Notes

Prologue

1. Diary, 13 Nov. 1662, where Pepys says he intends to burn it unread ‘before her face’, but does not actually describe doing so.

2. J. R. Tanner, Samuel Pepys and the Royal Navy, lectures published in 1920. Tanner lived from 1860 to 1931 and devoted much of his life to researching and writing about Pepys.

3. See Chapter 25.

4. Diary, 3 Nov. 1661, a Sunday that he spent reading and trying ‘to make a Song in the prayse of a Liberall genius (as I take my own to be) to all studies and pleasures’. The ‘Song’ may have been a poem, ‘but it not proving to my mind, I did reject it and so proceeded not in it’.

5. The 1680 fragments of diary, written in longhand, are found in the manuscript of ‘Mornamont’, held in the Pepys Library and never printed; see Chapter 22. The Tangier Diary, written in shorthand and first printed in a bad version, should be read in Edwin Chappell’s edition of 1935, published by the Navy Records Society; see Chapter 23.

6. Robert Louis Stevenson in his essay ‘Samuel Pepys’, first printed in the Cornhill for July 1881, p. 36.

Part One: 1633–1660
1. The Elected Son

1. Diary, 17 Mar. 1664. The house lay ‘neere the churchyard door’, and when in 1663 Pepys’s brother Tom rebuilt part of the top floor he had permission to ‘lay and frame his timber in the churchyard’. Diary, 21 July 1663, and note in Latham and Matthews.

2. The Thames came up a good bit higher before embankment in the nineteenth century, not much below today’s Tudor Street. Salisbury Court was a house belonging to the Bishop of Salisbury in the sixteenth century, which then passed into secular hands and was from 1568 until the 1590s the residence of the French ambassador. East of it was another large dwelling, Dorset House. Both had gardens on the slope towards the river, and the name ‘Salisbury Court’ transferred itself to the whole complex of large and small houses around the open area. Information from John Bossy.

3. There are ruins of a Roman villa under the church.

4. There were another 100,000 in the larger area of London. The figures are taken from an estimate of 1631 made in connection with the corn supply and given by G. N. Clark in The Later Stuarts (1934), p. 40, footnote. Clark says ‘most modern historians adopt the estimate of three quarters of a million, or about one seventh of the population of England and Wales’; he is referring to 1660.

5. The information about the contents of the house is taken from an inventory made when Tom Pepys took over the tailoring business from his father in 1661 printed in The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath (1955) PP. 13–15. The family possessions may have changed, increased or decreased, but since there had been no major events in the family beyond the deaths of children and the marriage of Samuel, and no change in the status of the Pepys parents, I think it fair to assume there had not been too much change in their goods and chattels either. Trundle (or truckle) beds were made to be pushed under the high beds when not in use. The ‘little chamber, three storeys high’ is mentioned in the Diary, 21 June 1660, when several members of the Pepys family were forced to sleep together in it, the house being overcrowded with lodgers.

6. The bass viol is also known as the viola da gamba and looks something like a cello. It was the most important of the viols, and the English were considered the best players of it in the seventeenth century. It fell out of favour at the end of the eighteenth century. The virginals was the earliest form of harpsichord, usually an oblong box that was placed on a table. It was popular in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when much music was composed for it by leading English composers such as Gibbons and Byrd. It was thought especially suitable for young women.

7. The Diary of Bulstrode Whitelocke 1605–1675, ed. Ruth Spalding (1989), p. 74. The masque, called Cœlum Britannicum, was performed on the night of Candlemas, 2 Feb. 1634 (dated 1633 old style, the new year beginning at the end of Mar.). See also Ruth Spalding’s The Improbable Puritan: A Life of Bulstrode Whitelocke (1975). Thomas Carew’s text and a description of the masque are printed in his complete works, ed. J. W. Ebsworth (1893).

8. The Diary of Bulstrode Whitelocke, ed. Ruth Spalding, p. 76. I have modernized spelling.

9. Robert Hooke observed such a cloud from the Banstead Downs and recorded it in his diary for 28 Sept. 1676, The Diary of Robert Hooke 1672–1680, eds. H. W. Robinson and W. Adams (1935). See also John Evelyn’s Fumifugium of 1661, in which he describes the atmosphere of London and its effect on inhabitants.

10. Browne, Religio Medici (1642), Part II, Section 9.

11. Dates are a nightmare in this period, because the ‘new year’ was on 25 Mar. (‘Lady Day’, or the Feast of the Annunciation). It means that the period from 1 Jan. to 25 Mar. is usually, although not always, dated as the previous year. Pepys is not entirely consistent in his own Diary, sometimes writing ‘January at other times ‘January 1665/6’, which is the form he favours in his letters. Bulstrode Whitelocke, on the other hand, sticks to the old year’s date until the end of Mar. Pepys’s godparents are not known.

12. See Kenneth H. D. Haley, The First Earl of Shaftesbury (1968), p. 142. The young Anthony Ashley Cooper lived as an orphan with his guardian, Sir Daniel Norton, who was in London during the law terms, from 1631, when he was ten, until he was fourteen.

13. See The Life of Milton by Edward Phillips, his nephew (1694), printed as an appendix to William Godwin’s Lives of Edward and John Philips, Nephews and Pupils of Milton, including Various Particulars of the Literary and Political History of Their Times(1815). ‘[In 1640] he took him a lodging in St Brides church-yard, at the house of one Russel, a taylor, where he first undertook the education and instruction of his sister’s two sons’ (p. 362 in Godwin).

14. John Brinsley’s Ludus Literarius of 1612, a dialogue (in English despite the title) between two schoolmasters, makes this sensible suggestion.

15. For the backyard sports, Diary, 25 Dec. 1663; for the Temple Hall visit, Diary, 1 Jan. 1668; for ‘beating the bounds’, Diary, 25 Mar. 1661.

16. Taken from a 1619 reprint of The Schoole of Vertue, printed ‘next to the Globe’ and sold ‘at the sign of the Bull, by St Paul’s Churchyard’. It was first published in 1577 and went on being reprinted until 1626.

17. Pepys noted the birth dates of all his brothers and sisters at the end of his Diary for 1664, but not the dates of their deaths. These are to be found in the parish records of St Bride’s, held at the Guildhall.

18. Tom’s speech impediment was bad enough to deter a possible bride when he came to look for one.

19. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 185, fols. 206–13, 7 Nov. 1677.

20. In the Diary Pepys revisits Kingsland on 25 Apr. 1664 and recalls ‘my nurse’s house, Goody Lawrence, where my brother Tom and I was kept when young’. He says his mother’s unmarried sister, Ellen Kite, was living in a Mrs Herbert’s house at Newington Green near by. He also says he was boarded at Hackney – still close to Kingsland – as ‘a little child’. On 12 May 1667, however, he recalls being boarded at Kingsland and shooting with his bow and arrow in the fields. There seem to have been fields all the way between Kingsland, a mere roadside hamlet, and Hackney, which was more of a village. Perhaps he was sent to one or another family in that direction for several summers.

21. Diary, 27 Mar. 1664. Pepys saw Twelfth Night twice, in Sept. 1661 and Jan. 1663, but failed to enjoy it on either occasion and thought it ‘a silly play’, in spite of Sir Toby Belch and his cakes and ale.

22. See Diary for 11 Mar. 1668, and Pepys’s wish to avoid speaking to Colonel Cocke, ‘formerly a very great man and my father’s customer whom I have carried clothes to’.

23. Coke said this to Bulstrode Whitelocke’s father in 1615: see Ruth Spalding, The Improbable Puritan, citingJames Whitelocke’s memoir, p. 29.

24. Diary, 30 May 1668.

25. The two Diary entries are for 1 Sept. 1662 and 26 July 1663. Evelyn listed the gardens of Durdans among the English ones he most admired in a letter to Sir Thomas Browne, 28 Jan. 1658. Information about house and garden from John Harris’s article on Durdans in Country Life, 8 Sept. 1983, in which he discusses Jacob Knyff’s 1673 view of the house Pepys visited, which was pulled down in the 1680s and replaced by an entirely classical house. Note also Pepys’s remark on 3 Dec. 1668 about the greatness of John Pepys of Ashtead in the world; and that his daughter Jane, who became Mrs John Turner, named one of her daughters Theophila (after Lady Theophila Coke) – she was usually known as ‘The’ to Pepys. The Berkeleys came to Durdans in the mid 1630s and added the new Hall in 1639. Their own children died at birth, which may have prompted their interest in a visiting child.

26. Diary, 25 July 1663. John Pepys of Norfolk and then Ashtead (1576–1652) was third cousin once removed of Sam Pepys’s father. He married Anne Walpole of Houghton in 1610, both regarded with great warmth by the Cokes, she for particular kindness to the women of the family during illness. Their son was named Edward, no doubt for Coke. For their daughter Jane, see Chapters 4 and 16 below. In 1642 Robert Coke was imprisoned in the Tower as a royalist, and John Pepys and his family moved back to London, where he was also imprisoned for four months for his failure to contribute money demanded for the war chest. Lady Theophila visited her husband in the Tower until her death from smallpox in 1643. Sir Robert returned to Surrey on his release and died there in 1653, bequeathing the books in the library at Durdans – 300 folios and many smaller books – to the City clergy at Sion College, ‘whom the iniquity of the time had stripped of everything but (what could not be taken from them) their Religion, Loialty & Learning’. Information partly from unpublished paper by F. L. Clark in Bryant archives, Liddle Hart Centre, King’s College, London.

27. Robert Pepys was Sam’s uncle, his father’s eldest brother, who seems to have inherited what little land there was in the family. Robert and John Pepys’s father was Thomas Pepys, an elder brother of Paulina (Lady Montagu). See Family Tree.

28. See F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich (1912), vol. I, p. 19.

29. Richard Baxter in The Holy Commonwealth (1659), ref. from Christopher Hill’s The Century of Revolution 1603–1714 (1974), p. 110.

30. Edward Hyde, earl of Clarendon, The True Historical Narrative of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England (1888), vol. III, p. 264.

31. Maurice Ashley, The English Civil War (1980), p. 50. Ashley suggests on p. 51 that these armed men were better-off citizens, merchants and shopkeepers, organized by City members of parliament.

32. C. V. Wedgwood, The King’s Peace (1983), p. 422. You can see women in the crowd watching the execution of Strafford in Hollar’s engraving of the scene.

33. 33. See Diary, 18 Mar. 1664, where Pepys arranges to have his brother Tom buried inside St Bride’s and ‘as near as I can to my mother’s pew’. But see too 4 Mar. 1660, when Pepys and his mother ‘talked very high about Religion, I in defence of the Religion I was born in’, i.e., the established Church of England.

34. David Masson, The Life of Milton (1859–94), vol. III, p. 147.

35. Quotation from Ruth Spalding, The Improbable Puritan, pp. 82–3.

36. See Christopher Hill, The Century of Revolution, p. 167.

37. Information about the building of the defences of London in 1642 and 1643 mostly from N. G. Brett-James, The Growth of Stuart London (1935), who quotes Bulstrode Whitelocke’s Memorials of the English Affairs (‘it was also wonderful to see how the women and children and vast numbers would come to work digging and carrying of earth to make the new fortifications’), p. 268; and report of Venetian ambassador, p. 270; and from Samuel Butler’s Hudibras – he recorded that the women, ‘From ladies down to oyster-wenches/Labour’d like pioneers in trenches’; and from other contemporary reports such as the newssheet Perfect Diurnal for May 1643 and William Lithgow’s Present Surveigh of London and England’s Estate &c., also of 1643. John Evelyn inspected the ‘so much celebrated line of communication’ in Dec. 1642. The defences were largely razed in 1647, partly because they took up so much land.

38. State papers listed reasons for fortifying the City: ‘There is terrible news that Rupert will sack it, and so a complete and sufficient dike and earthern wall and bulwarks must be made which will render ample recompsense for trouble. The fortifications will discourage foes and encourage friends to come and inhabit by multitude, whereby London will grow famous and rich even in time of War…’ Cited in N. G. Brett-James, The Growth of Stuart London, p. 273.

39. See Diary, 26 July 1663. The name of Heale appears on the map of the manor of Ashtead made in 1638, on two small holdings not far from John Pepys’s land. Information from F. L. Clark’s unpublished paper.

40. John Pepys travelled to Holland again much later, in 1656, when Cromwell was protector, Montagu a high official with Sam working for him; on this occasion Sam applied for the pass for his father. On 7 Aug. it was granted to ‘John Pepys and his man with necessaries for Holland, being on the desire of Mr Samll Pepys’. H. B. Wheatley, Samuel Pepys and the World He Lived In (1880), p. 9, giving as source Entry-Book No. 105 of the protector’s Council of State, p. 327; also footnote to Diary, 24 Jan. 1666, Latham and Matthews edition, which gives source as Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, 1656–7, p. 582.

        For Dutch engineers advising on fortifications, N. G. Brett-James, The Growth of Stuart London, p. 274. Montagu took minutes at a meeting of the East Anglian Association at Bury St Edmunds, 9 Feb. 1643, raised support in Huntingdon and was made a deputy-lieutenant by parliament in June. Clarendon said ‘he was so far wrought upon by the caresses of Cromwell that, out of pure affection for him, he was persuaded to take command in the army’.

41. Letter of the Venetian ambassador, 15 May 1643.

42. On the 1625 outbreak, Nehemiah Wallington, Historical Notices of Events Occurring Chiefly in the Reign of Charles I, ed. Rosamond Webb (1869), vol. I, p. xvii.

2. A Schoolboy’s War: Huntingdon and St Paul’s

1. Pepys mentions ‘Beard’ as the carrier in a letter to Montagu, 22 Oct. 1659, ‘Old Beard’ on 14 Mar. 1660 and ‘Bird the carrier’ in 1661, when his mother travelled with him on 3 Jan., and both his parents and his sister Pall on 5 Sept. By then Pepys himself either rode or took a coach.

2. Montagu’s involvement is my guess. The only evidence that Pepys attended the school is in his remark in the Diary, 15 Mar. 1660, when he meets Tom Alcock, ‘one that went to school with me at Huntington, but I have not seen him this sixteen years’. This is good evidence, and seems to establish that he was there in 1644 (although Pepys is not always reliable in his recollection of dates). Pepys mentions ‘my shee-cousin Alcock’ in a letter of 5 Dec. 1657 to Montagu. Elizabeth Pepys, sister of Paulina Montagu, another great-aunt of Sam, married a Henry Alcock. For information about the Free Grammar School, see Philip G. M. Dickinson’s History of Huntingdon Grammar School (1965).

3. A note in Sir Sidney’s hand in vol. III of the Sandwich Papers at the National Maritime Museum records that he ‘gave up house-keeping to my Son Edward’ in 1643. He moved to Barnwell in Northamptonshire.

4. The conjecture that Sam lodged with his uncle is supported by the fact that he became his heir, which suggests approval at least. Robert Pepys appears to have been employed as a bailiff by the Montagus and was described as ‘of Hinchingbrooke’ in a bond signed by Sidney Montagu in 1630. In the same year Robert married a widow, Anne Trice, at All Saints’, Huntingdon, and moved to the house at Brampton. (Information from the Companion to the Latham and Matthews edition of the Diary.) He was probably born in the mid 1590s. His two stepsons were some years older than Sam.

5. The house belongs to the Pepys Association. It is a private residence, but permission to view it may be obtained. It has doubled in size, with an eighteenth-century addition behind the original Tudor house. The windows have been enlarged, and the staircase moved from where it probably was in Pepys’s day, next to the central chimney stack.

6. It is now called the Black Bull. In Pepys’s time the alternative drinking place was Goody Gorrum’s ale house, which has disappeared.

7. Pepys mentions Thomas Taylor, Diary, 10 Oct. 1667. He was master at Huntingdon for nearly forty years, from 1641 to 1679.

8. The parents’ complaint is mentioned in John Brinsley’s Ludus Literarius, a dialogue between two schoolmasters published in 1612.

9. Information from Philip G. M. Dickinson’s History of Huntingdon Grammar School. Cooke was appointed in 1625 by his predecessor, Dr Thomas Beard, who had taught Cromwell. So Cooke must have taught Edward Montagu before retreating from the job in 1639. He remained the official headmaster until 1655 and was succeeded by the Revd Francis Bernard, who belonged to a family Pepys knew well. Sir Robert Bernard, mentioned in the Diary in 1661, was a lawyer and the son-in-law of a Cromwell-appointed peer, Oliver St John. William Bernard, one of his sons, was a grocer in London whom Pepys entertained to dinner and who returned the invitation, serving an excellent pie. Francis may have been another. There were still Bernards living in the house in which Cromwell was born as late as 1897.

10. Diary, 15 Mar. 1660.

11. Quoted in Michael McDonnell’s privately printed History of St Paul’s School (1959), p. 224. Langley made the comment at the end of his high mastership, in the 1650s, so it may not have applied in Pepys’s time.

12. The house has changed, of course. Edward Montagu himself made improvements in the 1660s; a fire in 1830 led to a great deal of rebuilding; and in 1970 the Sandwich family sold it and it became Huntingdon Comprehensive School. Since then much more of the early structure has been uncovered, revealing features of the original abbey and some of Richard Cromwell’s work.

13. Horace Walpole’s later description, cited in Latham and Matthews’s Companion, p. 186.

14. This was William Camden’s description in his Britannia (1607).

15. The school buildings were probably more extensive than what is now known as the school, currently a small museum dedicated to Cromwell.

16. Diary, 14 July 1661, 13 Oct. 1662.

17. Cardinal Mazarin, after dining with Montagu aboard the Naseby in the spring of 1658, described him as ‘un des gentilhommes du monde le plus franc et mieux intentionné et le plus attaché à la personne de M. le Protecteur’. Richard Ollard, Cromwell’s Earl: A Life of Edward Montagu, First Earl of Sandwich (1994), p. 61.

18. See F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich (1912), vol. I, p. 28.

19. Much quoted exchange, here taken from Samuel Rawson Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War 1642–1649 (1893), vol. II, p. 59.

20. Samuel Rawson Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War, vol. II, p. 196.

21. There are many authorities for Charles I’s occupation of Huntingdon, 24 Aug. 1645. He is reputed to have made the George Inn his HQ, and there is a letter from him dated ‘Huntingdon 25th August’. Gardiner mentions the episode. I quote from the parliamentarian Nehemiah Wallington’s account in his contemporary Historical Notices of Events Occurring Chiefly in the Reign of Charles I, ed. Rosamond Webb (1869), vol. II, pp. 267–70. Richard Symonds’s The Diary of Marches Kept by the Royal Army During the Great Civil War, ed. C. E. Long (1859), gives an eyewitness account – he says the king moved on to Woburn on Tuesday – and Alfred Kingston’s East Anglia and the Great Civil War (1897), p. 196, gives a contemporary letter about the exchange of prisoners.

22. F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich, vol. I, pp. 71–2.

23. Diary, 24 Jan. 1669: Pepys recalls how he ‘saw my old Lord lie in state when he was dead’. Essex was fifty-five; he made a better end than his father, the first earl, who had died at thirty-five on the scaffold, for treachery towards Queen Elizabeth.

24. See Chapter 14, and especially Diary, 27 July 1663, when Charles II addressed parliament formally: ‘the King, sitting in his throne with his speech writ in a paper which he held in his lap and scarce looked off of it, I thought, all the time he made his speech to them’.

25. Michael McDonnell, History of St Paul’s School, pp. 223–4.

26. Michael McDonnell, History of St Paul’s School, p. 205.

27. The school’s anti-royalist tradition appears in Gill, who was arrested and imprisoned in 1628 for attacking the royal favourite, the duke of Buckingham, and ‘the old fool and the young one’, meaning James and Charles. He was sentenced to two years in prison and to have his ears cut off, this last part being remitted.

28. When Tom was delirious on his deathbed, he spoke in French: ‘A great deal of French, very plain and good,’ wrote Sam of Tom’s ramblings, of which he gives an example, ‘quand un homme boit quand il n’a point d’inclination à boire il ne lui fait jamais de bien.’ I can’t think of a more plausible explanation than a French lodger in the Pepys household when they were children, from whom the boys picked up the language together; Tom must have become fluent for his French to emerge as it did when he was dying.

29. See Diary, 22 Jan. 1661, when Pepys visits the Mercers’ Great Hall: ‘It pleased me much now to come in this condition to this place, where I was once a peticioner for my exhibicion in Pauls school. And also where Sir G. Downing (my late master) was chaireman, and so but equally concerned with me.’

30. F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich, vol. I, pp. 73–4, citing Sir Thomas Herbert (Harleian MSS, 7396), and M. Noble’s Memoirs of the Protectoral House of Cromwell (1787), vol. I, p. 44, footnote: ‘K. Cha. I… on his way from Holmby was very magnificently and dutifully entertained there by lady Mountagu…’

31. Information about London in this chapter from many sources including Samuel Rawson Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War, and David Masson, The Life of Milton (1859–94).

32. George Downing in Islington to Winthrop, 8 Mar. 1648, cited in John Beres-ford, The Godfather of Downing Street: Sir George Downing 1623–1684 (1925), pp. 49–51.

33. Samuel Rawson Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War, vol. IV, pp. 99–101.

34. Samuel Rawson Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War, vol. IV, p. 129.

35. F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich, vol. I, p. 75.

36. Samuel Rawson Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War, vol. IV, p. 299.

37. According to Locke, then a schoolboy of seventeen at Westminster: information from Conrad Russell’s The Crisis of Parliaments (1971), p. 383.

38. The Diaries and Letters of Philip Henry, MA, of Broad Oak, Flintshire 1631–1696, ed. M. H. Lee (1882), p. 12. Henry became a Nonconformist preacher and suffered much as a result under Charles II’s legislation against Nonconformity.

39. Diary, 1 Nov. 1660.

40. Diary, 13 Oct. 1660.

41. The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (1955), 30 May 1649,

42. Talbot Pepys is on record as having been one of the commission that raised taxes to support the parliamentary army in 1643, 1645, 1648 and again in 1657 (for the war against Spain). See Charles Henry Cooper, Annals of Cambridge (1842–53), vol. III, pp. 354, 384, 420, 466.

43. Ε. K. Purnell, Magdalene College (1904), p. 115.

3. Cambridge and Clerking

1. Sept. 1654, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (1955).

2. Pepys accepted a description of himself as ‘a low, squat man’: Pepys Library, Mornamont MSS, p. 41, ‘I asked him what was that Pepys, he said he was a low squat man.’ See also his own statement (Diary, 4 Jan. 1669) that he could stand under the arms of ‘the great woman’ of 6( 5(, which would make him about 5( 1(. (Evelyn said she was 6( 10( but I’m inclined to trust Pepys here.) It must be remembered that the general height of the population was lower – for instance, William III was described as tall at 5( 6(. The many portraits of Pepys, although they were all made later in life, give a consistent picture of his facial features – see also L. Cust, ‘Notes on Some Distinctive Features in Pepys’s Portraits’, Occasional Papers Read by Members at Meetings of the Samuel Pepys Club (1917), vol. I, pp. 38–9.

3. These figures are in Samuel Morland’s accounts for his time as a sizar in 1644. They are taken from p. 122 of Ε. K. Purnell, Magdalene College (1904).

4. Charles Henry Cooper, Annals of Cambridge (1842–53), vol. III, p. 366. Scobell’s ordinance of Nov. 1643 ordered the heads of the colleges to remove all images and pictures in the chapels, but nothing was done until William Dowsing arrived in Dec. and set to work. He kept a record of his destruction.

5. J. Ε. B. Mayor (ed.), Cambridge under Queen Anne (1911), p. 245.

6. See Diary, 7 Oct. 1667, when Pepys stays at an inn in Bishop’s Stortford with all his family and finds the landlady is his old friend Mrs Aynsworth. Her version of ‘Full Forty Times Over’ must have been lewder than the one printed as ‘A Song’ in Wit and Drollery, Jovial Poems Never before Printed, ed. John Phillips (1656), although you can imagine how it might be made ruder:

Full forty times over, I have strived to win

Full forty times over neglected have been,

But it’s forty to one, but I’ll tempt her again:

For he’s a dull lover,

That so will give over

Seeing thus runs the sport,

And assault her but often you’ll carry the fort.

There’s a breach ready made, which still open hath bin,

And thousands of thoughts to betray it within,

If you once come to storme her, you’re sure to get in,

Then stand not off coldly,

But venter on boldly

With weapon in hand,

If you do but approach her, she’s not able to stand,

With weapon in hand

If you do charge her, but home she’s not able to stand. &c – three more stanzas

7. See Diary, 30 Jan. 1664.

8. Diary, 25 June, 7 and 11 Nov. 1660 for references to Elizabeth Whittle; there are many more to her husband Stephen. He became the grandfather of Charles James Fox, but she was not his grandmother, as Arthur Bryant states; this was Fox’s second wife, Christian.

9. In the 1650s Sir Ralph Verney complained about girls learning Latin and shorthand: ‘the difficulty of the first may keep her from that Vice, for so I esteem it in a woman; but the easiness of the other may be a prejudice to her; for the pride of taking Sermon notes, hath made multitudes of women most unfortunate… Had St Paul lived in our Times I am most confident he would have fixed a Shame upon our women for writing (as well as for their speaking) in the Church.’ Ralph Verney to Dr Denton, n.d. but 1650s, cited inMemoirs of the Verney Family during the Civil War, eds. Lady Frances Parthenope and Lady Margaret M. Verney (1892), vol. III, p. 72. Tachygraphy is rich in symbols relating to biblical names and religious terms.

10. See William Matthews’s essay in the introduction in vol. I of the Latham and Matthews edition of the Diary, pp. xlviii–liv.

11. This is what Samuel Morland did in 1644: see p. 121 of Ε. K. Purnell, Magdalene College, citing his own account.

12. Oliver Heywood was up immediately before Pepys. He named the divines whose works he enjoyed as Perkins, Bolton, Preston, Sibbes, and the titles given in the text are from their works. See J. B. Mullinger, Cambridge in the Seventeenth Century (1867), p. 181.

13. W. T. Costello, The Scholastic Curriculum at Early Seventeenth-Century Cambridge (1958), gives a good account of the curriculum, with many examples drawn from commonplace books, etc.

14. Dryden was a very distant connection of Pepys, because his mother was a Pickering, cousin to Gilbert Pickering, Edward Montagu’s brother-in-law.

15. Diary, 8 Oct. 1667, and note by Latham on the Saunders family; and Diary, 26 June 1662.

16. Pepys to Dr Arthur Charlett, 5 Nov. 1700, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys 1679–1703, ed. J. R. Tanner (1926), vol. II, p. 109. He calls music ‘a science peculiarly productive of… pleasure… Witness the universal gusto we see it followed with… by all whose leisure and purse can bear it’ and suggests its teaching could be simplified ‘were the doctrine of it brought within the simplicity, perspicuity, and certainty common to all the other parts of mathematick knowledge’.

17. See Diary, 25 May 1668.

18. This was in Oct. 1645. Sir Henry Vane and Gilbert Pickering served on this body with him. See Charles Henry Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, vol. III, p. 398.

19. Cromwell’s letter is given in Charles Henry Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, vol. III, p. 452.

20. Charles Henry Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, vol. III, p. 461. All three were also to act as visitors to Eton, Winchester, Westminster and Merchant Taylors’ schools.

21. Diary, 30 Mar. 1662, which was Easter Sunday, records that he did not take the sacrament, ‘which I blame myself that I have hitherto neglected all my life, but once or twice at Cambridge’.

22. Sawyer became a barrister and rose to be attorney-general in 1681. Pepys heard him pleading a case 26 Nov. 1666 (Diary).

23. David Masson, The Life of Milton (1859–94), vol. IV, p. 602.

24. Charles Firth, The Last Years of the Protectorate (1909), vol. II, pp. 133–5.

25. King Street was narrow and ‘better inhabited than built, the Houses being generally built after the old way, with Timber and Plaister, and the street somewhat narrow’, according to John Stow, A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster… And the Survey and History Brought Down from the Year 1 633 to the Present Time by John Strype (1720), Book VI, p. 63.

26. Pepys uses the words ‘Our old house for clubbing’ in Diary, 26 July 1660, when he revisits Wood’s in Pall Mall with his old friends. On 5 July 1665, during the plague, he walks to Whitehall round the locked-up park and observes ‘a house shut up this day in the Pell Mell, where heretofore in Cromwells time we young men used to keep our weekly clubs’.

27. Diary and note for 23 Aug. 1660.

28. Edward Phillips went on to become tutor to John Evelyn’s son. His brother John Phillips was also publishing work that Milton would not have approved; he edited in 1656 Wit and Drollery, Jovial Poems Never before Printed, a collection including work by Pepys’s future colleague Sir John Mennes as well as Suckling, D’Avenant and one poem by Donne, ‘Love’s Progress’. John Phillips dedicated the book ‘To the truly noble Edward Pepes, Esq.’. This must be the lawyer son of John Pepys of Ashtead and Salisbury Court, born in 1617 and admitted to the Middle Temple 1636, and evidently rich enough to be a patron. Edward Pepys was of course known to Samuel Pepys, who attended his funeral in 1663.

29. Samuel Rawson Gardiner, History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate (1897), vol. III, pp. 318, 325.

4. Love and Pain

1. Diary, 27 Feb. 1668.

2. For most of the play the angel appears as a page-boy, ‘Angelo’, sustaining his Christian mistress in the face of persecution by the Romans. The descent from heaven in Act V was the invention of the Restoration stage manager, the text simply requiring the angel to enter with a basket of fruit and flowers, though sporting ‘a pair of glorious wings’. Massinger and Dekker’s The Virgin Martyr was first published in 1622, reissued in 1631, 1651 and 1661. J. Harold Wilson in Notes & Queries for 21 Feb. 1948 points out that Pepys first saw the play in Feb. 1661, and that after seeing it for a second time in February 1668 – this was when he was so transported by the music – he went again on 6 May. On 7 May he did not attend the performance but went backstage after it ended and met Nell Gwyn ‘in her boy’s clothes, mighty pretty’, as well as Knipp, the actress he was trying to seduce, and was impressed by the confident talk of the actresses.

3. A note by H. M. Nixon, in vol. VI of the Catalogue of the Pepys Library (1984) states that a 1647 edition of the Nouveau Testament inscribed ‘S. Pepys 1654’ is now in the Pierpont Morgan Library. It adds that it was given to Mary Skinner later.

4. See Diary, 31 May 1666, for Pepys’s mostly unflattering description of Pall’s physical appearance. He does allow that she is ‘a pretty good-bodied woman and not over-thicke’, although by this time Pall was in her mid twenties.

5. Pepys destroyed some of his love letters during the quarrel of Jan. 1663, the others presumably after the death of Elizabeth. The letter quoted is from the mid 1650s and is by his contemporary Oliver Heywood, who was already ordained when he wrote; it is not surprising that Heywood won his ‘Mrs Betty’. Like Pepys, he lost her early. From the Autobiography 1630–1702 of the Revd Oliver Heywood (1937), vol. I, pp. 131–2.

6. For Act of 24 Aug. 1653 on civil marriage ceremonies, see Samuel Rawson Gardiner, History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate (1897), vol. II, p. 292.

7. He noted the anniversary in the Diary in 1661, 1664, 1665 and 1666. He also put on the monument to Elizabeth that she died in the fifteenth year of marriage. She died on 10 Nov. 1669, so if they counted the marriage from Oct. 1655, she had been married for fourteen years, and was indeed just into the fifteenth year of the marriage; whereas if they counted from Dec., she had been married only thirteen years and eleven months, and was still in the fourteenth year.

8. Legally, men were allowed to marry at eighteen and women at twelve. An attempt to raise the age to fourteen in 1689 failed. David Ogg, England in the Reigns of James II and William III (1955), pp. 75–6.

9. See Diary, 3 Sept. 1660.

10. Diary, 10 Feb. 1664, for the gold lace, and 5 July 1663 for the bridal respect.

11. Diary, 6 Aug. 1666.

12. Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Man in the Making (1933), Ρ· 28. The inversion is so curious that it is tempting to think it is Bryant’s way of expressing emotion.

13. Diary, 25 Feb. 1667.

14. Diary, 2 Aug. 1660, ‘my wife not very well of her old pain in the lip of her chose, which she had when we were first married’.

15. Accounts of the sufferings of those with bladder stones are found in medical manuals of the time and make unpleasant reading. See notes on surgery below. Elizabeth probably was suffering from Bartholin’s abscess or cyst, a relatively common condition treated today with antibiotics and, if necessary, surgery; in the seventeenth century there was no effective treatment, and the condition tended to recur, as it clearly did in Elizabeth’s case. Although it was not caused by venereal infection but by bacteria living on the skin, Elizabeth may have suspected her husband of infecting her. It does not begin until puberty because it is the action of the glands that produces it, and in Elizabeth’s case puberty probably coincided more or less with her marriage. I am indebted to Patrick French for the medical information. Her condition continued to cause trouble, for example when Pepys refers to ‘her old pain’, Diary, 29 Oct. 1660, which prevented sexual intercourse for two weeks. By the autumn of 1663 she had an abscess three inches deep (‘a pain in the place which she used to have swellings in; and that that troubles me is that we fear that it is my matter that I give her that causes it, it never coming but after my having been with her’, Diary, 24 Oct. 1663) and their surgeon, Hollier, considered operating; but she was so upset by this suggestion that he settled for a fomentation.

16. Diary, 15 Nov. 1660.

17. Diary, 3 Sept. 1660, when Pepys again sees him off and recalls the earlier occasion.

18. Sir d’Arcy Power, Occasional Papers Read by Members at Meetings of the Samuel Pepys Club (1917), vol. I, pp. 78–93: he blames Hollier for dividing an ejaculatory duct. Milo Keynes, ‘Why Samuel Pepys Stopped Writing His Diary: His Dimming Eyesight and Ill-health’, Journal of Medical Biography, vol. v, Feb. 1997, p. 26, suggests a secondary infection or a stricture resulting from damage during the removal of the stone. Keynes dismisses d’Arcy Power’s suggestion that his sexual activity was stimulated by the irritation to which his genito-urinary system was subjected. Keynes is altogether more convincing than Power on the subject.

19. Diary, 4 July 1664, 13 Aug. 1661.

20. It may have been during the separation that Pepys went to Fleet Alley. Looking – and only looking – at a pretty prostitute there on 29 July 1664, he recalled earlier visits: ‘there saw what formerly I have been acquainted with, the wickedness of those houses and the forcing a man to present expense’. During the Diary period he avoided prostitutes entirely for fear of infection.

21. Elizabeth’s birthday was on 23 Oct. 1640: Pepys gave the date and place, which he put down as Somerset, in his memorial inscription to her. When Balthasar married on 3 Dec. 1662, he gave his age as twenty-two. He may have got it wrong, or they may have been twins, or just possibly born within a year of one another, in which case he must have been born in Jan. 1640. He writes that ‘my sister and wee all ware borne’ in Bideford, which suggests other children were born who did not survive.

22. Balthasar de St Michel to Pepys, 8 Feb. 1674, in The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath (1955), pp. 25–8, and Diary, 29 Mar. 1667.

23. Diary, 2 Nov. 1660. Elizabeth sometimes spoke of becoming a Catholic to Pepys; and she and her mother were friendly with a Jesuit called Father Fogourdy in Paris, who visited her in 1664 (6 Feb. and 28 Mar.), which Pepys found disquieting, although he liked the man. Fogourdy’s name comes up during the Popish Plot: see Chapter 22.

24. Diary, 4 June 1663: ‘I did employ a porter to go, from a person unknown, to tell him that his daughter was come to his lodgings. And I at a distance did observe him; but Lord, what a company of Questions he did ask him; what kind of man I was and God knows what.’

25. Diary, 22 Nov. 1660. Lady Sandwich (as she then was – at this date Lady Montagu, and always known to Pepys as ‘my Lady’) asked the question, after Elizabeth acted as interpreter between her and her newly acquired French maid, who seems to have raised the subject.

26. The debates about Naylor are found in The Diary of Thomas Burton, ed. J. T. Rutt (1828), vol. I, p. 154 et seq., and in Charles Firth, The Last Years of the Protectorate (1909), vol. I, pp. 87–102. Gilbert Pickering, Thurloe, Whitelocke and Cromwell were for a more merciful treatment.

27. A. G. Matthews, Mr Pepys and Nonconformity (1954), p. 36.

28. Quoted in Granville Penn, Memorials of Sir William Penn (1833), vol. II, p. 159.

29. Quoted in F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich (1912), vol. I, p. 97.

30. Charles Firth, The Last Years of the Protectorate, vol. I, p. 55.

31. Pepys in a letter to Edward Montagu, 9 Dec. 1656, writes ‘your Honour may remember present at Sir W.P.’s magnetique experiments’. W.P. suggests William Petty, physician, statistician and founding member of the Royal Society, later a friend of Pepys, although he was not knighted until 1661. Montagu was also a founding member of the Royal Society.

32. Pepys to Edward Montagu, 8 Jan. 1657, Letters and the Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth (1932), pp. 5–6.

33. Pepys to Edward Montagu, 8 Dec. 1657, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, p. 7.

34. See among many accounts David Masson, The Life of Milton (1859–94), vol. V, p. 148, and Richard Ollard’s Cromwell’s Earl: A Life of Edward Montagu, First Earl of Sandwich (1994), p. 54, with its admirable description of the occasion as ‘a kind of laicized Coronation’.

35. Pepys to Edward Montagu, 26 Dec. 1657, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, p. 11.

36. Pepys to Edward Montagu, 22 Dec. 1657, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, p. 9.

37. Pepys’s own description, Diary, 26 Mar. 1664, when he writes thanking the Lord God for raising him from his sickness and poverty.

38. Lithotomia Vesicae (1640), English translation from the Dutch, pp. 49–50.

39. There were specialist surgeons all over Europe, where the operation had been practised since ancient Egyptian times. In Ralph Josselin’s diary he mentions two men from his Essex village who went to London to be cut for the stone, one in July 1649, the other in Apr. 1665. Both returned cured, and the first of the two lived another thirty-three years. Diary of Ralph Josselin 1616–1683, ed. Alan MacFarlane (1976).

40. Diary, 30 May 1663, mentions this aunt James and her account of John Pepys seeking prayers for his son.

41. You can read the prescription, given in Latin by Dr J. M., for ‘Mr Pepes… before he was cut for the stone by Mr Hollyer’ in a notebook kept by a contemporary physician. British Library, Sloane MSS, 1536, fol. 56. G. C. R. Morris suggests in Medical History,vol. 26 (1982), pp. 429–35, that the prescription was written by Dr John Micklethwaite (1612–82), a colleague of Hollier at St Bartholomew’s Hospital.

42. Lithotomia Vesicae, pp. 81–4.

43. A contemporary description of the operation was made by John Evelyn, who saw it performed on five patients at the La Charité Hôpital in Paris in May 1650. This is his account of one:

The sick creature was strip’d to his shirt, & bound armes & thighes to an high Chaire, 2 men holding his shoulders fast down: then the Chirurgion with a crooked Instrument prob’d til he hit on the stone, then without stirring the probe which had a small channell in it, for the Edge of the Lancet to run in, without wounding any other part, he made Incision thro the Scrotum about an Inch in length, then he put in his forefingers to get the stone as neere the orifice of the wound as he could, then with another Instrument like a Cranes neck he pull’d it out with incredible torture to the Patient, especially at his after raking so unmercifully up & downe the bladder with a 3rd Instrument, to find any other Stones that may possibly be left behind: The effusion of blood is greate. Then was the patient carried to bed, & dress’d with a silver pipe accommodated to the orifice for the urine to pass, when the wound is sowed up: The danger is feavor, & Gangreene, some Wounds never closing.

Surely Evelyn was wrong about the incision being through the scrotum? The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (1955).

44. A second prescription, this time by two doctors, Moleyns and Dr G. Joliffe, ‘for Mr Peapes who was cut for the Stone by Mr Hollier March the 26 [1658] and had a very great stone taken this day from him’. British Library, Sloane MSS, 1536, fol. 56V.

45. See Diary, 27 Feb. 1663, and Pepys’s mention of Dr Jolly (George Joliffe) who had cared for him and answered his questions in 1658.

46. Pepys preserved his stone and showed it to Evelyn on 10 June 1669. The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer.

47. He did not order the case until 20 Aug. 1664, when he notes in the Diary that it will cost him twenty-five shillings. See also Diary, 3 May 1667, where he describes taking it to be shown to the earl of Southampton to encourage him to be operated upon, unavailingly; he died two weeks later, unoperated. Also Evelyn’s mention of it in his diary for 10 June 1669.

48. Diary, 5 Dec. 1660.

49. Richard Ollard, Cromwell’s Earl, p. 61, for Mazarin quote; Morland was one who testified to Montagu being ‘wholly devoted to old Noll, his country man [i.e., Oliver Cromwell]’, F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich, vol. I, p. 137. For Cromwell’s letter to Edward Montagu, dated 2 Oct. 1657, National Maritime Museum, Sandwich Journal, vol. I, X98/065.

5. A House in Axe Yard

1. It can be seen clearly in Roque’s map of 1746, which shows it as starting close to where the Cenotaph now stands. Andrew Davies’s The Map of London from 1746 to the Present Day (1987) is helpful.

2. A letter from Downing to General Monck in 1654 is dated ‘Axeyard 7ber 30th, 54’, cited in John Beresford, The Godfather of Downing Street: Sir George Downing 1623–1684 (1925), p. 64. For Downing’s mention of Hawley, and his move into another house in Axe Yard, Major Greenleaf’s, in 1658, see the Companion to the Latham and Matthews edition of the Diary, p. 170.

3. Diary, 18 Feb. 1660, ‘went to my Lord’s lodgings to my turret there, and took away most of my books and sent them home by my maid’.

4. So Pepys said in a letter of 1 Oct. 1681 to his sister-in-law Esther St Michel, printed in The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath (1955), ρ. 188, in which he urged economy on her. He claimed they lived on this income ‘for several years’ and added that he still had Elizabeth’s household accounts at the time of writing. Unfortunately they have not survived to the present.

5. For cake-making, Diary, 6 Jan. 1668; for refusal to kill turkey, Diary, 4 Feb. 1660; for possession of book, Pall accused of stealing hers, 24 Jan. 1660. Female literacy increased steadily during the seventeenth century, from 10 per cent at the start to 55 per cent at the end, according to Tim Harris, London Crowds in the Reign of Charles II (1987), p. 27.

6. Since Jane refused to come for less than £3 a year when the Pepyses asked her to return to their service, 26 Mar. 1662 – see Diary – it is unlikely she was paid this much in 1658.

7. Diary, 18 Feb. 1662, when Pepys wrote that the wind was ‘such as hath not been in memory before, unless at the death of the late Protector’; and 19 Oct. 1663, when he remarked to his wife, ‘I pray God I hear not of the death of any great person, this wind is so high’. Marvell, ‘Poem upon the Death of His Late Highness the Lord Protector’, lines 117–19, 131–2.

8. For Newton’s response to the storm, see David Masson, The Life of Milton (1859–94), vol. V, p. 358.

9. Cited in John Beresford, The Godfather of Downing Street, p. 100.

10. Bernard Capp, Cromwell’s Navy (1989), p. 149. See also Godfrey Davies’s The Restoration of Charles II (1955), pp. 10–11.

11. See Diary, 28 Nov. 1660, when Pepys describes the disbanding of the regiment, receives his pay of £23.145.gd., and regrets that he won’t be getting any more in this easy fashion.

12. See Bernard Capp, Cromwell’s Navy, p. 332.

13. Dryden’s presence is disputed by one of his biographers, Charles E. Ward, but accepted by most other authorities, and certainly seems likely.

14. Evelyn mistakenly gave the date as 22 Nov. 1658, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (1955).

15. Information about Cromwell’s funeral from the contemporary account by the Revd John Prestwich, fellow of All Souls, printed as Appendix VII in The Diary of Thomas Burton, ed. J. T. Rutt (1828), vol. II, pp. 516–30. Among those he listed as present were a Mr Ewer, comptroller of the clerks, possibly connected with Will Hewer, as well as Robert Blackborne, secretary to the Admiralty commissioners and Hewer’s uncle; also Francis Willoughby, the Admiralty commissioner whose house in Seething Lane was taken over by Pepys. More information about the ceremonial from Antonia Fraser’s Cromwell, Our Chief of Men (1973), pp. 680–85, and from Godfrey Davies’s The Restoration of Charles II, pp. 40–44.

16. For the vulture and the titmouse, James Heath’s A Brief Chronicle of the Late Intestine Warr, edition of 1676, cited in F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich (1912), vol. I, p. 115.

17. Pepys’s care for the Montagu children begins with the operation on their eldest daughter, Jemima, in London in the winter of 1659/60, and continues with many other instances. For Lady Montagu’s affectionate behaviour to him, see the first entry about her in the Diary, 12 Oct. 1660, when Pepys, hearing she has arrived in town, immediately calls on her: ‘found her at supper, so she made me sit down all alone with her; and after supper stayed and talked with her – she showing most extraordinary love and kindness’. After this they are numerous.

18. So he told Pepys: see Diary, 21 June 1660.

19. The Diary of John Evelyn, 5 May 1659. De Beer (vol. III, p. 229, footnote 2) gives the Cockpit in Drury Lane.

20. Bernard Capp, Cromwell’s Navy, p. 335.

21. For Captain Country, see Diary, 27 Sept. 1661. The footnote in the Latham and Matthews edition points out that Pepys conferred a sinecure on Country in 1676, as a gunner on the Royal Charles. For Pepys to find him ‘little’ he must have been very short, given his own height.

22. For Lieutenant Lambert, Diary, 4 Oct. 1660, where Pepys calls the ship by its new name, the Charles.

23. Morland to Charles, 15 June 1659, cited in F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich, vol. I, p. 138.

24. National Maritime Museum, Sandwich Journal, 47,60ff.

25. Diary, 15 May 1660: ‘he told me that his conversion to the King’s cause (for so I was saying that I wondered from what time the King could look upon him to be become his friend), from his being in the Sound [i.e., Baltic], when he found what usage he was likely to have from a Comonwealth’.

26. F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich, vol. I, pp. 156–7.

27. Pepys to Edward Montagu, 20 Oct. 1659, Letters and the Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth (1932), pp. 11–12.

28. Pepys to Edward Montagu, 6 Dec. 1659, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, p. 15. All following quotes from Pepys to Montagu in this chapter from this source, spellings modernized.

29. F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich, vol. I, pp. 165–6. Lawson’s proclamation also suggested some radical reforms: no more pressing, abolition of the Excise and pensions for men no longer able to serve.

6. A Diary

1. Montaigne was born exactly a century before Pepys, in 1533, and died in 1592. He also suffered from the stone. An English translation of his essays by Florio appeared in 1603, another by Charles Cotton in 1685, and he was greatly admired in England throughout the century. Pepys bought a copy of the Florio translation (‘Montagne’s essays’) in 1668 – see Diary, 18 Mar. 1668 – and later acquired the Cotton version, which remained in his library (Pepys Library 1018–20).

2. Francis Bacon, ‘Of Travel’, Essays (Everyman ed., 1994), p. 54.

3. Will Hewer, for example, learnt and used tachygraphy. The diaries themselves are on display at the Pepys Library at Magdalene College, Cambridge. The introduction to vol. I of Latham and Matthews’s edition gives a great deal of information about their physical characteristics and about the shorthand, including the fact that Pepys adapted it slightly for his own use.

4. Diary, 11 Apr. 1660, when he shows it to Lieutenant Lambert at sea; and 9 Mar. 1669, when he tells William Coventry of its existence.

5. Diary, 5 Feb. 1660.

6. Diary, 24 Jan. 1664, suggests as much, when he describes ‘entering out of a by-book part of my second Journall book, which hath lay these two years and more unentered’.

7. Diary, 10 Nov. 1665.

8. For Downing’s journal, see John Beresford’s The Godfather of Downing Street: Sir George Downing 1623–1684 (1925). Beresford was able to track down only part of it (in a country house in Norfolk); he points out that there was a tradition of diary-keeping in his family, since Downing’s East Anglian grandfather, Adam Winthrop, kept a journal between 1597 and 1622, from which he prints a few entries. The first volume of Montagu’s journal has been published by the Navy Records Society in 1929, edited by R. C. Anderson; the manuscripts of the rest are owned by the present earl of Sandwich.

9. Nine years later, William Coventry told Pepys he was keeping a journal – see Diary, 9 Mar. 1669 – and Pepys returned the confidence, less than three months before he abandoned his. Coventry’s has not survived.

10. See William Haller’s The Rise of Puritanism (1938), p. 99.

11. For diaries mentioned in text, see Bibliography.

12. ‘A Journal kept by me, George Carteret, in His Majesty’s ship the Conventive, being bound for the coast of Barbarie, 1638’. See G. R. Balleine, All for the King: The Life Story of Sir George Carteret (1976), p. 15 and notes p. 167, which say the journal had been privately printed in Philadelphia by B. Penrose.

13. Evelyn’s remarks in his diary, 4 Oct. 1680, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (1955). For the information about Evelyn senior, I am indebted to Frances Harris, who believes he is likely to have made his entries in the pages of an almanac, as an aide-mémoire in his business affairs. None of his diaries appear to have survived.

14. The philosopher John Locke, another close contemporary, kept a diary during his travels in France in the late 1670s and 1680s. From what I have seen of it, it was a record of his journeys, the sights he saw and notes about agriculture, manufacturing, tax, religious questions, notably the condition of the Protestant population in France: highly interesting and quite impersonal. See The Life and Letters of John Locke, ed. Lord King (1858).

15. ‘Samuel Pepys’, Cornhill magazine, July 1881.

16. Diary, 4 Mar. 1660, for argument with mother, and 14 Dec. 1663 for his objection to Montagu’s swearing ‘Before God’ and other oaths.

17. For Pepys’s religious attitude, see Chapter 26. Diary, 15 May 1660.

18. Diary, 2 Oct. 1660.

19. Wheatley’s 1893 edition makes the sentence on p. 1 ‘My wife… gave me hopes of her being with child, and on the last day of the year [the hope was belied].’ As already noted, Bryant did give the complete text of the opening passage in the first volume of his biography in 1933. But when Edwin Chappell gave the tercentenary lecture that same year at the Clothworkers’ Hall, he felt he could not quote it, explaining satirically that ‘I cannot take the responsibility of corrupting your innocence’. The standard editions of the Diary, including J. P. Kenyon’s abridged version of 1963, remained bowdlerized, and Latham and Matthews’s 1970 edition was the first not to cut Pepys’s opening paragraph.

20. For Lawson, see Bernard Capp’s Cromwell’s Navy (1989), particularly Chapters 10 and 11.

21. Bernard Capp, Cromwell’s Navy, p. 357.

Part Two: 1660–1669
7. Changing Sides

1. See the royalist John Lane’s complaint of Downing to Sir Edward Nicholas, 30 Mar. 1658, cited in John Beresford, The Godfather of Downing Street: Sir George Downing 1623–1684 (1925), p. 93; and p. 97 for attempt to assassinate him in summer of 1658.

2. The details of Downing’s behaviour are mostly in John Beresford’s Sir George Downing, pp. 92–122.

3. Harrington’s Oceana, published in 1656, laid out a plan for a republic with a rotating senate, votes for all freemen (servants were not enfranchised), partial religious toleration (Jews and Catholics were excluded from it) and restrictions on property owning. Henry Neville was another republican and atheist member of the Rota. Others were Roger Coke, a grandson of the great Sir Edward Coke, and the republican and Leveller John Wildman. According to John Aubrey, the club was formed in 1659 and ‘The Doctrine was very taking, and the more because, as to human foresight, there was no possibility of the King’s return.’

4. Pepys put a portrait of Harrington in his collection in the Pepys Library. Oceana was reissued in 1887 and is still discussed to this day. Harrington is now considered a forerunner of Adam Smith and the science of political economy. See Christopher Hill, The Century of Revolution 1603–1714, p. 161. Harrington’s theories also had an influence in the future United States: see Godfrey Davies, The Restoration of Charles II (1955), p. 291.

5. F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich (1912), vol. I, p. 171; Richard Ollard, Cromwell’s Earl: A Life of Edward Montagu, First Earl of Sandwich (1994), P. 77.

6. The Diary of Bulstrode Whitelocke 1605–1675, ed. Ruth Spalding (1989), p. 574.

7. Richard Creed eventually moved to Monmouthshire, where his father-in-law, Walter Cradock, had been a puritan divine and a leading Propagation commissioner in the county, responsible for ejecting royalist clergy. Creed had clerked for him in the 1650s and also acted as parliamentary surveyor. Cradock died in 1659, but Creed was specifically named in the Act of Indemnity as one excluded from ever holding public office again, and he ended his days as a humble schoolmaster in Llangwm Uchaf. He died in 1690 and his memorial tablet recorded that he had served admirals Blake and Sandwich, but nothing about Harrison. Information from Julian Mitchell’s unpublished essay ‘Monmouthshire Politics 1660–1706’.

8. Diary, 12 Apr. 1664, for Pepys plotting to get Will Howe Creed’s job with Lord Sandwich: ‘And I would be glad to get him secretary and to out Creed if I can – for he is a crafty and false rogue.’

9. Diary, 12 May 1661.

10. Diary, 18 Jan. 1665, where it is Edward Montagu’s wife, by then Lady Sandwich, who has heard this bad report of John Creed. ‘I told her I thought he was as shrewd and cunning a man as any in England, and one that I would fear first should outwit me in everything – to which she readily concurred.’

11. Diary, 8 Mar. 1660. This was Captain Philip Holland, a good fighting officer, who later defected to the Dutch and then returned and got his pardon by giving information about them: see Bernard Capp, Cromwell’s Navy (1989), pp. 388–9, 391.

12. Diary, 19 Mar. 1660. For details of Blackborne’s career, see G. E. Aylmer, The State’s Servants: The Civil Service of the English Republic (1973).

13. Diary, 16 Mar. 1660.

14. Diary, 17 May 1660.

15. Robert Blackborne to Edward Montagu, 7 May 1660, National Maritime Museum, Sandwich Journal, vol. III. fol. 213. The figure of Cromwell on the prow appears not to have been removed until 1663, when Pepys reports a conversation about its being pulled down and burnt, and deplores ‘the flinging away of £100 out of the King’s purse to the building of another – which it seems must be a Neptune’. Later on the same day he makes the point about the waste of money again, and says that it has in any case been forgotten whose head it was. Diary, 14 Dec. 1663.

16. Godfrey Davies, The Restoration of Charles II, p. 349. Thurloe was arrested a fortnight later for high treason, but released six weeks later.

17. Diary, 3 May 1660.

18. Pepys heard of it in advance, Diary, 13 May 1660: ‘I heard… how Mr Morland was knighted by the King this week, and that the King did give the reason of it openly, that it was for giving him intelligence all the time he was clerk to Secretary Thurloe.’ Morland, when he engaged to work for Charles, made it a condition that he would not bear witness against his old colleagues ‘if upon his restauration they should happen to bee arraigned at the barr of justice’. H. W. Dickinson, Sir Samuel Morland: Diplomat and Inventor(1970), p. 21.

19. Diary, 4 May 1660. Montagu told Pepys he feared Crew’s support for Presbyterians would damage his chances, but Charles accepted Montagu’s plea and made Crew a baron.

20. Diary, 20 May 1660. Until the Reformation, ‘a month’s mind’ meant the period of commemorative masses for the dead. It was then mysteriously transmuted into the sense of having a liking or fancy for something or someone, as in Shakespeare, Two Gentlemen of Verona, I.ii.133, ‘I see you have a month’s mind to them’. Congreve uses it in this sense in The Way of the World, III. i: ‘She has a Month’s mind; but I know Mr Mirabell can’t abide her.’ Pepys’s usage possibly also suggests that he has endured a month – actually two months – of sexual abstinence.

21. Diary, 17, 19 May 1660.

22. Diary, 15 May 1660.

23. Years later, in Oct. 1680, he took down in shorthand, at Charles’s request, a narrative of his adventures and escape from England after the battle of Worcester.

24. See Diary, 25 May 1660.

25. Given as direct speech in the Diary, 2 June 1660.

26. Diary, 18 June 1660.

27. See Diary, 15, 19 June 1660.

28. When Lady Pickering called on the Pepyses on 14 July 1668, Pepys was too busy to see her. ‘But how natural it is for us to slight people out of power, and for people out of power to stoop to see those that while in power they contemned,’ he wrote in his Diary.

29. Edmund Ludlow, John Carew, Thomas Scott, Sir Hardress Waller and Adrian Scrope were some who gave themselves up, believing the promise of pardon. Waller was a friend of Montagu, and all of them known to him. Ashley Cooper was responsible for saving Haslerig from being tried, but he died in the Tower during the winter of 1660/61.

30. Information from The Diary of Bulstrode Whitelocke and from Ruth Spalding’s The Improbable Puritan: A Life of Bulstrode Whitelocke (1975).

31. Diary, 21 June 1660, and footnote for information. Note too a petition to Lord Sandwich from the governors of the ‘Hospital’ installed in the Wardrobe not to have it taken from them.

32. G. E. Aylmer, The State’s Servants, p. 337. For Pepys’s objections, see his memo of 3 Apr. 1669, in his ‘Navy White Book’, printed in Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, transcribed by Charles Knighton and by William Matthews (1995), p. 196.

33. There is no picture of Seething Lane and it is not possible to construct any plan, but the whole complex must have been vast and each house substantial, with up to ten rooms apiece and two or three storeys high, with cellars. The existence of the ‘leads’ that means so much to Pepys – areas of flat roofing covered in lead that would be used as a terrace – suggests that there was a narrower upper storey that left roof space over the one below.

34. See Bernard Capp, Cromwell’s Navy, pp. 280–81 and pp. 290–91 for his good work as navy commissioner, p. 371 for his leaving England.

35. National Maritime Museum, Sandwich Journal, vol. I, item 27.

36. Charles’s remark cited in Godfrey Davies, The Restoration of Charles II, p. 353.

37. Diary, 10 Aug. 1660.

38. Diary, 15 July, 7, 22 Oct. 1660.

39. Diary, 7 Nov. 1660.

40. Diary, 22 Oct. 1660, and note by Latham.

41. Diary, 3 Oct. 1660.

42. Diary, 7 Oct. 1660.

43. See M. Noble, Lives of the English Regicides (1798), p. 332.

44. Diary, 16 Oct. 1660.

45. Diary, 20 Oct. 1660.

46. Diary, 20 Oct. 1660.

47. Diary, 6, 7 Nov. 1660.

48. Diary, 19 Nov. 1660.

49. Diary, 4 Dec. 1660.

50. For the payment to see the body, The Diurnal of Thomas Rugg 1659–1661, ed. W. L. Sachse (1961), p. 143, and for the placing of the head, note by Latham to Diary, 5 Feb. 1661, the day Pepys saw it. Cromwell’s head remained unburied until 1960, when a head believed to be his was laid to rest at his old college, Sidney Sussex, in the ante-chapel.

51. George Downing to Sir Edward Nicholas, 17 Mar. 1662, cited in John Beresford, Sir George Downing, pp. 146–7, from British Library, Egerton MSS, 2538, fols. 37–8.

8. Families

1. Diary, 1 Jan. 1661.

2. Diary, 8 Feb. 1662.

3. Diary, 26 May 1663. Pepys is frank about the contents of the chamber pot: solid and liquid.

4. Diary, 3 Nov. 1661, and alluded to earlier in the Prologue.

5. Diary, 22 Sept. 1660.

6. Diary, 14 Mar. 1661.

7. See Diary, 28 June 1661.

8. Diary, 12 Nov. 1660.

9. Diary, 2 Jan. 1661. Compare Ralph Josselin, East Anglian clergyman, writing in his diary in 1644, when his sister Mary arrived ‘under my Roofe as a servant, but my respect is and shall be towards her as a sister, god might have made me a waiter upon others’.Diary of Ralph Josselin 1616–1683, ed. Alan MacFarlane (1976).

10. Diary, 18 July 1660.

11. Diary, 11 Aug. 1660, for Will’s tears.

12. Diary, 8 June 1662: ‘Observe my man Will to walk with his cloak flung over his shoulder like a Ruffian; which whether it was that he might not be seen to walk along with the footboy, I know not, but I was vexed at it; and coming home, and after prayers, I did ask him where he learned that immodest garb, and he answered me that it was not immodest, or some such slight answer, at which I did give him two boxes on the ear; which I never did before, and so was after a little troubled at it’.

13. Diary, 24 Feb. 1662.

14. Diary, 8 Jan. 1662. Sir George Carteret, the treasurer, made the accusation and expressed his anger against Will to Sir William Penn, who advised Pepys to sack him. Pepys questioned Will without revealing the source of the accusation, saw that he understood and did nothing more. Pepys himself saw less of Blackborne after this.

15. See, for example, Diary, 18, 28 Jan. 1664, and again 19 Oct. the same year.

16. Information about variant spellings of Hewer from Dr Charles Knighton. The variants on Pepys I have taken from the ledgers of Hoare’s Bank, where he had an account from the 1680s, except for the last, which is found in a document describing Pepys’s collection shortly after his death, Bodleian Library, Rawlin-son MSS, D 396, fol. 35. Also Pyppes in Rawlinson MSS, A 180, fol. 406, and Phips in another, fol. 369.

17. For sale of the lease, Diary, 17 Sept. 1660. For Betty Lane at the house, 12 Aug. 1660, and for Diana Crisp, 4 Sept. 1660.

18. Pepys is sworn in as JP 24 Sept. 1660. For Sherwyn’s fall, see G. E. Aylmer, The State’s Servants: The Civil Service of the English Republic (1973), pp. 253–4, and later references in Diary, for example, 17 Jan. 1665, when Pepys finds it ‘mighty strange’ to sit with his own hat on ‘while Mr Sherwin stood bare as a clerk’.

19. Diary, 22 Nov. 1660.

20. Diary, 9 Apr. 1661.

21. Diary, 24 July 1661.

22. Penn was close to Lawson and Fifth Monarchy men, just as Montagu was known as a religious radical. See Bernard Capp, Cromwell’s Navy (1989), p. 294.

23. Diary, 2 Apr. 1661.

24. Diary, 9 Apr. 1661.

25. The Quakers were the first group to object to slavery on principle, in 1671. William Penn the younger, who became a Quaker leader, had of course experienced slave ownership in his father’s house.

26. DNB, and Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, 1664–5, PP. 407–8, letter from Sir William Coventry to the earl of Arlington, 4 June 1665, praising Penn’s conduct in the battle of Lowestoft.

27. Diary, 27 Mar. 1661, 1 Nov. 1660. They were called servants, and seem to have been affectionately treated in the families they served, but they were really slaves, brought from Africa, without rights. Pepys saw the little Turk and Negro acquired by Lord Sandwich to be pages to his family on 30 May 1662. Note also a letter from Pepys to Sandwich, ?23 Oct. 1664 (National Maritime Museum, Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, LBK/8), about the Dutch success on the Guinea coast and ‘defeating them in their great Contract with Spain for Blacks’. The slave trade had been going for forty years, and Bristol, home town of Batten and Penn, was one of the two chief ports in England used by the slaving ships, Liverpool being the other. Neither puritans nor cavaliers saw anything wrong in slavery. George Downing observed and approved slavery at Barbados, writing to his cousin John Winthrop on 26 Aug. 1645, ‘If you go to Barbadoes, you shall see a flourishing Island, many able men. I believe they have bought this year no less than a thousand Negroes, and the more they buy, the better able they are to buy, for in a year and a half they will earn (with God’s blessing) as much as they cost.’ Later, on another island, he calls Negroes ‘the life of this place’. John Beresford, The Godfather of Downing Street. Sir George Downing 1623–1684 (1925), pp. 44, 45. Charles II encouraged the formation of the Royal Africa Company, which dealt in slaves. Pepys himself later owned two black slaves (see below, p. 180).

28. Diary, 28 May 1661.

29. Diary, 12 Oct. 1660.

30. Diary, 15 Nov. 1660.

31. Diary, 16 May 1661.

32. Diary, 22 May, 15 June 1661.

33. 33. The London to Oxford coach took twelve hours. Pepys needed a guide because there were no road maps – John Ogilby’s were the first to be published, at the request of Charles II, and appeared in 1675.

34. Diary, 16 Jan. 1661.

35. Diary, 18 Jan. 1661.

36. Diary, 24 July, 25 Oct., 1, 9, 24, 27 Nov. 1661.

37. Diary, 31 Aug. 1661.

38. Diary, 12 May, 3o June 1662.

39. Diary, 21 Apr. 1664.

40. Diary, 29 Apr. 1664.

41. Diary, 6 June 1665.

42. See his accounts with the Sandwiches dated 15 June 1670, in which he charges ‘interest for two years at 6 per cent…£12’ on the £100 ‘supply’d my Ladie’. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 437.

43. The only other example I know of is Shelley’s, writing to his second wife, Mary – ‘my best Mary’. Pepys uses it in his letter to Lady Carteret of 4 Sept. 1665, after the wedding of the two ladies’ children. ‘My Lord Sandwich is gone to sea with a noble fleet… My best Lady Sandwich, with the flock at Hinchingbrooke, was, by my last letters, very well.’ Letters and the Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth (1932), p. 24.

44. Diary, 10 Oct. 1667.

45. National Maritime Museum, Sandwich Journal, Appendix, fol. 130.

46. Diary, 9 Oct. 1667.

47. For Charles’s letter to Pepys, 15 Mar. 1697, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys 1679–1703, ed. J. R. Tanner (1926), vol. I, p. 138. His spelling is wonderful, e.g., ‘harrey caen’ for ‘hurricane’, ‘Scowayer’ for ‘squire’. But his status as a Pepys with sons meant he was a residual legatee in Pepys’s will.

48. Diary, 8 Apr. 1662.

49. Diary, 1 June 1660 – Elizabeth writes to Pepys to tell him about the Joyces. For the story about Tom, see Chapter 11.

50. Diary, 26 Aug., 5 Sept. 1661.

51. Diary, 31 Dec. 1663.

52. Diary, 16 Jan. 1667.

53. Diary, 7 Feb. 1668.

54. Diary, 2 Mar. 1668, for news of wedding; for letter to father, Diary, 7 Mar. 1668.

55. Diary, 24 May 1668.

9. Work

1. See, for example, Diary, 1 Sept. 1666, when Pepys is ‘horribly frighted’ to see Henry Killigrew, son of the dramatist and groom of the Bedchamber to the duke of York, with his friends, at a performance of Polichinelly Pepys attended with Penn, Elizabeth and Mercer: ‘we hid ourselfs, so as we think they did not see us’. Even Lord Brouncker, a personal friend of the royal family as well as a Navy Board official, was worried about being noticed at the theatre by the king, and when he and Pepys set out to see a play together they agreed to take a high box ‘for fear of being seen, the King being there’. Diary, 29 Oct. 1667.

2. At Pepys’s level he might be expected to save money, but the cases of two of his clerks illustrate how vulnerable they were: when Tom Edwards died young after an illness, Pepys saw personally to helping his widow and sons, otherwise destitute. Richard Gibson, who served the navy for more than five decades in various positions of trust and outlived Pepys, sent pathetic letters enclosing testimonials in 1712, begging to be given a post as a steward at Greenwich Hospital in order to support his family.

3. Diary, 8 Nov. 1600. The Catherine was finished in May 1661.

4. Colonel Thomas Middleton, appointed to the Navy Commission, Portsmouth, in 1664, had fought for parliament and sometimes compared the poor organization and discipline of the 1660s with the superior conditions prevailing under the commonwealth.

5. Diary, 16 Aug. 1660.

6. See Bernard Capp, Cromwell’s Navy (1989), p. 375.

7. Pepys saw his first actresses on 3 Jan. 1661. He saw Betterton in Hamlet on 24 Aug. 1661 and again on 27 Nov. in the same year (and on 28 May 1663 and 31 Aug. 1668), and decided he was the best actor after seeing him in Massinger’s The Bondman. He also saw him play Bosola in Webster’s The Duchess of Malfi on 30 Sept. 1662 – ‘to admiration’.

8. Diary, 29 Sept., 10 Nov. 1661.

9. For Coventry replacing Blackborne, G. Ε. Aylmer, The State’s Servants: The Civil Service of the English Republic (1973), p. 266.

10. Evelyn called him wise and witty in his Diary for 1659; H. C. Foxcroft (The Life and Letters of Sir George Sovile, First Marquis of Halifax, vol. I, p. 29) says he headed the procession: Clarendon said he was void of religion; he was called ‘Will the Wit’ in hostile references by Andrew Marvell in his The Last Instructions to a Painter (1667), line 228; other information from the DNB.

11. Diary, 16 Mar. and 31 Dec. 1662.

12. Coventry to Pepys, 21 Apr. 1665, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 458.

13. For the gift of the pen, Diary, 5 Aug. 1663. For Pepys singing to Coventry on the barge, Diary, 16 Apr. 1661. For the boat trip in which Coventry shielded Pepys from the sun and told him his rules in life, Diary, 8 Aug. 1662. Dines with Pepys at home, 18 Dec. 1662. For the Hayter affair, Diary, 9, 10, 15 May 1663. For Pepys’s letter to Coventry suggesting afternoon meetings for general discussion, Pepys to Coventry, 22 Aug. 1662, National Maritime Museum, Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, LBK/8. For Penn’s reference to Coventry’s mistress, Diary, 7 Jan. 1664.

14. Mennes conveyed his enthusiasm for Chaucer (Diary, 14 June 1663), and Pepys later acquired a Caxton edition of The Canterbury Tales and some fragments of Chaucer MS. He encouraged Dryden to make his versions of some of the Tales. See Chapter 25.

15. Diary, 25 Nov. 1663.

16. Diary, 3 June 1662.

17. For Chatham trip, see Diary, 8–11 Apr. 1661; for Portsmouth trip with Elizabeth, see Diary, 1–8 May 1661.

18. From the ‘Navy White Book’, printed in Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, transcribed by Charles Knighton and by William Matthews (1995), p. 68. Pepys records putting in ‘My journeys and disbursements expressed in a bill’ on 30 June 1664, and Sir John Mennes urging him to charge more, ‘“For,” says he, “why will you have less than the clerks? And it is too little.” But I would have it go as it was, saying it was as much as it cost me.’ When he walked, it presumably cost him nothing.

19. Pepys to Pett, June 1665, cited in Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Man in the Making (1933), pp. 255–6. Pett objected to the board’s failure to look at other suppliers of masts, and Bryant praises Pepys for his tremendous putting down of Pett, although he elsewhere acknowledges that Pepys accepted bribes from Warren.

20. Pepys notes the arrival of the duke’s ‘Instructions’ at the office, 5 Feb. 1662. They were based on earlier ‘Instructions’ of 1640.

21. See J. D. Davies, Gentlemen and Tarpaulins (1991), p. 15, and David Ogg, England in the Reign of Charles II (1955), p. 260.

22. The figure of 157 ships at the time of the Restoration is Pepys’s own, given in a speech to parliament in 1675. Some of these were not in active service but laid up in dock, without officers or crew and stripped of rigging, guns and perhaps even masts: information from Professor Bernard Capp in private communication. He points out that the fleet the Navy Board actually had to deal with in 1660 was of 84 ships in service, with 25 waiting to be paid off; the others were laid up.

23. Diary, 30 Sept. 1661.

24. Something like £40,000 today, although all such equivalents are very approximate.

25. Diary, 2, 3 Mar. 1662. For the amount of his fortune, 30 May 1662.

26. Diary, 28 June, 1 Sept. 1662.

27. Diary, 30 Sept. 1662.

28. Diary, 23 Dec. 1662.

29. Diary, 14 June 1662. He mentions his letter to Lord Sandwich, who was at Hinchingbrooke seeing to his building works, but it has not survived. Samuel Morland, Pepys’s old tutor, is said to have refused to testify against Vane and burnt some papen in his – possession that might have incriminated him: see Violet Rowe, Sir Henry Vane the Younger (1970), p. 237, footnote.

30. Diary, 22, 27 June 1662, 11 Feb. 1663.

31. Given in Brewer’s Dictionary of Phrase and Fable, centenary edition of 1970, among ‘Dying Sayings’.

32. See, for example, Bernard Pool, Navy Board Contracts (1966), p. 2.

33. Diary, 18 June 1664.

34. Diary, 20 Nov. 1664.

35. Diary, 1 Aug. 1661, 3 May 1664.

36. Pepys gives Blackborne’s hostile talk of Penn, including accusations of cowardice, Diary, 9 Nov. 1663, and on 6 Nov. 1665 he gives Carteret’s account of the duke of Albemarle saying Penn was a ‘cowardly rogue’ who had brought ‘roguish fanatic captains into the fleet’, and of Coventry’s defence of Penn. It appears from these two passages that Penn was attacked from both political sides.

37. Evidence for this is found in Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series for 1665, where a great many dispatches from Batten in Harwich appear, as does William Coventry’s commendation of Penn’s behaviour in battle, dated 4 June.

38. For Pepys’s attempts on Pegg, Diary, 28 Nov. 1666, 13 Apr., 23 May 1667, 10 May 1668. For Pegg’s suspected pox, Diary, 15 May, 13 Sept. 1667. Lowther’s cousin, Sir John Lowther, became a commissioner of the Navy Board in 1689, and Pepys corresponded with him in that year asking for assistance on behalf of both his brother-in-law Balthasar St Michel and a cousin Charles Pepys: see The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath (1955), pp. 225, 227 and 243.

39. See Diary, 19 Oct. 1665, and Pepys’s letter to Coventry of same date, in which he says the duke of Albemarle has asked him to nominate candidates for the job:

which I desired a little time to do, being unwilling to make an over-sudden nomination… as the rendering their service useful will principally depend upon his diligence and care that hath the putting together and reporting what rises from the several informations from every port, so I am at the greatest loss whom to pitch upon for that employment.

The truth is, I know one that if you shall think fit to have it propounded to, I dare go far in assuring you the work shall be done to your mind…

His employment in another capacity I confess is very full, but half the trouble which this will add will be saved by the ease it will bring him in the many letters, orden, messages, and mental labours he now is exercised with.

Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys 1662–1679, ed. J. R. Tanner (1929), pp. 63–4.

40. It was suggested by Sir Robert Slingsby, the first comptroller.

41. The Diary merely mentions the drawing up of the agreement, 26, 27 Mar. 1665. A copy of the ‘privat pack’ is in the Bodleian, Rawlinson MSS, A 172, fol. 102.

42. There is more: for example, on 11 Dec. 1665 Gauden allows Pepys £500 on a £4,000 transaction, and a year later, on 10 Dec. 1666, Gauden ‘doth promise me consideration for my Victualling business for this year, and also as Treasurer for Tanger, which I am glad of, but would have been gladder to have just now received’. The first engineer of the Tangier Mole, Sir Hugh Cholmley (at St Paul’s at the same time as Pepys) visited him on 23 Nov. 1665 and offered him £200 a year; on 19 Jan. 1666 he received £100, ‘whereof Povey must have half, wrote Pepys in the Diary, but whether he did is not clear; from Povey’s letters, it would seem not. On 23 May 1666 Lord Belasyse, the governor of Tangier, ‘promised me the same profits Povey was to have had’.

43. Povey to Pepys, 16 Feb. 1674, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 172, fol. 100.

44. Povey wrote to Pepys, 8 and 13 Mar. 1674. The words quoted are from 13 Mar., Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 172, fol. 104.

45. Pepys to Povey, 15 Mar. 1674, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 172, fol. 107.

46. Povey to Pepys about Tangier profits, 3 Feb. 1685, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 179, fol. 38, and Povey to Anthony Deane, fol. 40, for the words quoted in the text.

47. Diary, 5 Dec. 1665.

48. Diary, 18 Oct. 1665.

49. Diary, 21 Dec. 1665, 4, 25, 27, 30, 31 Mar., 1, 2, 3, 11, 16, 23 Apr., 25, 29 June, 3 July 1666.

50. Hayter to Pepys, 31 Dec. 1668, and Pepys to the commissioners, 13 Jan. 1669, Further Conespondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, pp. 207–13.

10. Jealousy

1. Diary, 27 Mar. 1661.

2. Diary, 10 Apr. 1661.

3. Diary, 11 Nov. 1661.

4. Diary, 5 Oct. 1662.

5. See, for example, 12 Sept. 1662.

6. Diary, 24 Apr. 1663.

7. Diary, 26–8 Apr. 1663.

8. Diary, 15 May 1663.

9. Diary, 2 and 3 May 1663.

10. Diary, 4 May 1663.

11. Diary, 15 May 1663.

12. He saw Othello with Creed at the Cockpit, Diary, 11 Oct. 1660.

13. Diary, 20 May 1663.

14. Diary, 26 May 1663.

15. Diary, 9 June 1663.

16. Diary, 15 June 1663.

17. Diary, 13 July 1663.

18. Diary, 13 and 15 July 1663.

19. Diary, 10 Aug. 1663.

20. Diary, 10 Aug. 1663.

21. See Diary, 12–25 Aug. 1663.

22. Diary, 19 Aug. 1663.

23. For Pepys’s gallant invitation, Diary, 13 Sept. 1663.

24. Diary, 19 Sept. 1663.

25. Diary, 9 Sept. 1663.

26. Diary, 12 Nov. 1663.

27. Diary, 18 Nov. 1663.

28. Diary, 22 Nov. 1663.

29. This was the Hon. James Montagu, the last child in the family; Pepys records his arrival 15 July 1664.

30. Diary, 30 Dec. 1663.

31. Diary, 10 Nov. 1668.

32. Diary, 30 Sept. 1662.

11. Death and the Plague

1. For death of Robert Pepys, Diary, 6 July 1661.

2. The story is found in the Diary in 1662, 3, 22 Oct.

3. Diary, 27 Oct. 1662.

4. Diary, 21 Jan. 1668.

5. Diary, 16, 19 May 1667.

6. Diary, 19 Oct. 1663.

7. Diary, 20 Mar. 1660.

8. Diary, 11 Oct. 1662.

9. Diary, 14 Sept. 1663.

10. Diary, 25, 27 Mar. 1667.

11. Diary, 29 June 1667.

12. Tom Pepys to Pall Pepys, 16 Jan. 1664, The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath (1955), p. 6.

13. For Batten’s clerk’s illness, Diary, 14 July 1667.

14. Diary, 15 Mar. 1664.

15. Diary, 18 Mar. 1664.

16. Diary, 6 Apr., 4, 20, 27 May, 25 Aug. 1664.

17. Diary, 23 Apr. 1662. The point is made by Christopher Morris in the Companion to the Latham and Matthews edition of the Diary in a fascinating discussion of why the 1665 plague was the last great outbreak in England. He suggests that those susceptible to it may have virtually died out, leaving a population with natural immunity. He also suggests that some people are more attractive to fleas than others, something many have noticed.

18. Diary, 1 Aug., 8 Sept. 1664.

19. Diary, 31 Dec. 1664.

20. Diary, 31 Jan. 1665.

21. Mrs Pepys arrived 10 May, made many outings with Elizabeth and trips on the water with Pepys and ‘had a mind to stay a little longer’ on 22 June, the day after he saw coaches and wagons full of people leaving from Cripplegate. Like her son, she clearly much preferred town life to the country, even at the risk of the plague. This was her last visit to London.

22. Diary, 15 Feb. 1665. He met and was impressed by Robert Hooke; he had recently bought his Micrographia.

23. Diary, 24, 30 Sept. 1665.

24. Diary, 9, 23 July 1665.

25. Diary, 12 July 1665.

26. Diary, 14 July 1665.

27. Diary, 26 July 1665.

28. This was probably one of the plague waters made up by the College of Physicians, distillations of plant juices – tormentil, angelica, peony, salvia, pimpernel, scabious, calendula, juniper are all mentioned by Nathaniel Hodges in his Loimologia of 1667, translated 1720 by J. Quincy, pp. 170–215. Hodges thought sack was good, tobacco useless and the wearing of amulets had a purely psychological effect. Like Pepys, he believed that keeping cheerful was important: ‘Fear or Sorrow… prepare the way for the Infection’ (p. 62). He called it the ‘Poors Plague’ because the rich saved themselves by leaving town.

29. Diary, 31 July 1665.

30. Diary, 26 July 1665.

31. See G. R. Balleine, All for the King: The Life Story of Sir George Carteret (1976), p. 162 and genealogy.

32. Diary, 29 July 1665.

33. Pepys to William Coventry, 5 Aug. 1665, Further Conespondence of Samuel Pepys 1662–1679, ed. J. R. Tanner (1929), p. 49.

34. Pepys to William Coventry, 25 Aug. 1665, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, p. 53.

35. Diary, 30 Aug., 9 Oct. 1665.

36. Diary, 8 Aug. 1665.

37. Diary, 28 Aug. 1665.

38. Diary, 14, 15, 17 Sept. 1666.

39. Diary, 10 Sept. 1665.

40. Pepys to Lady Carteret, 4 Sept. 1665, The Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth (1932), p. 25.

41. Diary, 12 Apr. 1665.

42. Diary, 4 Nov. 1665; Pepys to Peter Pett, 2 Dec. 1665, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, p. 82.

43. Diary, 1 June 1665.

44. Diary, 21 Sept. 1665, 12 Oct. 1666. The girl was Barker, who succeeded Mary Mercer, but, although she sang well, she did not take to life with the Pepyses and they dismissed her.

45. Diary, 12 Dec. 1663.

46. Diary, 29 Dec. 1663.

47. The £50 bill of exchange was given on 1 Jan. 1664. Luellin took Elizabeth to the theatre 8 Mar. 1664, and dined several times with the Pepyses around this time and in 1665. On 17 Feb. 1665, for example, Pepys came home and found Luellin with Elizabeth, provoking his jealousy.

48. Diary, 30 Sept. 1665.

49. Diary, 4 Feb. 1666, and Latham’s footnote.

50. Diary, 13 Jan. 1666.

51. When Daniel Defoe, who was five or six in 1665, published his Journal of the Plague Year in 1722, it was meant as a warning of what might happen again.

12. War

1. Diary, 28 June 1662, ‘Great talk there is of a fear of a war with the Duch… but I hope it is but a scarecrow to the world, to let them see that we can be ready for them; though God knows, the King is not able to set out five ships at this present without great difficulty, we neither having money, credit nor stores.’

2. See Henry Lyons, The Royal Society 1660–1940 (1944), pp. 81, 105.

3. He was given a ‘neager-boy’ by Lieutenant John Howe of the Phoenix in 1675 (Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 185, fols. 66, 70), probably the same one he sold in June 1680 (Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 181, fol. 317). On 11 Sept. 1688 Pepys also asked Captain Stanley of the Foresight to sell his slave Sambo in the plantations, saying he was ‘dangerous to be longer continued in a sober family’ and beyond reform. Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Saviour of the Navy (1938), p. 270. For Pepys’s observation of Sandwich’s present of slave children, see Diary, 30 May 1662.

4. Ronald Hutton, Restoration (1985), p. 221.

5. Esther St Michel was living on the Essex coast and saw much of the Dutch action. Her remarks to Pepys are recorded in the Diary, 17 July 1667.

6. Pepys to William Coventry, 20 May 1665, Further Conespondence of Samuel Pepys 1662–1679, ed. J. R. Tanner (1929), p. 45.

7. Diary, 22 May 1665.

8. William Coventry to Pepys, 21 Apr. 1665, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 458.

9. William Coventry to Lord Arlington, 24 May 1665, Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, 1664–5, p. 382.

10. Rupert’s complaints are recorded in Milward’s parliamentary diary, 31 Oct. 1667, Diary of John Milward from September 1666 to May 1668, ed. Caroline Robbins (1938), and in his and Albemarle’s Letter Book, 9 Aug. 1667, etc., The Rupert and Monck Letter Book 1666, ed. J. R. Powell and E. K. Timings (1969).

11. Dryden wrote, ‘the noise of the cannon from both navies reached our ears about the city, so that all men being alarmed with it, and in a dreadful suspense of the event which we knew was then deciding, everyone went following the sound as his fancy led him; and, leaving the town almost empty, some took towards the Park, some across the River, others down it, all seeking the noise in the depth of silence’. Essay of Dramatic Poesy, cited in David Ogg, England in the Reign of Charles II (1955), p. 288.

12. John Beresford, The Godfather of Downing Street: Sir George Downing 1623–1684 (1925), pp. 192–3.

13. Diary, 10 Sept. 1665.

14. The second diary, transcribed from Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 299V., r., is printed as Appendix IV to Edwin Chappell’s edition of The Tangier Papers of Samuel Pepys (1935), pp. 335–7.

15. Sandwich’s authorization for Pepys, 1 Oct. 1665, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 305.

16. Pepys to Lord Sandwich, 12 Oct. 1665, from Erith, National Maritime Museum, Sandwich Journal, vol. I, X98/065, fol. 63.

17. For Albemarle’s letter of 19 Sept. 1665 to Lord Sandwich, Bodleian Library, Carte MSS, 75, fol. 363. For Carteret’s letter of 28 Sept., National Maritime Museum, Sandwich Journal, vol. I, fol. 51. For Coventry’s letter of 3. Oct., National Maritime Museum, Sandwich Journal, vol. I, fol. 54. Pepys reports Albemarle’s remark about embezzlement in a letter of 25 Nov., National Maritime Museum, Sandwich Journal, vol. I, fol. 109.

18. Lord Sandwich to Pepys, 14 Oct. 1665, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 303.

19. Diary, 19 Oct. 1665, and Pepys to Coventry, Further Conespondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, pp. 63–4.

20. Pepys to duke of York, 25 Oct. 1665, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, p. 65. Pepys to Albemarle, 28 Oct. 1665, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, pp. 67–8. Pepys talks to Lord Sandwich about Coventry, Diary, 25 Oct. 1665. Pepys said in a statement dated 12 Feb. 1668 that he ended up with nothing but one Indian gown for his wife and a nest of small Indian boxes worth £6 (Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 301).

21. Pepys to Peter Pett, 2 Dec. 1665, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, p. 82.

22. Pepys to Coventry, 4 Nov. 1665, Further Conespondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, pp. 74–6, and Diary, 4 Nov. 1665.

23. Letter of 29 Dec. 1665, Lord Sandwich to Manchester and Clarendon, cited in F. R. Harris, Life of the First Earl of Sandwich (1912), vol. II, p. 29, who also reports that Sandwich sued for pardon before Christmas. Bodleian Library, Carte MSS, 75, fol. 422, and 34, fol. 514.

24. Diary, 29 Jan. 1666.

25. Diary, 7 Oct. 1666. Pepys wrote on 8 Sept. 1667 that he had not written to Lord Sandwich at all since he left for Spain in Feb. 1666.

26. Diary, with Daniel’s account, 4 June 1666.

27. Diary, 7 June 1666. Also worth noting, Pepys refused a loan requested by the Sandwichs’ son, Lord Hinchingbrooke, 17 June 1667, ‘to teach him the necessity of being a good husband [i.e., manager of his own affairs] and keeping money or credit by him’.

28. Diary, 13 June 1666.

29. Pepys says in the Diary that Christopher Myngs was the son of a shoemaker, as indeed he was. The new DNB entry by C. S. Knighton also states that his mother was a hoyman’s daughter, but that both parents were from landowning families, and suggests that his political radicalism may have inclined him to stress or exaggerate the simpler aspect of his origins. He left money and land to his children; but if Pepys was partly misinformed, it makes little difference to his musing on Myngs’s fate.

30. Diary, 23 July 1666. I am indebted to Richard Luckett, Pepys librarian, for telling me that they are the first-known purpose-built bookcases in England. Pepys had them made by Thomas Simpson, a master-joiner at Woolwich and Deptford dockyards, and they are constructed to take to bits for easy carriage. These first two and the further cases he had made may be seen in the Pepys Library at Magdalene College, Cambridge.

31. Pepys mentions these details in Diary, 16 June 1666 – the dead man was Sir William Berkeley, the captured one Sir George Ayscue.

32. For the party, Diary, 14 Aug. 1666. For the news of Holmes’s ‘bonfire’, Diary, 15 Aug., though it had taken place on 9–10 August.

33. Diary, 19 Oct. 1666; see also Pepys to duke of York, 17 Nov. 1666, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, p. 147.

34. Pepys to William Penn, 19 Oct. 1666, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, p. 144.

35. Navy Board to duke of York, 17 Nov. 1666, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, pp. 146–54.

36. Diary, 15, 21, 31 Oct., 14 Nov., 14, 31 Dec. 1666.

37. For Pepys’s speech before king, Diary, 14 Mar. 1667 and Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, p. 162. For Coventry and the king, Diary, 4 Apr. 1667.

38. For Carteret, Diary, 9 May 1667. For Evelyn, Diary, 3 June 1667.

39. 11 June 1667, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (1955).

40. Diary, 11 June 1667.

41. This was Sarah Giles, daughter of his mother’s sister.

42. They remained in Paris for some months only and were back in England, living with Baity and his wife at Deptford, by the summer of 1668, when Pepys records Elizabeth visiting them there.

43. Diary, 13 June 1667.

44. The ‘Navy White Book’, kept partly in shorthand and partly written by Gibson, Hayter and Hewer, from the run-up to the war in 1664 until 1669, when it was the subject of investigation, was edited by Robert Latham, transcribed by William Matthews and published by the Navy Records Society in Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War (1995).

45. Diary, 6 June 1666.

46. For example, Diary, 20 May 1661, ‘But though I am much against too much spending, yet I do think it best to enjoy some degree of pleasure, now that we have health, money and opportunities, rather than to leave pleasures to old age or poverty, when we cannot have them so properly.’

47. There is a copy of the fourth edition of 1688 in the Pepys Library.

48. From Andrew Marvell’s The Last Instructions to a Painter, published 4 Sept. 1667, line 765, after description of Medway disaster.

49. Diary, 16 Sept. 1667.

50. Diary, 8 Dec. 1667, 10 Sept. 1667.

51. See Bernard Capp, Cromwell’s Navy (1989), for attempts to scapegoat Coventry. The duke of York told him he resented his attitude on 30 Aug. 1667 and Coventry left on 2 Sept.

52. Diary, 2 Sept. 1667. Later he was eager to have the job, see pp. 294–5 below.

53. Diary, 22 Oct. 1667; 31 Jan. 1668, etc.

54. Diary, 5, 6 Mar. 1668, etc.

13. Marriage

1. Diary, 6 Nov. 1660.

2. Diary, 3, 4 Feb. 1665.

3. Diary, 29 Sept. 1664.

4. Diary, 15 June 1662, 19 Dec. 1661.

5. ‘Cunning’ has not the modern derogatory sense, but conveys something more like cleverness here: Diary, 28 Feb. 1665.

6. Diary, 3 Nov., and following days, 1663.

7. Diary, 5 May 1665.

8. See Lionel Cust’s ‘Notes on Some Distinctive Features in Pepys’s Portraits’ (1911), printed in Occasional Papers Read by Members at Meetings of the Pepys Club (1917), vol. I, p. 38, where he writes about the ‘monstrous haycock of the periwig’ and goes on ‘a vast deal of the characteristic form of a man lies in the shape of his head, in the placing of his ear, and in the way in which his head is poised on his neck. All this disappeared under a periwig, and nothing of the upper part of a man differentiated him from his fellows except the actual features of his face.’

9. Diary, 24 Oct. 1662.

10. Diary, 9 Dec. 1663.

11. Diary, 5 Mar. 1667.

12. Diary, 1 Nov. 1666.

13. Diary, 28 Mar. 1664, where he calls it a morning-gown. Perhaps both of them knew John Donne’s poem ‘To his mistress, going to bed’, with its line ‘my kingdom, safeliest when by one man manned’, although she called it her kingdom. Pepys acquired a copy of Donne’s poems in 1669.

14. Diary, 11 Apr. 1669.

15. Pepys’s father wrote to him about this, and about Elizabeth agreeing to travel back to London in the same coach as the officer, a man called Coleman, Diary, 24 June 1667. She invited him to a lunch party after the journey, but he failed to turn up.

16. Diary, 13 Feb. 1663, the year Pepys decided against Valentines on grounds of expense. For Valentines, see Chapter 16, note 8.

17. Diary, 31 Mar., 26 Apr., 1 May 1669.

18. Diary, 12 July 1667.

19. Diary, 1 Sept. 1663, 9 Oct. 1667.

20. Diary, 12 Jan. 1668.

21. Diary, 10 Sept. 1666.

22. Diary, 17 June 1668.

23. Diary, 8 Feb. 1660.

24. Diary, 13 Jan. 1660.

25. Diary, 31 Jan. 1660. The idealized Alcidiane’s story, a pseudo-historical romance, was told – in five volumes – in French, by an academician, Marin Le Roy de Gomberville (1600–1674). It is hard going.

26. Diary, 15 Mar. 1660.

27. Diary, 22 Dec. 1663.

28. See Diary for 16 Jan. 1664 for the encounter under the chair, and 16 Feb. 1667 for the encounter that leaves Pepys ‘defessus’.

29. Diary, 16 Jan. 1664. This is the first time that he goes into French for such an episode, and interestingly he used it both for the sexual part and for the expression of remorse.

30. Diary, 7 Feb. 1669.

31. Diary, 31 Oct. 1660.

32. Diary, 12, 16, 17 Nov. 1663.

33. Diary, 24 Oct. 1663.

34. Diary, 2 Aug. 1667.

35. Diary, 23 Sept. 1661.

36. Pepys thinks he may have no child, Diary, 23 Jan. 1662; called a tumbler, 22 Mar. 1662 (note that the OED gives the sexual meaning of ‘tumbler’ as ‘impotent’, which Pepys would surely have resented). Elizabeth thinks herself with child, 6 Nov. 1663.

37. For uncle Wight, 21, 22 Feb., 11,15 May.

38. Diary, 26 July 1664.

39. For Elizabeth thinking herself pregnant, 22, 27 Sept. 1664.

40. Diary, 6 July 1667.

41. Diary, 25 July 1667.

42. Diary, 19 Sept. 1667.

43. Diary, 29 July 1668, etc.

44. Diary, 1 Jan. 1663.

45. Diary, 16 Oct. 1663.

46. Diary, 1 July 1663, for the Sedley episode and Pepys’s private response to hearing Mennes and Batten’s account and their remark that ‘buggery is now almost grown as common among our gallants as in Italy, and the very pages begin to complain of their masters for it’.

47. Twenty years later he was better informed: see p. 334 below.

48. Diary, 1 Apr. 1667.

49. For Sedley in the theatre, Diary, 4 Oct. 1664.

50. Diary, 3oJune 1667. Pepys was visiting the Medway with Creed in the aftermath of the Dutch attack.

51. Diary, 23 Nov. 1665, 4 Jan., 7 June 1666. The age of ‘Mrs Tooker’ is not given, but Pepys calls her a child. He seems to have just about stopped short of complete sexual intercourse with her, although only just. In Feb. 1667 Elizabeth told Pepys that the girl was said to have gonorrhoea, blaming it on her mother having her in bed with her when a man came to her, and in Mar. she said she had syphilis. No doubt she intended to warn him off. Pepys continued to find her attractive, ‘grown a little woman’, and kissed and fondled her. She dined with the Pepyses in Apr., and after this disappeared from the scene.

52. Diary, 19 June 1666.

53. See chapter on Jane Birch and Diary, 16 Sept. 1668. Nell Payne was much handled by Pepys in the summer of 1667 and dismissed by Elizabeth 5 Aug. 1667 for being a gossip and gadding abroad. When Pepys saw her on 4 Mar. 1669 she cried for joy, and he still had ‘a month’s mind’ to her, and thought he might go back for a bout with her another time.

54. Betty Lane and her sister Doll, Mrs Bagwell and possibly Diana Crisp, given his ‘nulla puella negat’.

55. Diary, 16 Oct. 1665.

56. Diary, 1 Feb. 1667, ‘Je besa also her venter and cons and saw the poyle thereof

57. Diary, 18 Aug. 1667. At St Dunstan’s Church ‘stood by a pretty, modest maid, whom I did labour to take by the hand and body; but she would not, but got further and further from me, and at last I could perceive her to take pins out of her pocket to prick me if I should touch her again; which seeing, I did forbear’.

58. For episode when he forces Betty Michell to touch him in coach, Diary, 27 Jan., and 5, 11 Feb. 1667. For fantasies about Frances Stewart and Queen Catherine, Diary, 13, 15 July 1663.

59. Diary, 13 July 1663, 8 Feb. 1664.

60. Diary, 16 Dec. 1665.

61. Diary, 23 Mar. 1666.

62. Diary, 12 Sept. 1666.

63. Diary, 2 Dec. 1666.

64. Diary, 23 Dec. 1666.

65. Diary, 11 Feb. 1667.

14. The King

1. Diary, 10 Sept. 1665. Pepys had nothing about letter kissing in the Diary for 1660.

2. Charles addressed him by name for the first time 17 Apr. 1665, and Carteret reported his appreciation of Pepys’s abilities, Diary, 6 Nov. 1665.

3. Diary, 23 May 1660. He also reported his early rising habits, 15 Aug. 1660.

4. Peter Lely had in fact made his name under Cromwell and painted him and Edward Montagu. He simply changed his vein to become the supreme portraitist of the beauties at Charles II’s court.

5. Diary, 7 Sept. 1662.

6. Diary, 15 Nov. 1666.

7. Diary, 16 June 1660.

8. Diary, 13 Apr. 1661.

9. Diary, 24 Nov. 1662.

10. Diary, 15 May 1662.

11. For the swearing, etc., Diary, 31 Aug. 1661. For the failure to settle bills, 15 May, 30 Nov. 1662.

12. Diary, 22 Apr. 1667.

13. Diary, 1 Feb. 1663.

14. Diary, 15 May 1663.

15. Diary, 4 July 1663.

16. Diary, 19 Aug. 1661, 2 Nov. 1663.

17. Pepys to duke of York, 17 May 1669, historical account of Navy Office duties cited in Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys 1662–1679, ed. J. R. Tanner (1929), p. 232.

18. Diary, 27 July 1663.

19. Diary, 5 Apr. 1664.

20. Diary, 26 July 1665.

21. Gilbert Burnet, A History of My Own Time (1818), vol. I, p. 168. Burnet was for a few years chaplain to Charles II and a hostile witness.

22. Diary, 2 Sept. 1666.

23. Diary, 19 Oct. 1666; Pepys to duke of York, 17 Nov. 1666, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, p. 147.

24. Diary, 15, 21, 31 Oct., 14 Nov., 14, 31 Dec. 1666.

25. Diary, 9 May (for Carteret), and 3 June (for Evelyn) 1667.

26. Diary, 21 June 1667, Pepys reporting Hugh Cholmley.

27. Diary, 12 July 1667, for both Cholmley’s and Pepys’s views.

28. Diary, 29 July 1667.

29. Diary, 27 July, 8, 9 Aug. 1667.

30. Diary, 4 Sept. 1667.

31. Diary, 25 Sept. 1667.

32. Diary, 23 Sept. 1667.

33. Diary, 28 Oct. 1667.

34. Diary, 8 Dec. 1667.

35. Diary, 16 Mar. 1669.

36. Diary, 28 Apr. 1669.

37. Diary, 2 Jan. 1668.

38. Sir Robert Howard, an established playwright and a friend of Buckingham, was the author of the rest of the play, a comedy with a standard plot, apart from Sir Cautious’s desk. See article in the TLS, 28 Sept. 1973, p. 1,105, by Arthur H. Scouten and Robert D. Hume.

39. Charles II to Henriette, 7 Mar. 1669, letter cited in article in previous note.

40. Diary, 9 Mar. 1669. Pepys forgot that he had told a naval lieutenant about his Diary, 11 Apr. 1660. Coventry’s diary has not been discovered.

41. Diary, 30 Mar. 1669.

42. Diary, 30 Mar. 1669.

43. Diary, 3–20 Mar. 1669, covers Coventry’s arrest, imprisonment and release.

15. The Fire

1. Diary, 28 Feb. 1667.

2. Diary, 11 Nov. 1667.

3. Diary, 26 Sept. 1666, for booksellers’ losses and Cromleholme’s, and 5 Oct. 1666.

4. Diary, 5 Nov. 1666.

5. Diary, 23 Sept. 1667. ‘The examinations endeed are very plain’ was all he wrote – the duke was, after all, his boss, and he had seen him working against the fire.

6. Diary, 21 May 1668.

7. Information from Nikolaus Pevsner, Buildings of England, London 1: City of London (1998), p. 322. The inscription was removed in 1685 when James II became king and put back in 1689. It was removed again in 1830.

16. Three Janes

1. Diary, 24, 28 July, 18 Aug., 3, 11, 18, 19 Sept. 1664.

2. Diary, 26 Jan. 1665.

3. Diary, 6 Apr. 1665.

4. Diary, 18 Apr. 1666.

5. Diary, 21 May 1662.

6. John Turner is mentioned as being in London in Nov. and Dec. 1661, when Pepys consults him for a legal opinion, and is briefly back in town in the spring and autumn of 1662; again early in 1665 when he is Lenten reader for the Middle Temple feasts, and in the spring of 1669 – Pepys’s tribute to his character is made 27 Jan. 1669.

7. Diary, 27 Jan. –18 Mar. 1664.

8. The play-reading was 22 Apr. 1664, but the Diary disappointingly says ‘part of a good play’ without specifying which. For the Twelfth Night party, Diary, 6 Jan. 1669. During the seventeenth century it was customary to choose your Valentine from among your family, friends and neighbours, and a man who was chosen was obliged to give a present to the lady who chose him.

9. Diary, 3 Feb. 1665. Pepys gives ‘leg’ in the singular, and perhaps one leg was less improper than two would have been. For the Valentine gifts, Diary, 15 Feb. 1669.

10. Jane Turner’s sister was Elizabeth Dyke, her cousin Joyce Norton, from the Norfolk branch of the family, both of whom appear as a sort of chorus accompanying Jane at dinners and outings with Sam.

11. ‘The’ was obviously named for Lady Theophila Coke of Durdans: see note 25 to Chapter 1.

12. For rude letter to Elizabeth, 18 Oct. 1660 (‘The’ can’t have been more than eight or nine at this point); for chafing about coronation, 25 Mar. 1661; for harpsichord, 22, 26 Feb., 31 Mar. 1661; for Valentine, 3 Mar. 1663.

13. Diary, 16 Mar. 1664.

14. For wine, Diary, 17 June 1663; for brother’s funeral, 17, 23 Dec. 1663; for horses, 21 Apr. 1669; for visit to Povey, 11 Aug. 1663.

15. Diary, 11 Aug. 1663.

16. Diary, 22 Feb. 1661, and for her illness, Diary, 14, 24 Nov., 5, 18, 23 Dec. 1661, 16 Feb. 1662 when Pepys attends service with special sermon at St Bride’s on her recovery and escorts her home.

17. Diary, 3 Feb., 3 Mar. 1665.

18. Diary, 30 Nov. 1666.

19. Diary, 11 Dec. 1666.

20. Nothing more is known of Jane Turner except that all her four children married well and she predeceased her husband, in 1686 according to Wheatley’s note; he died in 1689. Readers of the Diary have to distinguish carefully between her and Pepys’s gossipy Navy Office neighbour, another Mrs Turner (Elizabeth), who also had a daughter called Betty. He sometimes calls Jane ‘my cousin Turner’, sometimes ‘Mrs Turner’, sometimes ‘Madam Turner’. Neither Wheat-ley’s nor Latham’s index is entirely reliable on the Turners.

21. Diary, 26 Aug. 1661.

22. Diary, 11 Jan. 1664. For Jane acting as Hewer’s housekeeper, see Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Saviour of the Navy (1938), p. 228.

23. For Jane carrying books, Diary, 18 Feb. 1660; for dining with Pepys parents, 4 Mar., for knitting, 10 Mar., and for early rising for washing, 12 Mar. 1660. For her illness, 29 June, 2 July 1660. For move and house washing, 17 July, and more washing of house, 11 Sept. For hair-combing, 14 Aug. For sleeping in their bedroom, 29 Aug. For Pepys beating her, 1 Dec; for sitting by his bed, 12 Dec; for turkey cooking, 23 Dec, and for running about in her smock, 27 Dec 1660.

24. Diary, 18 Apr. 1662.

25. Diary, 28 Sept. 1662. Old Mr Pepys said he did not want to have Wayneman back, 11 June 1663.

26. Diary, 1, 6 Aug. 1662.

27. Diary, 14 Sept. 1662.

28. Diary, 5 Nov. 1662.

29. Diary, 8 Jan., 2 Feb. 1663.

30. Diary, 28 July 1663.

31. Diary, 14 Nov. 1663.

32. Diary, 29 Mar. 1666.

33. Diary, 20 Sept. 1667. It was an early performance of a comedy by Dry den’s brother-in-law, James Howard.

34. Diary, 20 Sept., 21 Oct. 1666.

35. Diary, 7 July 1667.

36. Diary, 11 Feb. 1668.

37. Diary, 19 Aug. 1668.

38. Diary, 16 Sept. 1668.

39. For little Susan, Diary, 6 Aug. 1665.

40. Robert Hooke (1635–1703) was an outstandingly able experimental scientist and architect, son of a country clergyman and, as well as being almost of an age with Pepys, inhabited the same world, that of professional men working in London, with friends in common such as William Petty, Lord Brouncker and Evelyn (see Chapter 17 below). He was an official of the Royal Society, a book collector, interested in a universal language. He was not religious, and his diary suggests he never went to church. Compared with Pepys’s, Hooke’s diary is exiguous, often no more than a few words to a day. He was unmarried, regarded as eccentric, difficult and quarrelsome, partly because he was reluctant to publish his results and then bitter when others claimed to have reached them ahead of him. He also suffered from poor health. Pepys admired him greatly as a scientist, and he figures in the Diary in 1665, 1666, 1667 and 1668. Pepys is also mentioned in Hooke’s diary.

41. Diary, 7, 8 Feb. 1669.

42. Diary, 14 Mar. 1669.

43. Elizabeth put up the blue hangings in 1666 (Diary, 26 Feb.) and the upholstery work was done 6–17 Nov. 1668.

44. Diary, 22 Mar. 1669.

45. Diary, 24 Mar. 1669.

46. Diary, 12, 19, 30 Apr. 1669.

47. National Maritime Museum, Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, LBΚ/8, p. 809.

48. Information about Jane’s later years and her son from the Companion volume to Latham and Matthews’s edition of the Diary, text and notes, and from Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys 1679–1703, ed. J. R. Tanner (1926), vol. II, p. 315.

17. The Secret Scientist

1. The remark about Pepys’s lack of science is from A. Rupert Hall’s essay in the Companion volume to Latham and Matthews’s edition of the Diary, pp. 384–5.

2. Jeremy Bernstein in Cranks, Quarks and Cosmos, pp. 162–3, citing Newton’s biographer Stukeley.

3. Wren’s inaugural speech is quoted in Douglas McKie’s essay ‘The Origins and Foundations of the Royal Society’ in The Royal Society: Its Origins and Founders, ed. Sir Henry Hartley (1960).

4. Pepys to Edward Montagu, 9 Dec. 1656, mentioning a visit they made together to see ‘Sir-W. P.’s magnetique experiments’, Letters and the Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth (1932), p. 4. See note 31 to Chapter 4.

5. Diary, 16 May 1664.

6. Diary, 27 Feb. 1663.

7. Diary, 2 Apr. 1664.

8. Diary, 27 Jan. 1664.

9. For Creed’s introduction by Povey, Thomas Birch, History of the Royal Society (1756–7), vol. I, pp. 340, 342. For Creed’s scientific conversations with Pepys, Diary, 9 June 1663, 14 Apr. 1664.

10. Goddard’s ‘Drops’ were made of spirits of hartshorn rectified with human bones well dried and broken into bits, together with two pounds of viper’s flesh. All this was distilled into spirit, oil and volatile salt, set in earth for three months, then the oil separated off and kept for use. The drops were used for faintings, apoplexies, sudden and alarming onsets and lethargies, 20 to 60 drops in a glass of canary. They continued to be used long after Dr Goddard’s death. Information from Douglas McKie’s essay cited above, p. 74.

11. See E. S. de Beer’s essay ‘Charles II and the Royal Society’ in The Royal Society: Its Origins and Founders, ed. Sir Henry Hartley, pp. 39–47.

12. Sir Robert Moray read Holmes’s report, ‘An Account of the Going of Two Watches at Sea from 28th April to 4th September 1663’ to the Royal Society on 21 Oct. Richard Ollard, Man of War: Sir Robert Holmes and the Restoration Navy (1969), p. 84, and the whole of his Chapter 7, ‘The Clash with Pepys’.

13. Thomas Birch, The History of the Royal Society, vol. II, pp. 21, 23, 24. Pepys was also asked to get hold of a diver from Deptford, which again goes unmentioned in the Diary.

14. Evelyn is our informant here – on 7 Sept. 1665 he called and found the three scientists staying there. The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (1955).

15. Diary, 14, 16 Nov. 1666 for the dog; 21, 30 Nov. 1667 for the man.

16. Diary, 22 Mar. 1665, and 3 May 1665. He is wrong about the spirit of salt, which is hydrochloric acid, and would have destroyed the foetus.

17. Diary, 28 July, 7, 8 Aug. 1666.

18. Diary, 30 Nov. 1667.

19. For his reading of Hooke’s Micrographia, Diary, 21 Jan. 1665.

20. Hooke’s diary for 28 Aug. 1676, ‘I was twice with Mr Pepys who was very civill and kind.’ Also for 3 June 1693, ‘I called at Mr Pepys very kind.’ Both examples quoted by A. N. Da C. Andrade’s paper on Pepys in Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, vol. 18, 1963, p. 86.

21. On 8 Feb. 1699 the Society ordered the treasurer to give Pepys five guineas ‘to be distributed to the offices of the East India Company for the present lately received’, which suggests Pepys had something to do with it, no doubt through Hewer. Secretary’s minutes, MS at Royal Society, p. 145.

22. Thomas Birch gives the dates in his History of the Royal Society, 15 Jan. 1680 and 17 July 1679.

23. Information in this paragraph from Thomas Birch, The History of the Royal Society, vol. III, pp. 137, 178. Pepys volunteered to make his contribution on 14 and 28 Jan. 1675, came to one more meeting and then kept away for the rest of the year. He was elected to the council again in Nov. 1676.

24. Secretary’s minutes, MS at Royal Society, 16 June 1686, p. 85.

25. Thomas Birch gives this on 3 Mar. 1686, the orders for clerks on 27 Jan. 1686.

26. For Halley’s exemption from the rule governing the clerks, secretary’s minutes, MS at Royal Society, 16 June 1686, p. 85. Pepys’s name appears on the title page of the first edition of Newton’s Principia,‘IMPRIMATUR/S. PEPYS, Reg. Soc. PRAES./Julii 5. 1686’, and below it the date at which it appeared, Anno MDCLXXXVII (1687). Sir Joseph Williamson, Sir John Hoskyns and Thomas Gale took the chair at the meetings he missed in 1686. Halley wrote to Newton on 22 May 1686, after a meeting of the Society on 19 May chaired by Williamson, telling him that the printing of the Principia would be at the charge of the Society. At a council meeting of 2 June, where Thomas Gale was in the chair, it was again ordered ‘that Mr Newton’s book be printed’, but instead of sanctioning the resolution of the general meeting that it should be printed at their charge, they added ‘that Mr Halley undertake the business of looking after it, and printing it at his own charge, which he engaged to do’. Halley explained the delay to Newton by saying it arose from ‘the president’s attendance on the king’ (James II was indeed absorbing Pepys’s time), but it may have been more to do with the bad financial state of the Society. Information from the Journal Book of the Royal Society, the secretary’s minutes and the detailed entry on Newton by Henry Taylor in the 11th edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica.

27. Secretary’s MS minutes, for 21 Nov. 1694, P. 120.

28. ibid., 8 Feb. 1699, p. 145: ‘It was ordered that five Guineas should be given to Mr Pepys by the Treasurer to be distributed to the officers of the East India Company for the present lately received.’

29. ibid., 8 Mar. 1699, p. 148.

30. Thomas Sprat’s History of the Royal Society of 1667 reports this recommendation from the committee of 1664.

18. Speeches and Stories

1. Diary, 27 Jan. 1667.

2. Diary, 5 Dec. 1665.

3. Diary, 29, 30 July 1667.

4. Diary, 27 Feb. 1667.

5. Diary, 12 Apr. 1665.

6. Diary, 8 May 1662, 14 Aug. 1665.

7. Diary, 12 Aug. 1664.

8. Diary, 9 Dec. 1665.

9. Diary, 19 July 1667.

10. Diary, 29 June 1663.

11. Diary, 13 Sept. 1667.

12. Diary, 13 June 1666.

13. Diary, 13 Dec. 1663.

14. Diary, 2 Jan. 1668.

15. Diary, 17 June 1667. Batten’s contempt for the swaggering captain, courtier and friend of the duke of Buckingham and critic of the Navy Board, is not entirely fair: he had lost an arm in the Four Days’ Battle in June 1666, and he was to die in the battle of Sole Bay in 1672.

16. Diary, 13 July 1664.

17. Diary, 18 Feb. 1668.

18. Diary, 24 June 1663.

19. Diary, 2 Sept. 1667.

20. Diary, 15 June 1663.

21. Diary, 5 Nov. 1665.

22. Diary, 15 May 1668.

23. Diary, 4 July 1663.

24. Diary, 12 Feb. 1664.

25. Diary, 14 July 1667.

26. Diary, 18 Mar. 1664.

27. Diary, 11 Jan. 1664, 11 Apr. 1661.

28. Diary, 21 Feb., 5 Mar. 1665.

29. Diary, 19 Nov. 1668.

30. Diary, 13 Sept. 1663.

31. Diary, 14 July 1664.

32. Diary, 12 July 1667, Pepys setting down the words as Cholmley (reporting Clarendon) repeated them, fresh from the meeting at which they were spoken.

33. Diary, 14 May 1667.

34. Diary, 2 Nov. 1663, 6 Mar. 1668.

35. Diary, 13 June 1666.

36. Diary, 3 Apr. 1667.

37. Diary, 18 May 1667.

38. Diary, 27 Apr. 1665.

39. Diary, 1 Nov. 1667.

40. Diary, 23 June 1666.

41. Diary, 15 Nov. 1667.

42. Diary, 5 Jan. 1666.

43. Diary, 28 Feb. 1666.

44. Diary, 14 Mar. 1667.

45. Diary, 31 Oct. 1666.

46. Diary, 23 Apr. 1661.

47. Diary, 15 May 1665.

48. Diary, 19 Mar. 1667.

49. Diary, 25 May 1668.

50. Diary, 10 Oct. 1665.

51. Diary, 9 Feb. 1668.

52. Diary, 24 Nov. 1665.

53. Diary, 1, 2 Mar. 1666.

54. Diary, 13 June 1668 – during a period in which Pepys entered unfinished notes in the Diary while he was travelling. The laborious draft is all the more interesting in that the letter is not an official one but for a personal friend, Thomas Hill.

19. Surprise and Disorder

1. Diary, 30 Sept. 1667.

2. Diary, 12 Oct. 1667.

3. Diary, 11 Jan. 1668.

4. 31 Mar. 1668.

5. Diary, 6 Aug. 1668.

6. Diary, 25 Oct. 1668.

7. Diary, 12 Jan. 1669.

8. Diary, 12 Mar. 1669.

9. Diary, 15 Apr. 1669.

10. 10. Diary, 9 Apr., 12 May 1669, for Betty Lane; 19 Apr. 1669 for Doll; 31 May 1669, for Betty Michell; 4, 29 Mar. 15 Apr. 1669, for Mrs Bagwell; for Mrs Tooker’s daughters, 24 Mar. 1669, also dance with Rebecca Jowle, née Allen; for fantasy about new maid Matt, 29 Mar. 1669.

Part Three: 1669–1703
20. After the Diary

1. Diary, 19 Feb. 1663.

2. A clear account is given by Milo Keynes in his paper ‘Why Samuel Pepys Stopped Writing His Diary: His Dimming Eyesight and Ill-health’, Journal of Medical Biography, vol. V, Feb. 1997, pp. 25–9.

3. Pepys to Captain Elliot at Aldeburgh, 19 Aug. 1669, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys 1662–1679, ed. J. R. Tanner (1929), pp. 256–7.

4. Pepys to Charles II, 8 Jan. 1670, a letter in which he refers to this. The ‘Navy White Book’ in Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, transcribed by Charles Knighton and by William Matthews (1995), pp. 330–32. And Pepys to John Evelyn, 24 Dec. 1701, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys 1679–1703, ed. J. R. Tanner (1926), vol. II, p. 242, for his recollection of going ‘through Holland and Flanders to Paris and so home’.

5. John Evelyn to Samuel Pepys, 21 Aug. 1669, Particular Friends: The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère (1997).

6. The precious stones and embroidery wools are mentioned in a letter of 26 Oct. 1669, M. Peletyer, merchant of Paris, to Elizabeth, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 335. Pepys refers to his attempt to buy a history of Paris that was reprinting when he was last there, in a letter to Mr Brisbane in Paris dated 12 Mar. 1675, National Maritime Museum, Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, LBK /8, p. 705.

7. Pepys referred to a portrait of Elizabeth by ‘Lombard’ when he was describing his closet under questioning in the House of Commons in Feb. 1674. Pierre Lombart (1620–81), known for his female portraits in the style of Van Dyck, worked in England under the commonwealth but was in Paris in the 1660s.

       Pepys to Captain Elliot, 3 Mar. 1670, Letters and the Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth (1932), p. 37.

8. Marie Legendre to Elizabeth, n.d. but with letters in ‘Private Papers’ bundle dated late Oct., early Nov. 1669, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 341.

9. See Pepys’s ‘Brooke House Journal’ in ‘The Brooke House Papers’, part of Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, p. 334, where he gives this date.

10. Pepys to John Evelyn, 2 Nov. 1669, The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère. Tuke was Evelyn’s cousin.

11. Diary, 19 Oct. 1663, for the remedies used for Queen Catherine.

12. Elizabeth talked of ‘being and resolving to die a Catholique’ on 20 Mar. 1664, a few days after the death of Tom. She repeated this sentiment on 25 Oct. 1668, the day she found Pepys with Deb Willet. It was a Sunday, and she also said she had received the Holy Sacrament.

13. For a time the French Church gave them support, see Pepys’s report in Diary, 29 Mar. 1667. They moved to Paris later in 1667 but were back in England in 1668, living in Deptford with their son.

14. By then not only old Mr Pepys but also his younger son John were living with the Jacksons. Pall’s first child, Samuel, was born late in 1669, followed by a second son, John, who died in 1673, and a third son, another John, born in December 1673 . There was another child who died, leaving her with two sons, Sam and John Jackson.

15. The magnificent larger than life statues of Charles I, Charles II and Gresham are now installed inside the Old Bailey building, well cared for but not seen to as much advantage as they might be. Another of Bushnell’s memorials, done in 1675, shows Lord Ashburnham grieving for his wife and has been praised by Pevsner for ‘new compositional freedom and a new possibility of inventiveness’. Dame Mary May, done in 1681 at Lavant, shows the dead woman ‘apparently pock-marked as in life’, ‘capricious, but the portrait exact, and the execution good’. Bushnell is on record as having asked for pictures of his memorial subjects.

16. In 1970 the National Portrait Gallery had a cast made for its Pepys exhibition, and, although it is not on display as I write in 2001, it may well be shown to the public again.

17. The phrase is from the only such letter to survive among Pepys’s private papers, from M. Legendre in Rouen. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 331. See his letter to his brother John dated 26 Mar. 1670, Bodleian, Rawlinson MSS, A 182, fol. 475, which is sealed with black.

18. See entry in Pepys’s ‘Navy White Book’, Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, pp. 250–52.

19. Document in Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 446.

20. Pepys’s note for 3 Jan. 1670 in ‘Brooke House Papers’, Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, p. 336.

21. Entry for 7 Jan. 1670 in Pepys’s ‘Brooke House Papers’, Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, p. 341.

22. Pepys noted the king’s remark and his own supporting addition on 24 Jan. 1670, Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, p. 371.

23. 6 Jan. 1670, in Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, p. 340.

24. For the expenses, see the ‘Brooke House Papers’ in Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, p. 329.

25. Arthur Bryant, The Years of Peril (1935), p. 25.

26. He makes this claim in his letter to the Brooke House commissioners, 6 Jan. 1670, Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, p. 326.

27. Words from final paragraph of Pepys’s report, Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, pp. 434–5.

28. For Richard Gibson’s reference to Donne, his letter to Pepys, 17 Aug. 1671, after he had gone to serve with the Mediterranean fleet. He invokes Donne’s sermon in which he says the goodness of God is seen not so much in our creation as in our redemption, ‘nor so much that we are his, as that nothing can take us out of his hands. In return of which I wish no longer to live than the Impress of your Favours may remain in my Heart.’ Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 372. Flowery language but suggests real affection. In a later letter he sends respects to Pepys’s father and brother, and love to Mr Hayter, Mr Hewer and Mr Edwards.

29. Pepys to Sir Richard Browne, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 38–9. H. T. Heath gives references for other letters of recommendation, footnote 1, p. 16, The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle (1955)·

30. The tobacco and wine bills are among Pepys’s miscellaneous papers in the Bodleian. The gifts are mentioned in a letter from Pall to John, 5 Mar. 1672; from John to his father, 12 Mar. 1674, and from John Pepys Snr to his son, 18 July 1676, all printed inThe Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath, pp. 17, 29, 41.

31. The memo is printed in the ‘Navy White Book’, Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, p. 196.

32. Paper by Pepys dated 9 May 1670, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, pp. 266–7.

33. It was £426,886. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fol. 181.

34. Diary, 30 July 1666.

35. John Shadwell, Pepys’s godson, born in 1671, grew up to become a successful physician (see Chapter 26), and also published an edition of his father’s plays. Thomas Shadwell produced adaptations of Molière and Shakespeare and comedies mocking the manners of the court and City, including Epsom Wells (1672). He was a friend of Charles Sedley, whose wit Pepys admired in the Diary.

36. Information from Charles Knighton, who has kindly let me see his article on Creed for the new DNB, and from my own inspection of Creed’s tomb, put up by his widow, in Titchmarsh Church.

37. Diary, 5 Mar. 1666.

38. Diary, 9 Feb. 1666, 14 Nov. 1666, 12 Feb. 1668.

39. John Evelyn, 16 Jan. 1679, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (1955), and Pepys to John Evelyn, 13 Nov. 1690, The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère.

40. There are several portraits of Sarah Houblon. The one with the best provenance has been passed down through the family and was reproduced in Lady Alice Archer Houblon’s The Houblon Family, where it was attributed to Mary Beale; but recently it has been thought to be by William Wissing. Another, attributed to Peter Lely, shows her in a pose and with a nose very like Lady Castlemaine’s; it is currently displayed at Cannon Hall Museum, Barnsley, which acquired it from a private owner in 1956. I have seen a photograph of a third, head and shoulders only, sold through Sotheby’s in 1931 and filed under Lely at the Witt Library, which shows a handsome face with a Roman nose and the same jewellery as in the Cannon Hall portrait. All three give her dark curls and dark eyes, and the second and third show her richly and fashionably dressed and jewelled, with pearl necklace and large matching drop earrings.

41. A draft letter in Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 180, fol. 244.

42. For the singing, letter from Cesare Morelli to Pepys, 4 Apr. 1681, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, p. 112. Pepys to James Houblon, 19 Oct. 1683, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, p. 161 (Pepys is writing from abroad).

43. For the instinctive feelings of a new Houblon baby for Pepys, Sarah Houblon to Pepys, 3 Dec. 1683, ibid., p. 163.

44. 30 Nov. 1683, ibid., p. 435.

45. Pepys first met Lady Mordaunt in 1666 (Diary, 11 Dec. 1666) at his cousin Jane Turner’s, describing her as ‘a most homely widow, but young and pretty rich and good-natured’. He met her again with Jane Turner in Feb. and Mar. 1667, the second time with her sister.

46. Evidence for the flirting is found in a letter from Thomas Hill, Pepys’s friend whom he had known since January 1664, who wrote from Lisbon, 14 Apr. 1673, teasing Pepys about Lady Mordaunt and Mrs Steward: ‘they are desperately in Love with you, and sigh out their Passions so charmingly… Your enjoyments in their Conversation, can no where else be found; theirs is so great, when you entertain them, that they all acknowledge your Humour the best in the whole world.’ Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys,ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 41–3.

47. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 174, fols. 437–9, dated 15 June 1670.

48. See Bryant’s account, The Years of Peril, pp. 65–6. Andrew Marvell called Charles’s action ‘Robbery at the Exchequer’.

49. Pepys had dined with Ashley Cooper at his house in the Strand, 23 Sept. 1667, and expressed admiration of his great abilities, displayed for instance at the Tangier Committee, several times in the Diary, for example, 15 and 27 May 1663, 16 Jan. 1665. Shaftesbury’s belief that Pepys was a Catholic, which first surfaced in the election at Castle Rising in November 1673, was partly based at least on his having seen something like a crucifix at Pepys’s house, i.e., at Seething Lane.

50. Pepys to duke of York, 17 June 1669, 18 Feb. 1671, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, pp. 239, 268–9.

51. See note by John Evelyn, 16 May 1672, given in F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich (1912), vol. II, p. 248: ‘Going to Whitehall to take leave of his lordship, who had his lodgings in the Privy Garden, shaking me by the hand he bid me good-bye, and said he thought he should see me no more, and I saw to my thinking something boding in his countenance. “No,” says he, “they will not have me live. Had I lost a fleet I should have fared better; but be as it pleases God, I must do something I know not what, to save my reputation.”’ See also Pepys’s account of Lord Clarendon’s (Henry, the second earl) description of a meeting with Sandwich ‘just before his last going to Sea; when their discourse turning upon the preparations for that Summers Campaign and what was to be expected from it, his Lordship then walking with his hands upon the Shoulder of Charles Harbord and the other upon Cotterells (for his greater Ease being then grown somewhat Goutish and otherwise unwieldy) told the company by way of reflexion upon the then management of our Sea Affairs that though he was then Vice Admiral of England and Admiral of the narrow Seas, yet he knew no more of what was to be done that summer than any of them, or any other that knew nothing of it; this only I know that I will die and these two Boys [meaning Harbord and Cotterel] will die with me. Accordingly they did most honourably.’ Pepys wrote this down in 1694; it appears as No. 138 among his naval papers, and a copy is attached to vol. X of the Sandwich Papers in the National Maritime Museum.

52. Various accounts of the death of Lord Sandwich are found in letters in the Calendar of State Papers for May and June 1672; in John Charnock’s Biographia Navalis (1794–8), vol. I, pp. 42, 230; in John Campbell, Naval History of Great Britain including History and Lives of the British Admirals (1818), vol. II, pp. 295–6; in F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich, vol. II, pp. 265–78 (Harris cites various other sources); and in Richard Ollard, Cromwell’s Earl: A Life of Edward Montagu, First Earl of Sandwich(1994), pp. 256–62. I am grateful to Dr Charles Knighton for help here.

53. Pepys to Balthasar St Michel, 22 June 1672, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, p. 271, for both the five days spent with the fleet and the application to the duke on behalf of Baity.

54. A stone on the north side of the chapel marks the place.

55. Anne Montagu was married 5 Jan. 1671, aged seventeen.

56. The words of the will are given by F. R. Harris, The Life of the First Earl of Sandwich, vol. II, p. 288.

57. Lucy Hutchinson (1620–?) and Anne Fanshawe (1625–80) both wrote memoirs, officially of their husbands but containing much information about themselves. Anne Fanshawe’s husband Richard preceded Lord Sandwich as ambassador to Spain, and unlike Lady Sandwich she accompanied him there.

58. Pepys’s Tangier Diary, 22 Aug. 1683, The Tangier Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. and transcriber Edwin Chappell (1935). Lady Sandwich died at Cotehele, the Edgcumbes’ beautiful old manor house, on 17 July 1674; she is buried at Calstock. Cotehele is now open through the National Trust.

59. PRO, ADM 106/2887, unnumbered pages, but dated 30 Jan. 1672/3.

21. Public and Private Life

1. Arthur Bryant gives Sarah Houblon’s remark in Samuel Pepys: The Years of Peril (1935), P. 91. The lodgings were in Winchester Street. The Navy Office went first briefly to Trinity House in Water Lane, then on 24 Feb. to a house belonging to a merchant family, the Blaynings, in Mark Lane. PRO, Navy Board minute book, ADM 106/2887, which gives dates and times of meetings and initials of officers present. The volume of work recorded is impressive: questions and demands from shipyards and ships, instructions from the duke of York, letters from suppliers, etc.

2. Buckingham Street and some of the houses, including Hewer’s No. 12, which has a plaque, are still there. So is the water gate, high and dry since the river was embanked, spoiling the charm of the area. Information from John Stow, A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster… And the Survey and History Brought Down from the Year 1633 to the Present Time by John Strype (1720), Book VI, p. 76, and N.G. Brett-James, The Growth of Stuart London (1935), p. 328, who says the architect of York Buildings was Barbon, son of the Praisegod Barebones who preached in Fleet Street in Pepys’s boyhood and later gave his name to one of Cromwell’s parliaments. Hewer’s house, now a language school, is six windows across and five storeys high plus basements, with a yard at the back in which stands a fine decorated water tank with his initials W.H. on it, and the date 1710 (five years before his death). The house also has the splendid original banisters and staircase.

3. For Hewer’s shipbuilding activities in 1674, see Bernard Pool, Navy Board Contracts (1966), p. 14.

4. Coventry to Pepys, 25 June 1674, letter cited in Letters and the Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth (1932), p. 43.

5. He wrote to Coventry to say as much on 20 Aug. 1673, letter printed in Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys 1662–1679, ed. J. R. Tanner (1929), p. 272. See also B. McL. Ranft, ‘The Significance of the Political Career of Samuel Pepys’, Journal of Modern History, vol. 24 (1952), pp. 368–75. Ranft believes the letter was to Savile rather than to Coventry.

6. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 172, fols. 141–6.

7. For parliamentary debates, A. Grey, Debates of the House of Commons (1769), vol. II, pp. 304–428.

8. Among several references in the Diary, Pepys called him, on 15 May 1663, ‘ a man of great business and yet of pleasure and drolling too’. Later Pepys wrote of his taking a bribe, but this is unsubstantiated and very unlikely to be true, if only because Shaftesbury was too rich to bother with the sort of bribes Pepys himself found attractive.

9. The letter, dated 15 Feb. 1674, is in the Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 172, fol. 135, also quoted in full by Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Years of Peril, p. 114.

10. Balthasar St Michel to Pepys, 8 Feb. 1674, letter printed in Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, p. 44, and The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath (1955), p. 25.

11. Obviously, he also lied about the church attendance and never having been present at a mass, as almost anyone under that degree of pressure would. It was not the real issue, and no one pressed him on it, but there may have been those who knew he was lying, which would not have helped his case.

12. Bishop Burnet in his History of My Own Time (1818), vol. I, p. 103.

13. The friend, whom Pepys met through the Houblons, was Thomas Hill. Pepys to Hill, 21 Nov. 1674, printed in Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 48–9. Pepys wrote defiantly ‘nothing which has yet or may further happen towards the rendering me more conspicuous in the world, has led or can ever lead to the admitting any alteration in the little methods of my private way of living’.

14. Anchitel Grey, Debates of the House of Commons, vol. IV, pp. 115–18, and summary in Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Years of Peril, p. 162.

15. For remark about speaking more like an admiral, Anchitel Grey, Debates of the House of Commons, vol. V, p. 388, and Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Years of Peril, p. 167, footnote.

16. 21 Aug. 1674, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (1955).

17. In 1693, however, his one-time clerk Richard Gibson put in a memo on the state of the navy to William III in which he asked that ‘the employment of lieutenants in your ships be vacated’, i.e., abolished, in favour of a right of succession ‘from a midshipman by seniority to the master’s mate and master. This will encourage all chief officers and masters of merchant ships to come voluntarily into your sea-service.’ A copy of Gibson’s paper, which covered the question of gentlemen officers versus ‘tarpaulins’, the appointment of commissioners, the keeping and checking of ships’ journals, treatment of sick and wounded, victualling, etc., was given to Pepys in 1696; by then he was out of office and does not appear to have commented. Gibson’s proposal to abolish lieutenants was not adopted.

18. Ε. H. Pearce, Annals of Christ’s Hospital (1908), p. 104. Also Pepys to Sir John Frederick, president of Christ’s Hospital, 31 Dec. 1675, about his memo on scheme for apprenticing maths department boys, approved by order in council, 12 Nov. 1675, given inFurther Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, p. 286. Also The Diary of Robert Hooke, 1672–1680, eds. H. W. Robinson and W. Adams (1935), 11 July, 28 Aug. 1676. Later Pepys applied to Newton for a recommendation: see Chapter 26.

19. 19 Dec. 1676, The Diary of Robert Hooke, eds. H. W. Robinson and W. Adams.

20. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 185, fols. 114, 116.

21. Pepys to Dr Burton, 9 Apr. 1677, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 66–7.

22. For Pepys’s behaviour towards Povey with regard to this agreement, see Chapter 9.

23. Pepys to Sir Denis Gauden, 31 July 1677, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, pp. 302–3. For Hewer acquiring lease of Clapham house, see Will Hewer’s letter of 14 Nov. 1678, British Library, Egerton MSS, 928, fol. 229, saying he has lease of Sir Denis Gauden’s house, at a yearly rent, and for the goods and chattels, etc., all of which were in possession of the Sheriff upon a judgement by one Pilkington and others, to whom Gauden was indebted.

24. Reference from Bernard Pool, Navy Board Contracts, p. 14, citing National Maritime Museum, Sergison (4), Navy Board, 5 Sept. 1677.

25. Morelli’s composition of ‘new Psalms’ when John died and the mournful singing with Pepys come in the testimony of his butler John James, given to the parliamentary committee that accused Pepys of Catholicism. James’s testimony contains lies, but there is no need to doubt this particular information. Pepys Library, Mornamont MSS, vol. II, pp. 1,181–7.

26. Pepys to his father, 20 June 1677, printed in The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath, pp. 51–4, and other family letters in Heath.

27. Pepys’s paper, ‘The Present 111 State of My Health’, is in the Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS A 185, fols. 206–13, and was first printed by Arthur Bryant as an appendix to Samuel Pepys: The Years of Peril, pp. 405–13. For Shaftesbury’s operation and health, Kenneth H. D. Haley, The First Earl of Shaftesbury (1968), pp. 204–5.

28. Woodhall Mansion, an Elizabethan building standing north of Hatfield House, was pulled down shortly after the first marquess of Salisbury bought the whole estate from Revd Julius Hutchinson, grandson of Mary Skinner’s foster-sister Isabel, in 1792. The Elizabethan doorway was re-erected as a landscape feature by a lake in the park of Hatfield House, where it can still be seen, although now much eroded. Some wrought-iron gates displaying Sir Francis Boteler’s initials were also moved to Hatfield’s East Garden, where they can also be seen. A cottage dating from the same period as the Woodhall Mansion remains, but some of the land is now covered by the southern districts of Welwyn Garden City. The handsome tombstones of Sir Francis and Dame Elizabeth Boteler in St Etheldreda’s Church are unfortunately hidden by a carpet.

29. Sir Francis’s first wife died in 1644, which means his daughters were a good ten years older than Mary. Mary’s will of 1714 names Julia Shallcross (née Boteler) as ‘my dearly beloved friend’ and leaves her two ‘Indian perfuming Bottles’ and ten pounds for mourning.

30. Anne Fanshawe’s memoirs for their visit to the Botelers at Woodhall in 1663. Memoirs of Lady Fanshawe (1829), p. 176.

31. Biographical information about Boteler from The History of Parliament’s first volume, House of Commons 1660–1690, ed. Basil Duke Henning (1983), pp. 691–2. I am grateful to Robin Harcourt Williams, archivist at Hatfield House, for drawing my attention to this. As a younger son, Boteler initially had a struggle. He enlisted to fight in Ireland under Strafford, was knighted by Charles I at York in 1642, and in 1649 owned nothing but his horse and clothes. He inherited the estate after this.

32. Will of Dame Elizabeth Boteler, dated 14 Jan. 1681, in Hertfordshire County Record Office.

33. Frances Skinner’s affection for Mary is shown in her will of 1702, made at the home of her daughter Frances (Lady Buck), in which Mary and Frances are called ‘well beloved’ and made executrices. Seven of the Skinner children’s baptisms were registered at St Olave’s. The missing two, Daniel and Mary, are clearly the eldest. Obrian is given as Briant in the register, but both his mother’s will and Pepys’s reference give Obrian.

34. Daniel Skinner Jr to Pepys, letter received 5 July 1676, Latin text in Letters andSecond Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 53–5. I am indebted to Nicholas Monck for the English translation. For the marriage of Frances Skinner, see entry for Buck of Hanby Grange in Burke’s Extinct Baronetage, also the wills of her mother (PRO, PROB 11 467) and Mary Skinner (PRO, PROB 11 548).

35. The examples are taken from letters taken down by Mary Skinner from Pepys’s dictation in 1699, reproduced verbatim by J. R. Tanner in his Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys 1679–1703 (1926).

36. Samuel Pepys and the Second Dutch War, ed. Robert Latham, transcribed by Charles Knighton and by William Matthews (1995), p. 433: ‘ so as I plainly told his Majesty, my work must be to get a son and bring him up only to understand this controversy between Brooke House and us, and that his Majesty too should provide for successors to be instructed on his part in the state of this case, which otherwise would never likely be understood’.

37. Letter from Daniel Skinner Jr. to Pepys, op. cit.

38. 15 Dec. 1676, Diary of Robert Hooke, eds. H. W. Robinson and W. Adams. Pepys’s concern for Mary’s illness in Mar. 1679 is discussed in the next chapter.

39. For example, Pepys to Mrs Skinner, 24 Oct. 1680, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, p. 89.

40. Note in Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, C 859, fol. 56, ‘ Sir Fr. Boteler’, probably about 1678. Entry in Pepys Library, Mornamont MSS, 21 Mar. 1680, vol. II, p. 1,228, ‘ to Covent Garden church, thence to Sir Francis Butler’s, so to the Parks’.

41. Daniel Skinner Snr’s name is among the signatories of the certificate of regular attendance by ‘Mr Pepys and his whole family’ at St Olave’s provided by the Revd Mills on 22 May 1681. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 194, fols. 248V.–50.

22. Plots

1. It has been generally assumed that Daniel and Mary Skinner were related to Milton’s old friend Cyriack Skinner, and that this led to Daniel becoming Milton’s amanuensis. However, William Riley Parker’s 1968 biography of Milton, revised by Gordon Campbell in 1996, says that, although a connection is possible, ‘I have found no proof that Cyriack Skinner was a relative [of Daniel Skinner]’ (p. 1,130). Cyriack’s mother, Bridget, was a daughter of Sir Edward Coke; his father was William Skinner (1594–1627) of Thornton Curtis in Lincolnshire, son of Sir Vincent Skinner, who died in London 1616. Cyriack had a brother Edward who died 1657, leaving a son Edward, and a brother William, born 1626. None of these connect with Daniel Skinner, who came from Essex; and Skinner is a common name. Daniel’s account of his academic career is found in his letter to Pepys, undated but received 5 July 1676, in which he says he spent seven years at Westminster and then six at Cambridge.

2. Some have seen Daniel’s removal of the manuscripts as a laudable attempt to preserve writings that might otherwise have been lost, others as cashing in on his privileged position. Milton’s nineteenth-century biographer David Masson accepted that Milton gave them to Skinner, but more recent scholars point out that there is no proof of this and that he may have helped himself. See Gordon Campbell, John K. Hale, David J. Holmes and J. Tweedie, ‘The Provenance of De Doctrina Christiana’, Milton Quarterly,no. 31, 1997, pp. 67–93.

       The absence of Milton’s name from Pepys’s Diary is its saddest omission and remains puzzling, given what else went in. The poet had preceded him at St Paul’s, praised his cousin Montagu in verse, served as secretary on Cromwell’s council when Pepys had friends clerking there and was a close friend of his Axe Yard neighbour Hartlib. The first edition of Paradise Lost was published in London in 1667, but the earliest dated edition of Paradise Lost in Pepys’s library is from 1688.

3. Daniel Skinner to Pepys, n.d., received 5 July, Letters and the Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth (1932), pp. 53–5. English translation by Nicholas Monck.

4. Pepys to Sir Leoline Jenkins, 24 July 1676, cited in Gordon Campbell et al., ‘The Provenance of De Doctrina Christiana’, op. cit. Further quotations in this paragraph from same source, pp. 67–93.

5. They were published by order of George IV and reviewed by Macaulay in his essay on Milton (1825), which sings the praises of the puritans and defends the execution of Charles I.

6. Southwell’s remarks cited in Kenneth H. D. Haley, The First Earl of Shaftesbury (1968), pp. 469, 495.

7. ibid., p. 471.

8. Pepys to James Houblon (whom he addresses as ‘Your Whigship’), 14 Mar. 1682, printed in Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 127–8. Richard Ollard suggests Pepys is joking in calling himself a Tory, but this is not borne out by subsequent events.

9. J. R.Jones in Bulletin of the Institute for Historical Research, vol. xxx, 1957, prints list of MPs taken from Shaftesbury papers in PRO, Via /348. Old members are marked with an 0, new members are H= honest, i.e., pro-Shaftesbury, Β = bad or base, or D =doubtful. Pepys and Deane are both marked ov (old vile), so are Sir Robert Southwell and Lawrence Hyde. Roger Pepys, however, is ow (old worthy). The great majority of those on the parliamentary committee that examined Pepys’s case in Apr. 1679 are either ‘Old worthy’ or ‘new honest’.

10. Pepys to Sir Richard Beach at Chatham urging all imaginable vigilance against papist designs on the Fleet, 19 Nov. 1678, printed in Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Years of Peril (1935), p. 240.

11. J. P. Kenyon, The Popish Plot (1972), gives Fogarty’s name among Jesuits arrested, p. 68. Jane Lane in her Titus Oates (1949), pp. 99–100, says Oates accused Fogarty of being present when the plot to poison the king was laid and of offering to murder Ormonde himself, etc. Fogarty died in prison the same winter.

12. Pepys to James Houblon, 2 Nov. 1678 and 4 Nov. 1678, printed in Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys 1662–1679, ed. J. R. Tanner (1929), pp. 326–7, 327–8. Morelli being sent away with his trunks by the back water gate comes from testimony of Pepys’s butler John James, Pepys Library, Mornamont MSS, vol. II, pp. 1,181–7.

13. Kenneth H. D. Haley, The First Earl of Shaftesbury, p. 495. Thousands of daggers were produced and had to be officially banned.

14. Sir Edward Dering, in draft speech c. 1681 referring to witnesses at defence trials, cited in Parliamentary Diary of Edward Dering, ed. M. Bond (1976), p. 214.

15. Atkins’s own statement is in the Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 173, fol. 113·

16. Pepys to Paulina Jackson, 5 Dec. 1678, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, pp. 328–9.

17. The figures are 302 to 158, from J. R. Jones, Bulletin of the Institute for Historical Research, op. cit.

18. Halifax’s advice was given in 1679. See J. P. Kenyon, The Popish Plot, p. 166.

19. Pepys to Mr Conny (or Coney), surgeon at Chatham, 20 Mar. 1679, Further Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, pp. 354–5. Mary Skinner is not named in his letter, but she is the most likely ‘lady on whose behalf I solicited’ the medicine, and who is now ‘wearied out with the frequent returns of… fits’ and expects another ‘within a day or two’. He is writing from Derby House.

20. On 29 Mar. College Conclusion Book B, 148. Information from Gordon Campbell et al., ‘The Provenance of De Doctrina Christiana’, op. cit., p. 87.

21. Pepys to duke of York, 6 May 1679, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys 1679–1703, ed. J. R. Tanner (1926), vol. I, p. 5, and duke of York to Charles II, 12 May 1679, and to Pepys, 13 May 1679, pp. 9, 10.

22. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 173, fols. 62f.

23. For Pepys getting permission from the king, Pepys to Tom Hayter, 11 Nov. 1679, The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath, pp. 131–2. Letters from Pepys to St Michel in Heath, pp. 64–90, 92–131, 132–51, 152–5. Little Samuel was said to be ten by his mother in the summer of 1681.

24. Pepys to Balthasar St Michel, 14 July 1679, ibid., p. 74.

25. St Michel writes of ‘my five small babes’, 24 Sept. 1680, ibid., p. 164.

26. So they were reminded again by the attorney-general in Jan. 1680. Pepys Library, Mornamont MSS, vol. I, p. 62.

27. Pepys wrote to Mrs Skinner, 23 Oct. 1679, sending greetings to the Botelers. Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, p. 89.

28. Pepys to Mrs Skinner, 24 Oct. 1679, ibid., p. 89.

29. James confessed just before his death in Mar. 1680. Pepys Library, Mornamont MSS, vol. II, p. 1,248.

30. Pepys to Balthasar St Michel, 29 Sept. 1679, The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath, pp. 104–6.

31. Pepys Library, Mornamont MSS, vol. II, p. 1,169.

32. Pepys to Balthasar St Michel, 26 Jan. 1680, The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath, p. 151.

33. John Joyne’s statement for 27 Nov. 1679, from Pepys Library, Mornamont MSS, vol. I, p. 296.

34. ibid., p. 210.

35. Pepys wrote to Balthasar St Michel in Paris on 1 Jan. 1680 saying he had just returned to town. The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath, pp. 144–5.

36. Pepys Library, Mornamont MSS, vol. II, p. 1,189.

37. A note, undated but apparently from the late 1670s, reads ‘WH – my Wife’s picture’, which suggests Pepys may have let Hewer have a portrait of Elizabeth to hang in his house. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, C 859, fol. 40.

38. The visit to Mary is on 10 Mar.

39. Pepys Library, Mornamont MSS, vol. II, p. 1,214.

40. ibid., p. 1,213.

41. 2 Mar. 1680, ibid., p. 1,240.

42. Pepys to his father, 27 Mar. 1680, Pepys to Morelli, 27 Mar. 1680, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 92–4. The diary says nothing of Morelli, merely ‘I returned to Town.’

43. Pepys to Mrs Skinner, 1 July 1680, ibid., p. 96.

44. Some pages are blank. I am indebted to Dr Charles Knighton for his estimate of the number of words.

45. Many of the originals are among the Rawlinson MSS in the Bodleian.

46. Pepys Library, Mornamont MSS, vol. I, p. 517, document dated 27 May 1675.

23. Travels for the Stuarts

1. Pepys to James Houblon, 2 Oct. 1680, printed in Letters and the Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth (1932), p. 102.

2. Diary, 7 Feb. 1668, on meeting Jackson before his marriage to Pall.

3. John Matthews, M.A., was the Huntingdon schoolmaster in 1680, and John Jackson is entered as a pupil there. Victoria County History of Huntingdonshire, vol. II, p. 109.

4. Pepys to Mr Loke, 23 Apr. 1681, Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath (1955), pp. 180–81.

5. Evelyn suggested the naval history to Pepys first in a letter 30 Jan. 1680, Particular Friends: The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère (1997), and see below. Letters about provostship in Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 115–18.

6. Will Hewer to Pepys, 16 Nov. 1680, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, p. 109.

7. Will Hewer to Pepys, 15 Nov. 1680, ibid., p. 107, and Pepys to Will Hewer, 2 Nov. 1680, ibid., p. 105.

8. Pepys to Esther St Michel, 1 Oct. 1681, Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath, p. 188.

9. Esther St Michel to Pepys, 24 Sept. 1681, ibid., p. 187.

10. The words are used by Dr John Peachell of Cambridge to Pepys, 11 Jan. 1681, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, p. 110.

11. Will Howe had served Sandwich alongside Pepys from before 1660. Pepys to Howe, 8 July 1680, ibid., pp. 96–7, Howe’s response, 15 June 1 681 , pp. 114–5.

12. Obrian Skinner applied to Pepys in Jan. 1682 and Pepys endorsed his letter ‘little Obrian Skinner to Mr Pepys’. Cited in James Hanford, ‘Pepys and the Skinner Family’, Review of English Studies, vol. vii, July 1931, pp. 257–70. Peter was placed at sea in 1683, and Pepys wrote to his old friend Will Howe, by then a judge in Barbados, recommending Daniel, 8 July 1680, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 96–7. Mrs Skinner’s letters to Pepys about Peter are 25 Apr. 1683, ibid., pp. 149–50, and 10 June 1689, ibid., pp. 200–201. Old Daniel Skinner died 21 Jan. 1684 and is buried at St Olave’s.

13. Trinity College. Conclusion Book B, 155, from Gordon Campbell, John K. Hale, David J. Holmes and J. Tweedie, ‘The Provenance of De Doctrina Christiana’, Milton Quarterly, no. 31, 1997, pp. 67–93.

14. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 194, fol. 261. The letter asking Mrs Bagwell not to ‘lose time in attending, at least upon me’ was written 7 Jan. 1687, printed in Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Saviour of the Navy (1938), pp. 166–7. Pepys to Lord Brouncker, 17 Dec. 1681, cited in Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Years of Peril (1935), p. 372.

15. Appointment of Mills’s son-in-law, Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Years of Peril, p. 372.

16. Her name appears in Pepys’s poll tax returns as one of his servants between 1681 and 1689. His letter to Mr Parry, 7 Apr. 1682, recommending Samuel Edwards to Christ’s Hospital is printed in Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, p. 110.

17. Evelyn’s description of Verrio’s Windsor frescos, 16 June 1683, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (1955). Verrio was a Catholic who had special permission to work in England, J. P. Kenyon, The Popish Plot (1972), p. 342.

18. Pepys to Lord Brouncker, 13 Mar. 1682, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 126–7.

19. Pepys to Will Hewer, 19 May 1682, ibid., p. 139.

20. Morelli’s letter of 16 Feb. 1687, ‘ excusing late marriage, and desiring re-admission’ to the favour of his one-time employer, is his last appearance in Pepys’s files. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 189, fol. 327.

21. Gilbert Burnet’s History of My Own Time (1818), vol. II, p. 234. Burnet’s account of Charles II’s character is devastating, and of course drawn from personal experience. He likens him to Tiberius, but we must not forget that Burnet was the friend of William III.

22. Cited in J. R. Tanner, Mr Pepys: An Introduction to the Diary together with a Sketch of His Later Life (1925), p. 249, from the Pepysian MSS, no. 2866, Naval Minutes, p. 76. Tanner remarks, ‘The last phrase brings before us vividly Charles II’s characteristic way.’

23. For Coventry’s original suggestion, see Diary, 13 June 1664. Pepys’s notes suggesting an account of ‘both the Dutch wars’ are undated but follow a copy of a letter from William Petty dated Apr. 1675, so they may have been written soon after the Third Dutch War ended in Feb. 1674. If this is so, Pepys is excluding the First Dutch War, fought under Cromwell, which again seems likely. His notes are in Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 185, fol. 221.

24. Evelyn’s letters to Pepys urging him to undertake a ‘General History of Navigation’ and supplying him with bibliographical and historical information are printed in The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère, between pp. 94 and 140. They cover a formidable range, from ancient history and ancient Britain, naval architecture and engineering works, battles, fishing rights, trade, Anglo-French rivalry, Italian and French military studies, old coins marked with ships, drinking cups in the shape of ships, biblical references to ships, etc., etc.

25. The list of ‘Adieus’ is found among his ‘Tangier Memoranda’, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, C 859, fol. 151V.

26. Pepys to John Evelyn, 7 Aug. 1683, The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère. For Pepys’s comments on Dr Ken’s sermons, see The Tangier Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. and transcriber Edwin Chappell (1935), pp. 21, 30, 38.

27. The ‘Journal Towards Tangier’ is part of The Tangier Papers of Samuel Pepys.

28. ibid., p. 16.

29. ibid., p. 17.

30. ibid., pp. 56, 57.

31. ibid., 26 Nov. 1683, p. 56.

32. ibid., p. 213.

33. ibid., p. 224. It is not clear whether this is the same occasion as the one described in the journal for Monday, 22 Oct., when he rows in the bay at evening and observes the blueness of the remote hills ‘as I have sometimes seen them painted but never believed it natural painted’ (p. 47).

34. On 19 Oct. 1683 Pepys wrote to his cousins Barbara and Thomas Gale in London, still expressing the hope of ‘eating brawn with you at Christmas’. Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 162–3.

35. Evelyn reports Pepys telling him about his investigation into the supposed miraculous cures, the contriver of which confessed to him that they were ‘all a cheat, which he would easily discover, though the poore superstitious people were imposed upon: yet have these Impostors, an allowance of the Bishops, to practice their Juggleings’. 16 Sept. 1685, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer.

24. Whirligigs

1. The toadstools are described in his Memoires Relating to the State of the Royal Navy of England for Ten Years Determined December 1688, published in 1690 from the report and recommendations he made from 1684 on.

2. The appointment was made by James II in July 1685, and celebrated by him personally at Deptford Church and at a dinner in London. Within days Pepys took steps to end the ‘scandal’ of Younger Brothers of Trinity House being ‘dissenters from the Church and ill affected to the Government’. J. R. Tanner, ‘Samuel Pepys and the Trinity House’, English Historical Review, vol. xxxxiv, 1929, pp. 583–5.

3. Mary’s own will asked that she should be buried as close as possible to her aunt Elizabeth, which I take to be an indication of her feeling for her.

4. For his rude references to her, Diary, passim; for his not allowing Elizabeth to call on her, 15 May 1668.

5. John Evelyn to Pepys, 3 Oct. 1685, Particular Friends: The Correspondence of John Evelyn and Samuel Pepys, ed. G. de la Bédoyère (1997). Evelyn can hardly have been referring to Elizabeth, dead now for fifteen years.

6. Pepys’s ‘Home Notes for myself to attend to when able’ are conjecturally dated 1698 by J. R. Tanner in Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys 1679–1703 (1926), vol. I, p. 167, and include the section ‘Works to bee visited with MS’. John Evelyn to Pepys, 14 Jan. 1699, The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère.

7. Pepys writes of making ‘a visit to good Mrs Ewer at Clapham’: Pepys to John Evelyn, 2 Oct. 1685, The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère.

8. This house was demolished in 1791. You can still appreciate how good its position over the water gate must have been.

9. 15 Sept. 1685, Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (1955).

10. James Stanier Clarke was entrusted by the prince regent with the task of editing the ‘Life’ of James II and given access to the ‘Private Manuscripts of James the Second’ that had been smuggled out of Italy at Leghorn under the prince’s instructions in 1810 and brought to the library at Carlton House. They consisted of a biography apparently based on James’s own notes written from the age of sixteen, which he deposited in the Scotch College in Paris in 1701, only to be burnt in France during the revolution. The author is not known, but was thought to be Thomas Innes, a Catholic superior of the Scotch College. Clarke’s two volumes appeared in 1816.

11. The Revocation of Edict of Nantes in France brought many Huguenot refugees. A commission headed by archbishop of Canterbury and lord chancellor was formed to assist them, and ‘Saml. Pepys Esquire’ was among its members. N. G. Brett-James, The Growth of Stuart London (1935), p. 488.

       Peachell wrote to Pepys in Feb. 1687 and was suspended from his mastership and vice-chancellorship of the university in May 1687. Pepys recommended him for a naval chaplaincy with Lord Dartmouth in Sept. 1688, which Peachell turned down. Letters inLetters and the Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth (1932), pp. 176–7, 194–5.

12. 16 Sept. 1685, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer.

13. Pepys to Sir Robert Southwell, 10 Oct. 1685, last page of MS, British Library Add MSS, 12,907, fol. 31. Dryden was the laureate, but perhaps he was not on duty on this occasion.

14. Notes in the Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 189, fol. 8, made by Josiah Burchett, Pepys’s clerk.

15. See J. D. Davies, Gentlemen and Tarpaulins (1991), p. 184. ‘ Good Voyages’ were still part of the naval system a century later.

16. Pepys has notes on the pressing of men in his ‘Navy White Book’ and prepared a paper for the duke of York in 1669, but he made no proposals to end it.

17. See pp. 353–4 in vol. V, part 2, covering modern MSS in the Catalogue of the Pepys Library, ed. Charles Knighton (1981), for MS 1490 concerning St Michel’s appointment as commissioner of navy for Deptford and Woolwich yards (19 Apr. 1686) and his being given the Treasurer’s House at Deptford, obliging a Mrs Gunman to leave. The house was the one in which Carteret had entertained Lady Sandwich and Pepys when his son married Jemima Montagu in the summer of 1665, and also where Pepys had attended a party at which the duke and duchess of York, Lady Castlemaine and the maids of honour played party games, sitting on the carpet because there were no chairs and being very witty in ‘I love my love with an A because he is so and so; and I hate him with an A because of this and that’, Diary, 4 Mar. 1669.

18. Pepys to Balthasar St Michel, 11 Dec. 1686, The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath (1955), pp. 205–6.

19. Letters from John Jackson (24 Feb. 1687) and Sam Jackson (at sea, 20 July 1688) in ibid., pp. 210, 173–4.

20. John Creed to Pepys, Feb. 1687, Bodleian Library, A 189, fol. 98.

21. He died 23 June 1686 at Tunbridge Wells, where he had gone saying, ‘If the waters do not cure me, the earth must.’ His dying was, according to his nephew, ‘as regular and exemplary as his living; he had his senses to the last moment’. H. C. Foxcroft, The Life and Letters of Sir George Savile, First Marquis of Halifax (1898), vol. I, p. 465.

22. Pepys knew Barbara as pretty Bab when she stayed at Seething Lane in 1669 and joined in dancing, sightseeing to Bedlam, theatre parties and outings with Elizabeth, a few years before her marriage to Gale. One of her sons was Pepys’s godson and the eldest, another Roger, became an antiquarian and a friend, so that he knew four generations of the family.

23. The Petty Papers, ed. Marquess of Lansdowne (1927), vol. II, p. 36. Other information from DNB, article by Irvine Masson and A. J. Youngson in The Royal Society: Its Origins and Founders, ed. Sir Henry Hartley (1960), and Life of Sir William Petty by Lord Edward Fitzmaurice (1895).

24. Petty regarding his daughter Anne to Sir Robert Southwell, 4 Dec. 1685, Lord Edward Fitzmaurice, Life of Sir William Petty, p. 297. His advice to Penn, The Petty Papers, ed. Marquess of Lansdowne, vol. I, pp. 95–114.

25. The Petty Papers, ed. Marquess of Lansdowne, vol. I, p. 267.

26. Lord Edward Fitzmaurice, Life of Sir William Petty, p. 155.

27. Essay on God from MS copy made for Pepys of Petty’s letter to earl of Anglesey of Apr. 1675, among Pepys’s papers in the Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 185, fol. 219. Petty’s will dated 2 May 1685, printed in Lord Edward Fitzmaurice, Life of Sir William Petty, p. 324.

28. William of Orange was a Stuart through his mother, Mary, daughter of Charles I and sister of Charles II and James II. He was also married to a Stuart, James II’s elder daughter by his first wife, Anne Hyde, another Mary, brought up as a Protestant at the insistence of Charles II. Her claim to the throne was good as long as James II did not have a son, which is why the birth of his son in June 1688 was a crucial factor in the opposition to him, and why William took seriously allegations that the baby was not the child of James and his queen but had been smuggled in.

29. 29 Sept. 1688, British Library, Egerton MSS, 2621.

30. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 186, fol. 470.

31. Henry Sheeres to Lord Dartmouth, 24 Nov. 1688, text given in Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Saviour of the Navy (1938), p. 323.

32. J. R. Tanner, Mr Pepys: An Introduction to the Diary, together with a Sketch of His Later Life (1925), p. 246, footnote, states that James II wrote a letter on 17 Nov. 1688 recommending the lords commissioners of the Treasury to pay the sum of £28,007.2s. 1¼d. owing to Pepys, as agreed by Charles II on 2 Mar. 1679. This is the amount given in Pepys’s will as still owing. The letter does not, however, specify a sum, and Tanner appears to have incorporated the sum from his knowledge of Pepys’s will.

       Among Tanner’s papers is a copy of the letter in a modern hand. This is now in Arthur Bryant’s archives (N 10, Box 1, enveloped marked 1688). Below the text is added: ‘Docketed Nov. 17, 1688. His Majesty’s Confirmation & Recommendation of the Arreas[sic] due to Mr Pepys upon his Service in the Navy & Adm/lty & as Trea/r for Tangier to the Lords Comm/rs of the Trea/ry. (This letter, which is framed & was shown at a meeting of the S.P. Club, belongs to Lieut. Col. Frederick Pepys Cockerell, OBE, MC, 36 Kensington Square. He let me have a copy and said I could make what use I liked of it. The signature only appears to be written by the King.)’ On his death, Tanner’s papers went to Bryant, who gave the text in his The Saviour of the Navy, p. 312. He noted that Frederick Pepys Cockerell (born in 1876) was dead by the time he published this volume in 1938.

       The records of the Samuel Pepys Club show that Frederick Pepys Cockerell brought the original letter to the club on 11 Dec. 1923. In Feb. 1925 he presented a facsimile of the letter to the National Portrait Gallery, along with a reproduction of the portrait of Pepys used on the cover of this book. Both appear to have remained in the family since Pepys’s death. Frederick Pepys Cockerell put other facsimiles on the market with reproductions of the portrait and advertised them in the Burlington Magazine for Jan. 1924, which stated that the originals were in his possession. This explains why there are so many facsimiles about.

       The original was purchased – presumably after the death of Frederick Pepys Cockerell – by the collector André de Coppet, and at his death sold through Sotheby’s (sale of 14 Mar. 1955) to Denys Bower, who kept it with other Stuart memorabilia at Chiddingstone Castle in Kent. Bower died in 1977. His collection remains at Chiddingstone, but the letter is not at present on display.

33. Pepys to the mayor, Captain Thomas Langley, and Corporation of Harwich, 27 Nov. 1688, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 179, fol. 264.

34. J. P. Kenyon, Stuart England (1978), pp. 248–53.

35. Compare 11 Dec. 1688, ‘the mobile got together and attacked Popish chapels’, Narcissus Luttrell, A Brief Historical Relation of State of Affairs from September 1678 to April 1714 (1857).

36. William to Admiral Herbert from Windsor, 16 Dec. 1688, ‘ j’ai des assurances de la Flotte d’Angleterre qu’elle se soumet a mes ordres’. British Library, Egerton MSS, 2621, fol. 81.

37. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 179, fol. 39.

38. Pepys to Captain Thomas Langley, 1 Jan. 1689, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 179, fol. 142.

39. Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 179, fols. 218, 223, filed by Pepys as ‘Harwich Papers between SP & that Corporation… approaching election Jan. 22 1688/9 ’ .

25. The Jacobite

1. Roger Pepys died at Impington on 4 Oct. 1688. His will is dated 31 Aug. 1688 and was proved 13 Oct. Information from Sheila Russell.

2. Pepys to Dryden, 14 July 1699, Letters and the Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth (1932), p. 281. The Fables, published in 1700, became Dryden’s most popular work. The prefatory note to my nineteenth-century edition reads, ‘The “Character of a Good Parson”, one of the most delightful sketches in our language, was recommended to Dryden for refacimento by Pepys, the diarist, who was one of his intimate friends, and who to much simplicity of character seems to have united a good critical judgment, as well as a good business capacity.’

3. 30 Dec. 1689, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 170, fol. 180, among what Pepys labelled ‘Promiscuous Papers Current’.

4. Anthony Deane to Pepys, 29 Oct. 1689, Pepys to Anthony Deane, 23 Nov. 1689, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 211–12. I have omitted Pepys’s parenthesis about the felicities of the next world, ‘which yet I bless God I am not without care for’.

5. 11 Apr. 1693 Pepys learnt that £69.10s. 1 d. had been given to Sam Jackson out of the Brampton rents. He promised repayment, and on 24 June Matthews, Pepys’s cousin, the Jackson boys’ one-time teacher and now agent for Brampton, sent £10 on behalf of Sam to Pepys, who was delighted and forgave the rest of the debt (Sotheby’s Sale Catalogue, 1931, p. 23). But by Apr. 1702 Pepys was complaining to Matthews about Sam again.

6. Letters from Thomas Shadwell to John Jackson during his Grand Tour at the end of the decade refer to ‘an enemy, female’ of JJ, and to his ‘evil genius’, and the ‘Lady at London’ whom he is not eager to see, all of which appear to mean Mary: they are printed inPrivate Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys 1679–1703, ed. J. R. Tanner (1926), 15 Mar. 1700, vol. I, p. 295, 20 May, 2 June 1700, vol. I, pp. 343, 349, 8 July 1700, vol. II, p. 10. By JJ’s own account Pepys urged them to be friends on his deathbed, which suggests they were not.

7. Balthasar de St Michel to Pepys, 28 May 1689, The Letters of Samuel Pepys and His Family Circle, ed. H. T. Heath (1955), pp. 123–4.

8. Peter Skinner to Pepys, 27 Sept. 1689, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS, A 170, fol. 42, and 8 Nov. 1689, fol – 30·

9. Letters in Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, show Mrs Fane was discharged in 1687 (p. 180, footnote) and interceded for by Mary; then, she was about to be discharged again in 1689, Pepys to James Houblon, 10 July 1689 (pp. 194–5). But Pepys’s account with Hoare shows payments to Mrs Jane Fane in Dec. 1691.

10. J. R. Tanner, Mr Pepys: An Introduction to the Diary together with a Sketch of His Later Life (1925), p. 272, from a paper in the Pepys Library, dated 1697, listing his servants.

11. Sir Francis died 9 Oct. 1690. His will, held in the PRO, was written in 1684, the year of his wife’s death. Julia Shallcross was mistress of Woodhall until her death in 1726, when it went to her sister Isabel Hutchinson, and it seems reasonable to think Mary sometimes stayed with Julia at Woodhall after 1690.

12. G. M. Trevelyan, Social History of England (1962): ‘For 30 years after the Restoration the profit on the original stock averaged first 20 and later 40 per cent per annum. The market price of £100 stock touched £500 in 1685. ’

13. For Hickes, J. H. Overton, The Nonjurors (1902), also DNB. For Sheeres, 3 Mar. 1696, Narcissus Luttrell, A Brief Historical Relation of State of Affairs from September 1678 to April 1714 (1857), vol. IV, p. 24.

14. A tribute surely to William Ill’s surveillance system. It looks as though Pepys was questioned about the proposed trip, because James Vernon wrote to Matthew Prior in Paris on 16 Aug. 1698, ‘I hope you will have an eye upon Mr Pepys’s nephew that he doth not go astray. I believe the old gentleman means fairly, and hath sent no underhand compliments to his old master, having professed the contrary; but young men and ladies may sometimes be libertines and forget good advice.’ Information from J. R. Tanner,Mr Pepys: An Introduction to the Diary, p. 270.

15. Henry Clarendon was the second earl, son of Chancellor Clarendon; he had been arrested and sent to the Tower in 1690 and was not in favour with King William. Clarendon dined with Pepys on 27 Apr. 1694, as Pepys recorded in a note pasted into vol. X of the Sandwich Papers (also no. 138 in naval papers in Pepys Library). George Hickes was known to Pepys from at least the 1680s when he was dean of Worcester.

16. Thomas Smith to Pepys, 16 Apr. 1702, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. II, pp. 259–62.

17. Narcissus Luttrell, A Brief Historical Relation of State of Affairs from September 1678 to April 1714, vol. II, p. 64, says Captain Hatton was arrested 25 Jan. 1690 and discharged 12 Feb. 1692. He was the younger brother of Christopher, first Viscount Hatton, a founder member of the Royal Society. Charles Hatton was born in the mid 1630s and became a close friend to Pepys in the 1690s.

18. For example, Pepys to John Evelyn, 8 Oct. 1691, Particular Friends: The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère (1997).

19. This is the beginning: “Twas in April 1679, when (my unhappy Master, his then Royal Highness, having but newly been commanded abroad, and my self now shut up in the Tower) His Majesty K. Charles the Second was led to the exchanging theMethodwherein the Affairs of his Admiralty had for some years before been manag’d under his own Inspection, for that of a Commission, charg’d with the Execution of the whole Office of his High Admiral.’(In fact it was not in April but in May.)

       At the end he announces his intention of writing more naval history and continues:

In which consideration I shall (not gladly only, but) thankfully receive Intimation of any Matters herein calling for Amendment; as well-knowing how far from infallible his best endeavours must be, that has to do with a Subject so extensive, various, and complicate, as that of a Navy; and a Navy circumstanc ’ d as this happens to be within the limits of this Chapter.

But whatever (more or less) I may meet with from better Hands toward the improvement of this Schitz [i.e., sketch]: Somewhat (I trust) of present utility may (even as it is) be hoped for from it, in the som ample, fresh, and costly Experiment (and to England most instructive) which this Paper exhibits, of the Validity of these three Truths in its Sea Oeconomy, viz,

1. That Integrity, and general (but inpractic ’ d) Knowledge, are not alone sufficient to conduct and support a Navy so, as to prevent its Declension into a State little less unhappy, than the worst that can befall it under the want of both.

2. – That not much more (neither) is to be depended on, even from Experience alone and Integrity; unaccompany ’ d with Vigour of Application, Assiduity, Affection, Strictness of Discipline, and Method.

3. – That it was a strenuous Conjunction of all these (and that conjunction only) that within half the Time, and less than half the Charge it cost the Crown in the exposing it, had (at the very instant of its unfortunate Lord ’ s Withdrawing from it) rais ’ d the Navy of England from the lowest state of Impotence, to the most advanced step towards a lasting and solid Prosperity, that (all Circumstances consider ’ d) this Nation had ever seen it at.

And yet not such; but that (even at this its Zenith) it both did and suffer ’ d sufficient to teach us, that there is Something above both That and Us, that Governs the World.

To which (Incomprehensible) alone be GLORY .

20. John Evelyn to Pepys, 11 June 1690, The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère. The letter continues to p. 218, and there is a second letter on 17 June 1690, p. 219, which is roughly the equivalent of a modern pre-publication puff.

21. J. D. Davies’s ‘Pepys and the Admiralty Commission of 1679–1684 ’ , Bulletin of the Institute for Historical Research, vol. lxii, 1989, pp. 34–53, makes the case that Pepys had the strongest political motivation for destroying the reputation of the commission and set out to do so; and that truth suffered. For instance, Pepys ignored circumstances when he compared the size of the navy in 1679 (76 ships) with 1684 (24 ships), because in 1679 the country had just mobilized a fleet for an intended war and been unable to pay off the men, lacking the money to do so; while in May 1684 there were in fact 39, not 24, ships in service, and they were the normal summer guard. Davies believes that some of the planking used for the ships built under Pepys’s commission was unfit, and that some of the rotting vessels he found were a result of that unfitness as much as subsequent neglect. He suggests that the 1679 commission did all it could to combat ‘Good Voyages’ and found themselves hampered by the king, as Pepys himself observed in his Tangier notes; that the king in fact intervened arbitrarily in Admiralty affairs whenever he chose – the Admiralty was, for example, left entirely in the dark about the Tangier expedition until it was under way – and left it unsupported to struggle with the economic problems faced in day-to-day running. And so on.

22. When a life of James II was prepared from James’s own notes by James Stanier Clarke, librarian to the prince regent (and friend of Jane Austen) and published in 1816, Clarke quoted chunks of Mr Secretary Pepys’s account of the qualities needed by Navy Board officials. Clarke says James II approved and associated himself with Pepys’s recommendations. He had of course read them in 1685, but it looks as though a copy of Pepys’s Memoires may have found its way to him in 1690.

23. David Douglas, English Scholars (1951 ), p. 258.

24. Pepys to John Evelyn, 9 Jan. 1692, Pepys to Henry Sheeres, 29 Jan. 1692, Balthasar St Michel to Pepys, 20 Mar. 1692, all in Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, pp. 51–2, 53–4, 55–6.

       Sheeres, like Pepys, was kept under surveillance as a suspected Jacobite and was arrested on 3 Mar. 1696, when there were again fears of an invasion attempt by James from France. Narcissus Luttrell, A Brief Historical Relation of State of Affairs, vol. IV, p. 24.

25. Pepys to Thomas Gale, 15 Sept. 1692, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 230–32. He wrote to John Evelyn the following day, The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère, pp. 235–6.

26. Diary, 24 June 1666, on hearing of the death of Sir Francis Prujean, one-time president of the Royal College of Physicians.

27. They were renumbered in 1693. Since they were arranged by size, they were kept in four separate places up to and after this date, and only in 1700, during Pepys’s last supervision of the cataloguing and arrangement, were they put together – see Robert Latham’s introduction to vol. I of the Diary, p. lxviii.

26. A Journey to be Made

1. From H. B. Wheatley’s Pepysiana (1899), pp. 45–7, which prints the account of the trial given in the Old Bailey Session Papers for 6–9 Dec. 1693.

2. Pepys to John Evelyn, 7 Nov. 1694, Particular Friends: The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère (1997). The visit with Lady Sandwich was 30 June 1662, with Charles II and the duke, 26 July 1665.

3. Pepys outlived Creed, which must have pleased him – Creed died in 1701 and his widow put up a fine memorial stone in Titchmarsh Church, Northants. Secretary’s minutes to Royal Society for 21 Nov. 1694, PP. 11 9, 120.

4. For advising Mary to ride, Pepys to Hans Sloane, 14 Oct. 1701, ‘ Your Patient is a Cock-horse every day, and I hope will have benefitt by it.’ Letters and the Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth (1932), p. 334. For Pepys’s wish to talk with Sloane, 31 July 1702, p. 348.

5. Humfrey Wanley to T. Tanner, 16 Apr. 1695, Letters of Humfrey Wanley, Palaeographer, Anglo-Saxonist, Librarian 1672–1726, ed. P. L. Heyworth (1989), pp. 12, 13. Humfrey Wanley to Smith, 23 Apr. 1695, when he saw ‘Mr Pepyses noble Library’, p. 16.

6. Humfrey Wanley to John Bagford, 24 May 1696, ibid., pp. 37–8.

7. Humfrey Wanley to Pepys, 15 Apr. 1701, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 330–31.

8. For Pepys’s and Sloane’s testimonials, Letters of Humfrey Wanley, ed. P. L. Heyworth, pp. 473–5. Sloane also offered £100 towards the funding; also Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys 1679–1703, ed. J. R. Tanner (1926), vol. I, pp. 366–7. In spite of all this, Wanley failed to persuade Oxford to back him.

9. Sam Newton to Pepys, n.d. but 7 Aug. 1695, British Library Add MSS, 20,732, fol. 158.

10. Pepys to Sam Newton, 8 Aug. 1695, ibid., fols. 158V., 159.

11. Diary, 25 July 1663 , when Pepys and Will called on Gauden there. Pepys found ‘the house very regular and finely contrived, and the gardens and offices about it as convenient and as full of good variety as ever I saw in my life. It is true he hath been censured for laying out so much money.’ He called again 27 July 1665 and found the gardens ‘mighty pleasant’. In 1663 Clapham had 562 hearths (Victoria County History of Surrey, vol. IV, p. 37) and in 1664 there were 92 houses. Companion to Latham and Matthews’s edition of the Diary, p. 65.

12. The verses he quotes from memory run, ‘When I see a Discontent/Sick of the faults of Government/Whose very Rest and Peace dis-ease him,/‘Cause giv’n by those that doe not please him/Mee thinks that Bedlam has noe Folly, “Like to the politick Mellancholly”’. Pepys evidently felt safe confiding his political feelings to Julia Shallcross.

       All that is known of this letter is given by G. de la Bédoyère, The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, p. 235, footnote. It is taken from the Rosenbach Company Catalogue, Philadelphia 1937, Item 287, p. 102. Bédoyère was unaware of the existence of Julia Shallcross when he published it. Later, in Aug. 1700, Pepys wrote to thank Dr George Stanhope for his attentions to ‘Mrs Shellcrosse and her party at Greenwich’. Stanhope was vicar at Tewin in Hertfordshire, close to Woodhall, and the home of Julia’s sister Isabel.

13. He planned to visit the Houblon sons in the winter of 1700–1701, but it is not clear whether he managed to do so. Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. II, p. 124.

14. There were to be another four bookcases. The ninth was installed by 1702, and the last three delivered after his death. The drawings were done by Sutton Nicholls, folded and preserved in the catalogue. David McKitterick, Catalogue of the Pepys Library vol. VII (1991), p. xxxiii.

15. ‘The Miniature K: of France on horseback by Mr Skyner – in gilt frame’. The attribution comes from the Houghton Library Harvard inventory made in the early nineteenth century, a transcription of a lost original. ‘Mr Skyner’ is surely Mary, whom we know to have been an artist.

16. Evelyn’s grandson’s poem is dated 12 July 1699 and printed in Private Conespondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. I, p. 179. Pepys to Sir Littleton Powys, 20 Jan. 1697, vol. II, p. 137. Tansy is a herb whose juice, yellow and bitter, was used to flavour puddings for Easter.

17. P. P. Dégalénière to Pepys, 5 June 1701, ibid., vol. II, pp. 226–9, for reference to Mary being godmother to his daughter. Dr George Hickes to Pepys, 1 Sept. 1702, ibid., vol. II, p. 267. Humfrey Wanley to Pepys, 25 Sept. 1702, Letters of Humfrey Wanley, ed. P. L. Heyworth, pp. 193–4. For greetings from wives, Captain Charles Hatton to Pepys, 31 Aug. 1700, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. II, p. 62, and Mrs Evelyn, 22 July 1700, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, p. 304.

18. I am indebted to Charles Knighton for this information from the Magdalene College archives. It appears in a section covering the years 1690 and 1713, fol. 127. Pepys’s donation, entered on the immediately preceding fol. 1 26v., was made 18 June 1694, and is entered in his account with Hoare’s bank.

19. Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, 12 Feb. 1698, p. 88. ‘ Pass for Mr John Jackson, Mrs Julia Shallcrosse, Mrs Mary Skinner, Mrs Ann Cherritt and Alice Edmonds and Conrad Bechsteiner, their servants, to go to France.’

20. Pepys to John Jackson, 19 Oct. 1699, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. I, pp. 199–202.

21. For Pepys’s remark about the pain of the stone in the coach, letter to John Jackson, 11 Nov. 1700, ibid., vol. II, pp. 123–4. Pepys to John Jackson (in Venice), 8 Apr. 1700, ibid., pp. 316–17. Tanner informs us that the letter begins in his own hand, Lorrain takes it up, and the postscript is in Mary’s hand; and that Pepys’s signature is ‘in a very trembling hand’.

22. 23 Sept. 1700, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer. Henry Hyde to Pepys, 1 July 1700, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. II, p. 1.

23. Dr John Shadwell to John Jackson, 20 May, 2 June, 8 July 1700, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. I, PP. 343, 349, and vol. II, p. 10.

24. Pepys to John Jackson, 13 June 1700, ibid., vol. I, pp. 358–9.

25. Pepys to John Evelyn, 19 Sept. 1700. Bédoyère does not give passage about optics (pp. 282–3) but Howarth and Tanner do, noting that it is deleted – Pepys evidently cut the part of the letter that included an invitation to Evelyn’s grandson to come and see his experiment, perhaps because he no longer felt up to such a visit.

26. Pepys to Charles Hatton, 19 Sept. 1700, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, p. 310. The weather records in Gordon Manley’s essay ‘Central England Temperatures: Monthly Means 1659 to 1973 ’ , Quarterly Journal of the Royal Meteorological Society, no. 100, 1974, pp. 389–405, indicate a warm July, August and September in 1700.

27. Pepys to John Jackson, 8 Oct. 1700, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. II, p. 87. Diary, 7 Sept. 1662, for Pepys’s remarks on the queen. John Jackson did not manage to deliver the message, but he did see the queen in Apr., after lingering in Madrid, where he was particularly keen to attend the ‘Bull-Feast’, ‘the diversion very well worth the seeing, once; the worst of it is its barbarity’.

28. Pepys to Wynne Houblon, 30 Oct. 1700, ibid., vol. II, p. 105.

29. Pepys to Dr Arthur Charlett about Dr Gregory’s educational proposals, 5 Nov. 1700, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. G. Howarth, pp. 317–20.

30. Pepys to his cousin Angier of Hawley, 14 Mar. 1695, British Museum Add. MSS, 20,732, fol. 85.

31. The whole passage in Cicero’s ‘Scipio’s Dream’ (Book VI, On the Republic) from which the motto is taken talks about the division between the mortal body and the soul, which is not mortal. ‘Tu vero enitere; et sic habeto, non esse te mortalem, sed corpus hoc; nec enim tu is es, quem forma ista declarat, sed mens cuiusque is est quisque, non ea figura, quae digito demonstrari potest.’ Richard Ollard’s admirable translation reads, ‘Fight the good fight, and always call to mind that it is not you who are mortal, but this body. For your true being is not discerned by perceiving your physical appearance. But what a man’s mind is, that is what he is, not that individual human shape that we identify through our senses.’

       Pepys explained to Will Hewer that Cicero had derived the idea from Plato, and that Saint Paul had ‘wrought-upon’ it afterwards; this is one of his rare references to the Bible, and suggests he was more interested in it as he grew older. The English version of the motto also recalls Oliver Cromwell’s use of the phrase ‘The mind is the man’ in his speech to parliament in 1656, when he went on to say, ‘If that be kept pure, a man signifies somewhat; if not, I would very fain see what difference there is between him and a beast.’ For Cromwell’s speech of 17 Sept. 1656 see Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, ed. Ivan Roots (1989), p. 98. Pepys was working for Edward Montagu and wrote his earliest surviving letter to him, about Cromwell and the question of kingship, in November 1656, so it is possible he got to hear something of the speech and remembered it.

32. Pepys’s ownership of a book on deism, William Stephen’s An Account of the Growth of Deism in England, published in 1696, still in the Pepys Library, is no evidence that he held deist ideas himself, but the simplicity of deist faith, and its emphasis on natural rather than revealed religion, does accord with his indifference to doctrinal questions. Deists believed in one God who requires worship, piety and virtue of mankind, forgives sins and punishes and rewards in the after-life; and that nothing more needs to be added. This is John Leland’s account of seventeenth-century deist tenets in his View of the Principal Deistical Writers that Have Appeared During the Last and Present Century, a hostile account published in 1754.

33. Pepys to John Evelyn, 7 Aug. 1700, Evelyn to Pepys, 9 Aug. 1700, The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère.

34. Pepys to Matthews, extract of unpublished letter printed from MS in Sotheby’s Sale Catalogue of 1931, p. 24.

35. Mary mentions her portrait by Godfrey Kneller in her will; Kneller himself mentions ‘Mrs Skinner’s picture’ in a letter to Pepys, 29 July 1702, saying it is ‘lokt up with others by my brother’, but this is ambiguous. Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. II, p. 265. Manuscript records of Pepys’s account at Hoare’s Bank, Fleet Street.

36. Pepys to Matthews, 21 Apr. 1702, Sotheby’s Sale Catalogue of 1931, p. 25.

37. See description in diary of William Nicolson, Bishop of Carlisle, 17 June 1702, referred to below and printed in Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, vol. ii, 1902, p. 155.

38. Pepys to Henry Hyde, 4 Aug. 1702, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. II, p. 266.

39. Pepys to John Evelyn, 19 Sept. 1700, The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, ed. G. de la Bédoyère. Pepys to Dr Arthur Charlett, 14 Nov. 1702, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. II, p. 286.

40. For Nicolson’s borrowings from Pepys’s library, 14 June 1700, and receipts Dec. 1700 and Jan. 1701, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. I, pp. 362–3.

41. Nicolson’s description of the library as it appeared at Clapham is unique. He had been advised to keep a diary by Sir Joseph Williamson when he travelled to Germany as a young man and kept up the habit; but, while it is a document of some social and considerable political interest – he became a hard-working member of the House of Lords – it has none of Pepys’s genius, either in the writing or in the presentation of himself. The small version of the Verrio painting at Christ’s Hospital is presumably the one sold in the sale at Sotheby’s in 1931, described as ‘watercolour sketch by Verrio’, 17 ⅜x 93 ¾ inches in size; its present whereabouts unknown to me.

42. I have been able to trace wills by Mrs Frances Skinner and by two Skinner daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, but none by Daniel Skinner Snr or any of the sons; the women appear to have been dominant in the Skinner family.

43. J. Glasier to Pepys, Dec. 1702, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. II, p. 288.

44. Will of Frances Skinner in PRO, PROB, 11/467.

45. Mary Ballard to Pepys, 1 Mar. 1703, Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. II, p. 302. The Ballards appear to be related to Mary Skinner, who made a legacy of £10 to her ‘cousin Samuel Ballard’ in her will, presumably their son. Both Ballards received rings at Pepys’s funeral, listed among ‘Former Servants and Dependants’, but the category was a broad one, including his physicians and surgeons and Sir Littleton Powys, a judge of the Queen’s Bench.

46. Pepys to Sir George Rooke, Apr. 1703, Letters and Second Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R.G. Howarth, pp. 373–4.

47. John Jackson to Will Hewer, 20 Apr. 1703, printed in ibid., vol. II, pp. 309–10.

48. It seems likely that Pepys had heard from Wanley of similar ones set up by Archbishop Matthew Parker in 1575 for his valuable library at Corpus Christi College in Cambridge and taken them partly as a model in order to safeguard his own in the future. Humfrey Wanley worked at the Parker Library in 1699 and was aware of the restrictions Parker set in forbidding the removal of the books, as he makes clear in a letter to Arthur Charlett (also Pepys’s friend) dated 17 Sept. 1699 from Cambridge, in which he says he can borrow what books he pleases, ‘excepting those of Bennet College’ (Bennet College being another name for Corpus Christi – Letters of Humfrey Wanley, ed. P. L. Heyworth, p. 138). Parker had left elaborate instructions to ensure that the books should not be removed. He also provided that, should Corpus Christi be negligent, the library must pass to Caius, and should Caius also fail, on to Trinity Hall. Parker was markedly successful in achieving his aims for his library. (So was Pepys.)

       Pepys was also aware of the troubled situation of Sir John Cotton’s library. In 1701, when Sir John’s death seemed imminent, Wanley asked Pepys to support his application to become librarian; Pepys, after consulting with Dr Thomas Smith, the current librarian, who feared losing his position because he was a nonjuror, explained to Wanley that he felt he should support Smith. The Trustees of the library were too busy to meet, and Pepys died before they managed to do so; meanwhile the library was kept locked up and inaccessible to those who wished to consult it. See P. L. Heyworth’s article in the TLS, 31 Aug. 1962, p. 660. Pepys may have wanted to avoid similar problems.

49. The verbal bequest appears at the end of the list of mourning rings bequeathed by Pepys, printed in Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. II, p. 318.

50. This was in 1705, the reason given by Evelyn that he was unable to make a large enough settlement on his granddaughter. It is possible too that he did not want Jackson on other grounds such as his humble origins or his character.

51. John Jackson’s account is in Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys, ed. J. R. Tanner, vol. II, pp. 312–14.

Epilogue

1. The autopsy is printed in Private Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys 1679–1703, ed. J. R. Tanner (1926), vol. II, pp. 311–12. Jackson’s letter to Evelyn is in the introduction to Wheatley’s edition of the Diary, pp. xliii–xliv. Latham and Matthews’s edition of the Diary suggests (vol. X, pp. 172–6) that Pepys was suffering from brain damage produced by high blood pressure secondary to the destruction of his left kidney. Milo Keynes’s article in the Journal of Medical Biography, vol. v, Feb. 1997, pp. 25–9, corrects this: ‘From the emaciation and post-mortem findings, the likely cause of death was from toxaemia secondary to intra-abominal sepsis’ – which seems right, given that Pepys, though weak, showed no sign of brain damage.

2. From Post Boy, 5 June 1703, no. 1,257, given in Braybrooke’s sixth edition of the Diary, p. xxxviii.

3. Dame Elizabeth Boteler’s bequest of £ 1,000 to Mary Skinner was secured upon ‘a mortgage of certain Lands of Sr Thomas Littleton Baronet in the County of Essex’. There were two Sir Thomas Littletons, father and son, and this was probably the younger (1647–1710), speaker of the House 1698–1700 and treasurer of the navy at the time of Pepys’s death. James Vernon, principal secretary of state 1698–1702 (who had an eye on Pepys in Aug. 1698, see note 14 to Chapter 25), was married to Mary Buck, daughter of Sir John Buck, Bart., and sister of Sir William, who married ‘Frances Skinner, daughter of Daniel Skinner, Merchant’, and sister of Mary Skinner – see Burke’s Extinct Baronetages.

4. Dr George Hickes to Dr Arthur Charlett, 5 June 1703, printed in Wheatley’s introduction to the Diary, pp. xlv–xlvi.

5. According to Zach Conrad von Uffenbach, who visited Magdalene in 1710, London in 1710 (1934); J. E. B. Mayor, Cambridge under Queen Anne (1911), P. 139.

6. Her will, from which this information comes, reads, ‘my owne Picture and my Neice Hores picture both drawn by Sir Godfrey Kneller’. The reference to her ‘Neice Hores’ is probably to Mary Buck, who married a Hoar.

7. For instance, she gave to John Jackson, executor, £30 ‘to make with the gilt cup and cover and salver which I took for £20 though value of £50 which I received in plate of his late uncle Samuel Pepys Esquire deceased which cup and cover and salver I have lately given to my God daughter Paulina Jackson daughter of the said John Jackson.’ And, ‘Whereas the said Mr Pepys made me a present of the Gold medall of the French King, the clock in my chamber, the great skreen of six leaves Indian all of which I give to Mr John Jackson and also my picture of his uncle’s head which he desired me to give him, also I give to the said Mr Jackson my three books the Heathen Gods, the description of the Castle and Water Works of Versailles and a little French book of heraldry called Jendarinorer [? Gens d’honneur] all colored by myself. To Mr Jackson’s wife she that was Mrs Anne Edgley my diamond heart ring it being a mourning ring which I made for her husband’s uncle.’

8. Unfortunately her grave cannot be located now, and the Boteler gravestones are concealed under carpet in the church. Information about burial entry at St Etheldreda’s from Henry W. Gray.

9. Hewer’s cousin Blackborne, who kept a diary, went to Doctors’ Commons in Feb. 1716 to read the wills of ‘Mr Hewer, Mr Pepys and Mrs Skinner’. This entry in his diary appears in the Sotheby’s Sale Catalogue of 1931.

10. The house at Clapham, which is thought to have been on the north side of the common, near what is now Victoria Road, was pulled down about 1760. In 1774 the old church was also taken down, but Clapham remained rural until the nineteenth century(Victoria County History of Suney, vol. IV, p. 37). Samuel Pepys Cockerell, John Jackson’s grandson, built himself a house at 29 Northside, Clapham Common, in the late eighteenth century.

11. Wheatley gives the figures in his Pepysiana (1899), p. 34: ‘For Boxes, Workmen, Necessary Expences and Carriage from Clapham to London £22.1 8s .11d. Carriage to Cambridge £1 8 .3s .10d.’

12. J. R. Tanner, Samuel Pepys and the Royal Navy (1920), p. 16.

13. The letters were gathered from Jackson’s descendants, the Pepys Cockerells (see Family Tree), as well as from the Bodleian and the British Museum.

14. Smith’s pathetic and indignant letters are in the Pepys Library at Magdalene.

15. Colburn paid £2,200, of which the Master’s Rent Book says £1,200 was lent to the college at 3 per cent, while an annual sum of £50 was set aside to help a needy scholar chosen by the Master.

16. Scott was writing in the Quarterly Review for spring 1826.

17. Smith to Lady Holland, 20 June 1826. The Creevey Papers: A Selection from the Correspondence and Diaries of the Late Thomas Creevey, ed. Sir H. Maxwell (1903–5), vol. II, p. 280. This remark made in 1834.

18. Sir Frederic Madden at Cambridge, ed. T. D. Rogers (1980), p. 22.

19. The moves took place in 1834, 1847 and 1854. In 1879 it occupied the south-east room on the first floor of the second court, which was rendered fire-proof. It was not restored to the room Jackson had chosen for it until 1956 – which is perhaps why I did not see it when I was an undergraduate in the early 1950s. See Ε. K. Purnell’s Magdalene College (1904), pp. 128–36.

20. Bright presented his transcription to Magdalene, but it has been lost.

21. Robert Louis Stevenson, ‘Samuel Pepys’, Cornhill, July 1881, pp. 31–46.

22. The publishers sought the opinions of Gerald (later Lord) Gardiner and Professor C. S. Lewis on whether they were likely to be prosecuted. Both thought it was now safe (the Obscene Publications Act had been passed in 1959). It must be said that Bryant bravely quoted the opening passage in full in the first volume of his biography, which appeared in 1933.

Bibliography

The date given in each entry is that of the edition used rather than that of first publication.

1. Unpublished Material

The Bodleian Library: Rawlinson MSS, A 170–95 and D. Carte MSS.

The British Library: Add MSS, 22,183, Add MSS, 19,872, Add MSS, 32,094, Add MSS, 20,732. Egerton MSS, 928: William Hewer, Sir John Kempthorne and their lawyers’ letters of 1678 about ownership of Clapham that Hewer has taken over from bankrupt Sir Denis Gauden, in debt to Kempthorne who proposes to seize goods and crops from Clapham. Hewer prevents this. Egerton MSS, 2621: Admiral Herbert papers include correspondence with prince of Orange during 1688 invasion. Sloane MSS, 2572, fols. 79–87: Richard Gibson’s account of his career.

The National Maritime Museum: AGC/19, Miscellaneous Papers of Samuel Pepys. LBK/8, Correspondence of Samuel Pepys. Also X98/065, vol. I of the Sandwich Journal.

Further volumes of Sandwich Journal in possession of Lord Sandwich.

Hoare’s Bank, Pepys’s accounts 1680–1703; also the account of ‘Ann Skinner’.

The Public Record Office: Admiralty papers relating to Pepys, ADM 106/2887. ADM 20/4, Tangier Roll AOI/310, 1220, 1221: accounts for 1665 and for 1667–71. Wills of Sir Francis Boteler, Mrs Frances Skinner, Mary Skinner.

Hertfordshire Record Office: will of Dame Elizabeth Boteler.

Pepys Library: Mornamont MSS in two vols. Magdalene College Letters. John Smith’s transcription of Pepys’s diary in 54 volumes. Correspondence of John Smith about promise of help made by Lord Chancellor Brougham, 1831–2. (Pepys Library unofficial MSS).

Guildhall, parish registers of St Bride’s and St Olave’s, Hart Street.

Liddle Hart Centre at King’s College, London, archives of Arthur Bryant, containing extensive MS research notes and correspondence of both Henry Wheatley and John Tanner, correspondence, as well as Bryant’s research notes.

Julian Mitchell’s unpublished essay, ‘Monmouthshire Politics 1660–1706’, for information about Richard Creed, brother of John.

The Royal Society: journal books and secretary’s minute books 1670–1700.

National Portrait Gallery archives: notebook of Charles Beale for 1681, part diary, part account book, bound in with Lilly’s astrological almanac.

2. Contemporary Diaries and Memoirs

Aylmer, G. E. (ed.), The Diary of William Lawrence, 1961 (personal papers written 1657–84)

Beadle, John, The Journal or Diary of a Thankful Christian, 1656

Bond, M. (ed.), Parliamentary Diary of Edward Dering (1644–84), 1976 Burnet, Gilbert, Sermon at Funeral of J. Houblon, 1682 (biographical, not entirely reliable)

—History of My Own Time, 4 vols., 1818

Coates, W. H. (ed.), The Journal of Sir Simonds D’Ewes (1602–50), 1942

de Beer, E. S. (ed.), The Diary of John Evelyn, 6 vols., 1955

Denne, S. (ed.), The Life of Phineas Pett of Deptford, Commissioner of the Navy, 1796

Dick, Oliver Lawson (ed.), John Aubrey’s Brief Lives set down between 1669 and 1696, 1958

Ellwood, Thomas, Life of Himself (1639–1713), 1880

Fox, George, Journal (1624–91), 1694

Henning, Basil Duke (ed.), Diary of Edward Dering (1670–73), 1940

Fanshawe, Anne, Lady, Memoirs (1625–80), 1907

Firth, C. H. (ed.), Ε. Ludlow’s Memoirs 1619–1692, 1894. Now revealed to have been heavily rewritten after Ludlow’s death for first publication in 1690s

Heywood, Revd Oliver, Autobiography 1630–1702, 2 vols., 1937

Hutchinson, Lucy, Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson, 1906

Hyde, Edward, earl of Clarendon, The True Historical Narrative of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England, 6 vols., 1888 Joyne, John, A Journal, 1959

King, Lord (ed.), Life and Letters of John Locke, with Extracts from His Journals and

Commonplace Books, 1858 Lee, M. H. (ed.), The Diary and Letters of Philip Henry, MA, of Broad Oak, Flintshire, 1631–1696, 1882

Long, C. E. (ed.), Richard Symonds’s Diary of Marches Kept by the Royal Army during the Great Civil War, 1859

Luttrell, Narcissus, A Brief Historical Relation of State of Affairs from September 1678 to April 1714, 1857

MacFarlane, Alan (ed.), Diary of Ralph Josselin 1616–1683, 1976 Morris, C. (ed.), The Journeys of Celia Fiennes, 1949

Nicolson, William, Diary, partly published in Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, vol. ii (1902). Also Jones, Clyve, and Holmes, Geoffrey (eds.), The London Diaries of William Nicolson, Bishop of Carlisle, 1702–1718, 1985

Robbins, Caroline, The Diary of John Milward from September 1666 to May 1668, 1938

Robinson, H. W., and Adams, W. (eds.), The Diary of Robert Hooke 1672–1680, 1935 Rutt, J. T. (ed.), The Diary of Thomas Burton (1656–9), 4 vols., 1828 Sachse, W. L. (ed.), The Diurnal of Thomas Rugg 1659–1661, 1961

Spalding, Ruth (ed.), The Diary of Bulstrode Whitelocke 1605–1675, 1989 Teonge, Henry, Diary 1675–1679, 1825

Webb, Rosamond (ed.), Nehemiah Wallington’s Historical Notices of Events Occurring Chiefly in the Reign of Charles I, 2 vols., 1869

William Haller’s The Rise of Puritanism, 1938, has a good discussion of puritan diary-keeping. There is also W. Matthews, British Diaries 1442–1942, 1950. See too Mark Goldie, ‘Roger Morrice’s Entring Book’ in History Today (Nov. 2001), p. 38. Morrice was Pepys’s contemporary (1628–1702), a Cambridge graduate who used shorthand, but, according to Goldie’s account, his book is not so much a diary as a newsletter for Whig politicians. It is currently being transcribed.

3. Other Contemporary Writing

Anon., Plain Truth or Closet Discourse Betwixt P. and H., 1679, and Anon., A Hue and Cry after P. and H., 1679

Bayley, Thomas, The Wallflower, 1650, and Gomberville, Marin le Roy de, Polexan-dre, 5 vols., 1638 (two novels read by Elizabeth Pepys)

Bédoyère, G. de la, Particular Friends: The Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, 1997

Carkesse, James, Lucida Intervalla (poems), 1679. Carkesse, a Navy Office clerk, dismissed in 1667 for corruption, became mentally unbalanced. Pepys refers disparagingly to him in the Diary, and Carkesse’s poems contain attacks on Pepys as well as accounts of his time in Bedlam.

Congreve, William, The Complete Plays, 1948

Dryden, John, Poetical Works, 1893

—Plays, 2 vols., 1949

du Bartas, Guillaume de Saluste, La Semaine, ou la création du monde, 1578, and English translation by William L’Isle, 1625 (Milton’s French predecessor, plodding but popular)

Ebsworth, J. W. (ed.), The Poems and Masque of Thomas Carew 18 93

Etherege, George, The Dramatic Works, 1927

Keynes, Geoffrey (ed.), Sir Thomas Browne’s Selected Writings, 1968

L’Estrange, R., A Brief History of the Times, 1687–8

Margoliouth, H. M. (ed.), The Poems and Letters of Andrew Marvell, 2 vols., 1927

Massinger, Philip, The Dramatic Works of Massinger and Ford, 1875

Phillips, John (ed.), Wit and Drollery, Jovial Poems Never before Printed, by Sir J[ohn] M[ennes], Ja[?ohn] :S[uckling], Sir W[illiam] D[‘Avenant] J[ohn] D[onne], 1656. A mixed bag of poems, literary, royalist, scatological. Donne’s ‘Love’s Progress’ is the last in the collection. It is dedicated ‘To the TRULY NOBLE Edward Pepes, Esq.’, who must be Samuel Pepys’s cousin, son of John Pepys of Ashtead. Edward was born 1617, admitted to the Middle Temple 1636, died at his sister Jane Turner’s in 1663; SP helped with the funeral arrangements

Phillips, Edward, The Mysteries of Love and Eloquence; or, the Arts of Wooing and

Complementing as They are Managed in the Spring Garden, Hide Park, the New Exchange and Other Eminent Places, 1658. Advice from Milton’s nephew on how to succeed with girls

Shadwell, Thomas, The Dramatic Works of Thomas Shadwell, 4 vols., 1720 Shelton, Thomas, A Tutor to Tachygraphy, 164.2. The shorthand used by Pepys

4. History and Biography

The Dictionary of National Biography and the Oxford English Dictionary have both been much used

HISTORY

Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series for the relevant years

Grey, Anchitel, Debates of the House of Commons from 1667 to 1694, 10 vols., 1769

Macaulay, T. B., History of England, 1889, and his 1825 essay ‘Milton’

Feiling, Keith, British Foreign Policy 1660–1672, 1930

Clark, G. N., The Later Stuarts, 1934

Ogg, David, England in the Reign of Charles II, 1955

—England in the Reigns of James II and William III, 1955

Henning, Basil Duke, The History of Parliament. Vol. I: The House of Commons 1660–1690, 1983

Hill, Christopher, The Century of Revolution 1603–1714, 1974 Kenyon, J. P., Stuart England, 1978

Kingston, Alfred, East Anglia and the Great Civil War, 1897

Stone, Lawrence, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500–1800, 1977

Gardiner, Samuel Rawson, History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate, 4 vols., 1897

—History of the Great Civil War, 4 vols., 1893

Firth, Charles, The Last Years of the Protectorate, 2 vols., 1909

Russell, Conrad, The Crisis of Parliaments: English History 1509–1660, 1971

Roots, Ivan (ed.), Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, 1989

Zagorin, Perez, A History of Political Thought in the English Revolution, 1964 Aylmer, G. E. The State’s Servants: The Civil Service of the English Republic, 1973 Godwin, William, Lives of Edward and John Philips, Nephews and Pupils of Milton, including Various Particulars of the Literary and Political History of Their Times, 1815 Noble, M., Lives of the English Regicides, 1798

Walker, John, Sufferings of the Clergy during the Grand Rebellion, 1862

Matthews, A. G., Mr Pepys and Nonconformity, 1954

Watkins, Owen C, The Puritan Experience, 1972

Hutton, Ronald, Restoration, 1985

Davies, Godfrey, The Restoration of Charles II, 1955

Davies, K. G., The Royal African Company, 1957

Richards, R. D., Early History of Banking in England, 1929

Marshall, Alan, Intelligence and Espionage in the Reign of Charles II, 1994

Houblon, Lady Alice Archer, The Houblon Family, 2 vols., 1907

Pearce, E. H., Annals of Christ’s Hospital, 1908

Trollope, Revd William, History of Christ’s Hospital, 1834

Wilson, John, A Brief History of Christ’s Hospital, 1828

Routh, E. M. G., Tangier: England’s Lost Atlantic Outpost 1661–1684, 1912

Christie, R. C., ‘Sir William Coventry’, Saturday Review (11 Oct. 1873)

Scouten, Arthur H., and Hume, Robert D., TLS (28 Sept. 1973), p. 1,105, article

on The Country Gentlemen by Robert Howard, with inserted scene by duke of

Buckingham

Archer, Ian, ‘Social Networks in Restoration London: The Evidence of Samuel

Pepys’s Diary’ in Communities in Early Modern England, Shepard, Alexandra, and Withington, Phil (eds.), 2000

Campbell, Gordon, et al., ‘The Provenance of De Doctrina Christiana’, Milton Quarterly, no. 31 (1997), pp. 67–93

Hanford, James, ‘Pepys and the Skinner Family’, Review of English Studies, vol. vii (July 1931),PP 257–70

Wilson, J. Harold, ‘Pepys and the Virgin Martyr’, Notes & Queries (21 Feb. 1948)

Birch, Thomas, History of the Royal Society, 4 vols., 1756–7

Lyons, Henry, The Royal Society 1660–1940, 1944

Hartley, Sir Henry (ed.), The Royal Society: Its Origins and Founders, 1 960

Andrade, A. N. Da C., on Pepys in Papers of Royal Society, vol. 18 (1963)

Lansdowne, Marquess of (ed.), The Petty Papers, 2 vols., 1927

Ranft, B. McL., ‘The Significance of the Political Career of Samuel Pepys’, Journal of Modern History, vol. 24 (1952), pp. 368–75

Kenyon, J. P., The Popish Plot, 1972

Tanner, J. R., ‘Pepys and the Popish Plot’, English Historical Review, vol. vii (1892)

Wilson, J. H., The Ordeal of Samuel Pepys’s Clerk, 1972

Tanner, J. R., ‘Naval Preparations in 1688’, English Historical Review, vol. viii (1893)

Powley, E. B., The English Navy in the Revolution of 1688, 1928

Mitchell, Α. Α., ‘The Revolution of 1688’, History Today (July 1965)

Douglas, David, English Scholars, 1951

Overton, J. H., The Nonjurors, 1902

Heyworth, P. L. (ed.), Letters of Humfrey Wanley, Palaeographer, Anglo-Saxonist, Librarian 1672–1726, 1989

Sisam, Kenneth, Studies in the History of Old English Literature, 1962

O’Donoghue, E. G., Bethlehem Hospital, 1914

Parkes, Joan, English Travel in England in the Seventeenth Century, 1925

Speed, John, The History of Great Britaine, 1611