy a plot of ground in the area of the Circus Flaminius so that it could be treated as enemy territory for purposes of hurling the spear.

39. See Wiedemann, 481–2. Wiedemann doubts that spears were hurled by the Romans to declare war prior to 32 B.C.E. and that Augustus created the ceremony. With respect to the columna bellica, Ovid wrote, “A small open space commands from the temple [of Bellona] a view of the top of the Circus. There stands a little pillar of no little note. From it the custom is to hurl by hand a spear, war's harbinger, when it has been resolved to take arms against a king and peoples.” Ov. Fast. 6.205.

40. Harris, 167, 267–8.

41. Richardson 1992, 415–16. See discussion in Chapter 1.

42. Richardson 1992, 415.

43. Richardson 1992, 416; Ashby and Fell, 136.

44. Rich, introduction to Rich and Shipley, 2.

45. See David Potter, “The Roman Army and Navy,” in Flower, 80–3, and Jurgen von Ungern-Sternberg, “The Crisis of the Republic,” in Flower, 95–6.

46. Rich, introduction to Rich and Shipley, 4–5.

47. App. B.Civ. 1.89.

48. App. B.Civ., 3.94.

49. Strabo 5.4.11; Cassius Dio 30–5 frag. 109.5–8. See also discussion in Chapter 3.

50. L. R. Taylor, 113. See also Dyson, 110, who puts the figure closer to 55,000.

51. Plut. Mar. 34.

52. Lucr. 2.40–4; 2.324–5 (“mighty legions, marching round, fill all the quarters of the plains [camporum] below, rousing a mimic warfare…”). See also Pratt, 21.

53. Varro Rust. 3.2.4, as translated in Makin, 26.

54. Suet. Aug. 81.

55. Nash, vol. 2, 117.

56. Richardson 1992, 267.

57. Richardson 1992, 266.

58. Pietilä-Castrén, 44.

59. Pliny NH 36.40.

60. Cornell, 308. The myth of Romulus's apotheosis before the assembled troops during the month of July, while not completely consistent with the historical rhythm of musters in the Field of Mars, nevertheless placed the event in a season when the area was driest.

61. Livy 3.10.1.

62. Livy 45.35; Polyb. 36.5.9. See discussion in Chapter 5 of the capture of Perseus.

63. Plut. Mar. 34.

64. Greg Woolf, “Roman Peace,” in Rich and Shipley, at 174.

65. Beard 2007, 61–2.

66. Beard et al., vol. 1, 68; Coarelli 1997, 112–13.

67. Bremmer and Horsfall, 28.

68. Beard et al., vol. 1, 33.

69. See, e.g., Livy 22.1.11 (“Mavors”); Verg. Aen. 8.630 (“Mavor”); Ov. Fast. 4.828 (“Mavors”); Carm. arv. (“Marmar” “Marmor”); Fowler 1911, 131; Adkins and Adkins, 141; Dumézil, 212.

70. Grant and Hazel, 270.

71. Livy 1.20; Ov. Fast. 3.80–1.

72. Fowler 1899, 33, notes that it is not clear that January is in fact named for Janus. The earliest published calendar of Cn. Flavius in 304 B.C.E. has March as the first month of the year. Fowler 1899, 11.

73. Ov. Fast. 3.351; Plut. Num. 13; Fowler 1899, 38–40.

74. Fowler 1899, 330.

75. Ov. Fast. 2.860.

76. Fowler 1899, 50; see also Horsfall, 196.

77. Fowler 1899, 53. Anna Perenna tricks Mars who came to her for help in wooing Minerva. Instead of finding Minerva, Mars finds old Anna in his marriage bed. Ov. Fast. 3.675ff. See also Dumézil, 213.

78. Fowler 1899, 62; L. R. Taylor, 3–4.

79. Pascal, 275.

80. See discussion in Chapter 4 with respect to the location.

81. Timaeus ap. Polyb. 12.4b. See discussion in Pascal, 261ff.

82. Fowler 1899, 242. One author believes that it was the male horse's genitalia that were removed and carried to the Regia and not the tail (see Devereux, 298–9). This theory has been questioned, however. See Pascal, 276 n. 72.

83. Polyb., 12.4b, takes issue with the belief of the Greek historian Timaeus (ca. 345–250 B.C.E.) that the October Horse commemorated the fall of Troy to the Greeks.

84. See discussion in Ogilvie, 73–4; Fowler 1899, 243–9; Dumézil, 240–1.

85. Pascal, 264–5.

86. See discussions in Fowler 1911, 148; Beard et al., vol. 1, 15–16; 47–8; Pascal, 284–5.

87. Fowler 1899, 249.

88. Beard et al., vol. 1, 43. Dumézil, 154, notes that the festival “definitely characterizes the earliest Mars.”

89. This despite having been described by one historian as a “cult center.” Richardson 1992, 245.

90. Festus 204 L; Richardson 1992, 245.

91. Livy 35.10.12. Richardson 1992, 245; T. P. Wiseman, “Campus Martius,” LTUR, vol. 1, 220; Platner, 73. See discussion in Chapter 5.

92. Livy 40.45.8. The curule chair or sella curulis was the chair upon which magistrates with imperium were entitled to sit. See Livy 1.20.2.

93. Richardson 1992, 111, 245. See discussion in Chapter 7.

94. Richardson 1992, 245. Platner and Ashby, 328, believe the temple was constructed in 138 B.C.E.

95. Richardson 1992, 245. Pliny NH 36.4.

96. Cassius Dio 56.24.3; see Platner and Ashby, 328. Ziólkowski 1992, 102–3, believes, however, that the reference by Cassius Dio is to a temple of Mars built by Agrippa in the area of the Pantheon.

97. It suffers from the same problematical relationship to the Campus Martius as the nearby temple of Mars built a century and a half later. Until the construction of the Circus Flaminius, it would be described as ad Forum Holitorium and not in circo. See Ziólkowski 1992, 287, 290.

98. See Dumézil, 391–2.

99. Vitr. De arch. 1.7.1. See Chapter 3 with respect to other principles set out by Vitruvius for the placement of temples.

100. Livy 7.23.3 (Porta Capena); Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6.13.4 (equites). The temple's founding provided the eponymous reference to a rise in the road leading to it (the Clivus Martis), and Suetonius and Cicero described a large area around it as ad Martis. Cic.QFr. 3.7.1; Suet. Ter. 5.

101. Dumézil, 209.

102. Richardson 1992, 245. See Ov. Fast. 2.859–60; T. P. Wiseman, “Campus Martius,” LTUR, vol. 1, 222.

103. Suet. Iul. 44.1. The Naumachia Caesaris was built in the Codeta Minor, a marshy area within the Campus Martius. Richardson 1992, 265. See also F. Coarelli, “Codeta Minor,” LTUR, vol. 1, 291; Platner and Ashby, 128. But see Coleman, 50, who believes it was either in Trastevere or the Campus Martius.

104. The naumachia was filled in response to a plague according to Cassius Dio, 45.17.8, and it is not clear that the temple ever got past the concept stage.

105. Wiseman 1995, 107. See Dumézil, 451. Some scholars would push the Romulus legend back 200 years to the sixth century B.C.E. based upon reliance on the antiquity of a bronze statue of a she-wolf, now in the Capitoline Museum. Adriano La Regina, “La lupa dei Campidoglio è medievale la prova è nel test al carbonio,” La Repubblica, July 9, 2008. See also discussion in Bickerman, 67; Cornell, 61; Mazzoni, 23. Recent scientific analysis indicates that the bronze wolf is datable to the medieval period. See discussion in Mazzoni, 36–9. The suckling twins beneath the she-wolf have long been known to be of Renaissance origin. The so-called “Mirror of Bolsena” dating to approximately 340–330 B.C.E. has engraved on one side what has been described as a she-wolf and two infants, possibly the earliest extant representation of Romulus and Remus. See discussion in Mazzoni, 174–8.

106. Wiseman 1995, 111.

107. Livy 22.1.12; Wiseman 1995, 65 and n. 6.

108. Livy 10.23.12; Carter, 22.

109. Wiseman 1995, 107.

110. Callias wrote that a Trojan woman Rhome married Latinus and that their sons Romulus and Remus founded the city named after her. See Bickerman, 67; Gruen, 15–16; Carter, 22. The Greeks produced a variety of tales for the foundation of Rome with at least twenty-five having been cataloged by ancient writers. See Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.72; Plut. Rom. 2; Festus 269 L. See Bickerman, 65.

111. Plut. Rom. 4. See Bremmer and Horsfall, 31. Livy, 10.27.9, indicates the wolf to be a beast of Mars. See Wiseman 1995, 65.

112. Livy 10.23.13.

113. Bremmer and Horsfall, 27–8.

114. See Wiseman 1998, 2. Various versions of the rape of Rhea Silvia by Mars would be told centuries later. Dionysius of Halicarnassus told of one “fabulous” legend that the event included the disappearance of the sun and took place in a grove dedicated to Mars. The writers also repeat alternative versions of the birth of the twins in which the war god is not the father. See Plut. Rom. 4.4; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.77.

115. Strabo, 5.3.2, for instance, repeated the tale that Mars was the father of Romulus. Later, Plutarch would do the same. Plut., Rom. 2.3.

116. Plut. Numa 19. Plutarch notes that Rome's second king, Numa, altered the order of the months to make March the third month instead of the first “because he wished in every case that martial influences should yield precedence to civil and political.” Ibid.

117. Wiseman 1995, 141. The cult of Quirinus may date back centuries earlier, before its association with Romulus. See Richardson 1992, 326–7; Dumézil, 249–51.

118. See Bremmer and Horsfall, 45, and Carter, 22. In a fragment, Ennius wrote, “Romulus in caelo cum dis genitalibus aevum degit.” See Remains of Old Latin, trans. E. H. Warmington (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1935), 38.

119. See Wiseman 1995, 128.

120. Livy 1.16.1; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2.56; Plut. Rom. 27.6. See Carter, 23. An alternative story of Romulus's death is that he was murdered either in the Campus Martius or the Senate House in the Forum (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2.56) or at the Vulcanal by the Forum. Plut. Rom. 27.

121. Coarelli 1997, 57.

122. Livy 1.16.1. See Plut. Rom. 27; Ov. Fast. 2.475.

123. See Richardson 1992, 70.

124. See Bremmer and Horsfall, 78–9.

125. Plut. Cam. 33.2–6. Coarelli 1997, 34, describes this holiday as laden with sexual connotations and one of role reversals. He suggests that the wild fig may have been located in the Campus Martius. Ibid. 57. The holiday may be closely linked to the tale of apoplifugium, or flight of the people, commemorating the bravery of a servant girl who, taken prisoner by the Latins along with other maids of the city, climbed a wild fig tree at night and signaled to the Roman soldiers to attack while the enemy slept. See discussion in Woodward, 39–41.

126. Plut. Cam. 33.2–6. See also discussion in Chapter 3 with respect to the possible connections between the Nonae Capratinae and Largo Argentina temples.

127. Bremmer and Horsfall, 84.

128. A shrine referenced in the fourth-century C.E. regionary catalogs and known as the Aedicula Capraria as well as a street that ran south of the Aqua Virgo called the Vicus Caprarius may echo the festival's name and/or the goat marsh. A chamber found about a quarter of a mile east of the Pantheon in 1924 may be the Aedicula Capraria. Richardson 1992, 3, 421–2.

129. Plut. Rom. 28–9. Plutarch notes that some believe the name Quirinus means Romulus while others claim that it refers to a spearhead called by the ancients “Quiris.”

130. The inscription (CIL 10.809) states, “Romulus, son of Mars, founded the city of Rome and ruled 38 years. He [as] first leader consecrated rich spoils to Jupiter Feretrius, having destroyed the general of the enemy, Acron [aka Acro], king of the Caeninenses. And having been received in the number of the gods, he is called Quirinus.” Translation by Joanna Schmitz.

131. Ov. Fast. 2.505–8. See also Cic. Rep. 2.10.24.

132. Plut. Rom. 8.7.

133. Carter, 24; Scott, 99–100. Cicero, however, notes that Proculus Julius was an untutored peasant, not a patrician as Plutarch reports. See Cic. Rep. 2.10.

134. Wiseman 1995, 50.

135. Wiseman 1995, 54.

136. Gruen, 28. See also Bremmer and Horsfall, 18, who write that “No reliable indications, literary, religious, inscriptional, or artistic, therefore exist for the Romans’ own interest in Aeneas before, indeed, 300 B.C.[E.].”

137. Gruen, 32.

138. Gruen, 39.

139. Livy 1.3.6.

140. See Strabo 5.3; Ov. Fast. 1.527, 4.251; Plut. Rom. 3.2; Verg. Aen. 271ff.

141. Bremmer and Horsfall, 24.

142. Ibid.

143. Verg. Aen. 1.286–96, emphasis added.

144. Dumézil, 257–8. The phrase “brother Remus” may refer to Agrippa. See note 167 in this chapter.

145. Livy 2.5.2.

146. Plut. Publ. 8.1.

147. Livy 2.5.2; Plut. Publ. 8.1.

148. Plut. Publ. 8.1.

149. Plut. Publ. 8.2.

150. Livy 2.5.3–4; Suet. Claud. 25; Plut. Publ. 8.3.

151. Bremmer and Horsfall, 85.

152. Livy 1.44.1. When referring to the location of Romulus's ascension, he merely calls it in campo ad Caprae paludem. Livy 1.16.1.

153. See, e.g., Cic. Agr. 2.85.1 (campus martius) and Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo 11.3 (in campo martio) and Mur. 33 (in campum martium); Varro Ling. 5.28.5 (itaque Tiberis amnis quod ambit martium campum et urbem), Rust. 3.2.5.2 (in campo martio extremo); Livy 2.5.2 (martius deinde campus fuit), 3.69.6 (omnes iuniores postero die prima luce in campo martio adessent); and Strabo 5.3.8 (Μάρτιοϛ ἔχει κάμποϛ).

154. Cicero appears to be, perhaps, the earliest writer employing the phrase beginning around 63 B.C.E. in De lege agraria (2.85) and Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo (4 and 10). Earlier writings mention only the “campus.” See Cic. Att. 1.1 from July 65 B.C.E. In later writings, the use of Mars as a descriptor is clearly used to distinguish the space from another in order to avoid confusion. In a letter of July 45 B.C.E., Cicero, Att. 13.33a, describes a conversation in which “Capito happened to be talking of the enlargement of the city, saying that the Tiber is being diverted at the Mulvian Bridge to run alongside of the Vatican hills, that the Campus Martius is being built over and the other Campus, the Vaticanus, is becoming a new Campus Martius” (… illum autem campus Vaticanum fieri quasi Martium campum). See also Cic. Att. 12.8.

155. Straightening the Tiber: see Cic. Att. 13.33a; filling in the Naumachia: see Suet. Iul. 44.1.

156. Plut. Vit. Rom. 26.2; Cassius Dio 44.6, 43.45. See also Scott, 83.

157. Scott, 84.

158. Cic. Att. 12.45.3, 12.47.3, 13.28.3. See Scott, 83.

159. Richardson 1992, 326; Palmer 1976, 54–5. The Domitianic relief shows Romulus, Remus, Mars, Jupiter, and vultures, among other figures.

160. See Cassius Dio 46.46.2–3. Wiseman 1995, 144, notes that Octavian was “arrogat[ing] to himself both Remus’ augury for the citizen body, and Romulus’, for the army.”

161. See Favro 1996, 96. The temple was vowed in 42 B.C.E. at the Battle of Philippi and its name derives from Octavian's desire to avenge the death of his adoptive father two years earlier. Suet. Aug. 29.2.

162. Richardson 1992, 161 (eight columns); Ov. Fast. 5.559.

163. Richardson 1992, 162.

164. See Livy 4.20.3; Favro 1996, 92.

165. Favro 1996, 104; Res Gestae 19.

166. Dating to the late first century B.C.E., the tomb of the family of T. Statilius Taurus was located near the present Porta Maggiore.

167. Verg. Aen. 1.291–6; Prop. 4.1.9–10. See discussion in Wiseman 1995, 145–6.

168. Wilson Jones, 180.

169. Cassius Dio 53.27. See Wilson Jones, 179–80.

170. See Adam Ziólkowski, “What did Agrippa's Pantheon look Like? New Answers to an Old Question,” in Graßhoff, Heinzelmann, and Wäfler, at 36. Ziólkowski suggests that, while there may have been other statues in the Pantheon, the only cult deities were Mars and Venus.

171. Rehak 2001, 197.

172. See catalog of scholarship accepting the identification of the primary figure on the right panel as Aeneas in Rehak 2001, 190 and n. 6.

173. Rehak 2001, 190ff.

174. Rehak 2001, 196.

175. Rehak 2001, 199.

176. Suet. Aug. 7; Favro 1996, 104.

177. Suet. Aug. 7.

178. Ov. Fast. 2.132. See Favro 1996, 124.

179. Cassius Dio 56.34.

180. Cassius Dio 56.36.

181. Cassius Dio 56.42.

182. Cassius Dio 56.46.

183. Res Gestae 12.

184. Suet. Claud. 21.6.

Three: “Very Costly Temples”: The Campus Martius and Republican Temple Construction

1. Lepidus and Gaius Flaminius were selected on the twelfth day before the Kalends of March, 188 B.C.E. Livy 38.42.2–3.

2. Livy 38.42.8.

3. Livy 38.43.1.

4. Livy 38.42.11.

5. Livy 38.42.13.

6. Livy 39.1.3.

7. Livy 39.1.5.

8. Livy 39.1.2.

9. Livy 39.1.8.

10. Livy 39.2.8.

11. Along the way, he had his men build the eponymous Via Aemilia, a road that stretched 160 miles from Placentia (modern Piacenza) to Ariminum (modern Rimini) and connected to the Via Flaminia built three decades earlier by his co-consul's father. Livy 39.2.10.

12. Livy 39.2.11.

13. See Pietilä-Castrén, 106–7.

14. See Pietilä-Castrén, 106.

15. M. Furius Camillus vowed the temple following Veii's destruction in 396 B.C.E., and it was dedicated four years later. Livy 5.21.2–3. See also Pietilä-Castrén, 106.

16. Livy 39.4.2.

17. Livy 39.4–5.

18. Livy 39.22.2. See Welch, 23.

19. Richardson 1992, 216.

20. While we do not have certain information for Lepidus's temple of Diana, possible locations include the southern side of the Circus Flaminius, opposite the Juno Regina temple, or perhaps further east and closer to where the Theater of Marcellus was later built. See Pietilä-Castrén, 104. With respect to the Severan Marble Plan, also known as the Forma Urbis Romae, see the Stanford Digital Forma Urbis Romae Project at http://formaurbis.stanford.edu (accessed January 28, 2011). See also Wallace-Hadrill, 301–12.

21. Pietilä-Castrén, 106; Richardson 1992, 233.

22. Pliny NH 35.36; Ov. Fast. 6.797–812; Richardson 1992, 187.

23. Pietilä-Castrén, 102. Why Fulvius chose to honor Hercules, particularly after choosing to vow games to Jupiter, is unknown, although the consul apparently learned of Hercules’ role as a Musagetes (leader or guide of the Muses) while in Greece and made the choice to build a temple to that version of the hero. Richardson 1992, 186–7. The Muses were patrons of Pythagoreans, and Fulvius had included in his Aetolian travels the poet Ennius, who was an adherent to Pythagorean principles. Pietilä-Castrén, 98–100.

24. The only battlefield vow of Fulvius that is mentioned by Livy, 39.5.7, is the promise to hold games, although it has been argued that Fulvius likely vowed a temple at the same time. See Pietilä-Castrén, 97, 101; Orlin 2002A, 65; Richardson 1992, 187.

25. Orlin 2002A, 139.

26. See discussion in Orlin 2002A, 76–80 (Sibylline books); Hekster and Rich, 152, 155 (aedeles).

27. While approximately eighty temples were built during this period, the means employed to found the temple has been determined only with respect to forty-eight of them. Orlin 2002A 18. At least twenty-six temples, or 54 percent of the known foundings, were the result of military vows. Orlin 2002A, 19–20.

28. Ziólkowski 1992, 311.

29. There is disagreement whether the vota nuncupata was binding upon the state. Compare Ziólkowski 1992, 195–8, and Orlin 2002A, 46–7.

30. Ziólkowski 1992, 203–8, takes the position that locatio refers to the selection of the temple, while Orlin 2002A, 139–40 nn. 94, 141, believes that locatio applies only to the letting of the construction contract and not to actual site selection.

31. Beard et al., vol. 1, 34.

32. Livy 10.19.17. Famous for the saying “every man is the architect of his own fortune,” Appius built, in addition to the Bellona temple, Rome's first great road, the Via Appia, and Rome's first aqueduct, the Aqua Appia, both constructed in 312 B.C.E. Richardson1992, 15, 414.

33. Cic. Nat.D. 1.82.

34. Livy 32.30.10.

35. This was the case when Postumus vowed a temple to Castor after breaking enemy lines at Lake Regillus in 496 B.C.E. Livy 2.20.11–12. See Orlin 2002A, 30.

36. One of the most notable examples of a general who eschewed formality to his mortal detriment is that of Gaius Flaminius Nepos who, after constructing the Via Flaminia, failed to make the proper vows to Mars before assuming his post in Ariminum (ancient Rimini) and later died with 15,000 of his men at the hands of Hannibal's forces at the Battle of Lake Trasimene. Livy 22.7.1–5; 22.9.7–11; Polyb. 3.84.

37. See discussion in Ziólkowski 1992, 266–7.

38. This so-called rule has numerous exceptions, and at least one scholar discounts its viability entirely because of the lack of mention by any ancient author of its application. See discussion in Orlin 2002B, 2, 5. See also Ziólkowski 1992, 266–8, and Dumézil, 446–7 (exception to rule for gods accepted early into Roman culture).

39. See Orlin 2002B, 5, 14. See Orlin 2002A, 63–4, with respect to the consideration of Juno Sospita as “foreign.”

40. Vitr. De arch. 1.7.1.

41. Ibid. The precept suggested by Vitruvius did not always result in a rule as evidence of Vulcan's first shrine: the Vulcanal has been located in excavations in the northwest corner of the Roman Forum (Beard et al., vol. 1, 12, and vol. 2, 21–2), although at the time of its construction, that location may have been outside the pomerium. See H. J. Rose, 46.

42. Vitr. De arch. 1.7.30; Ziólkowski 1992, 55.

43. See J. Davies, 1999.

44. Orlin 2002A, 61.

45. The temple approved by the Senate in 179 B.C.E. was that of Fortuna Equestris vowed by Q. Fulvius Flaccus a year earlier. Livy 40.44.8. The games denied were those to be held by P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica in 191 B.C.E. Livy 36.36.2.

46. Orlin believes that very few vows would have been rejected and that no Roman general is believed to have introduced a deity that the Senate found wanting. Orlin 2002A, 61.

47. See Ziólkowski 1992, 241; Shatzman, 177, 180, 184, 204; Hekster and Rich, 152. Orlin 2002A, 130–4, disputes the notion that manubiae was generally the source for temple construction noting that of eighty vowed temples, we only have reports of five built with manubiae whereas there are six reported to have been built out of tributes collected by aediles.

48. See generally Shatzman, 177, 180, 184, 204.

49. See Ziólkowski 1992, 241.

50. Ziólkowski 1992, 309. Ziólkowski counts forty manubial temples out of fifty built.

51. Ziólkowski 1992, 253. Temples of Janus, Feronia, and Hercules Magnus Custos were built under such circumstances. Vowing the capture of a city such as Lipara that resulted in the building of the Temple of Vulcan was another circumstance. See ibid.

52. Ziólkowski 1992. 244. According to Ziólkowski, more than half of the Roman temples vowed by generals come from the eighty-year period from the beginning of the Third Samnite War in 298 B.C.E. to the start of the war with Hannibal.

53. Ziólkowski 1992, 308, argues that the only limitation on a general's site selection was the availability of public land. Orlin 2002A, 148, argues that the use of duumviri in temple contracting suggests a high degree of senatorial involvement. See also Beard et al., vol. 1, 88, who note that while booty was generally used to finance temples, “the religious authorities could control or limit the commander's wishes if they were seen as in conflict with the rules of the sacred law.”

54. Ziólkowski 1992, 193, 308.

55. Orlin 2002A, 178–9, notes that eleven of seventeen were dedicated by the vower or his son. When Lepidus's dedication of the Temple of the Lares Permarini that had been vowed by his relative L. Aemilius Regillus is included, that raises the total to twelve of seventeen.

56. Livy 40.52.1.

57. While some scholars believe that the Temple of Apollo Medicus was founded after consultation with the Sibylline Books, this theory has been questioned. See discussion in Orlin 2002A, 97–8.

58. These included three in the Circus Maximus. See Ziólkowski 1992, 187.

59. Those that have been claimed to be within the Campus Martius are the following with vow dates in parentheses: Janus (260), Spes (258, 254), Neptunus (257–229), Volcanus (252), Juturna (242/1), Juno Curitis (241), Feronia (225), Hercules Magnus Custos(223), Juno Sospita (197), Pietas (191), Lares Permarini (190), Diana (187), Juno Regina (187), Hercules Musarum (187), Fortuna Equestris (182), and Jupiter Stator (147). Those that have been claimed to be outside of the Campus Martius are the following: Tempestates (259), Fides (254), Ops Opifera (250), Fortuna Publica in Colle Quirnale (241), Flora ad Circus Maximus (241), Honos (233), Fons (231), Honos et Virtus (222), Fortuna Primigenia (204), Vediovis (200), Victoria Virgo (195), Venus Erycina (184), Juno Moneta (173), Felicitas (151), Hercules (147), and Hercules Victor (146). See Pietilä-Castrén, 145–52; Ziólkowski 1992, 187–8. With respect to the question as to whether the temple of Hercules Musarum was actually vowed in battle, seenote 24.

60. Varro Ling. 5.146. See Richardson 1992, 164.

61. Pietilä-Castrén, 34, 154. See also Coarelli 2007, 314; F. Coarelli, “Ianus, Aedes,” LTUR, vol. 3, 90–1; Stamper, 59–60; Haselberger et al., 234.

62. It is believed that he vowed a temple to Janus during the battle, and Tacitus tells us that he built the temple in the Forum Holitorium. Pietilä-Castrén, 34; Tac. Ann. 2.49. Duilius received the first known Roman triumph for a naval victory.

63. Spes was vowed by the consul A. Atilius Caiatinus while he was fighting in Sicily at various times between 258 and 249 B.C.E. Caiatinus served as consul in 258 and 254 as well as praetor in 257 and dictator in 249. He earned a triumph for his exploits in Sicily in 258–257, but the sources do not make clear when he vowed the two temples he built to honor Spes and Fides. See Ziólkowski 1992, 29, 152; Pietilä-Castrén, 39.

64. Livy 21.62.4.

65. The general Cornelius Cethegus vowed the temple in 197 B.C.E. while fighting the Insubrians, and he was honored with a triumph that same year. Livy 32.30.10; 33.23.4.

66. Although it is generally believed that the temples in the Forum Holitorium (going north to south) were Janus, Juno Sospita, and Spes, one author, Richardson 1992, 206, 217, takes the position that the Temple of Janus was in the Forum Boarium and that the three temples in the Forum Holitorium are Juno Sospita, Spes, and Pietas.

67. The temple in honor of Juturna is believed to have been built by the consul C. Lutatius Catulus whose naval victory over the Carthaginians in 242 B.C.E. ended the First Punic War. See Ziólkowski 1992, 94; Pietilä-Castrén, 46. Although it was described by Livy (24.10.9) simply as in campo, its remains have been variously identified as Temples A or C in the Largo Argentina and in an unidentified spot further north where the Aqua Virgo terminated by the later-built Saepta. One author (Ziólkowski 1992, 94–7) favors Temple C while others (Pietilä-Castrén, 47 and F. Coarelli, “Iuturna, Templum,” LTUR, vol. 3, 162–3) prefer Temple A. Richardson 1992, 228, and Platner and Ashby, 308, believe it was located just to the west of the Via Flaminia near the later-built Temple to the Divine Hadrian.

68. See Ziólkowski 1992, 64; Richardson 1992, 214; Platner and Ashby, 288.

69. Two different battles have been associated with the vowing of Feronia: the defeat of the Sabines in 290 B.C.E. by the consul Manius Curius Dentatus and the defeat of the Gauls in 225 B.C.E. by L. Aemilius Papus. Stamper, 44, contends that Feronia is Temple C built by Curius Dentatus while Ziólkowski 1986, 638–9, believes that Feronia is the slightly younger Temple A built by Aemilius Papus.

70. Livy 40.52.4.

71. Livy 40.52.5–6. The inscription read as follows: “For finishing a great war, for subduing kings, this battle, fought for the purpose of winning peace (gave victory) to Lucius Aemilius, the son of Marcus Aemilius, as he left the field. Under his auspices and command, with his good fortune and generalship, in the area bounded by Ephesus, Samos and Chios, under the eyes of Antiochus himself, of all his army, his cavalry and his elephants, the fleet of King Antiochus, hitherto undefeated, was routed, shattered and put to flight, and there on that day forty-two ships were taken with all their crews. As a result of the finishing of this battle, King Antiochus was defeated and his naval empire (overthrown). By reason of this victory, he vowed a temple to the Lares of the Sea [LaresPermarini].”

72. Richardson 1992, 233, and G. Rickman (“Porticus Minucia,” in De Fine Licht, 107) believe the Lares Permarini is the small temple, the ruins of which are on the Via delle Botteghe Oscura across from the Theater of Balbus complex, while Coarelli 2007, 279, 281, Pietilä-Castrén, 94, and Ziólkowski 1986, 623, favor Temple D. Coarelli believes the site across from the Theater of Balbus to be the Temple of the Nymphs in part because one stood in the Villa Publica. See also discussion in Haselberger et al., 160; Nicolet1976, 37–8.

73. Livy 3.54.15. The prata flaminia was supposedly named after an ancient ancestor of the builder of the circus. Varro Ling. V.154; Wiseman 1974, 5. With respect to the construction date, see A. Viscogliosi, “Circus Flaminius,” LTUR, vol. 1, 269–72; Richardson 1992, 83. Coarelli 2007, 267, prefers a construction date of one year earlier in 220 B.C.E.

74. See Varro Ling. 5.154; Richardson 1992, 83. See discussion in Chapter 5.

75. Ziólkowski 1992, 52. Ovid (Fasti 6.209–12) suggests that Sulla, in the first century B.C.E., was responsible for construction of the temple, but this is generally thought to be a restoration of a preexisting aedes. See discussion in Richardson 1992, 186. Livy 21.62.9 records a supplicatio at the Temple of Hercules in 218 B.C.E.

76. Ziólkowski 1992, 53–5, proposes that the aedes was first ordered by the Sibylline Books at the beginning of the Great Gallic War but was not immediately built as the crisis soon passed. Later, it was re-vowed by Flaminius while he was fighting a tribe in Lombardy in 223 B.C.E.

77. Vitr. De arch. 1.7.30; Ziólkowski 1992, 55.

78. Cassius Dio 57.60 fr. 17. Livy, 28.11.4, mentions only an altar and not a temple. With respect to possible locations, see Coarelli 1997, 420; Tucci, 15–42; Richardson 1992, 267.

79. Favro 1996, 90; Shipley 1933, 44; Richardson 1992, 267. The coin was issued between 42 and 38 B.C.E. by the Roman general and later consul Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus. It shows a temple and a legend indicating that it is dedicated to the sea god.

80. Although it is generally accepted that the Temple of Juno Regina shown on the Severan Marble Plan next to Jupiter Stator is the one dedicated by Lepidus in 179 B.C.E. (see discussion in Richardson 1992, 217; A. Viscogliosi, “Iuno Regina, Aedes in Campo, ad Circum Flaminium,” LTUR, vol. 3, 126–8; Stamper, 54; Boyd, 154), it has been argued that it was actually constructed by Metellus at the time he built the portico enclosing the temples to Jupiter Stator and Juno Regina in 146 B.C.E. Morgan, 480ff. Under this hypothesis, the temple of Juno Regina that is known to have been constructed by Lepidus was located in a still-undetermined space on or by the Circus Flaminius.

81. Pliny NH 7.121; Cassius Dio 43.49.2–3.

82. Livy 40.34.4–6. Glabrio captured a huge cache of valuable objects and for his efforts was awarded a triumph in 190 B.C.E. His extravagant triumphal parade apparently stirred controversy, since when he ran for censor a year later, he was accused of pilfering some of the treasure seized from Antiochus and had to drop out of the election or risk a large fine. Livy 37.57.12; 37.58.1. See Shatzman, 191–2.

83. Livy 40.34.5. Pliny attributes the dedication to Pietas to a legend of a lactating mother who nourished her own mother with breast milk when the latter languished starving in prison. Pliny NH 7.121. Near the Temple of Pietas was a Columna Lactaria where babies could be brought to receive milk. Richardson 1992, 94.

84. Richardson 1992, 245.

85. While Richardson 1992, 76, believes a date of 100 B.C.E. is appropriate, others have suggested 70 B.C.E. (Haselberger et al. 2002, 84) and mid-second century B.C.E. (Patterson, 197).

86. Pliny NH 34.54; 34.60. See Richardson 1992, 156.

87. Lomas and Cornell, 31. While only 10 percent of the approximately 400 consuls that served from the end of the sixth century B.C.E. to the beginning of the first century B.C.E. ever vowed a temple, those who did were mostly committing temples to the gods during the mid-third century to the mid- to late second century. Orlin 2002A, 31, 198–202.

88. J. Muccigrosso, “Religion and Politics: Did the Romans Scruple about the Placement of Their Temples?,” in Harvey and Schulz, 191. The free population of Rome may have grown as much as fourfold from 225 to 28 B.C.E. See Willem Jongman, “Slavery and the Growth of Rome: The Transformation of Italy in the Second and First Centuries BCE,” in Edwards and Woolf, 103 and n. 23.

89. Those temples dedicated in the Campus Martius during this period were Juno Sospita (194 B.C.E.), Pietas (181 B.C.E.), Lares Permarini (179 B.C.E.), Diana (179 B.C.E.), Juno Regina (179 B.C.E.), Hercules Musarum (c. 179 B.C.E.), and Fortuna Equestris (173 B.C.E.). See Pietilä-Castrén, 69, 88, 93, 101, 105, and 115–16. The Temple of Fortuna Equestris was vowed by Q. Fulvius Flaccus while fighting in Spain and is believed to have been located in the vicinity of the later-built Theater of Pompey. Richardson 1992, 155.

90. Richardson 1992, 216.

91. See Hardie, 561, who relates the Temple of Hercules Musarum to Juno Regina through the concept of concordia.

92. While Eumenius states that the Temple of Hercules Musarum was built ex pecunia censoria (Eumen. Pro Instaur. Scholis 7–8), Cicero (Arch. 11.27) claims it was constructed ex manubiae. See Richardson 1992, 187; Orlin 2002A, 132–3. If the latter source of funds is correct, it is less likely to have been started so late, particularly since, unlike Aemilius Lepidus who had completed and dedicated two temples by 179 B.C.E., Marcus Fulvius brought back a large cache of booty from Ambracia and, hence, was not dependent on fines for funding. See also A. Viscogliosi, “Hercules Musarum, Aedes,” LTUR, vol. 3, 17–19.

93. Plut. Vit. Rom. 16.5.

94. Pietilä-Castrén, 25–6.

95. Val. Max. 2.8.1.

96. An exception would be during the mid-fourth century when a number of successes resulted in eight triumphs awarded between 361 and 354 B.C.E. See Cornell, 324.

97. Cornell, 308; Harris, 26.

98. John Rich, “Fear, Greed and Glory: The Causes of Roman War-Making in the Middle Republic,” in Rich and Shipley, 50.

99. Livy 39.5.11–14. See Rosivach, 274.

100. Plut. Aem. 32.2.

101. See Plut. Pomp. 45.5.

102. App. Mith. 17.116. Along with illustrations of the dead Mithridates were depictions of his daughters who chose to die with him, conveying, as one scholar has put it, the message of “how the mighty have fallen.” See Kathleen M. Coleman, “‘Informers’ on Parade,” in Bergmann and Kondoleon, 240.

103. After two efforts to fit the yoked pachyderms through the city gates, the effort had to be abandoned, and they were switched out for horses. See the excellent description of Pompey's third triumph in Beard 2007, 7–41.

104. See discussion in Beard 2007, 163–7, in which she notes that of 320 triumphs claimed between the time of Romulus and Vespasian's triumph in 71 C.E., only a few could have included displays of extraordinary war booty.

105. Makin, 26. See discussion in Beard 2007, 93–6.

106. See discussion in Makin, 26–8. The building where Titus and Vespasian spent the night may be the same one shown on a coin of mid first century B.C.E. Ibid. As Beard 2007, 95–6, notes, the Greek does not make certain whether the generals stayed in or near the Temple of Isis, while the nearby Villa Publica was an alternative but is not mentioned. The grounds of the Villa Publica certainly provided a large area for their attending troops to camp.

107. Josephus BJ 7.96. Translation in Beard 2007, 93–4.

108. See, e.g., Pietilä-Castrén, 25; Richardson 1992, 83; Coarelli 2007, 267. Ancient writers, however, note that while the Circus Flaminius was used for activities related to the triumph, they do not clearly state that it was the actual parade gathering point. Livy, 39.5.17, for instance, notes that on the day of his parade, Fulvius used the Circus Flaminius to hand out military decorations and cash to his soldiers. Plutarch describes the decoration of the Circus Flaminius with enemy arms and war machines in connection with a triumph by the general Lucullus. Plut. Lucul. 37.2.

109. Much debate has occurred as to precisely where in the city walls the triumph entered and whether the opening in the walls was the porta triumphalis to which reference is made in a few passages of ancient literature. For an excellent discussion of this problem, see Beard 2007, 96–105. The Porta Carmentalis was one of the sites pointed out to Aeneas on his tour of Rome in Vergil's Aeneid. Verg. Aen 8.337–68.

110. Coulston and Dodge, 104 n. 71; Pietilä-Castrén, 25.

111. See, e.g., Livy 31.47.7 (200 B.C.E.); 28.38.1–2 (206 B.C.E.); 28.9.5 (207 B.C.E.); 26.21.1 (211 B.C.E.). The Senate debates over the award of a triumph were often hard fought. In the case of Marcus Marcellus in 211 B.C.E., the triumph was denied, but he was granted the lesser award of an ovatio, requiring him to enter the city on horse or on foot but not in a chariot. Livy 26.21.1–5. Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus went to the Temple of Bellona and sought a triumph in 206 B.C.E., but it was not granted as he was not a magistrate at the time he commanded his troops. Livy 28.38.1–4. See also Beard 2007, 201.

112. Livy 39.4.1. See also Livy 37.58.3 (189 B.C.E.); 41.17.4 (176 B.C.E.).

113. Other spaces on the triumphal route were, however, still available, and yet the Circus Flaminius was apparently viewed as an attractive place for temple construction along the route. A temple of Felicitas was dedicated circa 142 B.C.E. in the Velabrum, and a temple of Hercules was dedicated in the Forum Boarium at approximately the same time, both on the triumphal route. See Pietilä-Castrén, 154.

114. Pietilä-Castrén, 41, 154–5; Richardson 1992, 151.

115. See Orlin 2002A, 132.

116. The Ligurian shield was noted as being present on the Temple of Juno Regina when it was struck by lightning in 134 B.C.E. Obseq. 27. See also Richardson 1992, 217.

117. While Vespasian and Titus spent the night in the central Campus Martius before their triumph, there is no evidence that earlier triumphatores did the same, and the record is silent as to the parade route forming there.

118. As Patterson, 196, notes, “It is hard to avoid the conclusion that these temples were so positioned as to impress the voters thronging the Campus at election time.” Varro Rust. 3.5.12, set in the Villa Publica, makes reference to the Temple of Fortuna Huiusce Diei nearby in the Largo Argentina.

119. Patterson, 196.

120. J. Muccigrosso, “Religion and Politics: Did the Romans Scruple about the Placement of Their Temples?,” in Harvey and Schulz, 190.

121. The Temple of the Nymphs housed records of the census, and since the census was taken in the Villa Publica, it is believed that the temple must have been close to the villa. The temple located on the Via delle Botteghe Oscure would, at one time, have been within the grounds of the Villa Publica. The temple burned down in the mid-first century B.C.E. Manacorda 2000, 16.

122. See note 67 in this chapter with respect to the different arguments for the location of this temple. If, as has been suggested, the Temple of the Lares Permarini is Temple D and that of Juturna resided next door in Temple C, then the placement of the former may be seen also as an attempt by L. Aemilius Regillus to associate his extraordinary naval victory over Antiochus with the naval battle that ended the First Punic War. Ziólkowski 1986, 633.

123. Plut. Vit. Rom. 29.2. See Woodard, 196–7; D. Manacorda, “Iuno Curitis,” LTUR, vol. 3, 121; Coarelli 1997, 33. See discussion in Chapter 2.

124. Plut. Quaest Rom. 47. The Temple of Vulcan was vowed by the consul C. Aurelius Cotta, who was awarded a triumph for his taking of Lipara (now Lipari), one of the Aeolian Islands north of Sicily. Ziólkowski 1992, 181. Livy (24.10.9) places the temple simply in the Campus Martius, while the Fasti Vallenses places it specifically in the area of the Circus Flaminius. Richardson 1992, 432. It possibly stood in the center of the area later developed as the Crypta Balbi, which would place it near the edge of the Circus Flaminius and close by the Largo Argentina and Villa Publica. See Woodard, 61; Coarelli 2007, 283. Although its construction date is uncertain, it certainly antedated 214 B.C.E. when Livy notes that it was struck by lightening. Livy 24.10.9.

125. Ballentine, 92.

126. Stamper, 34.

127. Stamper, 44.

128. Stamper, 54–5.

129. Stamper, 49.

130. See Chapter 6 with respect to the benefits of the high temple platform to avoid the periodic flooding that occurred in the Campus Martius.

131. Stamper, 60–2.

132. Stamper, 61.

133. Stamper, 59–63. The Temple of Janus on the north was rebuilt during the early first century B.C.E., and its Ionic columns from that period are still visible. Stamper, 59–60; F. Coarelli, “Ianus, Aedes,” LTUR, vol. 3, 91.

134. Pliny NH 36.24. There were also statues of Juno by Greek sculptors Dionysius, Polycles, and Praxiteles. Dionysius and Polycles collaborated on the statue of Jupiter in that god's temple next door. Pliny NH 36.4.

135. Vitr. De arch. 3.2.5.

136. Vell. Pat. 1.11.5; Stamper, 53–4; Dyson, 54.

137. Nepos ap. Priscian 8.17.

138. Richardson 1992, 76; Vitr. De arch. 4.8.4. While the founder of the Temple of Castor and Pollux is unknown, we have good information regarding its appearance as it was etched in a fragment of marble found in 1983 known as the Via Anicia Plan. See Patterson, 197.

139. As one scholar notes, temples of Hercules were often round. See Pietilä-Castrén, 102; Richardson 1992, 187.

140. Richardson 1992, 156; Stamper, 75–7; Stambaugh, 39.

141. “Some made fun of the Romans’ traditions and customs…others of the appearance of the city itself, not yet beautiful in either public or private domains.” Livy 40.5.7. See Stambaugh, 28.

142. Stamper, 45–6, 80.

143. Stamper, 80–1.

144. Stamper, 119.

145. Stamper, 120–1.

146. Richardson 1992, 317.

147. Stamper, 124. For a discussion of the porticoes, see Chapter 5.

Four: “Chariot Races,” “Three Theatres,” “An Amphitheatre,” and More: Entertainment in the Campus Martius

1. Calp. Ecl. 7.23–72.

2. The dating of Calpurnius's Eclogues and the location of the amphitheater are not agreed upon by all. Champlin, 107, argues that the poem describes the Colosseum of the third century C.E. Townend, 169, offers a solid rebuttal, dating the visit of Calpurnius to 57C.E. and the location as the Amphitheater of Nero.

3. Calp. Ecl. 7.23–5; Pliny NH 16.200.

4. See Richardson 1992, 10; Futrell 2006, 59, with respect to the amphitheater's possible location northwest of the Pantheon, which would have put Calpurnius's observation point about one kilometer northwest of the Capitoline.

5. Pliny NH 19.24.

6. Calp. Ecl. 7.23–4.

7. Ibid.

8. As noted in Chapter 2, the Fasti Triumphales record triumphs going back to the monarchy. See Beard 2007, 61–2.

9. See Scullard, 82; 89. Livy claimed that horse races in Rome were conducted as early as the eighth century B.C.E. when, at the festival of Consualia during the reign of Romulus, the Romans used equestrian events to distract the Sabine men so that the Romans could carry off their women. Livy 1.9. See Scullard, 177–8; Boatwright et al., 383.

10. Scullard, 82; Rawson 1981, 1 n. 4.

11. Scullard, 193; Pascal, 275. Its possible location will be discussed later in this chapter.

12. Horse racing events were often combined with soldiers engaging in military maneuvers to entertain the crowds between races. Livy 44.9.

13. See Humphrey, 61. The valley was known during the late empire as the Vallis Murcia. See also Futrell 2006, 68. While Livy, 1.35.8, attributes the construction to Tarquinius Priscus (617–578 B.C.E.), Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Ant. Rom. 4.44.1) believed the circus was completed by Tarquinius's grandson, Tarquinius Superbus (534–510 B.C.E.). See discussion in Humphrey, 64–7. Other circus facilities constructed in Rome during the imperial period include the Circus Gaii et Neronis where the Vatican now stands and the Circus Varianus inside the Aurelian Walls near the Church of S. Croce in Geruslemme. See Richardson 1992, 83–4, 87.

14. With respect to dimensions of the arena in its final form, see Richardson 1992, 86. With respect to capacity, see Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3.68 (150,000) and Pliny NH 36.102 (250,000). See discussion in Richardson 1992, 86–7. Although races were originally seven laps, Suetonius (Dom. 4.3) tells us that the Emperor Domitian reduced the length to five laps in order to fit in as many as 100 races. The Circus Maximus continued to be the site of circus games until 549 C.E., 1,100 years after its traditional founding. See discussions in Humphrey, 126–31; Richardson 1992, 84–7; Balsdon, 252.

15. Richardson 1992, 86.

16. Futrell 2006, 2. The ludi Romani were held annually from September 5 to 19 and were to honor Jupiter. Boatwright 1990, 187.

17. Although dating to as early as the sixth century B.C.E. (Humphrey, 66–7), they received annual state sponsorship in 366 B.C.E. See Futrell 2006, 2.

18. Dupont, 207.

19. Rawson 1981, 16.

20. A late Roman writer Tertullian (Tert. De spect. 9.5) stated that during the period of the Roman Kings there were two competing teams – Red and White. See discussion in Balsdon, 314; Poynton, 78. Modern scholars are less certain with arguments for the establishment of racing teams spanning the period from the mid-fifth century B.C.E. to the end of the Second Punic War. Compare Rawson 1981, 16, and Humphrey, 137–138. See also Kathleen M. Coleman, “Entertaining Rome,” in Coulston and Dodge, 215. Four teams were clearly in place by the end of the republic. Rawson 1981, 6.

21. Balsdon, 316.

22. Humphrey, 137. Each of the four colors could field as many as three chariots per race.

23. Balsdon, 248, also 268.

24. See Boatwright et al., 385; Futrell 2006, 198. Unless horse teams were raced more than once a day, more than 1,100 horses would be needed to meet the demand. Between races, audiences were entertained with displays of trick riders. Poynton, 77.

25. During the ludi Taurii horses were mounted by jockeys and not hitched to chariots. Humphrey, 543–4; Wiseman 1974, 4; Wiseman 1976, 44. Varro Ling. 5.154 is our source for the location in the Circus Flaminius. Dedicated to the gods of the underworld, the quinquennial games would have been appropriate near the location of the altar to Dis and Proserpina northwest of the Circus Flaminius.

26. Val. Max. 1.7.4. See Humphrey, 543. Coleman, “Entertaining,” 217, suggests the races may have started in the Circus Flaminius and then moved later to the Circus Maximus. See also Scullard, 196.

27. Strabo 5.3.8.

28. See Richardson 1992, 83; Coleman, “Entertaining,” 217; Wiseman 1974, 4–5. The term circus may have referred to the original circular shape of the space confined by certain structures such as the temples of Bellona and Apollo Medicus on the south. Once significant development began in the area in the late third and early second centuries B.C.E., the structures within the area could then be described as in circo Flaminio. See Wiseman 1974, 5; Humphrey, 541–2.

29. See Humphrey, 543–4, who indicates that once confined it was only about half its original length. Carandini and Carafa, eds., vol. 2, tavole fuori testo 18–19, suggests a slightly greater length in the fourth century C.E., approximately 335 meters.

30. This is based on Humphrey's measurement of the circus's length (see note 29) and a velocity of about 34 kilometers per hour. With respect to the velocity, see Boatwright et al., 385, who calculate that quadrigae in the Circus Maximus covered the 8.4-kilometers distance of a race in about fifteen minutes, which translates to approximately 34 kilometers per hour.

31. At a width of approximately 40 meters at the turning post, the Circus Maximus provided approximately 3.3 meters of width for each chariot. That suggests that four quadrigae could be accommodated in about 13.2 meters of width. The shaded area of the Circus Flaminius, as shown in the Atlante di Roma Antica (Carandini and Carafa, eds., vol. 2, tavole fuori testo 18–19), indicates a width of approximately 60 meters, more than twice the total width necessary at the turning post to accommodate one chariot from each of the four teams.

32. With respect to the October Horse location, the fourth-century C.E. calendar of Philocalus notes, equus ad nixas fit. CIL I², p. 274. There has been great debate as to whether this is the same location as the reference in the regionary catalogs for Region IX tociconias nixas. See Richardson 1992, 81–2, who believes the ciconiae was where wine was offloaded just south of the Ponte Cavour in the northern Campus Martius and that nixas refers to a different location in Region IX. Palmer 1990, 34, 62, places an altar to theNixae in the vicinity of the Tarentum where he believes the October Horse was sacrificed, specifically on the Via degli Aquasparta near the Ponte Umberto I north of the Via Coronari. Pascal, 285–6 connects the two words to the same location and would have the October Horse run about 300 meters south of the Mausoleum of Augustus in the approximate area of the Piazza Borghese.

33. See Coarelli 1977, 839; Rawson 1981, 1 n. 4. But see Palmer 1990, 33. With respect to possible sources of the name, see Richardson 1992, 401.

34. It has been argued that the trigarium was simply an open area set aside as a practice track with occasional formal races held. See Coarelli 1977, 839.

35. This location would have been between the Circus Flaminius and the altar to Dis and Proserpina. See Coarelli 2007, 263. See also Carandini and Carafa, eds., vol. 2, tavole fuori testo 13 and tav. 275. Palmer 1990, 30, challenges this location, in part, because of its susceptibility to flooding, but we do know that on occasion the Equirria races were flooded out and were then held on the Caelian Hill, so the presence of the race course in low-lying portions of the plain cannot be ruled out. See Ov. Fast. 3.519–23, Festus117 L; Scullard, 82; Palmer 1990, 16. The regionary catalogs list a “Trigarium,” although its location is not determinable from this source. Palmer 1990, 31–3.

36. A stone font from the Church of S. Lorenzo in Damaso, now part of the Palazzo della Cancelleria, bears the fourth-century church's earlier name, S. Laurentii in Prasino, a reference to the stables of the Green faction. See also discussion by F. Coarelli, “Trigarium,” LTUR, vol. 5, 89–90. See Richardson 1992, 366; Dyson, 237–8.

37. Suet. Calig. 55.2–3; Cassius Dio 59.14.6–7.

38. Suet. Calig. 55.2–3. Resting under purple blankets and bejeweled with a collar of precious stones, Incitatus was also provided by Caligula with a furnished house and slaves to be used “for the more elegant entertainment of the guests invited in his name; and it is also said that [the Emperor] planned to make him consul.” Ibid.

39. Suet. Aug. 81; Plut. Mar. 34.

40. Strabo 5.3.8.

41. Livy 7.2 gives the precise date as 361 B.C.E. Beacham, 10, gives September 363; Gruen, 185, gives the year 364.

42. Livy 7.2. See discussion in Beacham, 11–13.

43. Beacham, 12–13.

44. The earliest performances were called satura, a term later used for satire. Beacham, 11–12. The playwright Livius Andronicus is credited with the introduction of scripted drama in 240 B.C.E. Beacham, 13; Gruen, 185. Among other works, Andronicus introduced the Odyssey translated into Latin. Beacham, 19.

45. The fabulae praetextae included stories about the birth of the twins Romulus and Remus and their victory over their great uncle Amulius and the abduction of the Sabine women. The plays about the birth of Romulus and Remus and defeat of Amulius were by the author Naevius. The abduction of the Sabine women under Romulus was by Ennius. Wiseman 1998, 2–3; Beacham, 24. With respect to festivals, apart from the ludi Romani, there were the ludi Florales (begun in 240 B.C.E., annually in 173 B.C.E.), the ludi Plebeii(begun in 216 B.C.E.), the ludi Apollinares (begun in 214 or 212 B.C.E.), and the ludi Megalenses (begun in 204 B.C.E.). See Gruen, 185–6; Beacham, 20.

46. Boatwright 1990, 187; Scullard, 196; Sear 2006, 54.

47. With respect to the number in mid-second century B.C.E., see Gruen, 187, who estimates that oftentimes another five or six days were added annually for the reshowing of performances. Balsdon, 248, notes that theatrical performances were held on fifty-six of the seventy-seven days set aside at the time of Augustus for public games.

48. Beacham, 154.

49. Coleman, “Entertaining,” 220; Beacham, 20; Hanson, 17–18.

50. Manuwald, 57; Coleman, “Entertaining,” 220. While there has been debate as to whether early theatrical performances were viewed sitting or standing, certainly by the third century B.C.E., when Plautus was writing, spectators watched from seats. See Sear2006, 54.

51. See Livy 40.51.3 See also Sear 2006, 54–5; Saunders, 91; C. Campbell 2003, 68. It has been suggested that the theater was “semi-permanent” in the sense that the cavea was left in place while the scene building was torn down and rebuilt periodically for performances. The seating may have been reused five years later in connection with a stage built in 174 B.C.E. Livy 41.27.5. Sear 2006, 55. Gruen, 206, however, questions whether the project ever “got off the ground.”

52. See Livy, 42.10.5, who notes that the dedication also included one day of circus games. Richardson 1992, 155, places the temple to Fortuna Equestris close to the Theater of Pompey and believes that it was destroyed in a fire of 21 B.C.E. that also engulfed thescaenae frons of Pompey's theater.

53. Polyb. 30.22.12. The stage was erected for the triumph of Lucius Anicius Gallus who served as praetor in 168 B.C.E. See Beacham, 64. Satires were performed at the triumph of Scipio Africanus in 201 B.C.E. Beacham, 12. See also Balsdon, 261.

54. App. Pun. 9.66, describing the triumph of Scipio Africanus in 201 B.C.E., as translated in Mary Beard, “The Triumph of the Absurd: Roman Street Theatre,” in Edwards and Woolf, 33–4.

55. Suet. Iul. 39.

56. Balsdon, 274–7; Boatwright 1990, 188. The story of the old hag Anna Perenna and the trick played upon Mars discussed in Chapter 2 was performed as a mime. Entitled Anna Peranna, the play was written by the first-century B.C.E. playwright Laberius. See Wiseman 1998, 72.

57. Sear 2006, 48–53.

58. Sear 2006, 130–1.

59. Beacham, 57–8. See also Sear 2006, 25–7, regarding the calculation of capacity and the relative size of theaters.

60. Beacham, 8, 58–60.

61. See C. Campbell 2003, 69–70, for summary of arguments. See also Claire Holleran, “The Development of Public Entertainment Venues in Rome and Italy,” in Lomas and Cornell, 58; Gruen, 205–10.

62. See discussion in C. Campbell 2003, 70, with respect to the theory regarding honoring gods in their own precincts as well as her own proposal regarding the problems with Roman concrete, 76.

63. Livy Per. 48. See discussion in Gruen, 206–7. The theater was being constructed southwest of the Palatine, and if completed, it would have placed Rome's first permanent theater outside of the Campus Martius. See C. Campbell 2003, 73.

64. Val. Max.2.4.2; Hanson, 24.

65. App. B.Civ. 1.28.

66. Gruen, 209–10. For an excellent discussion of the demolition of this theater in the context of the various reasons provided for avoiding permanent theaters until the construction of Pompey's grand edifice, see Wallace-Hadrill, 160–9.

67. Livy 34.44, 34.54; Val. Max. 2.4.3; Balsdon, 260.

68. Beacham, 66 and note 41. Ironically, the consul at the time was the father of Aemilius Scaurus who, sixty-seven years later, would build the extraordinarily elaborate temporary theater discussed next. See Beacham, 67–8.

69. For an analysis of the Lex Iulia Theatralis, see Rawson 1987.

70. See discussion in Beacham, 66.

71. Beacham, 66–7. Some time before 100 B.C.E. the aedile L. Licinius Crassus erected columns of Hymettus marble within a temporary theater. Richardson 1992, 380.

72. Pliny, NH, 36.35, claimed it held 80,000 people, a likely fourfold exaggeration. See Richardson 1992, 385.

73. Richardson 1992, 380, 385.

74. Erected by the tribune for 50 B.C.E., C. Scribonius Curio, these were the Theatra Curionis used for funeral games in 53 B.C.E. After a few days, however, the pivoting device wore down and the stages would no longer turn. See Richardson 1992, 381.

75. Pliny NH 36.15.117–20, as quoted in Futrell 2006, 57–8.

76. Holleran, “Public Entertainment Venues,” 52–3.

77. Plut. Vit. Pomp. 42.4.

78. One ancient writer, Velleius Paterculus (Vell. Pat. 2.48.2), notes that Pompey used his own money, but others suggest the funds came from one of Pompey's freedmen. See Cassius Dio 39.38.6; Plut. Vit. Pomp. 40.4–5.

79. See Richardson 1992, 384; Sear 2006, 57; P. Gros, “Theatrum Pompei,” LTUR, vol. 5, 35.

80. Sear 2006, 57, calculates approximately150 meters; Monterroso Checa, 197, concludes it had a diameter of 165 meters.

81. Monterroso Checa, 313 (height). The theater complex, including the quadriportico, covered 53,790 square meters (ibid., 393) more than one-half the Capitoline's area of approximately 100,000 square meters (Heiken et al., 27–34).

82. Sear 2006, 57.

83. Pliny NH, 36.115, claims it held 40,000 spectators, a number that many modern scholars reject. The fourth-century C.E. regionary catalogs provide the capacity as 17,580 loca, but there is no uniformity of opinion as to how to turn that number into actual seats. Two authors treat loca as a measurement of length and assign approximately 18 inches for a seat, resulting in the number between 11,000 (Richardson 1992, 385) and 11,600 (Sear 2006, 57 and n. 65). Two others, Coarelli 2007, 283, and P. Gros, “Theatrum Pompei,” LTUR, vol. 5, 36, use the number provided in the regionary catalogs as the number of seats. Most recently, Monterroso, 296, calculates a total capacity of 21,008 consisting of 18,635 seats in the ima and media cavea, 1888 in the summa cavea, and 485 senatorial seats.

84. Richardson 1992, 385.

85. Richardson 1992, 385. Sear notes that the Marble Plan shows the cavea divided into sixteen segments, and while he believes these to be indications of the passageways, there was insufficient room on the plan to detail all of them. Sear 2006, 60.

86. Richardson 1992, 385; P. Gros, “Theatrum Pompei,” LTUR, vol. 5, 37; Cod. Vat. Lat. 3439 f.22r and 23r.

87. The satyr (figure 16), one of a pair said to have been found in the vicinity of Pompey's theater, may date to the second century C.E. and was possibly part of the decoration of the rebuilt theater. See discussion in Haskell and Penny, 301–2. The statue of a seated muse (figure 17) was found by the Via Arenula east of the theater.

88. Amm. Marc. 16.10.14.

89. The other temples were to Honor (Honos), Virtue (Virtus), Luck (Felicitas), and, perhaps, Victory (Victoria). See Richardson 1992, 384; Gagliardo and Packer, 95. See Suet. Claud. 21.1. It is uncertain that the temples other than that of Venus Victrix were part of the original construction. The roof of the temple of Venus is estimated to have been forty-five meters above ground level, or the approximate height of the Capitoline Hill. Coleman, “Entertaining,” 221.

90. Tert. De spect. 10.

91. See Tac. Ann. 14.20; Richardson 1992, 384. Although the first in Rome, Pompey's theater was not unique for having temples atop the cavea. See discussion in Sear 2006, 58.

92. Dyson, 103.

93. Plut. Vit. Pomp. 68.

94. Beacham, 162. See Cassius Dio 44.6.2.

95. See Cic. Div. 2.23; Plut. Vit. Caes. 66.1–2; Brut. 14.1–2.

96. Richardson 1992, 384. With respect to walling up the curia, see Suet. Iul. 88, Aug. 31.5.

97. As to the conversion to a latrine, see Cassius Dio 47.19.1; Richardson 1992, 104.

98. Dyson, 102.

99. See Florus 2.13.4.2.91 (Julius Caesar); Suet. Claud. 21.1 (Claudius).

100. Tac. Ann. 13.54.3–4.

101. Pliny NH 33.54; Cassius Dio 63.6.

102. Sear 2006, 59.

103. Plut. Vit. Pomp. 40.4–5.

104. Vitruvius noted that theaters could be built either against hills or on flat ground if solid foundations are provided. Vitr. De arch. 5.3.3.

105. It has been argued that the earlier attempts at permanent theaters failed in Rome in part because the quality of concrete architecture was insufficient in second-century B.C.E. Rome to create the kind of concrete vaulting that supported a structure such as Pompey's. See C. Campbell 2003, 74–8.

106. Personification of nations: Edwards in “Incorporating the Alien: The Art of Conquest,” in Edwards and Woolf, 65; Venus: Beard 2013, 195.

107. Suet. Iul. 44.

108. Cic. Att. 4.16. Favro 1996, 67. Richardson 1992, 340, notes that it is uncertain that Caesar even commenced construction of the project.

109. Cassius Dio, 43.49.2; Suet. Iul. 44 See Richardson 1992, 382.

110. Marcellus had served as aedile, the office in charge of maintaining public buildings and festivities. When Marcellus organized a successful festival in 23 B.C.E., Augustus honored him by covering the entire Roman Forum in awnings. That same year Marcellus died. Cassius Dio 53.30–31.

111. Coarelli 2007, 267.

112. Sear 2006, 62.

113. There is no firm agreement on the construction period for Sosianus's project. Richardson 1992, 13, dates the structure to 30–28 B.C.E. Strong, 80–1, suggests that some of the decorative elements date to ca. 20 B.C.E., an indication that the temple was not completed by the time that Augustus commenced work on the theater.

114. One theory is that it housed the republican perirrhanterion, a sacred font that stood in front of the earlier Temple of Apollo. See E. La Rocca, “Perirrhanterion,” LTUR, vol. 4, 80. According to Plutarch, it is here that Lucius Catilina (108–62 B.C.E.) or Catiline washed the blood off his hands after showing the dictator Sulla the head of his political rival, Marius, during a meeting in the Senate. Plut. Vit. Sull. 32.

115. Sear 2006, 62.

116. Richardson 1992, 382; Sear 2006, 62.

117. See Hanson, 22–3. See also Richardson 1992, 383.

118. Coarelli 2007, 268. If Coarelli is correct, the proximity of the temples of Apollo and Bellona could have been less of a factor in the theater's site selection.

119. See Favro 1996, 157, with respect to the triumphal route through the theater. See Hill, 83–4, with respect to the statue of Augustus. The statue was erected by Tiberius, and it is believed to be depicted on a coin issued by Augustus's immediate successor showing Augustus seated by an altar with a branch and a scepter in his hands. Ibid.

120. See Favro 1996, 108; Patterson, 198.

121. While the Theater of Pompey had a cavea diameter between 150 and 165 meters (see note 80), the diameter of the Theater of Marcellus was about 129 meters. Sear 2006, 21. The regionary catalogs list the capacity of the Theater of Marcellus at 20,500locacompared to the Theater of Pompey with 17,580. Depending on the calculation used for loca (see note 83), this results in a difference in capacity of between 2,000 (Richardson 1992, 382, 385) and 3,500 (Sear 2006, 62).

122. Favro 1996, 164.

123. Richardson 1992, 383; Sear 2006, 63. The stacking of the three orders is seen most clearly today in the remains of the Colosseum, built more than a century after the Theater of Marcellus. One scholar believes the architects of the Colosseum must have studied the theater closely for its exterior design elements. See Richardson 1992, 383.

124. Sear 2006, 64.

125. Sear 2006, 65.

126. Cic. Scaur. 45; Sear 2006, 65. Richardson 1992, 382, notes that while the columns were likely in the central entrance to the stage, they may have been part of one of the appended structures.

127. Richardson 1992, 383. Coarelli has suggested that one or both of the small squares represent temples, with one being a rebuilt Temple of Pietas, but there is no evidence for this proposition. See Coarelli 2007, 267–8.

128. Favro 1996, 145. According to Cassius Dio 54.26.1, the dedication occurred in 13 B.C.E.; Pliny, NH, 8.65, indicates that it was in 11 B.C.E.

129. According to myth, a Sabine seeking a cure for his sick children offered the original sacrifice. Later this initial sacrifice was celebrated with sacrifices over three consecutive nights. Augustus changed the ceremony to honor Terra Mater (Mother Earth), the Fates, and Ilythiae, the goddess of childbirth, as well as Jupiter, Juno, Apollo, and Diana. See Beard et al., vol. 1, 203–5. Adkins and Adkins, 134. Septimius Severus would later reinstitute the ludi saeculares with a commemorative record set up in the Tarentum,near the altar of Dis and Proserpina, with Mars featured in honor of the emperor's military victories. Dyson, 206.

130. Beard et al., vol. 1, 203–4. See Hazel Dodge, “Amusing the Masses: Buildings for Entertainment and Leisure in the Roman World,” in Potter and Mattingly, 206–7, for discussion of Greek games in Rome.

131. Cassius Dio 54.25.2; Richardson 1992, 381–2.

132. According to the regionary catalogs, the theater had 11,510 loca. Richardson 1992, 381, calculates this as 7,700 seats and Sear 2006, 66, calculates the total as 8,460. With respect to the relative diameters, see Coarelli 2007, 281.

133. Pliny NH 36.60.

134. The word crypta indicates a covered passage. Vendettelli, 54; Manacorda, 12.

135. Vendettelli, 54; Coarelli 2007, 283, suggests that it may be the third-century B.C.E. Temple of Vulcan. See discussion in Chapter 3, note 124.

136. Cassius Dio 54.25; Pliny NH 36.60.

137. With respect to the Trojan Games, see C. B. Rose 2005, 42–3. See also Verg. Aen. 5.545–603. The future emperor Gaius (Caligula) participated in these games. In addition to the Troy Games, there were wild beasts displayed. Cassius Dio 54.261.

138. Pliny NH 8.65; Suet. Iul. 88, Aug. 31.5; Cassius Dio 53.30.6.

139. Balsdon, 248; Coleman, “Entertaining,” 226.

140. Balsdon, 267–8. With respect to Rome's imperial population, see Robinson, 8–9.

141. The calculations are based on the theater areas given by Sear 2006, 21, for the theaters of Pompey and Marcellus and a similar calculation for the Theater of Balbus (ibid. 66) and the areas of the porticoes connected to Pompey's theater and the Crypta Balbi.

142. Richardson 1992, 276; Coarelli 2007, 295–6. Still later, Strabo would have briefly seen a fifth theater in the Campus Martius, the Theatrum Traiani, a theater constructed by Trajan but destroyed by Hadrian. Richardson 1992, 385.

143. Coleman, “Entertaining,” 243. Coarelli 2007, 296, notes a column that has survived. See also Richardson 1992, 276.

144. Robinson, 163; Suet. Dom. 4; Coleman, “Entertaining,” 241.

145. Richardson 1992, 276.

146. Richardson 1992, 40–1. With respect to discovery of the site of the Athenaeum, see http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/10/21/ancient-auditorium-called_n_328657.html (accessed February 2, 2013); CoatesStephens, 290–1.

147. Suet. Vesp. 19. One tragic actor received 400,000 sesterces, which in modern bullion would be convertible to approximately $875,000. The repairs may have been necessitated by damage from a fire that spread from the Capitoline in 69 C.E. during the brief reign of Vitellius. See P. Ciancio Rossetto, “Theatrum Marcelli,” LTUR, vol. 5, 32.

148. The taxes were obtained from, among other sources, “prostitutes, both male and female.” SHA Alex. Sev. 24, 44. See Richardson 1992, 382; Dudley, 142.

149. See table 1 “Documented Restorations of Pompey Theatre,” in Gagliardo and Packer, 96.

150. Sear 2006, 66.

151. Richardson 1992, 276; Suet. Dom. 5; Cassius Dio 69.4.1; Polemius Silvius, Mommsen, MGH, (1892), 545; Amm. Marc. 16.10.14.

152. Livy Epit. 16; Val. Max. 2.4.7. See Futrell 1997, 20–1. The source for gladiatorial combat has been argued to be either the Samnites in the south or the Etruscans in the north. See Welch, 11–18; Holleran, “Public Entertainment Venues,” 49.

153. Coleman, “Entertaining,” 227.

154. Cassius Dio 47.40.6; Robinson, 145–6.

155. Welch, 19; Robinson, 145–6.

156. Cassius Dio 37.8; Suet. Caes. 10.1.

157. Cassius Dio 43.22.2–3. See Kathleen M. Coleman, “Euergetism in Its Place – Where Was the Amphitheatre in Augustan Rome?,” in Lomas and Cornell, 63–4.

158. Cassius Dio 54.2; Balsdon, 251.

159. Robinson, 145.

160. Res Gestae 22.

161. Balsdon, 252; Beacham 198.

162. These balconies, called maeniana superiora, were possibly named after the censor Maenius, who first came up with the idea later used for tiers of seats in the stone amphitheaters. See Welch, 32.

163. Welch, 76.

164. See note 74 in this chapter.

165. Welch, 73–4.

166. Holleran, “Public Entertainment Venues,” 52–3.

167. Welch, 119.

168. Suet. Aug. 29.4–5; Welch 110.

169. Res Gestae 22.

170. Suet. Tib. 7.1; Calig. 18.1; Cassius Dio 59.10.5.

171. Suet. Calig. 21.

172. Coleman, “Entertaining,” 228; Haselberger et al., 44.

173. With respect to the location east of the Via Flaminia, see Richardson 1992, 11. As to its location in the area of Monte dei Cenci, see Haselberger et al., 44–5.

174. Haselberger et al., 44–5. The eighteenth-century architect and artist Piranesi placed the amphitheater in the location of Montecitorio in the central Campus Martius. Connors, 30, 43.

175. Begun around 70–2 C.E. by Vespasian, it was dedicated by him in 79 C.E., shortly before his death, although it was not finished. The work was completed by his successor Titus, who held a second dedication in 80 C.E. with 100 days of games. Cassius Dio66.25; Suet. Tit. 7.3.

176. For a discussion of the origins of the name, see Canter, 150–64.

177. Livy 39.22.2. Coleman, “Entertaining,” 242. These games, conducted over ten days, also included a wild animal hunt. See Rosivach, 276.

178. Robinson, 143; Coleman, “Entertaining,” 242; Dodge, “Amusing the Masses,” 207.

179. With respect to Pompey, see Cassius Dio 39.38.1–5; Plut. Vit. Pomp. 52. As to Augustus, see Res Gestae 22.

180. Suet. Iul. 39.3, Aug. 43; Cassius Dio 53.1.5.

181. Suet. Ner. 12.3.

182. Coleman, “Entertaining,” 241. The term “stadium” derived from the Greek stade, a unit of measure roughly 198 meters in length. See Vaughan Hart, “Stadium,” in Grafton, Most, and Settis, 907.

183. Coleman, “Entertaining,” 241–2.

184. Damsky 1990, 91.

185. Damsky 1990, 89–90.

186. Damsky 1990, 95–9.

187. Cassius Dio 79.25.

188. Amm. Marc. 16.10.14. During the medieval period, it was known variously as the Circus Flaminius, Theatrum Alexandri, and Circus Alexandri. Nash, vol. 2, 387. The last title stuck until the nineteenth century, when its connection to Domitian was recognized.

189. L. R. Taylor, 47, 113. See also Lucan 2.197, Juvenal 6.528–9.

190. Livy 26.22.11. See L. R. Taylor, 47. Concerning its relationship to the Villa Publica, see Richardson 1992, 278.

191. Cassius Dio 55.8. The Forum would have otherwise been the site had it not been badly damaged in a fire.

192. Cassius Dio 55.10.

193. Suet. Calig. 18.1.

194. Suet. Claud. 21.4.

195. Suet. Ner. 12.

196. Cassius Dio 66.24.2; Richardson 1992, 340.

197. Richardson 1992, 110, 340.

198. Cassius Dio 55.8.4; Pliny NH 16.201, 36.102.

199. Cassius Dio 55.8.4; 66.24.2.

200. Stat. Silv. 1.6.9–50; Cassius Dio 66.25.

201. Cassiod. Var. 1.27.4–5.

202. Amm. Marc. 28.4.28–33. The Tauri lived in southern Crimea.

203. Suet. Aug. 44, Dom. 4.

204. Cassius Dio 76.16.

205. SHA Elag. 26.3, translated in Aicher, 89.8.

206. A church to the saint now fronts onto the piazza where the stadium once stood. References to St. Agnes in Agone are found throughout the piazza, from the eponymous church on the west side to the modern name of the piazza, “Navona,” which appears to be a corruption of agone, the Greek word for contest or competition. For much of the period following the decline of ancient Rome, the area was known as the “Circus Agonius,” as shown on early maps. Palladio, 33 and n. 154.

Five: “Colonnades about It in Very Great Numbers”: The Porticoes of the Campus Martius

1. Livy 43.17.2–10; 43.18.1.

2. Livy 43.18.1–11.

3. Livy 43.19.5.

4. Livy 44.17.7–10.

5. Livy 44.17.9–10. This was not Octavius's first encounter with the Hellenistic world, however. He had been one of the envoys to Greece the previous year, and he spoke Greek. Livy 43.17.2; 45.29.3.

6. Livy 44.35.9; 44.35.15; 44.46.3; 45.5.1.

7. Livy 45.6.9–12. See Lehmann, 79, 88, 90ff. and plan III.

8. See McCredie 1965, 102, 104.

9. See McCredie 1968, 202, fig. 1, 203.

10. Livy 45.6.10.

11. Livy 45.33.5.

12. Livy 45.35.2–4.

13. Livy 45.42.2.

14. Aemilius Paullus's triumph almost did not occur as his enemies tried to derail it. In a lengthy and impassioned argument in favor of the honor, Marcus Servilius asked, “Will King Perseus of Macedonia, together with his sons, the throng of other prisoners, and the spoils of Macedonia, be left behind in the Circus Flaminius?” Livy 45.39.13–14. Ultimately, the triumph occurred as planned.

15. Richardson 1992, 317.

16. See Senseney, 426; Richardson 1992, 267.

17. Pliny NH 34.7; Vell. Pat. 2.1.2; Richardson 1976, 60, speculates that it was likely the first colonnade with Corinthian capitals in Rome and possibly the first Corinthian building in the city.

18. As Kontokosta, 10, points out, there is no literary evidence that the porticus was the result of fulfillment of a battlefield vow.

19. Pliny NH 34.7. See Senseney, 428.

20. Senseney, 432. The stoa sat on the eastern and northern sides of the fourth-century B.C.E. Temple of Athena Nikephoros (330s–320s B.C.E.).

21. Senseney, 428.

22. App. Ill. 28; Res Gestae 19.

23. Res Gestae 4.19; Richardson 1992, 317.

24. Senseney, 421.

25. Livy 35.10.12; Richardson 1992, 303, 311.

26. Richardson 1992, 303.

27. Richardson 1976, 57.

28. Richardson 1992, 311.

29. With respect to the cost and financing, see Livy 35.10.12; see also Richardson 1976, 57. For a brief review of the debates concerning the designation Aemiliana, see Richardson 1992, 3. During the fire of Nero, many porticoes were destroyed in this area of Rome. Tac. Ann. 15.40.

30. Livy 35.10.12; MacDonald 1982, 5–6.

31. Livy 40.51.6; Richardson 1992, 317; Senseney, 429.

32. See Coulton, 4. Dating to the seventh century B.C.E., the earliest Greek stoas were as much as sixty meters long, with some having two colonnades. From the second half of the fifth century through the second century B.C.E., the freestanding colonnade was a significant element of Greek architecture, particularly in Athens. Later, the colonnade became integrated with other structures to create, for instance, peristyles. Coulton, 7, 18.

33. The Stoa at Perachora built circa 300 B.C.E. was L-shaped (Coulton, 56) and certainly would have been known to the Romans at the time of their defeat of the Achaean League in 146 B.C.E. At Pergamon, there were numerous stoas, including those on three sides of the sanctuary of Athena, with one colonnade and two storeys. Coulton, 67.

34. Coulton, 9.

35. Richardson 1976, 58. Richardson suggests the Stoa of Eumenes II along the southern slope of the Acropolis as a possible model, but Eumenes’ rule from 197 to 156 B.C.E. makes the dating tight, and one author (Corso, 391) dates the construction of the stoa to a period between 180 and 160 B.C.E., at least a decade after the Porticus Aemilia a Porta Fontinali ad Martis aram was constructed.

36. Coulton, 168.

37. Strabo 5.3.8. As Wallace-Hadrill, 175, has noted, porticoes “transformed the urban face of Rome, making the Campus Martius by Strabo's day one of the most magnificent sites in the world.”

38. See, e.g., Livy 35.10.12 (porticum unam extra portam trigeminam); Pliny NH 34.13 (porticum duplicem); Res Gestae 19 (porticum ad circum Flaminium).

39. Richardson 1992, 315. See also Morgan, 499–504. As for the number of sides of the porticus, Vitruvius (3.2.5) described the Temple of Jupiter Stator as being in the porticus (in porticu), suggesting the porticus wrapped around the temple on at least three sides, an orientation supported by Velleius Paterculus, 1.11.2–5, who notes that the portico surrounded (circumdatae) the temples. See Favro 1996, 170 and 316 n. 61; Richardson 1992, 317; Platner and Ashby, 424.

40. Pollitt 1978, 156–7. See Vell. Pat. 1.11.3–4. See also Serena Ensoli, “Lisippo a Roma,” in Moreno, 299–303.

41. Pliny NH 34.31; Plut. Vit. C. Gracch. 4.3.

42. Pliny, NH 34.28, also mentions an archaic equestrian statue of Cloelia, a gallant maiden who escaped from the Tuscan king Lars Porsena, who had invaded Rome and taken her captive. Coarelli 2007, 272, however, describes the Cornelia statue as “the first public statue of a woman in Rome.” See also J. D. Evans 2009, 135.

43. Vell. Pat. 2.8.3; Velleius associated the porticus with the victories of Minucius over the Scordisci.

44. See Carandini and Carafa, eds., vol. 2, tav. 216–17, identifying this portico with a question mark just to the east of the Largo Argentina temples. Patterson 1992, 214, indicates that the portico surrounded the Largo Argentina temples, but Richardson 1992, 316, believes it was a quadriporticus east of the Largo Argentina temples, aligning with the portico identified as “Minucia” on the Marble Plan. See also F. Coarelli, “Porticus Minucia Vetus,” LTUR, vol. 4, 137–8.

45. The porticus has been measured to enclose a space 180 by 135 meters. Sear 2006, 61.

46. Pompey traveled throughout the East, including Cilicia, Bithynia, Syria, Cyprus, Ephesos, and possibly Athens and Rhodes before returning to Rome in 62 B.C.E. See J. D. Evans 2009, 124.

47. Vitr. De arch. 5.9.1. See discussion in Corso, 389–96.

48. Vitr. De arch. 5.9.1, trans. Rowland. While theoretically possible, it is difficult to envision 11,000 or more theatergoers leaving the protection of the theater's arcades and running around the building to find the entrances to the portico and then squeezing under its narrow roofline for cover.

49. As for its suitability for sexual encounters, see Catull. 55.6–14; Kuttner 1999, 350–1.

50. Pliny NH 35.37; 35.40.

51. Tatianus Ad Gr. 33–4. With respect to the statues as courtesans rather than women poets, see J. D. Evans 2009, 129–35.

52. See Pliny NH 35.132 (Alexander, Kalypso, both by Nikias); NH 35.126 (Sacrifice of Oxen, by Pausias); and NH 35.114 (Kadmos and Europa, by Antiphilus).

53. See Prop. 2.32.11–12; Val. Max. 2.4.6; Mart. Ep. 2.14. J. D. Evans 2009, 126. See also Kuttner 1995, 171–2.

54. Vitr. De arch. 5.9.5, trans. Rowland.

55. See Carandini and Carafa, eds., vol. 2, tav. 220, although Lanciani 1990, no. 21, indicates that it extended no further than the edge of the east side of Pompey's portico.

56. See Richardson 1992, 185; F. Coarelli, “Hecatostylum,” LTUR, vol. 3, 9.

57. See Richardson 1992, 185. Martial, Ep. 3.19.1–2, indicates that the portico had ties to an area with plane trees in which bronze cast animals were displayed. This could be either Pompey's portico or a park adjacent to the Stagnum Agrippae by the Baths of Agrippa. Richardson 1992, 185.

58. Known from an inscription, the portico may have been built by the Lentulii family at approximately the time of construction of Pompey's complex (P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther was consul in 57 B.C.E. and P. Cornelius Lentulus Crus was consul in 49 B.C.E.) or when two brothers from the same family were co-consuls in 18 B.C.E. at a time when Augustus encouraged such undertakings. See Suet Aug. 29. For discussion of the possible connection of the Porticus Lentulorum and the Hecatostylon and the arguments concerning dating, see S. Orlandi, “Porticus Lentulorum,” LTUR, vol. 4, 125.

59. See Servius Ad Aen. 8.721. See also Suet. Nero 46. With respect to the argument connecting the Porticus ad Nationes to the Porticus Lentulorum and the Hecatostylon, see F. Coarelli, “Porticus ad Nationes,” LTUR, vol. 4, 138–9.

60. Pliny NH 36.39. The indication of an entrance to the Porticus ad Nationes would seem to rule out the single-wing Hecatostylon next to Pompey's theater portico as its location, although, as Favro points out, a portico lined with statues of conquered nations served as “an overt counterpoint to the similar exhibition of Pompey in his theater.” See Favro 1996, 174, 317 n. 73.

61. Manacorda, 12. Manacorda suggests that the Crypta Balbi served as a model for the building of Eumachia in the Forum of Pompeii. For a proposed elevation drawing of the Crypta Balbi of 13 B.C.E., see Carandini and Carafa, eds., vol. 2, tav. 228.

62. At the time of the rebuilding under Hadrian, the enclosed crypta may have been converted into an open portico, but the enclosed second story that was added allowed the term to continue to apply. Manacorda, 12.

63. Ov. Ars am. 1.69–70. See also, Richardson 1992, 317; A. Viscogliosi, “Porticus Octaviae,” LTUR, vol. 4, 141.

64. Significant portions of the plan of the Porticus Octaviae survive in the fragments of the Marble Plan (fragments 31u, 31cc, 31bb, 31vaa). Richardson 1992, 317–18.

65. Richardson 1992, 317.

66. Richardson 1992, 317–18; LTUR, vol. 1, 386, fig. 51.

67. Pliny NH 34.31 (Octaviae opera); Plut. Marc. 30.6 (bibliotheca Porticus Octaviae); Cassius Dio 55.8.1 (Curia); Pliny NH 35.114 (schola). See Favro 1996, 171 (table 4) with respect to the area of the porticus.

68. Pliny NH 35.114. Antiphilus was a painter from Naucratis, Egypt, and active in the time of Alexander the Great. A contemporary of Apelles, he was known for his talents with light and shadow (Pliny NH 35.138), genre scenes, and caricatures (PlinyNH35.114).

69. Pliny NH 35.139 (paintings of Androbius, country of origin and dates unknown).

70. Pliny NH 36.15 (Pheidias's Venus); 36.22 (Praxiteles’ Cupid, also mentioned by Cicero in his Verrine Orations, IV.2.4 and IV 60.135); 36.24 (Cephisodotus the Younger's Aesclepius and Diana); 36.35 (Dionysius's Juno). Cephisodotus and Timarchides were Greek sculptors working during the final decades of the fourth century B.C.E. They are recorded as the sons of Praxiteles.

71. Richardson 1976, 63–4.

72. Richardson 1992, 187, 318.

73. Scenes of the Trojan War by Theorus and a Helen of Troy by Zeuxis were also placed within the porticus. Pliny NH 35.66, 114, 144.

74. FUR fgg. 31bb, 31cc, 31dd, 31eeff, 31hh. See Richardson 1977, 359.

75. Favro 1996, 173. The level of uniformity would have changed over time depending upon the extent to which the Porticus Octaviae was completely colonnaded on the side facing the Circus Flaminius.

76. Favro 1996, 169–70; Richardson 1992, 165. See also discussion in Chapter 3.

77. Vitr. De arch. 5.9.2.

78. Cic. Att. 4.16.14. It, too, featured famous works of art. See Pliny NH 36.29.

79. The Saepta Julia was a rectangle of 310 by 120 meters, so the length of the perimeter (all four sides) was approximately 860 meters (a little more than a half-mile). Richardson 1992, 340.

80. Cassius Dio 53.23.2. Richardson 1992, 341.

81. Richardson 1992, 340.

82. Richardson 1992, 312. On the eastern side of Hadrian's Pantheon, along the Via della Minerva, the remains of a structure built in opus latericium with a series of rectangular niches has been identified as a section of the west wall of the Porticus Argonautarum.

83. Mart. Ep. 2.14.16; 3.20.11; 9.59.2; 11.1.12.

84. Richardson 1992, 341.

85. Richardson 1992, 315.

86. See Senseney, 422.

87. See Favro 1996, 69, 171 (table 4).

88. The calculations are based on the dimensions provided by Favro 1996, 171 (table 4), as well as consideration of the area of the Porticus Pompeii and Porticus Minucia Vetus (PMV).

89. With respect to the dating (reign of Claudius v. Domitian) and location of the Porticus Minucia Frumentaria (PMF) east of the Largo Argentina, see D. Manacorda, “Porticus Minucia Frumentaria,” LTUR, vol. 4, 132–7. The siting of the PMF adjacent to the Largo Argentina and the PMV is not universal. Richardson 1992, 315, would place the PMF along the west side of the Via Flaminia where remains of a vaulted structure with “a forest of rusticated piers” have been discovered. This identification would mean that the “portico” was not a colonnade but more in the nature of the early Porticus Aemilia extra Portam Trigeminam, as described by MacDonald 1982, 5–6. Richardson 1992, 316, would place the PMV in the space just east of the Largo Argentina.

90. D. Manacorda, “Porticus Minucia Frumentaria,” LTUR, vol. 4, 134.

91. Vitr. De arch. 5.9.9, trans. Rowland.

92. See F. Coarelli, “Divorum, Porticus, Templum,” LTUR, vol. 2, 19–20; Richardson 1992, 111. See Carandini and Carafa, eds., vol. 2, tav. 237, for possible reconstruction.

93. Richardson 1992, 246–7. See Carandini and Carafa, eds., vol. 2, tav. 241, for possible reconstruction.

94. Richardson 1992, 184. See plan for the temple and portico in Carandini and Carafa, eds., vol. 2, tav. 244. Claridge 2010, 224–5, notes, however, that evidence for a portico has been found only on the north side of the temple.

95. Richardson 1992, 184–5.

96. Richardson 1992, 312.

97. See Richardson 1992, 315.

98. Lanciani 1897, 445–6.

99. Ov. Ars am. 3.167–8 (wigs); Mart. Ep. 9.59 (inlaid furniture, goblets).

100. Mart. Ep. 2.14. See Prior, 125–8. Richardson 1992, 267, 313, would place it near the Stagnum Agrippae.

101. Mart. Ep. 2.14. Prior, 138.

102. Mart. Ep. 2.14: roof supported by 100 columns (centum pendentia tecta columnis); Pompey's gift and double wood (Pompei dona nemusque duplex).

103. MacDonald 1986, 99.

104. For attributes of an architectural armature, see MacDonald 1986, 17–22.

105. MacDonald 1986, 48.

Six: Between the Aqua Virgo and the Tiber: Water and the Field of Mars

1. Verg. Aen. 8.69; Statius Silvae 3.5.111; Dion. Per. 351–6, as found in B. Campbell 2012, 310; Mart. Ep. 4.64.24.

2. B. Campbell 2012, 21.

3. Livy 2.5.4; Suet. Claud. 25; Plut. Publ. 8.1–8.3 (sacred grain); Livy 1.4.4 (Romulus and Remus).

4. Verg. Aen. 8.31–78.

5. Ov. Fasti 2.597–8.

6. Plut. Vit. Oth. 4.5.

7. Cassius Dio 53.20.1.

8. Pliny NH 3.54–5, translation from Shipley and Salmon.

9. Livy 5.54.4; Juv. 3.60–3.

10. Plut. Vit. Cat. Mai. 20.4 (Cato); Veg. Mil. 1.10 (soldiers).

11. Celsus Med. 3.3.2 (tertian fever); B. Campbell 2012, 335 (sewage).

12. Nicholas Purcell, “Rome and the Management of Water: Environment, Culture and Power,” in Shipley and Salmon, 189.

13. R. Taylor 2000, 131.

14. Aldrete, 33.

15. Most of the Campus Martius was at a height of ten meters above sea level. Aldrete, 45–9; Haselberger et al., map insert 1:3000.

16. Aldrete, 45 (fig. 1.7), 47 (fig. 1.8), 49 (fig. 1.10).

17. Fifteen floods are recorded from 415 to 32 B.C.E. The six occurring during Augustus's reign were in 27, 23, 22, and 13 and two in 5 and 12 C.E. Ibid. 15.

18. Aldrete, 80–1.

19. Livy 24.9.6; 38.28.4.

20. Cassius Dio 53.20.1 (27 B.C.E.); 53.33.5 (23 B.C.E.); 55.22.3 (5 C.E.).

21. August. De civ D. 3.18.

22. Plut. Oth. 4.5 (grain supply); Tac. Hist. 1.86 (loss of life).

23. Pliny Ep. 8.17, as translated by Aldrete, 29.

24. See Claridge 2010, 201; Carandini and Carafa, eds., vol. 2, tav. 207.

25. Holland, 31.

26. Livy 5.53.9. While the central Campus Martius contained the Caprae Palus, the Roman Forum contained a large swamp that, according to one account provided by Livy, was named the lacus Curtius after a Sabine horseman whose horse plunged into the marsh. See Livy 1.12, 1.13.5; Plut. Rom. 18.2; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2.42; Ov. Fast. 6.395–417.

27. The fora are thought to have been at a level of fifteen meters above sea level, while the valley in which the Circus Maximus lies was at ten. See Aldrete, figs. 1.8–1.10, 47–9.

28. Cassius Dio 56.27.

29. August. De civ D. 3.18 (pene omnia urbis plana subversa sunt); Livy 38.28.4 (Tiberis duodeciens campum Martium planaque urbis inundavit).

30. Cassius Dio 53.20.1; Tac. Ann. 1.76.

31. Ov. Fast. 2.390; 3.517–22.

32. Cassius Dio 54.25.2; Aldrete, 67.

33. Cassius Dio 56.27.4; Aldrete, 67.

34. See discussion in Aldrete, 66–71. Records from 1700 to the present indicate that more than 77 percent of the Tiber's floods occur from November to February. Indications from the ancient sources that flooding occurred during the winter and early spring months may be the result of calendar shifts. See ibid. 66, 69–71.

35. Columella Rust. 1.5.6, as translated by Sallares, 61 n. 41.

36. Writing at the time of Tiberius, Celsus described the disease that we now know as malaria. Because of the periodicity of its fever, which would come one day be gone the next and then reappear on a third or later day, malaria was called “tertian,” “semi-tertian,” or “quartan” fever. Celsus Med. 3.3.2. See Sallares, 14. Romans did not understand, however, that it was the mosquito that bore the virus. Ibid. 47, 49. The second-century C.E. Roman physician Galen noted that malaria was “most frequent at Rome, being very familiar to men in the city.” Gal. 17A.121–2K, as translated by Sallares, 222. The frequency and severity of malaria outbreaks in ancient Rome, and more specifically in the swampy, low-lying areas of the city, have not been determined from the available evidence. Dyson, 268–9.

37. Varro Rust. 1.12.2, translation from Sallares, 60–1. Fifth-century C.E. bishop Palladius wrote that marshes must be avoided “because of the pestilence or hostile little animals which it generates,” as from Sallares, 68.

38. Those studies disclosed that annual outbreaks of malaria occurred in July, with the maximum number of cases in August. No new cases occurred from March to June. See Sallares, 62.

39. Juv. Sat. 4.56–59. See Sallares, 217 n. 35.

40. Aldrete, 97. See Tac. Ann. 1.79 concerning proposals to divert the Tiber's tributaries to control flooding and the possible ramifications for doing so.

41. Pliny Ep. 8.17.

42. Cassius Dio 39.61.1–2. See Aldrete, 122–3. Aldrete, 213–16, also notes that approximately 85 percent of the known upper-class housing in the city was in the hills above the flood plain.

43. Aldrete, 149.

44. Cic. Rep. 2.6.11.

45. Veg. Mil. 1.10.

46. Richardson 1992, 91.

47. Strabo 5.3.8; Pliny NH 36.24.104; Cassius Dio 49.43.

48. Richardson 1992, 91; 289–90; Narducci, 36–7, 40–2.

49. Lloyd, 196 and n. 31; Hopkins, 3. Lanciani 1990, map XV, shows a “cloaca” approaching the Pantheon from the east, then turning north and then west in front of the building, and then south again along the Pantheon's west side.

50. Lloyd, 196 and n. 31.

51. With respect to porticoes in swampy soil, Vitruvius recommended that the sites be excavated as deep as possible and filled with charcoal and sand for drainage. Vitr. De arch. 5.9.7.

52. See Lloyd, 196, with respect to receipt of surface water drainage. See Richardson 1992, 367, with respect to water draining from Baths of Agrippa.

53. Richardson 1992, 146–7.

54. Richardson 1992, 147. This channel may be distinguished from another drainage channel known as the Euripus Virginis, which is discussed later in this chapter. See Lloyd, 198–9.

55. Aldrete, 87–9.

56. Aldrete, 175–6, 237. Stone construction also accelerated drying once the floodwaters stopped rising.

57. Pliny Ep. 8.17, as translated by Aldrete, 28–9. The flood likely occurred around 107 or 108 C.E. Ibid.

58. Aldrete, 231. Several reasons have been suggested why the Romans did not go to the expense. First, there was high ground nearby that was easily reachable in case of flooding. Second, many of the buildings constructed in the floodplain were of sturdy materials that could withstand floods with minimal damage. Third, grain supplies were warehoused in horrea that were designed to protect grain from water damage. Fourth, rapid drainage led to quick recovery from inundations. Ibid. 232–7.

59. Cic. Att. 13.33.4; Le Gal 1953A, 114.

60. Tac. Ann. 1.79. See Le Gall 1953A, 114; Aldrete, 182–4. Aldrete believes the plan was designed for flood control but makes a strong case that the effort would have failed.

61. Suet. Aug. 30. See R. Taylor 2000, 82, 152 n. 64, who suggests that the dredging occurred in 7 B.C.E. If that date is correct, then the next flood known from our ancient sources, in 5 C.E., shows that the effort was unsuccessful. As Cassiodorus wrote, “For eight miserable days there was destruction of men and homes as the Tiber attacked.” Cassiod. Chron. 604, trans. Aldrete, 25. See also Le Gall 1953A 117.

62. Cassius Dio 57.14.7–8. The flood commission established by Tiberius was called the curatores riparum et alvei Tiberis. Later, under Vespasian, it was reduced to one commissioner. See Aldrete, 199.

63. Richardson 1992, 284.

64. Richardson 1992, 385. With respect to the location of the theater in relationship to the Caprae Palus, see Gagliardo and Packer, 93 n. 4.

65. Cassius Dio reported that in 54 B.C.E. brick houses were soaked through and collapsed. Cassius Dio 39.61.1–2.

66. See Aldrete, 181 and n. 18, who cites personal conversation with Albert Ammerman, with respect to the temples in the Forum Holitorium. As to the Apollo Sosianus temple, the elevation of the porch as drawn in Stamper, 121, is approximately five meters above the moderate flood stage of ten meters above sea level.

67. Aldrete, 113–18.

68. Tac. Hist. 1.86.

69. See discussion in Chapter 7. Single-family homes (domus) tended to avoid the problems posed by the floodplain. See note 42 in this chapter.

70. Aldrete, 178.

71. Richardson 1992, 191; Aldrete, 180.

72. Temple of Divine Hadrian (Claridge 2010, 223); Pantheon (as measured by author). See Figure 28.

73. Haselberger 2011, 55.

74. Cresting at almost seventeen meters above sea level, a flood in 1937 was recorded on four markers in the low lying areas of the city. Aldrete, 246 (table A.1).

75. For instance, markers noting flood levels in the area of the Campus Martius can be found at L’Arco di Banchi (1277), S. Maria Sopra Minerva (1422, 1530, 1557), Palazzo Madama (1495), S. Eustachio (1495), and Piazza del Popolo (1530), among others. See Katherine Rinne, Aquae Urbis Romae: The Waters of the City of Rome (2006), http://www3.iath.virginia.edu/waters/main.html (accessed March 31, 2013).

76. Frontin. Aq. 1.10. Pliny claimed that the stream, like a virgin, tried to avoid commingling with a stream named for Neptune and received its name for that reason. Pliny NH 31.42. Cassiodorus stated that the water received its name because, unlike other sources, it remained pure. Cassiod. Var. 7.6.

77. See R. Taylor 2000, 103 (11.5 km length); Hodge, 347 (21 km length).

78. Aicher 1995, 39. The daily flow of the Aqua Virgo entering the city was described by Frontinus (Aq. 2.70) as 2,504 quinariae measured near the city. Using Taylor's estimate (R. Taylor 2000, 39) of one quinaria = 32 cubic meters (m³)/day, the Virgo's flow was approximately 80,128 m³/day or 0.93 m³/sec. See also Hodge, 299–300, who notes that a figure of 40 m³/day has been accepted for the flow rate of a quinaria, a figure that produces a flow of about 1.16 m³/sec.

79. Frontin. Aq. 1.22; Platner and Ashby, 268–9.

80. See Aicher 1995, 71.

81. See description of route in Richardson 1992, 19; Lloyd, 193–4; and Aicher 1995, 71.

82. Lloyd, 195; Aicher 1995, 73.

83. See Hazel Dodge, “‘Greater than the Pyramids’: The Water Supply of Ancient Rome,” in Coulston and Dodge, 171, 176.

84. See Richardson 1992, 386 (Thermae Agrippae). As Yegül notes, the baths are often described as the “first public baths” in Rome, but this can be misleading since most baths were open to all and, therefore, to a citizen were considered “public.” Yegül, 43, 133.Agrippa's baths, as others, charged admission until his death in 12 B.C.E., when they were left to the Roman people to use without charge. Cassius Dio 54.29.4. See also Fagan, 108.

85. See Richardson 1992, 367 (Stagnum Agrippae). The Stagnum is estimated, to have been 180 by 220 to 300 meters (39,600 to 54,000 square meters) in area. See R. Taylor 2000, 179; Coleman, 50.

86. See Richardson 1992, 146 (Euripus Virginis). H. B. Evans 1982, 409, and Aicher 1995, 74, both use Frontin. Aq. 2.84: 460 quinariae went to the Euripus (460 quinariae = 19.9 percent of the amount distributed within the city: 2,304 quinariae). With respect to the source of the name Euripus Virginis, see Frontin. Aq. 2.84.

87. Richardson 1992, 147. Seneca told of bravely diving into the waters of the Euripus Virginis on a cold January day. Sen. Ep. 83.5.

88. Dyson, 143. See also von Stackelberg, 40, noting that “the inclusion of a euripus suggested both glamour and Hellenistic elegance.”

89. Richardson 1992, 147; Lloyd, 197. Restored by Antoninus Pius in 147 C.E., the bridge may have been dismantled at the time of Emperor Caracalla for construction of the Pons Aurelius. Lloyd, 201; R. Taylor 2002, 10.

90. Lloyd, 197; R. Taylor 2000, 148.

91. The calculation is based on Frontinus's figure of 2,304 quinariae per day reaching the city limits (Aq. 2.84) multiplied by 32 cubic meters per quinaria as calculated by R. Taylor 2000, 39.

92. H. B. Evans 1982, 409; R. Taylor 2000, 76. Before the construction of the Aqua Virgo, some southern areas of the Campus Martius were provided with limited water from the Aqua Appia and the Aqua Marcia. See H. B. Evans 1982, 408–9.

93. Agrippa also built the Aqua Julia and supervised a major rebuilding of the Aqua Tepula that had been originally constructed in 126–125 B.C.E. and may have been mostly for industrial use. (See H. B. Evans 1982, 404.) Both entered the city from the east. Combined, the two aqueducts supplied Rome with a capacity of about 928 quinariae or just 40 percent of the Aqua Virgo's 2,304 quinariae. See ibid. 406–9.

94. Frontinus assigns the euripus (likely the Euripus Virginis) to the category of opera publica, Frontin Aq. 2.84, but there is uncertainty as to the other public structures included. Compare H. B. Evans 1997, 9, and Fagan, 69–74. While it is reasonably certain that the Baths of Agrippa fell within the category of opera publica, it is not clear if later imperial baths were within that category rather than “in the name of Caesar” (nomine Caesaris). See Fagan, 73. Whether or not included in the category of opera publica, Rome's second imperial bathhouse, the Baths of Nero, which was in operation in Frontinus's day, was likely fed by the Aqua Virgo. See R. Taylor 2000, 46.

95. The second greatest contributor to public works water supply was the Claudia/Anio Novus at 16 percent. R. Taylor 2000, 46.

96. Only 25 of the 591 lacus were in the Campus Martius. H. B. Evans 1997, 11, 108–9. We do know the name of one lacus located in the Campus Martius, the Lacus Cunicli, described in an inscription of 375 C.E. See Richardson 1992, 229. For distribution statistics, see Frontin. Aq. 2.78–86; H. B. Evans 1997, 34–6. By the fourth century, however, the regionary catalogs would indicate that almost 10 percent of the city's lacus were in the Campus Martius. See Wallace-Hadrill, 295 (table 6.1).

97. Pliny NH 36.24.123, as translated in Robinson, 99.

98. Suet. Aug. 42.1.

99. Cassiod., Var., 7.6.

100. See Richardson 1992, 24. Cassius Dio notes that Claudius was awarded two arches, the second in Gaul. Cassius Dio 60.22.1.

101. Richardson 1992, 24 Arcus Claudii [II]; Nash, vol. 1, 102; Aicher 1995, 73.

102. Nash, vol. 1, fig. 52, The inscription reads, “Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, son of Drusus, Pontifex Maximus, in his fifth year of tribunician power, imperator eleven times, father of his country, consul designate for the fourth time, made new and restored from their foundations the arcades of the Aqua Virgo, since they had been knocked down by Gaius Caesar [Caligula].”

103. Suet. Iul. 39.4.

104. Suet. Iul. 39.4. See Coleman, 53, who suggests that the Naumachia Augusti built in 2 B.C.E. across the Tiber in Trastevere was approximately 1.7 meters deep to accommodate warships for mock battles.

105. Cassius Dio indicates that on direction of the Senate in 43 B.C.E. it was filled in because of a disease outbreak, likely malaria. Cassius Dio 45.17.8.

106. Cassius Dio 55.10.8. See Coleman, 56. Given the proximity of the Petronia Amnis, it is possible that piping from the stream was used to fill the circus rather than the Virgo, but either would have done the job.

107. Cassius Dio 59.10.5.

108. Suet. Ner. 12.1; Cassius Dio 61.9.5.

109. See Chapter 4, note 4.

110. Coarelli 2007, 265; Roddaz, 238–9.

111. Richardson 1992, 196.

112. Strabo 13.1.19 (Lysippus statue of lion); Tac. Ann. 15.37.2–7 (barge on Stagnum). While Coleman, 51, states that the Stagnum “may have been intended as a swimming-pool,” Lloyd, 196, points out that there is “no reference to swimming in it.”

113. Von Stackelberg, 82.

114. Cassius Dio 54.29.

115. Tac. Ann. 15.37.2.

116. Dyson, 230. See Yegül, 43.

117. Cic. Rosc. Am. 18. See Richardson 1992, 49 with respect to the Balneae Pallacinae.

118. See Dodge, “Water Supply,” 189. See also Nielsen, vol. 1, 29, 36. Hot water baths had, however, come to Rome by at least 200 B.C.E. Balnea without exercise facilities were in Rome by the same approximate period. The hypocaust system that allowed for graduated bath heating did not appear until the beginning of the first century B.C.E.

119. Nielsen, vol. 1, 13. This was the Piscina Publica built in conjunction with the Aqua Appia (312 BC) and was situated outside the Porta Capena. See Livy 23.32.4.

120. Yegül, 136.

121. Pliny NH 36.189. With respect to the Apoxyomenos, Pliny (NH 34.62) recounts how the statue stood outside the tepidarium or warm baths, and when Tiberius confiscated the statue, the people at the theater shouted, “Give us back the Apoxyomenos,” resulting in its return.

122. Richardson 1992, 386; Yegül, 133–35.

123. Fagan, 109.

124. It was possibly the problem of obtaining rights to lay the aqueduct through property that resulted in the Virgo's lengthy and circuitous route. See R. Taylor 2000, 105–6.

125. Lloyd, 203.

126. See Yegül, 137. See also Nielsen, vol. 1, 58. For a description of the Juventus movement, see Mohler, 442–3; Stambaugh, 138.

127. Cassius Dio 52.26.1. See also Verg. Aen. 7.162–9: “Youths in their early bloom practice horsemanship, or break in teams amid the dust, or bend the eager bows, or hurl with their arms tough darts.”

128. As Yegül, 137, states, “This new and highly patriotic institution was capitalizing on the time-honored military associations of the ‘Field for War Sports’ as well as addressing the demands of a new and formal program of athletic and military fitness.”

129. Stambaugh, 201.

130. See Mart. Ep. 4.8; Yegül, 32–3; Nielsen, vol. 1, 135–6.

131. Nielsen, vol. 1, 136.

132. See Fagan, 108–10.

133. Mart. Ep. 3.36.

134. The path taken is based on the supposition of Nielsen, vol. 1, 45, and vol. 2, 83, fig. 49. The Marble Plan, drawings by Palladio, and scant ruins allow little more than hypothetical recreations of each room's purpose. See Yegül, 133–7.

135. Yegül, 35–7. Some larger baths had weight rooms, but it is not known if the Baths of Agrippa had such a facility. Ibid.

136. Martial (Ep. 14.163) noted that if you did not listen to the bell and played too long, the baths could be closed, and you would have to be satisfied with the Virgo's unheated waters. See Yegül, 38. With respect to the location of the tepidarium, see Nielsen, vol. 2, 83.

137. Yegül, 38.

138. The location of the frigidarium in Agrippa's baths is a mystery. Yegül, 136, offers several possibilities – the central rotunda, a room southeast of the round hall, or the courtyard pools. Nielsen, vol. 1, 44, believes the rotunda was the frigidarium.

139. The remains of the structure can be seen on the Via dell’Arco Ciambella, between Via dei Cestari and Via di Torre Argentina. Aicher, 73.

140. Sen. Ep. 107.2. See Fagan, 30–1.

141. Sen. Ep. 56.1–2.

142. Yegül, 45.

143. Yegül, 47. Yegül notes that there is evidence that convicts were impressed into service in the baths as well.

144. Yegül, 42; Nielsen, vol. 1, 145.

145. SHA Elag. 26.3, translated in Aicher 2004, vol. 1, 233 (89.8).

146. Tac. Ann. 15.37.2–7. Allen, 100, suggests that Tacitus was most likely describing an imperial interpretation of a public festival such as Floralia rather than engaging in an immoral display.

147. Martial Ep. 6.42. It was supplied by both the Aqua Virgo and Aqua Marcia and was in either Region VII or IX. Richardson 1992, 48.

148. The road, whose ancient name is uncertain, has been located under the Via dei Coronari and Via delle Cappelle. See discussion in Chapter 1, note 59. The name Pons Neronianus is known from the medieval period, and while it may have connected to the circus where the Vatican is now located, it is not known if it was constructed by Nero. Richardson 1992, 298.

149. Richardson 1992, 394. See also Yegül, 137. The Agrippan baths were able to take advantage of the Stagnum and surrounding gardens.

150. See Yegül, 138–9, for the debate regarding the question whether the symmetry found in the third-century C.E. structure of Alexander Severus also dates to the Neronian period.

151. Suet. Ner. 12. We are not told how the emperor fared at the gymnastic games, although at the other contests the fix was in. Nero won the Latin contest unanimously and also the lyre-playing contest, although he magnanimously declined the latter award, laying it at the foot of a statue of Caesar.

152. Ibid.

153. Philostr. VA 4.42.

154. Ibid.

155. Mart. Ep. 7.34.

156. See Fagan, 357–8 (regionary catalog numbers). See SHA Alex. Sev. 39.4; Dyson, 230 (additions by Alexander Severus). The number of balneae in the Campus Martius remained relatively low compared to other portions of the city. See Wallace-Hadrill, 295 (table 6.1).

157. SHA Alex. Sev. 24.5–6; Richardson 1992, 15, 394; Yegül, 107.

158. The source was near Gabii, eighteen kilometers east of Rome. Richardson 1992, 15; Dodge, “Water Supply,” 195.

159. Dyson, 209–10.

160. Richardson 1992, 394. With respect to the various arguments for dating the original construction, see Fagan, 110 and n. 21.

161. SHA Alex. Sev. 24.5–6.

162. See description in Yegül, 137–9.

163. Procop. De Bellis Goth. 5.19.1–11, 18: Belisarius blocks aqueducts. See Dodge, “Water Supply,” 193 n. 226.

164. Procop. De Bellis Goth 5.19.28.

165. See Dodge, “Water Supply,” 194; Richardson 1992, 38.

166. Richardson 1992, 386.

167. With respect to columns, see Nash, vol. 2, 462–3.

168. Sallares, 68–9.

169. Pliny NH 19.58.180.

170. As the Euripus Virginus was used for swimming, its flow was likely reduced. Richardson 1992, 147.

171. Hor. Ep. 1.7.8–9.

172. See Sallares, 9. Discussing the fourth-century B.C.E. invasion by the Gauls, Livy (5.48.1–3) noted, “The Gauls suffered also from a pestilence, being encamped between hills on low ground”; see also Sallares, 203, 223–5.

173. See Richardson 1992, 266.

174. Plut. Cat. Min. 39.1–3; Livy 45.35.3. In 338 B.C.E., for instance, captured ships of the Antiates were brought upstream to Rome. Livy 8.14.12. See also Holland, 220. The captured treasure of Perseus floating up river on ships to Rome is discussed in Chapter 5.

175. See Chapter 3, note 62.

176. See Holland, 24–6, 65, and 219–21; see also Richardson 1992, 206.

177. See Chapter 3, note 124.

178. Livy 40.52.5–6. See Chapter 3, note 71.

179. See Chapter 3, note 78.

180. Richardson 1992, 210.

181. The works were by the Greek sculptor Skopas. Pliny NH 36.26.

182. Nash, vol. 2, 120. The frieze, part in the Glyptothek in Munich and the other in the Louvre in Paris, has been called the Altar of Ahenobarbus, and two consuls by that name have been associated with the Temple of Neptune – Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus (cos. 122 B.C.E.) and Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus (cos. 32 B.C.E.). The latter Ahenobarbus may have rebuilt the temple. See Richardson 1992, 267. P. L. Tucci, “Neptunus, Aedes in Campo, Aedes in Circo,” LTUR, vol. 5, 279.

183. See Richardson 1992, 54. See discussion in Chapter 6.

184. See Richardson 1992, 312; Dueck and Brodersen, 26–7.

185. Wild, 92, 110.

186. Richardson 1992, 212; Swetnam-Burland, 445. See also Carandini and Carafa, eds., vol. 2 tav. 236, fig. E.

187. See Swetnam-Burland, 441; Le Gall 1944, 131–5.

188. Swetnam-Burland, 445–6.

189. Swetnam-Burland, 453, 455.

190. Swetnam-Burland, 454.

191. See Stephen Tuck, “The Tiber and River Transport,” in Erdkamp, 237 (one-half million tons), and Rickman, 10 (one million tons).

192. Pliny NH 3.54–5. See Dyson, 243, with respect to barging upriver. It has been estimated that it took a fleet of approximately 2,000 vessels to ship Rome's annual wheat supply to Ostia, with a somewhat smaller fleet of river barges to move the grain on a three-day voyage upriver to Rome. See Temin, 31.

193. R. Taylor 2002, 219 n. 46. See also ibid. 199, for introduction of mills in Commodus's reign or early Severan period. See Dyson, 245, with respect to movement of grain to the Porticus Minucia Frumentaria.

194. Dyson, 248, 345. Richardson 1992, 81, believes the wine was taken ashore in the area of the Lungotevere Marzio in the northern Campus Martius.

195. Dyson, 257. Another area for the offloading and working of marble was around Monte Testaccio and the Aventine. Ibid.

Seven: “A Zeal for Buildings”: Reshaping of the Space by the Emperors

1. App. B.Civ. 3.88, 3.94.

2. App. B.Civ. 3.14. With respect to the location, see Roddaz, 238–9. With respect to the date, see Syme, 115.

3. App. B.Civ. 3.94; Suet. Aug. 95.

4. Richardson 1992, 247, asserts that it was Augustus's first project in the Campus Martius, but its start date is unclear (see note 5), and as discussed later with respect to the rebuilding efforts in the area of the Circus Flaminius, other projects in which Augustus clearly had a hand were being undertaken at approximately the same time.

5. Suet. Aug. 100.4. The precise start of construction on the Mausoleum is not clear, and as Rehak, 36, notes, its size indicates it took several years to complete. Some scholars argue that it was begun before the Battle of Actium in 31 B.C.E., while others, following a remark in Suetonius, prefer a date of ca. 28 B.C.E. For an interesting, brief discussion of the reasons why Octavian may have begun his tomb so early in life, see Rehak 2006, 32–33. For a discussion of the connection of the Augustan triple triumph and those of Romulus, see Cooley, 123.

6. For the size of the mausoleum, see Richardson 1992, 248.

7. With respect to the repair of the Via Flaminia, see Cassius Dio 53.22.1; Res Gestae 4.21; Suet. Aug. 30.1. To commemorate Augustus's road project, statues were erected on triumphal arches bearing dedicatory inscriptions that were built on the Milvian Bridgeand on another bridge 362 kilometers further north at the other end of the Via Flaminia in the town of Ariminum. Cassius Dio 53.22.1.

8. See P. Davies, 120, who notes that “Romans often sought highly frequented locations for their sepulchers.” Because the Campus Martius was generally reserved for the burial of public citizens selected posthumously by the Senate, some scholars have argued that the mausoleum was constructed just north of the Campus Martius and not actually in it. See discussion in P. Davies, 50 and n. 3. Others have argued that the mausoleum and the surrounding parkland were included. See Chapter 1, note 53.

9. Suet. Aug. 100.4; P. Davies, 120.

10. See discussion in P. Davies, 51–64, with respect to Ptolemaic influence. Other scholars believe Etruscan tombs provide the inspiration for the mausoleum. See Mark J. Johnson, “The Mausoleum of Augustus: Etruscan and Other Influences on Its Design,” in Hall, 227–30. A concise summary of the different opinions on the design of the Mausoleum can be found in P. Davies, 14–15, in addition to the more detailed discussion of potential influences on the design in Rehak 2006, 35–52.

11. Strabo 5.3.8.

12. See discussion in Richardson 1992, 248.

13. Strabo 5.3.8.

14. Ibid.

15. Sosius saved: Cassius Dio, 51.2.4. See Stamper, 119. See Chapter 3 with respect to description of rebuilt temple. Apollo was the favorite deity of Octavian. See Favro 1996, 91, 99–100. The extant relief (Figure 39) shows two barbarians, hands tied, being hoisted on a parade platform with a trophy between them and followed by a trumpeter and bulls led in procession.

16. Bellona: Stamper, 120–1; A. Viscogliosi, “Bellona, Aedes in Circo,” in LTUR, vol. 1, 191. Porticus Metelli: Stamper, 121 and n. 142. See also Richardson 1992, 317–18. See also discussion in Chapter 5.

17. Platner and Ashby, 428.

18. See discussion in Chapter 5. In the Res Gestae 19, Augustus stated, “I built…the portico at the Circus Flaminius which I allowed to be called Octavia after the name of him who had constructed an earlier one on the same site.”

19. See Patterson, 198; Richardson 1992, 26. The arch commemorated Germanicus's victory in the Battle of Idistaviso (Valley of the Maidens) in 16 C.E. along the Weser River in present-day Germany. A fragment of the Severan Marble Plan (see Figure 26) shows an arch in front of the propylaeum to the Porticus Octaviae, and while it has been suggested that this was the arch dedicated to Germanicus, that theory has its critics. See E. Rodríguez Almeida, “Arcus Germanici in Circo Flaminio,” LTUR, vol. 1, 94–5; Platner and Ashby, 40. See discussion in Flory, 289 and n. 7.

20. H. B. Evans 1982, 401, 403.

21. H. B. Evans 1982, 410, suggests that, given the complexities of the system, Agrippa may have begun the initial planning and preparations for his water program, including distribution to the Campus Martius, as early as 40 B.C.E., when he was praetor urbanusof Rome. See also Aicher 1995, 23; Favro 1996, 134–5; Frontin. Aq. 2.100–1.

22. In his will, Agrippa bequeathed the baths to the Roman people and transferred to Augustus ownership of his team of 240 private slaves (aquarii), who were responsible for maintenance of the newly repaired or constructed aqueducts, fountains, and other water supplies. Frontin. Aq. 2.98–99.

23. Richardson 1992, 340 (Saepta Iulia dedicated 26 B.C.E.); 110 (Diribitorium dedicated 7 B.C.E.).

24. L. Cordischi, “Basilica Neptuni,” LTUR, vol. 1, 182–3; Richardson 1992, 54. Dio notes that the “stoa” was built by Agrippa in 25 B.C.E. and destroyed in the fire of 79 C.E. Cassius Dio 53.27.1. It was apparently rebuilt and known as the Basilica of Neptune at the time of Hadrian. SHA Hadr. 19.10; Cassius Dio 66.24.2.

25. The identification of the remains just south of Hadrian's Pantheon remains somewhat controversial. See Boatwright 1987, 48–9.

26. L. Cordischi, “Basilica Neptuni,” LTUR, vol. 1, 182–3.

27. Cassius Dio 53.27.2–4. For a recent assemblage of the bibliography on Agrippa's Pantheon, see Wilson Jones, 258–9.

28. Cassius Dio 53.27.2–4.

29. A statue of Romulus might have been included among the images of the gods displayed in the temple. Wilson Jones, 179–80.

30. For a concise summary of the different scholarly camps, see A. Ziólkowski, “Pantheon,” LTUR, vol. 1, 54–6. See also discussion in Ziólkowski, “What Did Agrippa's Pantheon Look Like? New Answers to an Old Question,” in Graßhoff et al., 30–2.

31. Pliny NH 36.38 (pediment decoration and caryatids); Pliny NH 34.13 (bronze capitals).

32. Res Gestae 12. In addition to the description in the Res Gestae, there are additional references to the ceremonies of the Ara Pacis preserved on several fragmentary calendars (fasti) and in Ovid's Fasti (1.709–22; 3.879–82). See also A. Wallace-Hadrill, “Time for Augustus: Ovid, Augustus, and the Fasti,” in Bramble, Whitby, Hardie, and Whitby, 221–30.

33. The bibliography on the Ara Pacis is understandably massive. For general studies, see La Rocca, Ruesch, and Zanardi 1983; Rossini 2006; S. Settis, “Die Ara Pacis,” in Hofter 1988; Zanker 1988.

34. For discussions and interpretations of the Floral/Scroll frieze, see Caneva; Castriota; Cohon; Sauron.

35. For various studies of the mythological and allegorical panels, see most recently Galinsky 1992; de Grummond; Rehak 2001.

36. Kleiner 1978; Billows; Elsner; D. Kleiner, “Semblance and Storytelling in Augustan Rome,” in Galinsky 2005, 197–233; C. B. Rose 1990B.

37. Billows, 80–92.

38. The most definitive and detailed discussion of the identification of priestly groups on the Ara Pacis remains Koeppel 1987 and Koeppel 1988.

39. See Barrett, 632, who suggests that the dedication occurred on Livia's fiftieth birthday.

40. The dedication to Augustus on the obelisk was between June 9 and June 10 B.C.E. See Haselberger 2011, 48.

41. Pliny NH 36.71; Strabo 17.27.

42. The obelisk was excavated in 1748, but was not reerected in the Piazza di Montecitorio until 1789. It was repaired with fragments from the granite Column of Antoninus Pius. Haselberger 2011, 48.

43. CIL vi 702; Haselberger 2011, 48.

44. Pliny NH 36.72.

45. Haselberger 2011, 51–3 in particular fig. 5 (Lanciani) and fig. 6 (Buchner).

46. See discussion in Heslin 2007, 4.

47. Haselberger 2011, 54–5. The excavations were conducted by E. Buchner and F. Rakob, the former writing extensively on the theory that the horologium's bronze marker was a wide-spaced grid for measuring the sun and that the shadow of the gnomon cast upon the grid pointed to the altar of the Ara Pacis on the fall equinox. See E. Buchner, “Horologium Augusti,” LTUR, vol. 3, 35–7.

48. Heslin 2007, 3.

49. Augustus became Pontifex Maximus in 12 B.C.E., giving him official responsibility for the calendar. In 9 B.C.E., following the horologium's construction, the Roman calendar was found to be inaccurate and Augustus required adjustments to be made. The horologium was too new, however, to have been the source of the error's discovery. Heslin 2007, 5–6.

50. See discussion in Haselberger 2011, 64–7, with respect to the different arguments. Schütz 2011, 78–86, questions the viability of Buchner's argument, noting that the proposed equinox line reaches the entrance of the Ara Pacis at an angle instead of directly and that there is no literary evidence that Augustus intended for his birthday to be celebrated in this manner. See also Hannah, 90–1 (supports the theory), and Heslin 2011, 75–7 (disagrees with theory). Recent measurements by Bernard Frischer indicate that Buchner's measurements of the gnomon's location were inaccurate, raising further doubts. See, e.g., http://vimeo.com/85043815 (accessed April 6, 2014).

51. Imaginary lines drawn among the three monuments describe a right triangle. Heslin 2007, 14–15. One author notes that a line from the gnomon through the Ara Pacis meets the sunrise on April 21 (under the Julian Calendar), the date recognized by the Romans as the city's birthday. Schütz 2011, 85–6. Recent computer analysis proposes that when the gnomon is viewed from the Via Flaminia in line with the center of the Ara Pacis, the sun's disk appears to rest on the gnomon on October 9, the festival date for the Temple of Apollo on the Palatine. See http://news.indiana.edu/releases/iu/2013/12/augustus-virtual-realityproject.shtml (accessed December 29, 2013).

52. See Favro 1996, 207. By one measure, the Augustan projects in the Field of Mars constituted more than one-third of all significant construction in Rome during his reign. Thornton, 40–2. Thornton uses a complex determination of “work units” by taking a “typical” building as a base and then comparing other buildings to it.

53. Beard et al., vol. 1, 178–80.

54. A matching pair of two small, red granite obelisks flanked the pillars; they survive and were reincorporated into later monuments in the Piazza S. Maria Maggiore and in front of the Palazzo Quirinale.

55. Res Gestae 12, 19, 20.

56. Strabo 5.3.8.

57. It is important to note that Octavian had originally proposed that he be referred to as the second Romulus, the second founder of the city, during the early years of his rise to power (Suet. Aug. 7.2; Cassius Dio 53.16.7). See also Rehak 2006, 61: “The Mausoleum of Augustus, with its Res Gestae and colossal crowning statue, is not simply a tomb but rather an architectural metaphor for deification.”

58. A cippus found in the area of the modern Via dei Banchi Vecchi proclaims that Claudius extended the city's limits after having expanded Rome's empire. Richardson 1992, 294–5.

59. Suet. Div. Titus. 8.3; Suet. Dom. 12; Cassius Dio 66.24.2. See also Sutherland, 157–60.

60. See Catull. 10.26; Cassius Dio 47.15.4. With respect to the name Isis Campensis, see Apuleius, Met. 11.26.

61. For a detailed discussion of Domitian's possible interests in Ptolemaic Egyptian culture and cults, see Darwall-Smith, 150–3. It appears that the cults of Isis and Serapis received significant imperial support during the Flavian age. See also Roullet, 23–35; Richardson 1992, 211–12.

62. Richardson 1992, 211–12 and figs. 46–7. The tomb was located along the Via Labicana.

63. Richardson 1992, 212.

64. Today, the Pamphili obelisk decorates Bernini's celebrated fountain in Piazza Navona. See Darwall-Smith, 145–50; Anderson, 96.

65. Richardson 1992, 111.

66. See, e.g., the Flavian Cancelleria Reliefs, found in an ancient storage building beneath the Palazzo Cancelleria in the Campus Martius and now in the Vatican Museums. Also Magi 1945.

67. SHA Hadr. 19.9–10. For a concise discussion of Hadrian's building activities in the Campus Martius, see Boatwright 1987, 33–73.

68. Boatwright 1987, 51.

69. Boatwright 1987, 48–50.

70. MacDonald 1976, 11, has aptly termed the Pantheon as “original, utterly bold, many-layered in associations and meaning, the container of a kind of immanent universality.”

71. See MacDonald 1976, 18–19. For greater detail, see Tod Marder, “The Pantheon after Antiquity,” in Graßhoff et al., 145–54.

72. Wilson Jones, 208.

73. Cassius Dio, 53.27.2–4, claims that the Pantheon of Agrippa had statues of Augustus and Agrippa on its porch. Since Agrippa's structure was long gone by the time Dio wrote, it is believed that he was describing statues then standing in Hadrian's structure. See discussion in MacDonald 1976, 77.

74. MacDonald 1976, 28.

75. See discussion in L. Haselberger, “The Pantheon: Nagging Questions to No End,” in Graßhoff et al., 180.

76. MacDonald 1976, 13. See also Hetland, 95 n. 1.

77. SHA Hadr. 19.9–10.

78. Haselberger, “The Pantheon: Nagging Questions to No End,” 181.

79. Wilson Jones, 208–11. See Haselberger, “The Pantheon: Nagging Questions to No End,” 181–4.

80. “In effect the volumetric proportions of the whole project can be reduced to a hemisphere, a cylinder of the same height and a double cube.” Wilson Jones, 185.

81. MacDonald 1976, 38.

82. Ibid.

83. Ibid.

84. MacDonald 1976, 35.

85. A small section of the simpler “false window” Roman design was restored through painted plaster in the 1930s. See MacDonald 1976, 37 and fig. 36.

86. MacDonald 1976, 35.

87. Cassius Dio 53.27.2; See also Amm. Marc. 16.10.14. For arithmetic perfection: A. Ziólkowski, “Pantheon,” LTUR, vol. 4, 61.

88. Hannah and Magli, 489–502.

89. A. Ziólkowski, “Pantheon,” LTUR, vol. 4, 56.

90. Hetland, 95–6, however, proposes 114 C.E. as a beginning date on the basis of brick stamps.

91. An annex two stories high and wedged between the drum and the basilica hid the structure from the direction of Agrippa's baths. See M. Wilson Jones, “The Pantheon and the Phasing of Its Construction,” in Graßhoff et al., 72–5. The Porticus Argonautarumflanked the rotunda on the east. The likeliest clear view was from the west near the Stagnum.

92. A. Ziólkowski, “Pantheon,” LTUR, vol. 4, 57. As Boatwright 1987, 46–7, has argued, “there seems to have been an effort to disguise from the front the unconventionality of Hadrian's new building.”

93. See A. Ziólkowski, “Pantheon,” LTUR, vol. 4, 55–6; Haselberger, “The Pantheon: Nagging Questions to No End,” 171.

94. Cassius Dio, 69.7.1.

95. See F. de Caprariis, “Matidia, Templum,” LTUR, vol. 3, 233. With respect to the medallion, see Chapter 5.

96. Cippi from the reign of Hadrian indicate that the central Campus Martius was clearly within the pomerium as of 121 C.E. Richardson 1992, 295.

97. Richardson 1992, 184.

98. M. Cipollone, “Hadrianus, Divus, Templum; Hadrianeum,” LTUR, vol. 3, 7–8.

99. Richardson 1992, 184; Claridge 2010, 224.

100. Claridge 2010, 225, notes that the pedestals and panels are not compatible with the exterior or interior of the temple itself and may have decorated the portico. Evidence for the portico has been found only on the north side. Ibid. 224–5.

101. Richardson 1992, 184.

102. Richardson 1992, 94.

103. Ibid. Just to the southeast of Pius's column stood a commemorative stone altar of Antonine date immortalizing the site of a massive wooden imperial funeral pyre. Beckmann, 45.

104. Beckmann, 45.

105. Zanker 2004, 56, 66–8.

106. Epigraphic evidence suggests that it was finished by 193 C.E., and Beckmann, 36, has argued that the column was not a posthumous construction but rather a monument built to celebrate Marcus Aurelius's triumphal celebrations over the Germans and Sarmatians in 176.

107. Richardson 1992, 95.

108. Beckmann, 48.

109. An inscription below the famous “Agrippa” inscription of Hadrianic date records a restoration in 202 C.E. by Septimius Severus and Caracalla. CIL 6.896; A. Ziólkowski, “Pantheon,” LTUR, vol. 4, 57.

110. For a recent discussion of Severus's deliberate associations through iconography and constructions, see A. Cooley, “Septimius Severus: The Augustan Emperor,” in Swain, Harrison, and Elsner, 385–97. Severus and Caracalla repaired the fire-damaged temples of Jupiter Stator and Juno Regina as well as the Porticus Octaviae sometime between 203 and 205. Curran 2000, 24–5.

111. Coarelli 2007, 12; Richardson 1992, 260–2.

112. Platner and Ashby, 93.

113. Richardson 1992, 67, 209. It is uncertain, however, if the totals provided refer to the number of separate apartments, apartment buildings, or something in between. See, e.g., Hermansen, 130–1; Packer, 83.

114. Reynolds, 234–5; 414–15.

115. Claridge 2010, 223. The insula was built along an ancient street, the Vicus Caprarius. For a detailed discussion of the structure, see generally Insalaco.

116. Claridge 2010, 253.

117. Nunzio Giustozzi, “Ancient Sculpture: Ground Floor,” in Giustozzi, 7.

118. See generally Henrik Bowman, “A Third Century Insula beneath the Basilica of San Lorenzo in Lucina,” in Brandt, 81–122. It has also been suggested that the structure was a large horrea instead. Ibid. 111.

119. Bowman, “A Third Century Insula,” 108–9.

Conclusion: “The Rest of the City a Mere Accessory”

1. Sear 2013, 539 (“veritable mountain”). See Chapter 4, note 79.

2. See Gregorius, 10–15.

3. Gregorius, 29.

4. Gregorius, 18.

5. Partner, 5.

6. Montaigne, 100.

7. Richardson 1992, 382 (Theater of Marcellus); Manacorda, 19 (Crypta Balbi glassworks); Richardson 1992, 60 (Bonus Eventus temple and portico); Richardson 1992, 385 (Theater of Pompey repairs).

8. Amm. Marc. 16.10.

9. With respect to the date of the conversion of the Pantheon to a church, see Richardson 1992, 285. See also Gregorius, 29.

10. See Manacorda, 20.

11. Richardson 1992, 386.

12. Manacorda, 22.

13. Sear 2006, 59.

14. Coates-Stephens 1996, 239, 242.

15. Richardson 1992, 382 (Theater of Marcellus).

16. Gregorius, 18–19.

17. Quoted in R. K. Delph, “Renovatio, Reformatio, and Humanist Ambition in Rome,” in Delph, Fontaine, and Martin, 74.

18. Dickens, 186.

19. Dickens, 201.