BYZANTIUM AND THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE

In considering what influence was exerted on the Italian Renaissance by the medieval Greek tradition in general and by the Byzantine Greeks in particular, it is important to remember that it was not interest in and acquaintance with classical antiquity that called forth the Renaissance in Italy. On the contrary, the conditions of Italian life which evoked and developed the Renaissance were the real cause of the rise of interest in antique culture.

In the middle of the nineteenth century some historians thought that the Italian Renaissance was called forth by the Greeks who fled from Byzantium to Italy before the Turkish danger, especially at the fall of Constantinople in 1453. For example, a Russian Slavophile of the first half of the nineteenth century, J. V. Kireyevsky, wrote: “When after the capture of Constantinople the fresh and pure air of Hellenic thought blew from the East to the West, and the thinking man in the West breathed more easily and freely, the whole structure of scholasticism collapsed at once.”⁴⁴⁶Obviously, such a point of view is quite untenable if only for no other reason than elementary chronology: the Renaissance is known to have embraced the whole of Italy by the first half of the fifteenth century, and the chief leaders of the so-called Italian humanism, Petrarca and Boccaccio, lived in the fourteenth century.

There are, then, two problems: the influence of the medieval Greek tradition upon the Renaissance and the influence of the Byzantine Greeks upon the Renaissance. Considering the latter first, what sort of Greeks were those whose names are connected with the epoch of the earlier Renaissance, i.e. the fourteenth century and the very beginning of the fifteenth?

Chronologically, the first to be named is a Greek of Calabria, in southern Italy, Barlaam, who died about the middle of the fourteenth century, who participated in the Hesychast quarrel. He put on the monastic habit in Calabria, changed his name from Bernardo to Barlaam, and spent some time in Thessalonica, on Mount Athos, and in Constantinople. The Emperor, Andronicus the Younger, sent him on an important mission to the West concerning the crusade against the Turks and the union of the churches. After a fruitless journey he returned to Byzantium, where he took part in the religious movement of the Hesychasts, and then went back to the West, where he ended his days. Barlaam is a personality of whom the first humanists often speak, and the scholars of the nineteenth century vary in their opinion of him. At Avignon Petrarca met Barlaam and began to learn Greek with him in order to be able to read Greek authors in the original. In one of his letters Petrarca spoke of Barlaam as follows: “There was another, my teacher, who, having aroused in me the most delightful hope, died and left me at the very beginning of my studies [in ipso studiorum lacte].” In another letter Petrarca wrote: “He [i.e. Barlaam] was most excellent in Greek eloquence, and very poor in Latin; rich in ideas and quick in mind, he was embarrassed in expressing his emotions in words.”⁴⁴⁷ In a third letter he said: “I always was very anxious to study all of Greek literature and if Fortune had not envied my beginnings and deprived me of an excellent teacher, now I might be something more than an elementary Hellenist.”⁴⁴⁸ Petrarca never succeeded in reading Greek literature in the original. Barlaam also had some influence on Boccaccio, who in his work The Genealogy of the Gods (Genealogia deorum) calls Barlaam a man “with a small body but enormous knowledge,” and who puts entire confidence in him in all matters pertaining to Greek scholarship.⁴⁴⁹

The theological and mathematical essays, notes, and orations of Barlaam which are accessible afford no sufficient reason to call him a humanist. In all probability, his writings were unknown to Petrarca; and Boccaccio distinctly says that he “has seen no single one of his works.”⁴⁵⁰ Neither is there enough data to testify to his wide education or exceptional knowledge of literature, in other words, no reason to believe that Barlaam possessed enough talent or cultural force to exert a great influence on his most talented and educated Italian contemporaries, the leading spirits of the epoch, such as Petrarca and Boccaccio. Therefore we cannot agree with the exaggerated estimation of Barlaam’s influence upon the Renaissance which appears sometimes in excellent works. For example, a German scholar, G. Körting, observed: “When Barlaam, by his hasty departure from Avignon, had deprived Petrarca of the possibility of deeper knowledge of the Greek tongue and civilization, he destroyed thereby the proud structure of the future and decided for centuries the destiny of the European peoples. Small causes, great effects!”⁴⁵¹ A Russian scholar, Th. Uspensky, wrote on the same subject: “The vivid conception of the idea and importance of Hellenic studies with which the men of the Italian Renaissance were filled, must be wholly attributed to the indirect and direct influence of Barlaam. Thus, great merit in the history of medieval culture belongs to him…. On the basis of real facts, we may strongly affirm that he combined the best qualities of the scholarship then existing.”⁴⁵²

The role of Barlaam in the history of the Renaissance was in reality much more modest. He was nothing but a rather imperfect teacher of the Greek language, who could impart the elements of grammar and serve as a dictionary, “containing,” said Korelin, “very inexact information.”⁴⁵³The most correct estimation of Barlaam’s significance was given by A. Veselovsky: “The role of Barlaam in the history of earlier Italian humanism is superficial and casual. … As a medieval scholastic and enemy of Platonic philosophy, he could share with his Western friends only the knowledge of the Greek language and some fragments of erudition; but he was magnified by virtue of the hopes and expectations in which the genuine evolution of humanism expressed itself and to which he was unable to respond.”⁴⁵⁴

The second Greek who played a considerable role in the epoch of the earlier Renaissance was a pupil of Barlaam, Leontius Pilatus, who like his teacher came from Calabria and who died in the seventh decade of the fourteenth century. Moving from Italy to Greece and back again, passing in Italy for a Greek of Thessalonica and in Greece for an Italian and living nowhere without quarrels, he stayed for three years at Florence with Boccaccio, to whom he taught Greek and gave some information for his Genealogy of the Gods. Both Petrarca and Boccaccio spoke of Leontius in their writings, and depict in a similar way the refractory, harsh, and impertinent character and repulsive appearance of this “man of such bestial manners and strange customs.”⁴⁵⁵ In one of his letters to Boccaccio, Petrarca wrote that Leontius, who left him after many insolent remarks against Italy and the Italians, on his journey sent him a letter “longer and more disgusting than his beard and hair, in which he exalts to the skies hated Italy and vilifies and blames Greece and Byzantium, which he greatly exalted before; then he asks me to call him back to me and supplicates and beseeches more earnestly than the Apostle Peter besought Christ commanding the waters.” In the same letter are the following interesting lines: “And now listen and laugh: among other things, he asks me to recommend him by letter to the Constantinopolitan Emperor, whom I know neither personally nor by name; but he wants this and therefore imagines that [that Emperor] is as benevolent and gracious to me as the Roman Emperor; as if the similarity of their title identified them, or because the Greeks call Constantinople the second Rome and dare to regard it not only as equal to the ancient, but even as surpassing it in population and wealth.”⁴⁵⁶ In his Genealogy of the Gods Boccaccio described Leontius as horribly ugly, always absorbed in his thoughts, rough and unfriendly, but the greatest living authority on Greek literature and an inexhaustible archive of Greek legends and fables.⁴⁵⁷ While he was with Boccaccio, Leontius made the first literary Latin translation of Homer. However, this translation was so unsatisfactory that later humanists judged it desirable to replace it by a new one. Taking into account the fact that Leontius, as Boccaccio stated, was indebted to his teacher Barlaam for much of his knowledge, Th. Uspensky said that “the importance of the latter must rise even higher in our eyes.”⁴⁵⁸

Fully recognizing the considerable influence of Leontius Pilatus on Boccaccio in the study of Greek, nevertheless, in the general history of the Renaissance, the role of Pilatus is reduced to the spreading of the knowledge of the Greek language and literature in Italy by means of lessons and translations. Moreover, the immortality of Boccaccio does not rest upon the material afforded him by Greek literature, but upon an entirely different basis.

Thus, the role in the history of the early humanistic movement of these Greeks who were in origin not Byzantines, but south Italians (Calabrians), is reduced to the mere transmission of technical information on language and literature.

Stress has several times been laid on the fact that Barlaam and Leontius Pilatus came from Calabria, from southern Italy, where the Greek language and tradition continued to live all through the Middle Ages. Regardless of the ancient “Magna Graecia” in southern Italy, whose Hellenic elements had not been entirely absorbed by Rome, the conquests of Justinian in the sixth century had introduced to Italy in general and to southern Italy in particular not a few Greek elements. The Lombards, who shortly after Justinian conquered the greater part of Italy were themselves affected by Greek influence, became to some extent the champions of Hellenic civilization. It is important to examine the evolution of Hellenism in southern Italy and Sicily, the Greek population of which gradually increased. In the sixth and seventh centuries many Greeks were forced to leave their country for southern Italy and Sicily under pressure of Slavonic invasions into Greece.⁴⁵⁹ In the seventh century a huge Greek emigration to Sicily and southern Italy took place from the Byzantine regions conquered and devastated by the Persians and Arabs. In the eighth century a vast number of Greek monks came to Italy, escaping the persecution of the iconoclastic emperors. Finally, in the ninth and tenth centuries Greek refugees from Sicily, then being conquered by the Arabs, inundated southern Italy. This was probably the main source of the Hellenization of Byzantine southern Italy, because Byzantine culture there began to flourish only in the tenth century, “as if it were but the continuation and inheritance of the Greek culture of Sicily.”⁴⁶⁰ A. Veselovsky wrote: “Thus, in southern Italy there formed densely populated Greek ethnic islands as well as a people and society united by one language and religion and by a cultural tradition, which was represented by the monasteries. The bloom of that culture embraces the period from the second half of the ninth century to the second half of the tenth; but it also continues later, in the epoch of the Normans…. The founding of the most important Greek monasteries in southern Italy belongs to the twelfth century. Their history is the history of south Italian Hellenism. They had had their heroic period, that of anchorites living in caves and preferring contemplation to reading and writing, as well as the period of well-organized cenobitic institutions with schools of copyists, libraries, and literary activity.”⁴⁶¹ Greek medieval southern Italy produced a number of writers who devoted themselves to composing not only lives of the saints, but also religious poetry; they “were also preserving the traditions of learning.”⁴⁶² In the second half of the thirteenth century Roger Bacon wrote the Pope concerning Italy, “in which, in many places, the clergy and people were purely Greek.”⁴⁶³ An old French chronicler stated of the same time that the peasants of Calabria spoke nothing but Greek.⁴⁶⁴ In the fourteenth century, in one of his letters, Petrarca spoke of a certain youth who, on his advice, is to go to Calabria: he wished to go directly to Constantinople, “but learning that Greece abounding once in great talents now lacks them, he believed my words …; hearing from me that in our time in Calabria there were some men thoroughly acquainted with Greek literature … he determined to go there.”⁴⁶⁵ Thus, the Italians of the fourteenth century did not need to appeal to Byzantium for elementary technical acquaintance with the Greek language and the beginnings of Greek literature; they had a nearer source, in southern Italy, the source which gave them Barlaam and Leontius Pilatus.

The real influence of Byzantium upon Italy begins at the end of the fourteenth century and continues during the fifteenth century, the time of the real Byzantine humanists, Manuel Chrysoloras, Gemistus Plethon, and Bessarion of Nicaea.

Born in Constantinople about the middle of the fourteenth century, Manuel Chrysoloras enjoyed in his native country the renown of an eminent teacher, rhetorician, and philosopher. A young Italian humanist, Guarino, went to Constantinople on purpose to hear Chrysoloras; the latter taught him Greek, and Guarino began to study Greek authors. Chrysoloras, by order of the Emperor, came on a special political mission to Italy, where his fame had already reached and where he was enthusiastically received. The Italian centers of humanism, in eager rivalry, showered the foreign scholar with invitations. For several years he taught at the University of Florence, where a great group of humanists attended his classes. At the request of Emperor Manuel II, who was at that time in Italy, he removed for a short time to Milan and later on became a professor at Pavia. After a short stay in Byzantium Chrysoloras returned to Italy, and then, in behalf of the Emperor, made a long journey to England, France, and, possibly, Spain, finally entering into close relation with the papal curia. Sent by the pope to Germany to negotiate about the coming council, he arrived at Constance, where the Council was held, and died there in 1415. Chrysoloras’ chief importance was apparently due to his teaching and to his ability to transmit to his auditors his vast knowledge of Greek literature. His writings in the form of theological treatises, Greek grammar, translations (for example, a literary translation of Plato), and letters, do not justify attributing to him a really great literary talent. But his influence on the humanists was enormous, and they showered upon the Byzantine professor the highest praise and most sincere enthusiasm. Guarino compared him with the sun illuminating Italy which had been sunk in deep darkness, and expressed a wish that thankful Italy should erect in his honor triumphal arches along his way.⁴⁶⁶ He is sometimes called “the prince of Greek eloquence and philosophy.”⁴⁶⁷ The most eminent men of the new movement were among his pupils. A French historian of the Renaissance, Monnier, recalling the judgments of the humanists on Barlaam and Pilatus, wrote: “Here is no dull intellect, no lousy beard, no coarse Calabrian ready to laugh bestially at the admirable flashes of wit of a Terence. Manuel Chrysoloras is a veritable Greek; he is from Byzantium; he is noble; he is erudite; besides Greek he knows Latin; he is grave, mild, religious, and prudent; he seems to be born for virtue and glory; he is familiar with the latest achievements of science and philosophy; he is a master. This is the first Greek professor who renewed the classical tradition by occupying a chair in Italy.”⁴⁶⁸

But Italy of the fifteenth century was influenced much more deeply and widely by the famous leaders of the Byzantine Renaissance, Gemistus Plethon and Bessarion of Nicaea. The former was the initiator of the Platonic Academy at Florence and the regenerator of Platonic philosophy in the West, and Bessarion was a man of first importance in the cultural movement of the time.

Bessarion was born at the very beginning of the fifteenth century at Trebizond, where he received his elementary education. He was sent to Constantinople for further advance in knowledge, and then he began to study thoroughly the Greek poets, orators, and philosophers. A meeting with the Italian humanist, Filelfo, who was then attending lectures in Constantinople, made Bessarion acquainted with the humanistic movement in Italy, and with the deep interest in ancient literature and art which was then making its appearance there. After taking the monastic habit Bessarion continued his studies in the Peloponnesus, at Mistra, under the guidance of the famous Plethon himself. As the archbishop of Nicaea he accompanied the Emperor to the Council of Ferrara-Florence and greatly influenced the course of the negotiations toward union. Bessarion wrote during the council, “I do not judge it right to separate from the Latins in spite of all plausible reasons.”⁴⁶⁹

During his stay in Italy, he plunged into the intense life of the Renaissance and, not inferior himself to the Italian humanists in talent and education, he came into close contact with them, and, thanks to his opinion on the problem of union, he had also an intimate connection with the papal curia. On his return to Constantinople, Bessarion soon realized that, because of the hostility of the great majority of the Greek population, the union could not be accomplished in the East. At this time he received news from Italy that he had been appointed a cardinal of the Roman church. Feeling the ambiguity of his position in his own country, he yielded to his desire to return to Italy, the center of humanism, and left Byzantium for Italy.

At Rome the house of Bessarion became a center of humanistic intercourse. The most eminent representatives of humanism, such as Poggio and Valla, were his friends. Valla in reference to Bessarion’s excellent knowledge of both classical languages called him “the best Greek of the Latins and the best Latin of the Greeks” (latinorum graecissimus, graecorum latinissimus).⁴⁷⁰ Purchasing books or ordering copies made, Bessarion collected an excellent library comprising the works of the Fathers of the Eastern and Western churches and works of theological thought in general, as well as humanistic literature. Towards the end of his life he bestowed his very rich library upon the city of Venice, where it became one of the chief foundations of the famous present-day library of St. Mark (Bibliotheca Marciana); at the entrance door the portrait of Bessarion may be still seen.

Another idea in which he was greatly interested was that of a crusade against the Turks. At the news of the fall of Constantinople, Bessarion wrote immediately to the Doge of Venice calling his attention to the danger threatening Europe from the Turks and for this reason appealing to him to take arms against them.⁴⁷¹ At that time Europe was unable to understand any other reason. Bessarion died at Ravenna in 1472, whence his body was transported to Rome for a solemn burial.

Bessarion’s literary activity was carried on in Italy. Besides numerous works of theological character concerning union, A Dogmatic Oration, the refutation of Marcus Eugenicus (Mark of Ephesus), and works of polemic and exegesis, Bessarion left translations of some classical authors, among them Demosthenes and Xenophon, and of the metaphysics of Aristotle, works much more characteristic of him as a humanist. An admirer of Plato, Bessarion in his work Against Plato’s Calumniator (In calumniatorem Platonis), succeeded in remaining more or less objective, which cannot be said of the other champions of Aristotelianism and Platonism. Only a short time ago was published Bessarion’s long Encomium (Eulogy) of his native city, Trebizond, which is of great importance from the historical point of view.⁴⁷²

Bessarion presents, as his French biographer said, better than anyone else among the eminent men of his time an example of the fusion of the Greek genius with the Latin genius, from which the Renaissance sprang forth. “Bessarion lived on the threshold between two ages. He is a Greek who becomes Latin, … a cardinal who protects scholars, a scholastic theologian who breaks lances in favor of Platonism, an enthusiastic admirer of antiquity who has contributed more than anyone to originating the modern age. He is connected with the Middle Ages by the ideal which he endeavors to realize in the Christian union and the crusade; and he predominates over his age and urges it with ardor into the new ways of progress and the Renaissance.”⁴⁷³ One of the contemporaries of Bessarion, Michael Apostolius (Apostolios), full of enthusiasm for Bessarion’s personality and talent, made him almost a demigod. In his funeral oration for Bessarion he wrote: “[Bessarion] was the reflection of divine and true wisdom.”⁴⁷⁴ Many of Bessarion’s writings are still not published. An interesting modern tribute is that at the end of the nineteenth century Italy began issuing a Catholic periodical pursuing the aim of the union of the churches, under the title Bessarione.

But Byzantium contributed greatly to the history of the Renaissance not only by implanting the knowledge of the Greek language and literature by lessons and lectures and by the activity of such talented men as Plethon or Bessarion, who opened new horizons to Italy; Byzantium also gave the West a vast number of earlier Greek manuscripts, which contained the best classical authors, not to mention Byzantine texts and the works of the Fathers of the Greek Church.

Italian humanists, guided by the well known bibliophile Poggio, traveled through Italy and western Europe about the fourth decade of the fifteenth century, i.e. the epoch of the Council of Florence, and gathered together almost all the Latin classics now known. After Manuel Chrysoloras, who aroused an enthusiastic veneration for ancient Hellas in Italy, there was evident an intensive movement for the acquisition of Greek books. For this purpose the Italians hoped to use the Byzantine libraries. The Italians who had gone to Byzantium to learn Greek wisdom returned to Italy bringing Greek books. The first of these was an auditor of Chrysoloras in Constantinople, Guarino. What Poggio did for collecting the works of Roman literature, Giovanni Aurispa did for Greek literature: he went to Byzantium and brought from Constantinople, the Peloponnesus, and the islands no less than 238 volumes, in other words, a whole library comprising the best classical writers.

As, in connection with the Turkish conquest, living conditions in Byzantium were growing harder and more dangerous, the Greeks emigrated in large numbers to the West and carried with them the works of their literature. The accumulation in Italy of the treasures of the classical world owing to conditions in Byzantium, created in the West exceptionally favorable conditions for acquaintance with the remote past of Hellas and her eternal culture. By transmitting classical works to the West and thereby saving them from destruction at the hands of the Turks, Byzantium performed great service for the future destinies of mankind.

¹ De vita sua opusculum, par. viii, in Christianskoe Čtenie, II (1885), 535; in Russian, 556; in French in C. Chapman, Michel Paléologue, restaurateur de l‘Empire Byzantin (1261–1282), 172.

² W. Miller, Essays on the Latin Orient, 231.

³ T. Florinsky, The Southern Slavs and Byzantium in the Second Quarter of the Fourteenth Century, I, 23.

⁴ L’Empire byzantin sous les Paléologues. Études byzantines, 220.

⁵ George Pachymeris De Michaele Palaeologo, II, 31; in Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, e d., I, 161.

⁶ B. A. Pančenko, “The Latin Constantinople and Pope Innocent III,” The Annals of the Historical-Philological Society at the University of Novorossiya, XXI (1914), I.

⁷ Michel Paléologue. See also Th. Uspensky, History of the Byzantine Empire, III, 607–56.

⁸ P. Yakovenko, Studies in the Domain of Byzantine Charters. The Charters of the New Monastery in the Island of Chios, 79–80. See also A. Heisenberg, Aus der Geschichte und Literatur der Palaiologenzeit, 26 (Andronicus II with two family names) and Plate III (Andronicus II Palaeologus). V. Laurent, “La Généalogie des premiers Paléologues,” Byzantion, VIII (1933), 125–49. Stemma of the first Palaeologi (nth and 12th centuries), ending with Michael VIII and his brothers, p. 146; slight simplification of the stemma, pp. 148–49. See an unreliable account of the Palaeologian genealogy by Theodore Span-dugino (died after 1538), in C. Sathas, Documents inédits relatifs à l’histoire de la Grèce au moyen âge, IX, v, 175.

⁹ The Macedonian dynasty nearest to the Palaeologi in duration reigned for 189 years.

¹⁰ W. Miller, The Catalans at Athens, 4. See also Miller, The Latins in the Levant, 176.

¹¹ Violanta-Irene died in 1317. See F. Cognasso, “Una crisobolla di Michèle IX Paleólogo per Teodoro I di Monferrato,” Studi bizantini, II (1927), 43.

¹² See on this project, G. I. Brătianu, “Notes sur le projet de mariage entre l’empereur Michel IX Paléologue et Catherine de Courtenay (1288–95),” Revue historique du sud-est européen, I (1924), 59–63. C. Marinescu, “Tentatives de mariage de deux fils d’Andronic II Paléologue avec des princesses latines,” ibid., I, 139–40.

¹³ The first marriage of Andronicus III with the German princess Irene was childless.

¹⁴ Cola di Rienzo, Epistolario, ed. A. Ga-brielli, in Fonti per la Storia d’Italia. Epistolari, XIV, no. 6.

¹⁵ Catacuzene died in 1383.

¹⁶ Florinsky, The Southern Slavs and Byzantium, I, 135.

¹⁷ See M. Silberschmidt, Das orientalische Problem zur Zeit der Entstehung des Türkischen Reiches, 66–68.

¹⁸ “Die Wittwe und die Söhne des Despoten Esau von Epirus,” Byzantinisch-neugriechische Jahrbücher, I (1920), 4; geneological table, 6. Towards the end of her life Helena took refuge in the cowl under the name of Hypomene. Several historians call the mother of Constantine XI not Helena but Irene.

¹⁹ This miniature has been reproduced rather often. See, e.g., S. Lampros, Eἰκóνεζ ‘Iωάννου H’ τοῦ Παλαιολóγου,” Nέοζ ‘Eλληομνήμων, IV (1907), between 386–87. Lampros, Empereurs byzantins. Catalogue illustré de la collection de portraits des empereurs de Byzance, 53. G. Schlumberger, Byzance et croisades, 145 and Plate IV.

²⁰ B. A. Pančenko, A Catalogue of the Molybdobulla of the Collection of the Russian Archeological Institute in Constantinople, I, 133 (no. 380).

²¹ George Phrantzes, Annales, I, ch. II; Bonn ed., 48–49.

²² Letters de l’empereur Manuel Paléologue, ed. E. Legrand, 28–29 (letter no. 19).

²³ Ibid., 23 (letter no. 16).

²⁴ Michael Ducas, Historia bizantina, chap. XX; Bonn ed., 100.

²⁵ Ibid.; Bonn ed., 102.

²⁶ Bertrandon de la Broquière, Le Voyage d’outremer, ed. C. Schefer, 155.

²⁷ See P. Charanis, “The Crown Modiolus Once More,” Byzantion, XIII (1938), 379, 381–82. Sources and literature are given. In 1938 F. Dölger wrote that Constantine XI was crowned by a layman; Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XXXVIII (1938), 240. In 1940 G. Ostrogorsky said that Constantine was crowned emperor in Morea; Geschichte des byzantinischen Staates, 408.

²⁸ George Phrantzes, Annales, III, I; Bonn ed., 206 ff.

²⁹ Charles Diehl, Figures byzantines, II, 289–90.

³⁰ See A. A. Vasiliev, “The Transmission by Andreas Palaeologus of the Rights to Byzantium to the King of France, Charles VIII,” Papers Presented to N. I. Kareev, 273–74. For the text of the document see Foncemagne, in the Mémoires de I’Academie royale des inscriptions et belles-lettres, XVII (1751), 572–77. The Russian translation in Vasiliev, 275–78.

³¹ A History of Russia, II, 150; in English, trans. C. J. Hogarth, II, 19.

³² See H. Schaeder, Moskau das Dritte Rom. Studien zur Geschichte der politischen Theorien in der slavischen Welt, 36–37. The author is very familiar with the Russian sources.

³³ V. Malinin, The Old Monk of the Monastery of Eleazar, Philotheus, and His Works, appendices, 42, 45.

³⁴ See, e.g., L. P. Pierling, La Russie et le Saint-Siège, I, 221–39. See also an interesting text in N. Iorga, Byzance après Byzance, 26 and n. 5.

³⁵ See E. Martene and U. Durand, Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, II, 197. See E. Jordan, Les Registres de Clément IV (1265–1268), 61–62 (no. 224). W. Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, 444, n. I.

³⁶ E. Jordan, Les Origines de la domination angevine en Italie, 410, 414–15.

³⁷ See the enthusiastic description of Charles’ realm in Italy by F. Carabellese, Carlo d’Angi ò nei rapporti politici e commerciali con Venezia e l’Oriente, xxviii–xxx. It is the author’s posthumous work.

³⁸ S. W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant, I, 438. W. Miller, “The Zaccaria of Phocaea and Chios (1275–1329),” in his Essays on the Latin Orient, 284–85. See also an important book by R. Lopez, Genova marinara nel duecento. Benedetto Zaccaria ammiraglio e mercante, II, 23–61.

³⁹ J. Ebersolt, Orient et Occident. Recherches sur les influences byzantines et orientales en France pendant les Croisades, 34.

⁴⁰ See, e.g., E. Lavisse, Histoire de France, III (2), 101–2. Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, 468.

⁴¹ George Pachymeris De Michaele Palaeologo, V, 9; Bonn ed., I, 364.

⁴² C. Jireček, “The Situation and Past of the City of Drač,” Transactions of the Geographical Society of Serbia, I, 2 (1912), 6 (in Serbian); in German in L. von Thalloczy, lllyrisch-albanische Forschungen, 161.

⁴³ P. Durrieu, Les Archives angevines de Naples. Étude sur les registres du roi Charles I^er, I, 191, n. 5. Acta diplomata res Albaniae mediae aetatis illustrantia, ed. L. von Thalloczy, C. Jireček, and E. de Sufflay, I, 77 (no. 270).

⁴⁴ J. A. Buchon, Nouvelles recherches historiques sur la Principauté Française de Morée, II, 317.

⁴⁵ Carabellese, Carlo d’Angiò, xl. These lines were written in 1911.

⁴⁶ See C. Jireček, Geschichte der Serben, I, 323.

⁴⁷ The Italian Archives and Material on the History of the Slavs Preserved in Them, II, 67–68.

⁴⁸ Ibid., 69. Jireček, A History of the Bulgars, 363.

⁴⁹ On Venice, see Carabellese, Carlo d’Angiò, xxxiv–xxxviii, 106–42.

⁵⁰ Unfortunately Carabellese’s book does not deal systematically with the relations between Charles and Michael Palaeologus. Ibid., xxix, the author said: “but of the great number of documents, published or unpublished, which refer to the Palaeologus, we will speak at a later time.” I think the author did not have time enough to fulfill his intention.

⁵¹ Ibid., 23–24.

⁵² V. Laurent, “Grégoire X (1271–1276) et le projet d’une ligue anti-turque,” Échos d’Orient, XXXVII (1938), 257–73, especially, 269. This article is from Laurent’s projected book, The Second Council of Lyons and the Religious Policy of Michael VIII Palaeologus.

⁵³ G. L. F. Tafel and G. M. Thomas, Urkunden zur ältern Handels und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, III, 289.

⁵⁴ Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, 604.

⁵⁵ Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, V, I, B; Bonn ed., I, 123.

⁵⁶ Historia del regno di Romania, in C. Hopf, Chroniques grèco-romanes inédites ou peu connues, 138.

^56a See below, n. 73.

⁵⁷ The very name of this event, “The Sicilian Vespers,” probably appeared in literature not earlier than the end of the fifteenth century, after the first great French expedition against Italy.

⁵⁸ F. Petrarca, Itinerarium Syriacum, in Opera Omnia, 559. G. Lumbroso, Memorie italiane del buon tempo antico, 34.

⁵⁹ See Lopez, Genova Marinara nel duecento, 69–71, 88, n. 28.

⁶⁰ Michael Palaeologus, De vita sua opusculum, par. ix; in Christianskoe Ĉtenie, II (1885), 537–38; in Russian, 558; in French, ed. Chapman, 145, 174.

⁶¹ Weltgeschichte, VIII, 538.

⁶² George Phrantzes, Annales, I, 3; Bonn ed., 23.

⁶³ R. Grousset, Histoire d’Asie, III, 100.

⁶⁴ Two interesting Russian articles on this subject have been published: Th. I. Uspensky, “Byzantine Historians on the Mongols and Egyptian Mamluks,” Vizantiysky Vremennik, XXIV (1923–26), 1–16; and G. Vernadsky, “The Golden Horde, Egypt, and Byzantium in Their Mutual Relations in the Reign of Michael Palaeologus,” Annales de l’Institut Kondakov, I (1927), 73–84.

⁶⁵ Vernadsky, ibid., 76.

⁶⁶ Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, IV, 7, 1; Bonn ed., I, 102.

⁶⁷ Shamanism is one of the religions of the Ural-Altaic peoples.

⁶⁸ George Pachymeres, De Michaele Palaeologo, III, 3; Bonn ed., I, 176–77.

⁶⁹ Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, IV, 7, 1; Bonn ed., I, 101.

⁷⁰ Vernadsky, “The Golden Horde,” Annales de l’Institut Kondakov, I (1927), 79. P. Nikov, The Tartaro-Bulgarian Relations in the Middle Ages, 6–11. Cf. Chapman, Michel Paléologue, 74–75. G. I. Brătianu, Recherches sur le commerce génois dans la mer Noire au XIII^e siècle, 207–8.

⁷¹ See Nikov, Tartaro-Bulgarian Relations, 11–12.

⁷² See, e.g., S. Lane-Poole, A History of Egypt in the Middle Ages, 266.

⁷³ M. Canard, “Le Traité de 1281 entre Michel Paléologue et le sultan Qalâ’ûn,” Byzantion, X (1935), 669–80. Canard, “Un Traité entre Byzance et l’Egypt au XIII^e siècle et les relations diplomatiques de Michel VIII Paléologue avec les sultans Mamlúks Baibars et Qalâ’ûn,” Mélanges Guadefroy-Demombynes, 197–224. F. Dölger’s doubts and criticisms in Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XXXVI (1936), 467; XXXXVII (1937), 537–38. See Dölger, Corpus der griechischen Urkunden, III, 74 (no. 2052), which refers to 1281; III, 75 (no. 2062), which refers to the year 1282. Here Dölger did not use Canard’s Arabic source, the work of Qalqashandi (who died in 1418). But see now Dölger, Der Vertrag des Sultans Qala’un von Aegypten mit dem Kaiser Michael VIII Palaiologus. Serta Monacensia. (Leiden, 1952), 68; 78–79.

⁷⁴ George Pachymeres, De Michaele Palaeologo, I, 5; Bonn ed., I, 18.

⁷⁵ V. I. Lamansky, The Slavs in Asia Minor, Africa, and Spain, 11–14. Th. I. Uspensky, “On the History of the Peasant Landholding in Byzantium,” Journal of the Ministry of Public Instruction, CCXV (1883), 342–45. P. Mutafčiev, Military Lands and Soldiers in Byzantium in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, 67.

⁷⁶ See H. A. Gibbons, The Foundation of the Ottoman Empire. F. Giese, “Das Problem der Entstehung des osmanischen Reiches,” Zeitschrift für Semitistik, II (1923), 246–71. For valuable information of general critical and bibliographical character see E. L. Langer and R. P. Blake, “The Rise of the Ottoman Turks and Its Historical Background,” American Historical Review, XXXVII (1932), 468–505. M. F. Köprülü, Les Origines de l’Empire Ottoman, 5–32. P. Wittek, The Rise of the Ottoman Empire, 33–51.

⁷⁷ George Pachymeres, De Andronico Palaeologo, V, 21; Bonn ed., II, 412.

⁷⁸ “Almughavars” is the Arabic word borrowed from the Spanish Arabs, literally meaning “making an expedition,” hence “light cavalry,” scouts.

⁷⁹ Chronica o descripcio fets e hazanyes del inclyt rey Don Jaume; in Buchon, Chroniques étrangères; ed. K. Lanz. On Muntaner see N. Iorga, “Ramön Muntaner et l’empire byzantin,” Revue historique du sudest européen, IV (1927), 325–55.

⁸⁰ George Pachymeres, De Andronico Palaeologo, V, 12; Bonn ed., II, 393.

⁸¹ A. Rubió y Lluch, La expedición y dominación de los Catalanes en Oriente, 6, 7, 10. Rubió y Lluch, Los Catalanes en Grecia. Últimos años de su dominación. Caudros históricos, 6. C. Banús y Comas, Expedición de Catalanes y Aragoneses en Oriente en principio del siglo XIV, 43, 46: Roger de Flor went to the Orient looking for glory and booty.

⁸² C. Hopf, Geschichte Griechenlands vom Beginne des Mittelalters bis auf die neuere Zeit, I, 380.

⁸³ A History of Greece, ed. H. F. Tozer, III, 388.

⁸⁴ Ibid., IV, 147. A general sketch of the study of the Catalan problem in Greece can be found in Rubió y Lluch, Los Catalanes en Grecia, 19–50.

⁸⁵ In the palace of the Senate in Madrid a picture by a nineteenth century Spanish painter, José Moreno Carbonero (1888–) presents the entrance of Roger de Flor into Constantinople. The picture is described in Banús y Comas, Expedición de Catalanes y Aragoneses en Oriente, 48; a reproduction is given.

⁸⁶ P. Uspensky, The Christian Orient, Athos, III (2), 118.

⁸⁷ See Acta Aragonensia. Quellen zur deutschen, italienischen, franzöischen, spanischen, zur Kirchen- und Kulturgeschichte aus der diplomatischen Korrespondenz Jaymes II. (7291–1327), ed. H. Finke, II, 741 (no. 458). In this edition the text is dated May 2, 1293. But in the document itself the year is obliterated. I think that it should be assigned to the beginning of the fourteenth century, for in 1293 the Catalan companies had not yet taken any part in the history of Byzantium.

⁸⁸ Miller, The Catalans at Athens, 14. Miller, Essays on the Latin Orient, 129. Setton, Catalan Domination of Athens 1311–1388, 17, 187, 257.

⁸⁹ Rubió y Lluch, La expedición y dominación de los Catalanes, 14–15. G. Schlumberger, Expédition des “Almugavares” ou routiers catalans en Orient, 391–92.

⁹⁰ See A. Rubió y Lluch, “Atenes en temps dels Catalans,” Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, II (1907), 245–46.

⁹¹ Rubió y Lluch, “Els Castells Catalans de la Grecia continental,” ibid., III (1908), 362–425.

⁹² Rubió y Lluch, “La Grecia Catalana des de la mort de Roger de Lluria fins a la de Frederic III de Sicilia (1370–1377),” ibid., V (1913–14), 393. See also Rubió y Lluch, “Une Figure Athénienne de l’époque de la domination catalane. Dimitri Rendi,” Byzantion, II (1925), 194.

⁹³ Rubió y Lluch, “La Grecia Catalana de la mort de Frederic III fins a la invasió navarresa (1377–1379),” ibid., VI (1915–20), 199. See his Diplomatari de l’Orient català (Barcelona, 1948), a posthumous work. See also his Los Catalanes en Grecia, 13. For a list of many publications of Rubió y Lluch see Cambridge Medieval History, IV, 862 and particularly Setton, 286–91.

⁹⁴ See Florinsky, The Southern Slavs and Byzantium, II, 55. Jireček, Geschichte der Serben, I, 362.

⁹⁵ The Southern Slavs and Byzantium, II, 45–46. See Jireček, Geschichte der Serben, I, 355–56.

⁹⁶ C. A. Chekrezi, Albania—Past and Present, 8.

⁹⁷ C. Jireček, “Albanen in der Vergangenheit,” in Oesterreichische Monatschrift für den Orient, no. I–2 (1914), 2; reprinted in Thallóczy, lllyrisch-albanische Forschungen, I, 66. On the word Shkipetars, see A. C. Chatziz, Πóθεν τò ἐθνικòν Σκιπετάρ in the Πρακτικά, of the Academy of Athens, IV (1929), 102–4. H. Gregoire, Byzantion, IV (1929), 746–48: in modern Greek σκιππέττο = Italian shiopetto = French escopette, meaning “gun,” “the armed people.” The problem has not yet been definitely solved.

⁹⁸ Jireček, ibid., 2. Thallóczy, ibid., I, 67. G. Gröber, Grundriss der romanischen Philologie (2nd ed., 1904–6), 1039.

⁹⁹ Michael Attaliates, Historia, 9, 18.

¹⁰⁰ J. P. Fallmerayer, Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea während des Mittelalters, II, xxiv–xxvii.

¹⁰¹ See, e.g., Phillipson, “Zur Ethnographie des Peloponnes,” Petermann’s Mitteilungen, XXXVI (1890), 35. Phillipson, Das Byzantinische Reich als Geographische Ercheinung, 131. D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat Grec de Morée, 102–5.

¹⁰² J. Hahn, Albanesische Studien, I, 32 (this figure is approximate); cf. II, I (almost half of the population of Greece); see also preface, vi. See Chekrezi, Albania—Past and Present, 25, n. I; 205. Finlay (History of Greece, IV, 32) counted about 200,000 Albanians in Greece.

¹⁰³ The Southern Slavs and Byzantium, I, 32–33.

¹⁰⁴ See N. Iorga, “Une ville ‘romane’ devenue slave: Raguse,” Bulletin de la section historique de l’Académie roumaine, XVIII (1931), 32–100. P. Skok, “Les Origines de Raguse,” Slavia, X (1931), 449–500. A brief popular sketch by M. Andreeva, “Dubrovnik,” Revue internationale des études balkaniques, II (1935), 125–28.

¹⁰⁵ Nicephorus Gregoras called him “the Great Triball.” By this name, really that of an ancient Thracian tribe, Gregoras meant the Serbs.

¹⁰⁶ Historia, XIV, 4; Bonn ed., II, 817.

¹⁰⁷ Like Nicephorus Gregoras, Cantacuzene in his memoirs called the Serbs by the name of the old Thracian tribe of the Triballs.

¹⁰⁸ Historiae, III, 89; Bonn ed., II, 551–52.

¹⁰⁹ Florinsky, The Southern Slavs and Byzantium, II, 108, 111. Jireček, Geschichte der Serben, I, 386.

¹¹⁰ See C. Sathas, Bibliotheca graeca medii aevi, I, 239. Florinsky, The Athonian Acts and Photographs of Them in the Collections of Sevastyanov, 96.

¹¹¹ The Southern Slavs and Byzantium, II, 109.

¹¹² Ibid., 110.

¹¹³ Ibid.

¹¹⁴ Florinsky, The Athonian Acts, 95. Uspensky, The Christian Orient, III (2), 156.

¹¹⁵ Florinsky, The Southern Slavs and Byzantium, II, 126.

¹¹⁶ Florinsky, The Monuments of Dushan’s Legislative Activity, 13.

¹¹⁷ Florinsky, The Southern Slavs and Byzantium, II, 134.

¹¹⁸ Ibid., 141.

¹¹⁹ Ibid., 200–201, 206–7.

¹²⁰ Ibid., 208.

¹²¹ John Cantacuzene, Historiae, IV, 43; Bonn ed., III, 315.

¹²² The Southern Slavs and Byzantium, II, I.

¹²³ A. Pogodin, A History of Serbia, 79.

¹²⁴ See N. A. Bees, “Geschichtliche Forschungsresultate und Mönchs- und Volkssagen über die Gründer der Meteorenklöster,” Byzantinisch-neugriechische Jahrbücher, III (1922), 364–69. Miller, Latins in the Levant, 294–95. I. Boghiatzides, “Tò χρονικòν τῶν Mετεώρων,” Ἐπετηρìς Ἑταιρείας Bνζαντινῶν Σπονδῶν, II (1925), 149–82.

¹²⁵ Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, XXVIII, 2; Bonn ed., III, 177.

¹²⁶ Ibid., 40; Bonn ed., 202–3.

¹²⁷ Demetrius Cydones, Συμβουλευτικòς ἕτερος; Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CLIV, 1013.

¹²⁸ Voskresenskaya lietopis (The Annals of Voskresensk), The Complete Collection of Russian Annals, VII, 251.

¹²⁹ See N. Iorga, “Latins et Grecs d’Orient et l’établissement des Turcs en Europe (1242–1362),” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XV (1906), 217. Hopf, Geschichte Griechenlands, I, 448.

¹³⁰ Florinsky, The Southern Slavs and Byzantium, II, 192–93.

¹³¹ For the Greek sources on the battle of Kossovo, see N. Radojčić, “Die griechischen Quellen zur Schlacht am Kossovo Polje,” Byzantion, VI (1931), 241–46. H. Gregoire, “L’Opinion byzantine et la bataille de Kossovo, Byzantion, VI (1931), 247–51.

¹³² Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, XVII, i, 2; Bonn ed., II, 842.

¹³³ Chronicon Estense; see Muratori, Scriptores rerum italicarum, XV, 448. Bartholomaeus della Pugliola, Historia miscella Bononiensis, ibid., XVIII, 409.

¹³⁴ Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, XV, i, 5; Bonn ed., II, 797–98. John Cantacuzene, Historiae, IV, 8; Bonn ed., III, 49–53.

¹³⁵ The Economic Growth of Europe, III, 191; trans. M. Kupperberg, V, 236. A. A. Vasiliev, The Goths in the Crimea, 175–77; bibliography is given.

¹³⁶ On Norway, see e.g., K. Gjerset, History, of the Norwegian People, I, 202.

¹³⁷ A. N. Veselovsky, “Boccaccio, his Environment and Contemporaries,” Works of A. N. Veselovsky, V, 448, 451; idem, in Sbornik Otdeleniya Russkago Yazyka i Slovesnosti, LII, 444, 447.

¹³⁸ The Decameron, first day, introduction.

¹³⁹ See, e.g., M. Korelin, The Earlier Italian Humanism and Its Historiography, 495.

¹⁴⁰ Nikonovskaya letopis, The Complete Collection of Russian Annals, X, 224.

¹⁴¹ See N. Iorga, “Latins et Grecs d’Orient,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XV (1906), 208.

¹⁴² Liber jurium reipublicae Genuensis, II, 858–906; in Monumenta Historiae Patriae, IX. Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, IV, 199–263.

¹⁴³ Andanças é viajes de Pero Tafur por diversas partes del mundo avidos (1435–1439), 135–36; ed. Malcolm Letts, 113–14. See A. A. Vasiliev, “Pero Tafur, a Spanish Traveler of the Fifteenth Century and his Visit to Constantinople, Trebizond, and Italy,” Byzantion, VII (1932), 75–122. Charles Diehl, “Un Voyageur espagnol à Constantinople,” Mélanges Glotz, I (1932), 319–27.

¹⁴⁴ Berger de Xivrey, “Mémoire sur le vie et les ouvrages de l’empereur Manuel Paléologue,” Mémoires de l’Institut de France, XIX (2), 25–26.

¹⁴⁵ Michael Ducas, Historia byzantina, XIII; Bonn ed., 49.

¹⁴⁶ Manuel Palaeologus, Oratio funebris in proprium ejus fratrem despotam Theodorum Palaeologum; ed. Migne, Patrologia, CLVI, 225.

¹⁴⁷ Silberschmidt, Das orientalische Problem, 78–79. The author used a misleading term, “Griechisches Reich türkischer Nation” (p. 79). See R. Salomon’s review, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XXVIII (1928), 144. See also Peter Charanis, “The Strife Among the Palaeologi and the Ottoman Turks, 1370–1402,” Byzantion, XVI, 1 (1944), 286–314. Among other sources, the author used the correspondence of Demetrius Cydones.

¹⁴⁸ Michael Ducas, Historia byzantina, XII; Bonn ed., 50.

¹⁴⁹ Silberschmidt, Das orientalische Problem, 87.

¹⁵⁰ Ibid., 119.

¹⁵¹ Aziz Suryal Atiya, The Crusade of Nicopolis. H. L. Savage, “Enguerrand de Coucy VII and the Campaign of Nicopolis,” Speculum, XIV (1939), 423–42.

¹⁵² H. Schiltberger, Reisebuch, ed. V. Lang-mantel, 7.

¹⁵³ See J. H. Mordtmann, “Die erste Eroberung von Athen durch die Türken zu Ende des 14 Jahrhunderts,” Byzantinisch-neugriechische Jahrbücher, IV (1923), 346–50. R. Loenertz, “Pour l’histoire du Péloponèse au XIV^e siècle (1382–1404),” Études byzantines, I (1944), 185–86.

¹⁵⁴ Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys, ed. Bellaguet, II, 562.

¹⁵⁵ Nikonovskaya letopis, Complete Collection of Russian Annals, XI (1897), 168.

¹⁵⁶ For the most detailed description of Manuel’s journey see A. A. Vasiliev, “The Journey of the Byzantine Emperor Manuel II Palaeologus in Western Europe (1399–1403),” Journal of the Ministry of Public Instruction, N.S. XXXIX (1912), 41–78, 260–304. See also G. Schlumberger, “Un Empereur de Byzance à Paris et à Londres,” Revue des Deux Mondes, XXX (December 15, 1915); reprinted in his Byzance et croisades, 87–147. M. Jugie, “Le Voyage de l’Empereur Manuel Paléologue en Occident,” Échos d’Orient, XV (1912), 322–32. H. C. Luke, “Visitors from the East to the Plantagenet and Lancastrian Kings,” Nineteenth Century, CVIII (1930), 760–69. Brief note on Manuel’s visit.

¹⁵⁷ Chronique de Religieux de Saint-Denys, XXI, I; ed. Bellaguet, 756.

¹⁵⁸ Lettres de Manuel Paléologue, ed. Legrand, I, 52.

¹⁵⁹ Chronicon Adae de Usk, ed. E. M. Thompson (2nd ed., 1904), 57; in English, 220.

¹⁶⁰ Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CLVI, 577–80. Russian translation of this essay in A. A. Vasiliev, “The Journey of Manuel II Palaeologus,” Journal of the Ministry of Public Instruction, XXXIX (1912), 58–60.

¹⁶¹ See M. Andreeva, “Zur Reise Manuels II. Palaiologos nach West-Europa,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XXXIV (1934), 37–47.

¹⁶² George Phrantzes, Annales, I, 39; Bonn ed., 117.

¹⁶³ Ibid., I, 15; Bonn ed., 62. Chronicon Tarvisinum, in Muratori, Scriptores rerum italicarum, XIX, 794.

¹⁶⁴ Michael Ducas, Historia byzantina, XVII; Bonn ed., 76–77.

¹⁶⁵ See C. Marinescu, “Manuel II Paléologue et les rois d’Aragon. Commentaire sur quatre lettres inédites en latin, expediées par la chancellerie byzantine,” Bulletin de la section historique de l’Académie roumaine, XI (1924), 194–95, 198–99.

¹⁶⁶ Ibid., 195–96, 200–201: “Vestra Excellentia illustri filio nostro, despoti Moree Porfirogenito, notificaverat qualiter accedere intendebat pro communi utilitate christianorum et specialiter nostra ad dictas partes Moree cum potencia maxima.” See D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat Grec de Morée, 168.

¹⁶⁷ Zakythinos, ibid., is a very fine work.

¹⁶⁸ Mazari Ἐπιδημία Mάζαρι ἐν Ἅιδου; A. Ellissen, Analekten der mittel- und neugriechischen Litteratur, IV, 230.

¹⁶⁹ Geschichte der Stadt Athen, II, 240–83.

¹⁷⁰ See Miller, Latins in the Levant, 377.

¹⁷¹ Manuel Palaeologus, Oratio funebris; Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CLVI, 212–13.

¹⁷² Gemistus Plethon, Oratio prima, 2–3; ed. Ellissen, Analekten, IV (2), 42.

¹⁷³ Geschichte der Byzantinischen Litteratur, 494.

¹⁷⁴ Mazari, Ἐπιδημία Mάζαρι ἐv "Αιδου, 2, Ellissen, Analekten, IV (7), 192.

¹⁷⁵ Mazari, ibid., 22. Ellissen, ibid., 239.

¹⁷⁶ Halbinsel Morea, II, 300–66. See H. F. Tozer, “A Byzantine Reformer (Gemistus Plethon),” Journal of Hellenic Studies, VII (1886), 353–80. J. Dräseke, “Plethons und Bessarions Denkschriften über die Angelegenheiten im Peloponnes,” Neue Jahrbücker für das klassische Altertum, XXVII (1911), 102–19.

¹⁷⁷ Gemistus Plethon, De Rebus Peloponnesiacis Orationes duae, ed. Ellissen, Analekten, IV (2); ed. Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CLX, 821–66.

¹⁷⁸ Ibid., Oratio I, par. 12, Oratio II, par. 13; ed. Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CLX, 829, 853. See Tozer, “Gemistus Plethon,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, VII (1886), 370; he called the second class “those employed in trade and manufactures,” or “the trading class” (372).

¹⁷⁹ Gemistus Plethon, Oratio I, par. 18; ed. Ellissen, Analekten, IV (2), 53; ed. Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CLX, 833.

¹⁸⁰ See Ellissen, Analekten, IV (2), 143, n. 3. Tozer, “Gemistus Plethon,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, VII (1886), 379.

¹⁸¹ Études byzantines, 232.

¹⁸² George Phrantzes, Annales, I, 37; Bonn ed., 111–12.

¹⁸³ John Cananus, De Constantinopoli anno 1422 oppugnata narratio, Bonn ed., 457.

¹⁸⁴ Gemistus as an eyewitness described Turkish atrocities in Greece. His lengthy poem, “Ad S. D. N. Leonem X. Pont. Maximi Ioannis Gemisti Graeci a secretis Anconae Protrepticon et Promosticon,” is given by C. Sathas, Documents inédits relatifs a l’histoire de la Grèce au moyen âge, VIII, 546–91, especially 548–50. See also ibid., IX, vii.

¹⁸⁵ George Phrantzes, Annales, I, 40; Bonn ed., 121.

¹⁸⁶ “Mémoire sur Manuel Paléologue,” Mémoires de l’Institut de France, XIX (2), 180.

¹⁸⁷ Michael Ducas, Historia byzantina, XXIX; Bonn ed., 197.

¹⁸⁸ De extremo Thessalonicensi excidio, Bonn ed., 481–528.

¹⁸⁹ ‘Ιέρακος χονικòν περì τῆς τῶν Τούρκων βασιλείς. Sathas, Bibliotheca graeca medii aevi, I, 256–57, lines 360–88; the same fragment is given in “‘'Η έν θεσσαλονίκῃ μονὴ τῶν Βλαταίων καὶ τὰ μετόχια αὐτῆς,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, VIII (1899), 421; a brief Greek note on the fall of Thessalonica on pp. 403–4. S. Lampros, “"Τρεῖς ὰνέκδοτοι μονῳδίαι εὶς τὴν ύπò τῶν Τούρκων ἃλωσιν τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης,” Νέος 'Ελληνομνήμων, V (1908), 369–91 (two pieces in verse, and one in prose).

¹⁹⁰ See Florence McPherson, “Historical Notes on Certain Modern Greek Folk-songs,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, X (1889), 86–87.

¹⁹¹ La Broquière, Voyage d’outremer, ed. Schefer, 150–65. See A. A. Vasiliev, “La Guerre de Cent Ans et Jeanne d’Arc dans la tradition byzantine,” Byzantion, III (1926), 249. Some news of Joan of Arc penetrated to Ragusa. See N. Iorga, Notes et extraits pour servir à l’histoire des Croisades, II, 272: “on parle ‘d’una mamoleta virgine, la qual gli è (al rè Carlo) apparuta maravigliosamente, la qual rege et guida lo suo exercito,’” (from the Archives of Ragusa, April 30–December 28, 1430, Nouvelles de France).

¹⁹² Ibid., 230.

¹⁹³ Aziz Suryal Atiya, Crusade in the Later Middle Ages; see a review by O. Halecki, Byzantion, XV (1940–41), 473–83. Halecki, The Crusade of Varna. A Discussion of Controversial Problems, 96. A fine monograph.

¹⁹⁴ See F. Cerone, “La politica orientale di Alfonso d’Aragona,” Archivio storico per le provincie Napolitane, XXVII (1902), 425–56, 555–634; XXVIII (1903), 167. Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, 731–33. C. Marinescu is preparing, on the basis of the rich store of unpublished documents of the Archivios de la Corona de Aragon in Barcelona, a work especially devoted to the relations of Alfonso V and the Orient. See “Manuel II Paleologue et les rois d’Aragon,” Bulletin de la section historique de l’Académie roumaine, XI (1924), 197. See also Compterendu du deuxième Congrés international des études byzantines (1929), 162.

¹⁹⁵ See Cyriacus’ description of the Peloponnesus, first published by R. Sabbadini, “Ciriaco d’Ancona e la sua descrizione autografa del Peloponneso trasmessa da Leonardo Botta,” Miscellanea Ceriani, 203–4. On Cyriacus of Ancona see G. Castellani, “Un Traité inédit en Grec de Cyriaque d’Ancône,” Revue des études grecques, IX (1896), 225–28. E. Zie-barth, “Κυριακòς ὁ ἐξ ’Αγκῶνος ἐν ’Ηπείρῳ,” ‘Ηπειρωτικὰ Χρoνικά, II (1926), 110–19; some additions and corrections by Δ. Καμπονρογλοῦ, ibid., III (1928), 223–24; he gives an exact date for Cyriacus’ death: 1452 (p. 224). F. Pall, “Ciriaco d’Ancona e la crociata contro i Turchi,” Bulletin de la section historique de l’ Académie roumaine, XX (1937), 9–60. See also Zakythinos, Le Despotat Grec, 231–35.

¹⁹⁶ See Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum a Cyriaco Anconitano apud Liburniam, xxxvii. Zakythinos, Le Despotat Grec, 236.

¹⁹⁷ Iorga, Notes et extraits pour servir à l’histoire des Croisades, IV, 83.

¹⁹⁸ George Phrantzes, Annales, I, 32; Bonn ed., 93, 95.

¹⁹⁹ For example, Ellissen, Analekten, III, 87–93. On Muhammed’s interest in science, poetry, and art, see J. Karabaček, Abend-landische Künstler zu Konstantinopel im XV. und XVI. Jahrhundert, 1.

²⁰⁰ N. Iorga, Geschichte des Osmanischen Retches, II, 3.

²⁰¹ Michael Ducas, Historia byzantina, XXXV; Bonn ed., 249, 252.

²⁰² See Lampros, “Αἱ εἰκόνες Κωνσταντίνoυ τ,” Παλαιoλόγoυ,” Nέος ‘Eλληνoμνὴμων, III (1906), 229–42; Lampros, “Nέαι εἰκόνες Κωνσταντίνoυ τoῦ Παλαιoλόγoυ,” ibid., IV (1907), 238–40; VI (1909), 399–408. S. Lampros, Empereurs byzantins. Catalogue illustré de la collection de portraits des empereurs de Byzance, 57–58.

²⁰³ See L. Thuasne, Gentile Bellini et Sultan Mohammed II. Notes sur le séjour du peintre vénitien à Constantinople (1479–1480), 50–51; in this book Muhammed’s pictures and medals are reproduced. Karabaček, Abendländische Künstler zu Konstantinopel, I, 24–49; this work has many illustrations. Before World War I the famous picture of Bellini was in the private collection of Lady Enid Layard at Venice; during the war it was transferred to London. See Karabaček, ibid., 44.

²⁰⁴ Historia byzantina, XXXIV; Bonn ed., 238.

²⁰⁵ Giornale dell ‘assedio di Constantinopoli, ed. E. Cornet, 2.

²⁰⁶ Ibid., 18.

²⁰⁷ Michael Ducas, Historia byzantina, XXXVII; Bonn ed., 264.

²⁰⁸ At the present time this chain is believed to be a portion of the chain from the harbor of the island of Rhodes, which was brought to Constantinople by the Turks after the conquest of Rhodes.

²⁰⁹ C. Müller, Fragmenta historicorum graecorum, V, 52.

²¹⁰ Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzanti-nischen Litteratur, 302. See also W. Miller, “The Last Athenian Historian: Laonikos Chalkokondyles,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, XLII (1922), 38.

²¹¹ The Tale of Tsargrad by Nestor-Iskan-der, ed. Abbot Leonides, Pamyatniki drevney pismennosti, LXII (1886), 43. For other Slavic accounts, see Cambridge Medieval History, IV, 888. A Russian text of the Tale, from the edition of 1853, is reprinted by N. Iorga, “Origines et prise de Constantinople,” Bulletin de la section historique de l’Académie roumaine, XIII (1927), 89–105. The question now arises whether the original text of this tale is not Greek and whether the Slavic account of it may belong not to a Russian but to a Serbian. See N. Iorga, “Une Source négligée de la prise de Constantinople,” ibid., 65. B. Unbegaun, “Les Relations vieux-russes de la prise de Constantinople,” Revue des études slaves, IX (1929), 13–38: on the Russian version of Iskander and on the old Russian translation of the account of Aeneas Sylvius of the capture of Constantinople by the Turks.

²¹² See F. Babinger, Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke, 23–45 and passim.

²¹³ Giornale dell ’assedio di Constantinopoli, ed. Cornet, 20, 21.

²¹⁴ Tale of Tsargrad, ed. Leonides, 27. See also The Tales of Tsargrad, ed. V. Yakovlev, 92, 93. Iorga, “Origines et prise de Constantinople,” Bulletin de la section historique de l’Académie roumaine, XIII (1927), 99.

²¹⁵ Critobulus, I, 31, 3; ed. C. Müller, 80.

²¹⁶ Le Siège, la prise, et le sac de Constantinople par les Turcs en 1453, 140.

²¹⁷ Barbaro, Giornale dell’ assedio di Constantinople, ed. Cornet, 28.

²¹⁸ Critobulus, I, 50, 2; ed. Müller, 91.

²¹⁹ George Phrantzes, Annales. III, 6; Bonn ed., 271–79.

²²⁰ Ibid., 273.

²²¹ Ibid., 278.

²²² The Destruction of the Greek Empire and the Story of the Capture of Constantinople by the Turks, 330–31. A French paraphrase of Pear’s account is given by Schlumberger, Le Siège, la prise et le sac de Constantinople, 269–70. R. Byron, The Byzantine Achievement. An Historical Perspective A.D. 330 1453, 295–98.

²²³ George Phrantzes, Annales; Bonn ed., 279.

²²⁴ See F. W. Hasluck, “The Latin Monuments of Chios,” Annual of the British School at Athens, XVI (1909–10), 155 and fig. 18. The text of the inscription is given. The author remarked: “This is the tomb of the famous Giovanni Giustiniani, whose wound was the immediate cause of the fall of Constantinople” (p. 155).

²²⁵ Michael Ducas, Historia byzantina, XLII; Bonn ed., 312.

²²⁶ “The Start and Development of the Eastern Problem,” Transactions of the Slavonic Charitable Society, III (1886), 251.

²²⁷ Constantinople, I, 47.

²²⁸ See G. B. Picotti, “Sulle navi papali in Oriente al tempo della caduta di Costantinopoli,” Nuovo Archivio Veneto, N.S, XXII (1911), 416, 436.

²²⁹ This is the correct date. Sometimes the year 1458 is given. See, e.g., Gregorovius, Geschichte der Stadt Athen, II, 381.

²³⁰ “The Arabian geographer al-Masudi, of the tenth century, said that the Greeks in his day spoke of their capital as Bulin (i.e. the Greek word Polin), also as Istan-Bulin (Greek στὴν πóλιν, stinpolin), and did not use the name of Constantinople. See G. LeStrange, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 138, n. A. Andreadès, “De la population de Constantinople sous les empereurs byzantins,” Metron, I (1920), 69, n. 2. Thus Istamboul (Stamboul) is the Greek stinpolin,“to the city.”

²³¹ Historia byzantina, XLI; Bonn ed., 306. See nine texts, six in prose and three in verse, of different Monodies and Laments on the fall of Constantinople in S. Lampros, “Moνῳδíαι καì θρῆνoι ἑπì τῇ ἁλώσει τῆς Kωνσταντινoυπóλεως,” Nέoς ‘Eλληνoμνήμων, V (1908), 190–269.

²³² The Latin text of Dlugosz is reproduced by O. Halecki, “La Pologne et l’Empire Byzantin,” Byzantion, VII (1932), 65.

²³³ See M. Brosset, Histoire de la Géorgie, I, 683.

²³⁴ See G. Voigt, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, II, 95.

²³⁵ Baronii Annales ecclesiastici, ed. A. Theiner, XXVIII, 598.

²³⁶ See Iorga, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reichs, II, 41.

²³⁷ Voigt, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, II, 94.

²³⁸ Iorga, Notes et extraits pour servir à l’histoire des Croisades, IV, 74.

²³⁹ Ibid., 64, 76, 82, 84, 90.

²⁴⁰ Voigt, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, II, 11819.

²⁴¹ Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, 505.

²⁴² Historia, V, 2, 5; Bonn ed., I, 128.

²⁴³ L. Bouvat, L’Empire Mongol, 1.

²⁴⁴ On Michael’s journey to Lyons see, e.g., Theodore Spandugino, patritio Constantinopolitano (died after 1538), “De la origine deli imperatori Ottomani,” in Sathas, Documents inédits relatifs à l’histoire de la Grèce, IX, 143. Chronicon Carionis a Casparo Peucero expositi et aucti, V, part 3, 874–75. There are also several old editions of this chronicle. Also Flavius Blondus (Biondo), who died in 1463. On the refutation of this story see Leo Allatius, De ecclesiae occidentalis atque orientalis perpetua consensione, II, chap. XV, 753. Allatius quoted several other names.

²⁴⁵ See the profession of faith read at the Council on behalf of Michael Palaeologus, in the very interesting article by F. Vernet, “Le II^e concile oecumenique de Lyon, 7 mai-17 juillet, 1274,” Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, IX, 1384–86. See also V. Grumel, “Le II^e concile de Lyon et la réunion de l’église grecque,” ibid., 1391–1410. Both articles afford information on the sources and literature of the Union of Lyons. See also Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, 520–615.

²⁴⁶ On the Union of Lyons there is an old Russian work, accurate but written strictly from the Greek Orthodox point of view: vladimir Nikolsky, “The Union of Lyons. An Episode from Medieval Church History, 1261–1293,” Pravoslavnoe Obezrenie, XXIV (1867), 11–33. According to Nicolsky, “the union was a heavy burden, a shameful spot on Michael Palaeologus’ conscience. Of course it collapsed, covering its builder with infamy and leaving behind it piles of hideous rubbish—those fatal consequences which his successors were destined to suffer” (XXIII, 377–78).

²⁴⁷ V. Grumel, “En Orient après le II^e consile de Lyon,” Échos d’Orient, XXIV (1925), 321–22. See G. Rouillard, “La Politique de Michel VIII Paléoloque à l’égard des monastères,” Études byzatines, I (1944), 73–84. Michael VIII and the monasteries of mount Athos.

²⁴⁸ See V. Grumel, “Les Ambassades pontificales à Byzance après le II^e concile de Lyon (1274–1280),” Échos d’Orient, XXIII (1924), 446–47; in this article there are some important corrections of the chronology given by W. Norden. Cf. M. Viller, “La Question de l’union des églises entres Grecs et Latins depuis le concile de Lyon jusqu’à celui de Florence (1274–1438),” Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique, XVI (1921), 261.

²⁴⁹ Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, VI, 1, 7; Bonn ed., I, 165. George Pachymeres, De Andronico Palaeologo, IV, 12; Bonn ed., I, 280.

²⁵⁰ Historical Essays on the Situation of the Byzantine-Eastern Church (2nd ed., 1902), 296–97.

²⁵¹ Historia, VIII, 12, 1; Bonn ed., I, 360.

²⁵² Ibid., VI, 7, 4; Bonn ed., 193.

²⁵³ Essays on the Byzantine-Eastern Church, 298.

²⁵⁴ George Pachymeres, De Michaele Palaeologo, IV, 28; Bonn ed., I, 314.

²⁵⁵ Ibid., IV, 11; Bonn ed., I, 277.

²⁵⁶ Arsenius and the Arsenites, 99–101. See also I. Sykutres, “Περὶ τò σχίσμα τῶν ’Aρσαετῶν,” ‘Eλληνικά II (1929), 267–332; III (1930), 15–44. The author said that the book of the Russian theologian Ivan Troizky, was absolutely inaccessible to him (II, 269).

²⁵⁷ Troizky, 178.

²⁵⁸ See Grumel, “En Orient après le II^e concile de Lyon,” Échos d’Orient, XXIV Bonn ed., I, 160. (1925), 324–25.

²⁵⁹ Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, VI, ι, 2;

²⁶⁰ Ibid., VII, 9, 4; Bonn ed., I, 262.

²⁶¹ Arsenius and the Arsenites, 445.

²⁶² “Latins et Grecs d’Orient,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XV (1906), 185. We shall discuss later the troubles of Thessalonica.

²⁶³ Thessaloniqite au quatorzième siècle, 225–72.

²⁶⁴ Troizky, Arsenius and the Arsenites, 522.

²⁶⁵ P. Uspensky, The Christian Orient, III (2), 140, 141, 144, 633, 651. P. Meyer, Die Haupturkunden für die Geschichte der Athoskjöster, 191, 193.

²⁶⁶ See H. Geizer, Ungedruckte und ungenügend veröffentlichte Texte der Notitae Episcopatuum. Ein Beitrag zur byzantinischen Kirchen- und Verwaltungsgeschichte, 595, 597, 599–600, 605.

²⁶⁷ The Eparchies of the Constantinopolitan Church of the Present Time, 66.

²⁶⁸ Th. I. Uspensky, Essays on the History of Byzantine Civilization, 327. The best accounts of the Hesychast doctrine are The Monk Vasiliy (Krivoshein), “The Ascetic and Theological Doctrine of St. Gregorius Patamas,” Seminarium Kondakovianum, VIII (1936), 99–151, and Archimandrite Cyprian, The Anthropology of Saint Gregory Palamas (Paris, s.d. [1951]).

²⁶⁹ Geizer, Abriss der byzantinischen Kaisergeschichte, 1058.

²⁷⁰ G. Papamichael, ‘O ἅγιος Γρηγόριος Παλαμᾶς ἀρχιεπίσκοπος Θεσσαλονίκης, 14–15. See the detailed exposition of this work by J. Sokolov in Journal of the Ministry of Public Instruction, N.S. XLIV (1913), 381. A very fine study of Gregory Palamas and. the Palamite controversy by M. Jugie, “Palamas et Controverse palamite,” Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, XI (2), 1735–1818.

²⁷¹ Troizky, Arsenius and the Arsenites, 521.

²⁷² Uspensky, Byzantine Civilization, 273, 364, 366.

²⁷³ Papamichael, ‘O ἅγιoς Γρηγόριος Παλαμᾶς ἀρχιεπίσκοπος Θεσσαλονίκης, 18. J. Sokolov, in Journal of the Ministry of Public Instruction, N.S. XLIV (1913), 382.

²⁷⁴ Sokolov, ibid., 384–86; N.S., XLIV (1913), 171–72, 181–82.

²⁷⁵ Uspensky, Byzantine Civilization, 336.

²⁷⁶ Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CLI, 718–19.

²⁷⁷ John of Cyprus, Palamiticarum Transgressionum Liber, chap. X; ed. Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CLII, 733–36. See R. Guilland, Essai sur Nicéphore Grégoras, 54. L. Bréhier, “La Renovation artistique sous les Paléologues et le mouvement des idées,” Mélanges Diehl, I, 9.

²⁷⁸ Bréhier, ibid.

²⁷⁹ Gelzer, Abriss der byzantinischen Kaisergeschichte, 1059–60.

²⁸⁰ F. Petrarca, Rerum senilium, liber VII, in Opera Omnia, 912. Baronii Annales ecclesiastici, ed. Theiner, XXVI, 135.

²⁸¹ H. Gelzer is wrong in saying that in 1369 John was determined to go to Avignon (Abriss der byzantinischen Kaisergeschichte, 1060).

²⁸² In my study on John’s journey to Rome and his conversion to Catholicism I have erroneously referred to his conversion as “the Union of Rome in 1369.” See “Il viaggio dell ’Imperatore Bizantino Giovanni V Paleologo in Italia (1369–1371) e l’Union e di Roma del 1369,” Studi bizantini e neoellenici, III (1931), 151–93. John’s conversion was personal and received no support whatever from the Byzantine clergy. See a very fine and amply documented study by O. Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance à Rome, especially 188–234. See also Ostrogorsky, Geschichte des byzantinischen Staates, 388–89.

²⁸³ Kalogeras, Mάρκος ὁ Eὐγενικὸς καὶ Bησαρίων ὁ Kαρδινάλις, 70 (on the basis of a rare edition of the works of Joseph Bryennius published in Leipzig, 1768). See also Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, 731.

²⁸⁴ See Pierling, La Russie et le Saint-Siège (2nd ed., 1906), I, 11.

²⁸⁵ Ibid., 12, 15.

²⁸⁶ The authenticity of this bust is now sometimes contested. See, e.g., Byron, The Byzantine Achievement, 318: “The bust in the Museo di Propaganda at Rome may be considered a nineteenth century forgery.”

²⁸⁷ Leo Allatius, De ecclesiae occidentalis atque orientalis perpetua consensione, III (4), 939.

²⁸⁸ On this problem see K. Papaioannu, “The Acts of the So-called Council of Sophia (1450) and their Historical Significance,” Vizantiysky Vremennik, II (1895), 394, 413. Lebedev, Essays on the Byzantine-Eastern Church (2nd ed., 1902), 294. Both declare the acts spurious.

²⁸⁹ See, e.g., J. Dräseke, “Zum Kircheneinigungsversuch des Jahres 1439,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, V (1896), 580. L. Bréhier, “Attempts at Reunion of the Greek and Latin Churches,” Cambridge Medieval History, IV, 624–25.

²⁹⁰ The Turkish Empire was changed to a republic in 1923.

²⁹¹ See Travels of V. G. Barsky in the Holy Places of the East from 1723 to 1747, ed. N. Barsukov, I, xxxiii.

²⁹² S. Eustratiades and Arcadios of Vatopedi, Catalogue of the Greek Manuscripts in the Library of the Monastery of Vatopedi on Mt. Athos.

²⁹³ See G. Rouillard, “Les Archives de Lavra (Mission Millet),” Byzantion, III (1926), 253. G. Rouillard and P. Collomp, Actes de Lavra (1937), I.

²⁹⁴ Eustratiades and Arcadios, Catalogue of Greek Manuscripts, i.

²⁹⁵ Th. I. Uspensky and V. Beneševič, The Acts of Vazelon. Materials for the History of Peasant and Monastery Landownership in Byzantium from the Thirteenth to the Fifteenth Century.

²⁹⁶ Géographie d’Aboulféda, trans. J. T. Reinaud, II (1), 315–16.

²⁹⁷ A Diary of the Journey to the Court of Timur (Tamerlane), to Samarqand in 1403–1406, ed. J. Sreznevsky, 87–88; ed. G. Le Strange, 88–89.

²⁹⁸ Description des îles de l’Archipel, ed. G. Legrand, 88; Bonn ed. (with the works of Cinnamus), 181.

²⁹⁹ See J. Ebersolt, Constantinople byzantine et les voyageurs du Levant, 41–43. J. Ebersolt, Les Arts somptuaires de Byzance, 118–19.

³⁰⁰ J. B. Chabot (ed.), “Histoire de Mar Jabalaha III, patriarche des Nestoriens (1281–1317), et du moine Rabban Cauma, ambassadeur du roi Argoun en Occident (1287),” Revue de l’orient latin, II (1894), 82–87; in separate ed., 54–59. The History of Yaballaha III Nestorian Patriarch and of his Vicar Bar Sauma, ed. J. A. Montgomery, 52–54.

³⁰¹ Oeuvres de Ghillebert de Lannoy, voyageur, diplomate, et moraliste, ed. C. Potvin, 65. See Petras Klimas, Ghillebert de Lannoy in Medieval Lithuania, 80.

³⁰² Andanças é viajes de Pero Tafur, 176, 181, 184. Pero Tafur, Travels, 142, 145, 146. A. A. Vasiliev, “Pero Tafur, a Spanish Traveler of the Fifteenth Century and his Visit to Constantinople, Trebizond and Italy,” Byzantion (1932), 111–13.

³⁰³ See Rouillard, “Les Archives de Lavra,” Byzantion, III (1926), 255–56, 257.

³⁰⁴ See John Cantacuzene, Historiae, IV, 5; Bonn ed., III, 33.

³⁰⁵ Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, XV, ii, 4; Bonn ed., II, 788–89.

³⁰⁶ See pp. 622–23.

³⁰⁷ See S. Kugéas, “Notizbuch eines Beamten der Metropolis in Thessalonike aus dem Anfang des XV. Jahrhunderts,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XXIII (1914–19), 152 (par. 82), 158. Tafrali, Thessalonique, 1 6.

³⁰⁸ See the decree of Michael Palaeologus, 1272, in Heisenberg, Aus der Geschichte und Literatur der Palaiologenzeit, 39, lines 49–50, 61–62. E. Stein, “Untersuchungen zur spätbyzantinischen Verfassungs-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte,” Mitteilungen zur osmanischen Geschichte, II (1924), 47–49. The Varangians and Vardariots are mentioned several times in Codinus (Kodinus); references are given by Heisenberg, 61–62.

³⁰⁹ See a very interesting passage on the fleet under Andronicus II in George Pachymeres, De Andronico Palaeologo, I, 26; Bonn ed., II, 69–71; also in Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, VI, 3; Bonn ed., I, 174–75. See Yakovenko, Studies in Byzantine Charters, 180–81.

³¹⁰ See Stein, “Untersuchungen zur spätbyzantinischen Verfassungs-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte,” Mitteilungen zur Osmanischen Geschichte, II (1924), 21.

³¹¹ See Tafrali, Thessalonique, 44–50.

³¹² See J. Sokolov, “Large and Small Landlords in Thessaly in the Epoch of the Palaeologi,” Vizantiysky Vremennik, XXIV (1923–26), 35–42. I. Boghiatzides, “Tò χρoνικòν τῶν Mἐτἐώρων,” ’Eπετηρἱς ‘Eταιρεἱας Bυζαντινῶν Σπoυδῶν, I (1924), 146–56. Uspensky and Beneševič, The Acts of Vazelon, xcii–xciii. A. V. Solovjev, “The Thessalian Archonts in the Fourteenth Century. Traces of Feudalism in the Byzantino-Serbian Order,” Byzantino-Slavica, IV, I (1932), 159–74.

³¹³ See Sokolov, “Large and Small Landlords in Thessaly,” Vizantiysky Vremennik, XXIV (1923–26), 42.

³¹⁴ See J. Dräseke, “Byzantinische Hadesfahrten,” Neue lahrbücher für das Klassische Altertum, XXIX (1912), 364–65.

³¹⁵ John Cantacuzene, Historiae, IV, 13; Bonn ed. III, 85–86.

³¹⁶ See P. Yakovenko, in Vizantiysky Vremennik, XXI, 3–4 (1914), 183.

³¹⁷ See R. Guilland, “Le Palais de Théodore Métochite,” Revue des études grecques, XXXV (1922), 82, 92–93. Ebersolt, Les Arts somptuaires de Byzance, 109.

³¹⁸ See John Cantacuzene, Historiae, III, 28; Bonn ed., II, 175–79.

³¹⁹ We have now a well-documented study on these turbulent years in the history of Thessalonica: P. Charanis, “Internal Strife in Byzantium in the Fourteenth Century,” Byzantion, XV (1940–41), 208–30.

³²⁰ Thessalonique, 224.

³²¹ Demetrius Cydones, in Charanis, “Internal Strife in Byzantium,” Byzantion, XV (1940–41), 217.

³²² Tafrali, Thessalonique, 249.

³²³ Ibid., 255, 259–72. Charanis, “Internal Strife in Byzantium,” Byzantion, XV (1940–41), 221.

³²⁴ Byzance. Grandeur et décadence, 20. Charles Diehl, “Byzantine Civilization,” Cambridge Medieval History, IV, 760.

³²⁵ Yakovenko, in Vizantiysky Vremennik, XXI, 3–4 (1914), 184.

³²⁶ On Pegolotti see W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen âge, I, xvii–xviii. C. R. Beazley, The Dawn of Modern Geography, III, 324–32. An article in the Encyclopaedia Brittanica is based on Beazley. H. J. Yule, Cathay and the Ways Thither, II, 278–308; ed. H. Cordier, III, 137–42. E. Friedmann, Der mittelalterliche Welthandel von Florenz in seiner geographischen Ausdehnung (nach der Pratica della mercatura des Balducci Pegolotti), 3–5.

³²⁷ Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, La pratica della mercatura delle decima e dette altre gravezze, III, 24; ed. Allan Evans, xv–xxvi, and on Pegolotti’s sources, xxvi-1. Of course, the best general guide on Byzantine commerce under the Palaeologi is Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant, I, 427–527 and II.

³²⁸ Voyage d’autremer, ed. Schefer, 150, 164.

³²⁹ See an interesting chapter on Genoese commerce in the Byzantine Empire in the thirteenth century in Brătianu, Recherches sur le commerce génois, 108–54. On commercial treaties between Venice and Trebizond in the fourteenth century, see D. A. Zakythinos, Le Chrysobulle d’Alexis 111 Comnène empereur de Trébizonde en faveur des Vénetiens, 4–12.

³³⁰ See the text of this exceptionally interesting statute of 1449, published by V. Yurguevich in Transactions of the Historical and Archeological Society of Odessa, V (1865), 631–837 and by P. Vigna, in Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria, VII (2), 567–680. On the Genoese inscriptions at Caffa see the accurate book of Elena Skrzinska, “Inscriptions latines des colonies genoises en Crimée,” in ibid., LVI (1928), 1–180. On the statute of 1449 see A. A. Vasiliev, The Goths in the Crimea, 226–27.

³³¹ George Pachymeres, De Andronico Palaeologo, Bonn ed., I, 419–20.

³³² Some documents of the thirteenth and fourteenth century, which were inaccessible to W. Heyd, are given by R. Davidson, For-schungen zur Geschichte von Florenz, III, 69–70 (no. 315), 135 (no. 686), 193 (no. 974). See Friedmann, Der Mittelalterliche Welthandel von Florenz, 26. Of course, some documents of the fifteenth century are to be found in J. Müller, Documenti sulle relazioni delle città toscane coll’ Oriente Cristiano e coi Turchi, 149–50, 162–63, 16 9–77, 283–84.

³³³ See W. Wroth, Catalogue of the Imperial Byzantine Coins in the British Museum, I, lxviii–lxxiii; II, 635–43. A. Blanchet, “Les dernières monnaies d’or des empereurs de Byzance,” Revue Numismatique, IV, 4 (1910), 89–91. See some interesting pages on the Byzantine coinage under the Palaeologi in Stein, “Untersuchungen zur spätbyzantinischen Verfassungs- und Wirtschaftsge-schichte,” Mitteilungen zur Osmanischen Geschichte, II (1924), 11–14.

³³⁴ Blanchet, ibid., 14–15.

³³⁵ Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 425.

³³⁶ See Miller, Essays on the Latin Orient, 278–79. Tafrali, Thessalonique, 149–69.

³³⁷ E. Lavisse and A. Rambaud, Histoire générale du IV^e siècle à nos jours, III, 819. Charles Diehl, Manuel d’art byzantin, II, 750. Cf. a gloomy and biased picture of the culture of the Palaeologian age based only on the opinion of the Byzantine polemicist of the beginning of the fifteenth century, Joseph Bryennius, by L. Oeconomos, “L’État intellectuel et moral des Byzantins vers le milieu du XIV^e siècle d’après une page de Joseph Bryennios,” Mélanges Diehl, I, 225–33; See especially 226: the progressive decline of the intellectual and moral level. See a fine remark by N. H. Baynes, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, LII (1932), 159.

³³⁸ Parts of this autobiography are translated into French by Chapman, Michel Palé ologue, 167–77.

³³⁹ D. Aïnalov, The Byzantine Painting of the Fourteenth Century, 132–33.

³⁴⁰ Berger de Xivrey, “Mémoire sur Manuel Paléologue,” Mémoires de l’Institut de France, XIX (2), 1. L. Petit, “Manuel II Paléologue,” Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, IX (2), 1925–32. Not all of Manuel’s writings are published. Some fragments of his letters and essays have already been cited.

³⁴¹ Historiae, preface; Bonn ed., I, 10.

³⁴² Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 288.

³⁴³ See the excellent characterization of Pachymeres given by A. Rubió i Lluch, “Paquimeres i Muntaner,” Secció historico arqueologica del Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Memories, I (1927), 33–60.

³⁴⁴ See A. Heisenberg, “Eine Handschrift des Georgios Pachymeres,” in his Aus der Geschichte und Literatur der Palaiologenzeit, 3–13. For a manuscript of Pachymeres to be found in a Jerusalem library see Byzantinischneugriechische Jahrbücher, II (1921), 227. See also Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 288–91, and Montelatici, Storia della letteratura bizantina, 224–25. More recently written, V. Laurent, “Les Manuscrits de l’Histoire Byzantine de Georges Pachymère,” Byzantion, V (1929–30), 129–205: the history of the edition and description and citation of ten manuscripts. Laurent, “Deux nouveaux manuscrits de l’Histoire Byzantine de Georges Pachymère,” Byzantion, XI (1936), 43–57; two additional manuscripts.

³⁴⁵ See Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 291–93. Montelatici, Storia della letteratura bizantina, 226. See also M. Jugie, “Poésies rhythmiques de Nicéphore Calliste Xanthopoulos,” Byzantion, V (1929–30), 357–90. Jugie published ten church poems.

³⁴⁶ See R. Guilland, Essai sur Nicéphore Grégoras, xxxii–xxxiii. Guilland, Correspondance de Nicéphore Gregoras, xii–xviii.

³⁴⁷ Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 293–96. Guilland, Essai sur Nicéphore Grégoras, 236–38.

³⁴⁸ Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 288. Learned men acquainted with various realms of knowledge were called “poly-histors.”

³⁴⁹ Storia della letteratura bizantina, 225: “il più grande erudito del suo tempo.”

³⁵⁰ Essai sur Nicéphorus Grégoras, 296.

³⁵¹ Laskaris Kananos, Reseanteckningar från nordiska länderna. Smärre Byzantinska skrifter, ed. V. Lundstrom, 14–17; ed. A. A. Vasiliev, “Laskaris Kananos, Byzantine Traveler of the Fifteenth Century Through Northern Europe and to Iceland,” Essays Presented to V. P. Buzeskul, 397–402. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 422.

³⁵² W. Miller, “The Historians Doukas and Phrantzes,” J ournal of Hellenic Studies, XLVI (1926), 70.

³⁵³ Ibid., 71. On the basis of a comparison of Phrantzes’ two versions, the question has recently been raised as to whether Phrantzes really was the author of the great chronicle which bears his name. J. B. Faller-Papadopou-los, “Phrantzès est-il réellement l’auteur de la grande chronique qui porte son nom?” Bulletin de la l’Institut Archéologique Bulgare, IX (1935). 177–89.

³⁵⁴ Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 306. Montelatici, Storia della letteratura bizantina, 231.

³⁵⁵ The Italian version of Michael Ducas is published in the Bonn edition of his Greek text, 347–512.

³⁵⁶ E. Chernousov, “Ducas, One of the Historians of the Fall of Byzantium,” Vizantiysky Vremennik, XXI (1914), 221.

³⁵⁷ Miller, “The Historians Doukas and Phrantzes,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, XLVI (1926), 63.

³⁵⁸ Chalcocondyles means “the man with the brazen pen,” and Chalcocandyles,“the man with the brazen candlestick.” His first name Laonikos is nothing other than Nikolaos, Nicholas.

³⁵⁹ See Miller, “The Last Athenian Historian,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, XLII (1922), 37. See also D. Kampouroglou, Oἱ Xαλκoκoνδύλαι. Moνoγραϕἱa, 10 4–71.

³⁶⁰ See E. Darkó, “Neuere Beiträge zur Biographie des Laonikos Chalkokondyles,” Compterendu du deuxième Congrès international des études byzantines, 1927, 25–26. See, e.g., K. Dieterich, Quellen und Forschungen zur Erdund Kulturkunde, II, 124–25. Vasiliev, “La Guerre de Cent Ans et Jeanne d’Arc,” Byzantion, III (1926), 242–48.

³⁶¹ Miller, “The Last Athenian Historian,” journal of Hellenic Studies, XLII (1922), 38.

³⁶² George Pachymeres, De Michaele Palaeologo, V, 24; Bonn ed., I, 403.

³⁶³ Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, V, 2, 5; Bonn ed., I, 128–29.

³⁶⁴ A. D. Zotos, ’Iωάννης ὁ Bγκκζ τατ ριάρχης Kωνσταντινoνπόλεως Nέαs ‘Pώμης.

³⁶⁵ See G. Cammelli, “Demetrio Cidonio: Brevi Notizie della vita e delle opere,” Studi Italiani di filologia classica, N.S. I (1920), 144–45; Cydones was born between 1300 and 1310, and he lived until between 1403 and 1413. Guilland, Correspondance de Nicéphore Grégoras, 325–27, dates death at beginning of 1400. M. Jugie, “Démétrius Cydonès et la théologie latine à Byzance aux XIV^e et XV^e siècles,” Échos d’Orient, XXXI (1928), 386–87, states he was born between 1310 and 1320 and died in 1399–1400. A recent and most detailed biography by G. Cammelli, Démétrius Cydonès. Correspondance, v–xxiv.

³⁶⁶ On Cydones’ Venetian citizenship see R. Loenertz, “Démétrius Cydonès, citoyen de Venise,” Échos d’Orient, XXXVII (1938), 125–26.

³⁶⁷ See Guilland, Essai sur Nicéphore Grégoras, 327–31.

³⁶⁸ This discovery has been recently made by an Italian scholar, G. Mercati. See M. Jugie, “Démétrius Cydonès,” Échos d’Orient, XXXI (1928), 385.

³⁶⁹ See E. Bouvy, “Saint Thomas. Ses traducteurs byzantins,” Revue augustinienne, XVI (1910), 407–8. See also M. Rackl, “Demetrios Kydones als Verteidiger und Uebersetzer des hl. Thomas von Aquin,” Der Kath-olik. Zeitschrift für Katholische Wissenschaft und Kirchliches Lehen, XV (1915), 30–36. Jugie, “Démétrius Cydonès,” Échos d’Orient, XXXI (1928), 148.

³⁷⁰ See G. Cammelli, “Demetrii Cydonii orationes tres adhue ineditae,” Byzantinisch-neugriechische Jahrbucher, III (1922), 67–76; IV (1923), 77–83, 282–95.

³⁷¹ See G. Cammelli, “Personaggi bizantini dei secoli XIV–XV attraverso le epistole di Demetrio Cidonio,” Bessarione, XXIV, 15154 (1920), 77–108. For a preliminary list of Cydones’ published and unpublished works see Cammelli, “Demetrio Cidonio,” Studi Italiani di filologia classica, N.S. I (1920), 157–59. In 1930 Cammelli published fifty letters with a French translation and gave a complete list of 447 dated and undated letters; see Démé trius Cydonès. Correspondance. See a detailed review of this edition by V. Laurent, “La Correspondance de Démétrius Cydonès,” Échos d’Orient, XXX (1931), 339–54. Laurent, “Manuel Paléologue et Démétrius Cydonès. Remarques sur leur correspondance,” Échos d’Orient, XXXVI (1937), 271–87, 474–87; XXXVII (1938), 107–24. G. Mercati, “Per L’Epistolario di Demetrio Cidone,” Studi bizantini e neoellenici, III (1931), 201–30. P. Charanis, “The Greek Historical Sources of the Second Half of the Fourteenth Century,” The Quarterly Bulletin of the Polish Institute in America (Jan. 1944), 2–5.

³⁷² See Epistolario di Coluccio Salutati, ed. F. Novati, III, 105–19; the letter was written in 1396.

³⁷³ R. Guilland, “La Correspondance inédite d’Athanase, patriarche de Constantinople (1289–1293; 1304–1310),” Mélanges Diehl, I, 121–40. N. Banescu, “Le Patriarche Athanase I^er et Andronic II Paléologue. Etat religieux, politique et social de l’Empire,” Bulletin de la section historique de l’Académie roumaine, XXIII, I (1942), 1–29.

³⁷⁴ Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, VI, 1, 5; Bonn ed., I, 163.

³⁷⁵ On Marcus of Ephesus see a very fine article by L. Petit in Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, IX, 2 (1927), 1968–86.

³⁷⁶ Documents inédits relatifs à l’histoire de la Grèce, IV, vii and n. 7.

³⁷⁷ Gennadius’ works recently were published in eight vols. Oeuvres complètes de Gennade Scholarios, ed. L. Petit, X. A. Siderides, M. Jugie. Among recent essays on Gennadius, see M. Jugie, “Georges Scholarios, professeur de philosophie,” Studi bizantini e neoellenici, V (1939), 482–94. A detailed study of Gennadius’ biography, activities, and literary achievements is urgently needed.

³⁷⁸ Owing to the untiring energy of N. A. Bees the manuscripts of the Meteora monasteries are now known and described. See J. Dräseke, “Die nëuen Handschriftenfunde in den Meteoraklostern,” Neue Jahrbücherfür das klassische Altertum, XXIX (1912), 552.

³⁷⁹ Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 106–7 (Ehrhard). The text in Migne, Patrología Graeca, CLII, 741992.

³⁸⁰ See Tafrali, Thessalonique, iv and passim. In the English and French editions of my History of the Byzantine Empire, following other scholars I erroneously called Nicholas Cabasilas “metropolitan of Thessalonica.” He was never metropolitan of any city.

³⁸¹ Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CL, 367–492, 493–726. See S. Salaville, “Deux manuscrits du ‘De vita in Christo’ de Nicholas Cabasilas,” Bulletin de la section historique de l’Académie roumaine, XIV (1928); Compterendu du deuxième Congrès international des études byzantines, 1927, 79.

³⁸² See P. Anikiev, “On the Problem of Orthodox-Christian Mysticism,” Pravoslavno-russkoye Slovo, no. 13 (1913), 200–17. Montelatici, Storia della letteratura bizantina, 251–52. F. Vernet, “Nicholas Cabasilas,” Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, II (2), 1292–95.

³⁸³ “La Correspondance inédite de Nicolas Cabasilas,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XXX (1929–30), 98. See S. Salaville, Nicolas Cabasilas: Explication de la divine liturgie (Paris, 1943). A French translation of this essay with a lengthy introduction contains Cabasilas’ biography. See a very favorable review of this book by V. Grumel, Études byzantines, II (1945), 265–67.

³⁸⁴ His real name was George Gemistus; Plethon is identical with Gemistus, both meaning “full.” Gemistus began calling himself Plethon in the desire to replace the common Greek name of Gemistus by the more Hellenic word Plethon. Cf. Desiderius-Erasmus. See H. Tozer, “A Byzantine Reformer: Gemistus Plethon,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, VII (1886), 354.

³⁸⁵ See F. Schultze, Geschichte der Philosophie der Renaissance, I, 23–109. J. W. Taylor, Georgius Gemistus Pletho’s Criticism of Plato and Aristotle, 1–2.

³⁸⁶ Ellissen, Analekten, IV (2), 11.

³⁸⁷ See E. Stephanou, “Études récentes sur Pléthon,” Échos d’Orient, XXXI (1932), 207–17. Fine bibliography, especially 217. It would be out of place here to discuss the enormous literature on Gemistus Plethon. The most recent substantial study is by Milton V. Anastos, “Pletho’s Calendar and Liturgy,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, IV (1948), 183–305. Excellent bibliography.

³⁸⁸ G. Misch, “Die Schriftsteller-Autobiographie und Bildungsgeschichte eines Patriarchen von Konstantinopel aus dem XIII. Jahrhundert. Eine Studie zum byzantinischen Humanismus,” Zeitschrift für Geschichte der Erziehung und der Unterrichts, XXI (1931), 1–16.

³⁸⁹ See Guilland, Correspondance de Nicéphore Grégoras, 324; a chapter on Chumnos, 317–24. See also Georgios Chumnos, Old Testament Legends from a Greek Poem on Genesis and Exodus, ed. F. H. Marshall.

³⁹⁰ Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 541.

^390a The most recent and exhaustive study on Planudes is C. Wendel in Paulys Real-Encyclopädie. Neue Bearbeitung. XX (1950), 2202–53.

³⁹¹ Krumbacher, 350–53. Krumbacher called Theodore Metochites one of the most prominent polyhistors of the Byzantine Renaissance.

³⁹² Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, VII, 2, 2; Bonn ed., I, 272. Sathas, Bibliotheca graeca medii aevi, I, introduction, 60–61.

³⁹³ Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia, VII, II, 3; Bonn ed., I, 272–73.

³⁹⁴ Études byzantines, 401. See also Guilland, Correspondance de Nicéphore Grégoras, 361.

³⁹⁵ See V. Valdenberg, “An Oration of Justin II to Tiberius,” Bulletin of the Academy of Science of the Union of Soviet Socialistic Republics, no. 2 (1928), 140.

³⁹⁶ D. C. Hesseling, “Een Konstitutioneel Keizershap,” Hermeneus, XI (1938–39), 89–93. See Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XXXIX (1939), 263.

³⁹⁷ See St. Bezdeki, Le Portrait de Théodore Métochite par Nicéphore Grégoras. Mélanges d’histoire générale, 57–67.

³⁹⁸ See R. Guilland, “Les Poésies inédites de Théodore Métochite,” Byzantion, III (1927), 265. Guilland, Correspondance de Nicéphore Grégoras, 358.

³⁹⁹ Sathas, Bibliotheca graeca medii aevi, I, introd., 64. Uspensky, Byzantine Civilization, 263–64.

⁴⁰⁰ See Guilland, Correspondance de Nicéphore Grégoras, 360–62. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 551–52.

⁴⁰¹ See Sathas, Bibliotheca graeca medii aevi, I, 22; the text of the “Embassy” on 154–93. Guilland, Correspondance de Nicéphore Grégoras, 364. The text is reprinted and estimated by Nikov, Tartaro-Bulgarian Relations, 54–95.

⁴⁰² See M. Treu, Dictungen des Gross-Logotheten Theodoros Metochites, 1–54.

⁴⁰³ Guilland, “Les Poésies inédites de Théodore Métochite,” Byzantion, III (1927), 265–302. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 552–53. Recently the manuscript tradition of the poems was discussed by I. Ševěenko, “Observations sur les recueils des discours et des poèmes de Th. Metochite,” Scriptorium, II (1951), 279–88.

⁴⁰⁴ See R. Guilland, “Le Palais de Théodore Métochites,” Revue des études grecques, XXXV (1922), 82–95; on 86–93 he published a part of the Greek text of the poem with a French translation. Ebersolt, Les Arts somptuaires de Byzance, 109.

⁴⁰⁵ See Guilland, Correspondance de Nicéphore Grégoras, 368.

⁴⁰⁶ See Diehl, Études byzantines, 401.

⁴⁰⁷ See Guilland, Correspondance de Nicéphore Grégoras, 348–53.

⁴⁰⁸ Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 554.

⁴⁰⁹ See P. Collinet, “Byzantine Legislation,” Cambridge Medieval History, IV, 722–23.

⁴¹⁰ See L. Siciliano, “Dirritto bizantino,” Enciclopedia Giuridica Italiana, IV (5), 72. Collinet, “Byzantine Legislation,” Cambridge Medieval History, IV, 723.

⁴¹¹ L. Kasso, Byzantine Law in Bessarabia, 42–49.

⁴¹² E. Jeanselme, “Sur un aide-mémoire de thérapeutique byzantine contenu dans un manuscrit de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris (Supplement grec, 764): traduction, notes et commentaire,” Mélanges Diehl, I, 170.

⁴¹³ See M. Treu, “Manuel Holobolos,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, V (1896), 538–59. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 770–72; Krumbacher’s essay on Manuel Holobolus is based on Treu.

⁴¹⁴ See Heisenberg, Aus der Geschichte und Literatur der Palaiologenzeit, 112–32.

⁴¹⁵ X. Siderides, Mανɔυὴλ Ὁλοβώλου Ἐγκώμιον εἰς Μιχαὴλ H’ Παλαιολόγον,” Ἐπετηρὶς Ἐταιρείας Βυζαντινῶν Σπονδῶν, III (1926), 168–91.

⁴¹⁶ See Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 782. F. Dölger, “Neues zu Alexios Metochites und zu Theodorus Meliteniotes,” Studi e testi, CXXIII (1946), 238–51. Cf. M. Miller, “Poème allégorique de Méliténiote, publié d’après un manuscrit de la Bibliothèque Impériale,” Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale, XIX, 2 (1858), 2–11.

⁴¹⁷ Ibid., 11–138. Montelatici, Storia della letteratura bizantina, 269, failed to mention this poem. Fragments from his astronomical work, in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CXLIX, 988–1001. A better text and more fragments in Catalogus codicum astrologicorum graecorum, V, 3 (1910), 133–47 (excerpta ex codice 21, Vatic. 1059); XI, 1 (1932), 54 (codices escorialenses).

⁴¹⁸ See F. Dölger, “Die byzantinische Literatur und Dante,” Compte-rendu du deuxième Congrès internationale des études byzantines, 1927, 47–48. At the Congress Dölger sustained the thesis that Theodore’s poem was composed under the influence of Dante’s Divina Comedia, but later, following the suggestion of S. G. Mercati, he changed his view in favor of Boccaccio. During the Renaissance some of Boccaccio’s works were translated into Greek. A translation into spoken Greek of his Theseis “begins the series of romantic epics which had a brilliant career in Italy.” J. Schmitt, “La ‘Théséide’ de Boccace et la ‘Théséide’ grecque,” Études de philologie néogrecque, ed. J. Psichari, 280. See also Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 870.

⁴¹⁹ M. Schlauch, “The Palace of Hugon de Constantinople,” Speculum, VII (1932), 505, 507–8.

⁴²⁰ J. Longnon, Livre de la Conquête de la Princée de l’Amorée, lxxxiii–lxxxiv.

⁴²¹ The Greek text in W. Wagner, Trois poèmes du moyen âge, 242–349; detailed analysis of the romance, M. Gidel, Études sur la littérature grecque moderne, 151–96. New ed. by J. A. Lambert, 545. J. B. Bury, Romances of Chivalry on Greek Soil, 11–12.

⁴²² Diehl, Figures byzantines, II, 348.

⁴²³ Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 868.

⁴²⁴ Le roman de Phlorios et Platzia Phlore, ed. D. C. Hesseling, 9, 13–14; see also 104, line 1794.

⁴²⁵ L’Achilléide Byzantine, ed. D. C. Hesseling, 9.

⁴²⁶ Ibid., 3–15. Cf. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 848–49. Montelatici, Storia della letteratura bizantina, 192–93.

⁴²⁷ Macedonia. An Archaeological Journey, 280.

⁴²⁸ See Diehl, Manuel d’art byzantin (2nd ed., 1926), II, 744–45.

⁴²⁹ Ibid., 751; this passage is repeated from the 1st ed. (1910), 702.

⁴³⁰ Aïnalov, Byzantine Painting, 86, 89, 96.

⁴³¹ “La ‘Renaissance’ de la peinture byzantine au XIV^e siècle,” Revue archéologique, II (1912), 127–28.

⁴³² Manuel d’art byzantin, II, 748.

⁴³³ Dalton, East Christian Art, 240.

⁴³⁴ Manuel d’art byzantin, II, 751. The whole chapter on the renaissance of Byzantine art in the fourteenth century (pp. 735–51) was reprinted in Byzantion, II (1926), 299–316. In his second edition Diehl was unable to make use of Dalton’s work, but a short time later he published a detailed review of it in Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XXVI (1926), 127–33.

⁴³⁵ “La Rénovation artistique,” Mélanges Diehl, II, 10.

⁴³⁶ L’Art byzantine, 7, 10.

⁴³⁷ H. Pierce and R. Tyler, Byzantine Art, 15.

⁴³⁸ See, e.g., a review by Charles Diehl of the work of G. Millet, Recherches sur l’iconographie de l’Evangile in Journal des Savants, N.S. XV (1917), 376. See also G. Soteriou, “Die byzantinische Malerei des XIV. Jahrhundert in Griechenland. Bemerkungen zum Stilproblem der Monumentalmalerei des XIV. Jahrhundert,” Ἑλληνικά, I (1928), 95–117.

⁴³⁹ See Diehl, Manuel d’art byzantin, II, 840–44; on the problem of Panselinos’ dates, see 842 and n. I. Dalton, East Christian Art, 238.

⁴⁴⁰ A complete set of those miniatures photographed may be found in the photograph collection of the Ecole des Hautes-Études in Paris. See also J. Ebersolt, La Miniature byzantine, 59.

⁴⁴¹ On the miniatures of the epoch of the Palaeologi see Diehl, Manuel d’art byzantin, II, 872–84.

⁴⁴²Macedonia, 285.

⁴⁴³Byzantine Painting, 68.

⁴⁴⁴ L’Ancient art serbe. Les églises, 9. Millet, “La Renaissance byzantine,” Compte-rendu du deuxième Congrès international des études byzantines, 1927, 19–21.

⁴⁴⁵ In his very interesting article, “Das Problem der Renaissance in Byzanz,” Historische Zeitschrift, CXXXIII (1926), 393–412, A. Heisenberg, generally speaking, denied the existence of the Byzantine Renaissance, but he ended his article: “It was only some centuries later that the leading class [in Byzantium] began to feel that, under the covering of antique tradition imposed rather ostentatiously by state and church, forces of a new, richer, and deeper life lay hidden. But at that moment, through the avarice of western Europe, the strength of the Byzantine world was forever broken down; a real Renaissance was destined neither to the Byzantine people, nor to the rest of the Orthodox World in eastern Europe” (p. 412). See also F. Dölger, in Deutsche Literaturzeitung, XLVII (1926), 1142–43, 1445. “A real Renaissance” in Byzantium of the fourteenth century was emphasized by R. Guilland, Essai sur Nicéphore Grégoras, 294–95 and passim. Cf. a brilliant although one-sided article by C. Neumann, “Byzantinische Kultur und Renaissancekultur,” Historische Zeitschrift, XCI (1903), 215–32.

⁴⁴⁶ Works, II, 252. This opinion was even given in the first edition of J. Kulakovsky, History of Byzantium, I, 12; in the second edition (1913) it was omitted.

⁴⁴⁷ F. Petraeca, Epistolae de rebus familiaribus et Variae, XVIII, 2, and XXIV, 12; ed. G. Fracassetti, II, 474, III, 302. See Uspensky, Byzantine Civilization, 301–2. A. Veselovsky, “Boccaccio, His Surroundings and Contemporaries,” Works, V, 86.

⁴⁴⁸ Variarum epistolarum, XXV; ed. Fracassetti, II, 369. Uspensky, Essays on Byzantine Civilization, 303.

⁴⁴⁹ De genealogia deorum, XV, 6; 1532 ed., 389. M. Korelin, The Early Italian Humanism and Its Historiography, 993.

⁴⁵⁰ De genealogia deorum, XV, 6; 1532 ed., 390: hujus ego nullum vidi opus.

⁴⁵¹ Petrarca’s Leben und Werke, 154.

⁴⁵² Essays on Byzantine Civilization, 308.

⁴⁵³ Early Italian Humanism, 998.

⁴⁵⁴ Works, V, 100–1.

⁴⁵⁵ Petrarca, Lettere sinili di Petrarca, V, 3; ed. Fracassetti, I, 299; also III, 6, ed. Fracassetti, I, 73: “è certamente una gran bestia.” See Lettere di Petrarca, ed. Fracassetti, IV, 98. Boccaccio, De genealogia deorum, XV, 6, 1532 ed., 389. See Veselovsky, “Boccaccio,” Works, VI, 364.

⁴⁵⁶ Petrarca, Lettere sinili, III, 6; ed. Fracassetti, I, 174–75. Lettere, ed. Fracassetti, IV, 98. See Veselovsky, “Boccaccio,” Works, VI, 362–63.

⁴⁵⁷ De genealogia deorum, XV, 6; 1532 ed., 390. See Veselovsky, “Boccaccio,” Works, VI, 351–52.

⁴⁵⁸ Essays on Byzantine Civilization, 308. See Boccaccio, De genealogia deorum, XV, 6; 1532 ed., 390: “Leontium … ut ipse asserit, praedicti Barlaae auditorem.”

⁴⁵⁹ P. Charanis, “On the Question of the Hellenization of Sicily and Southern Italy,” American Historical Review, LII (1946–47), 74–86.

⁴⁶⁰ P. Batiffol, L’Abbaye de Rossano, ix.

⁴⁶¹ “Boccaccio,” Works, V, 22.

⁴⁶² Ibid., V, 23.

⁴⁶³ Nec multum esset pro tanta utilitate ire in Italiam, in qua clerus et populus sunt pure Graeci in multis locis; Roger Bacon, Compendium studii philosophiae, chap. vi; Bacon, Opera quaedum hactenus inedita, 434.

⁴⁶⁴ Et par toute Calabre li païsant ne parlent se grizois non. P. Meyer, “Les Premières compilations françaises d’histoire ancienne,” Romania, XIV (1885), 70, n. 5.

⁴⁶⁵ De rebus senilibus, XI, 9; ed. Fracassetti, II, 164.

⁴⁶⁶ See P. Monnier, Le Quattrocento. Essai sur l’histoire littéraire du XV^e siècle italien, II, 6.

⁴⁶⁷ See Korelin, Early Italian Humanism, 1002.

⁴⁶⁸ Monnier, Le Quattrocento, II, 4: “Quis enim praestantiorem Manuele virum, aut vidisse aut legisse meminit, qui ad virtutem ad gloriam sine ulla dubitatione natus erat? …” Decembrio declares “that as to his knowledge of letters, he did not seem to be a man but rather an angel.”

⁴⁶⁹ Oratio dogmatica pro unione; ed. Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CLXI, 612.

⁴⁷⁰ H. Vast, Le Cardinal Bessarion (1403–1472), title page. R. Rocholl, Bessarion. Studie zur Geschichte der Renaissance, 105. L. Mohler, Kardinal Bessarion als Theologe, Humanist und Staatsmann, 406.

⁴⁷¹ See A. Sadov, Bessarion of Nicaea, 276. Mohler, Kardinal Bessarion, 275–76; concerning Bessarion’s library, 408–15.

⁴⁷² Ed. S. Lampros, Nέoς Ἑλληνομνήμων, XIII (1916), 146–94; also published separately.

⁴⁷³ Vast, Le Cardinal Bessarion, ix, xi.

⁴⁷⁴ Laudatio funebris Bessarionis; Migne, Patrologia Graeca, CLXI, 140.