Preface
1. Richard Barber, Edward Prince of Wales and Aquitaine:
A Biography of the Black Prince, Woodbridge, 1978;
Barbara Emerson, The Black Prince, London, 1976; J.
Harvey, The Black Prince and his Age, London, 1976; H.
Cole, The Black Prince, London, 1976; Micheline Dupuy,
Le Prince Noir: Edouard seigneur d’Aquitaine, Paris, 1970.
Chapter 1
1. The Hundred Years War has been seen by some as part of a much broader conflict lasting certainly from the Treaty of Paris (1259) and probably with much deeper roots, perhaps stretching as far back as the Norman Conquest and not resolved until long after the fall of Bordeaux in 1453. See for example, Malcolm Vale, The Origins of the Hundred Years War: the Angevin Legacy, 1250–1340, Oxford, 1996.
2. The Itinerary of John Leland in or about the Years 1535–1543, iv, ed. L.T. Smith, London, 1909, 38.
3. Ellen C. Caldwell, ‘The Hundred Years War and National Identity’, Inscribing the Hundred Years War in French and English Cultures, ed. Denise N. Baker, Albany, 2000, 239–40.
4. Henry V, II. iv.
5. Michael Prestwich, The Three Edwards: War and State in England, 1272–1377, London, 1980, 96–9, 111–13.
6. For a discussion of Froissart’s importance see for example Peter Ainsworth, ‘Froissardian Perspectives on Late Fourteenth Century Society’, Orders and Hierarchies in Late Medieval and Renaissance Europe, ed. Jeffrey Denton, Manchester, 1999, 56–73, esp. 58.
7. Oeuvres, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, Brussels, 1867–77; Chroniques, ed. S. Luce, (SHF) Paris, 1869–; G. Brereton, Chronicles, Froissart, Harmondsworth, 1976. Richard Barber, Life and Campaigns of the Black Prince, Woodbridge, repr. 1986; Diana B. Tyson, La Vie du Prince Noir, Tübingen, 1975; M. Pope and E. Lodge, Life of the Black Prince by the Herald of Sir John Chandos, Oxford, 1910.
8. Chris Given-Wilson and Alice Curteis, The Royal Bastards of Medieval England, London, 1984, 143–6. Clarendon’s coat of arms: Or, on a bend sable, three ostrich feathers argent, the quills transfixed through as many escrolls gold. Summer Ferris, ‘Chronicle, Chivalric Biography and Family Tradition in Fourteenth Century England’, Chivalric Literature: Essays on Relations Between Literature and Life in the Later Middle Ages, ed. L. Benson, Michigan, 1980, 33–4. On Joan see Karl P. Wentersdorf, ‘The Clandestine Marriages of the Fair Maid of Kent’, Journal of Medieval History, 5 (1979), 203–31; N. Careyron, ‘De chronique en roman: l’étrange épopée amoreuse de la jolie fille de Kent’, Le Moyen Age, 5th ser., 8 (1994), 185–204.
9. Chandos Herald, Life of the Black Prince, ed. Pope and Lodge, 135.
10. M.J. Bennett, ‘Courtly Literature and Northwest England in the Later Middle Ages’, Court and Poet, ed. Glyn S. Burgess, Liverpool, 1981, 72–3. See also T. Turville-Petre, The Alliterative Revival, Cambridge, 1977, 30, 38, 46–7.
11. The poem continues with references to the fleur de lys of France, the leopards of England and how he was loved by one of the loveliest of ladies.
Bot that that hillede the helme byhynde in the nekke
Was casten full clenly in quarters foure:
Two with flowres of Fraunce before and behynde,
And two out of Ynglonde with sex grym bestes,
Thre leberdes one lofte and thre on lowe undir;
At iche a cornere a knoppe of full clene perle,
Tasselde of tuly silke, tuttynge out fayre.
And by the cabane I knewe the knyghte that I see,
And thoghte to wiete or I went wondres ynewe.
And als I waytted withinn I was warre sone
Of a comliche kynge crowned with golde,
Sett one a silken bynche, with septure in honde,
One of the lovelyeste ledis, whoso loveth hym in hert,
That ever segge under sonn sawe with his eghne.
12. Elizabeth Salter, ‘The Timeliness of Wynnere and Wastoure’, Medium Aevum, 43 (1977) 48–59.Thanks to Victoria Blashill for this reference.
13. Terry Jones, Chaucer’s Knight, rev. ed., London, 1994 and for comparison M. Keen, ‘Chaucer’s Knight, the English Aristocracy and the Crusade’, English Court Culture in the Later Middle Ages, ed. V.J. Scattergood and J.W. Sherborne, London, 1983, 45–60.
14. See La guerre de Cent Ans. Textes: Les chroniques de Froissart, Journal des États généraux, Le traité de Brétigny, Complainte sur la bataille de Poitiers et Vues critiques sur la bataille de Poitiers, ed. S. Luce, Paris, 1972.
15. J. Barnie, War in Medieval Society: Social Values and the Hundred Years War, 1337–99, London, 1974, 82.
Chapter 2
1. CPR, 1330–4, 74.
2. Vie du Prince Noir, ed. Tyson, 50–1.
3. Rymer, II, ii, 880, 1049, 1125, 1212; May McKisack, The Fourteenth Century: 1307–1399, Oxford, 1959, 159–60; M. Packe, King Edward III, ed. L.C.B. Seaman, London, 1983, 91; Margaret Sharpe, ‘The Administrative Chancery of the Black Prince Before 1362’, Essays in Medieval History Presented to T.F. Tout, Manchester, 1925, 321.
4. Stretton may have been related to Robert Stratton, an auditor (auditores sacri apostolici palacii) and papal chaplain of the Rota, the central court of the papal curia from 1362–80. He died in the curia on 20 Oct. 1380, Margaret Harvey, The English in Rome, 1362–1420. Portrait of an Expatriate Community, Cambridge, 1999, 133–4 and n. 4.
5. She was rewarded with a £20 annuity by the king on 10 Mar. 1351, CCR, 1349–54, 299.
6. T.F. Tout, Chapters in the Administrative History of Mediaeval England. The Wardrobe, the Chamber and the Small Seal, Manchester, 1920–33, v, 319–20; Nicholas Orme, From Childhood to Chivalry: The Education of the English Kings and Aristocracy, 1066–1530, London, 1984, 20–1.
7. BL Cotton Galba E III f. 190; Barber, Edward, 19.
8. Gervase Wilford, Ambrose Newburgh and Hugh Colewick, auditors of the duchy, were regularly employed by the prince, PRO E101/369/13 (all mss references hereafter will be to the Public Record Office unless stated otherwise).
9. David S. Green, ‘The Household and Military Retinue of Edward the Black Prince’, Unpub. PhD thesis, University of Nottingham, 1998, Appendix.
10. Thomas Gray, Scalachronica, ed. and trans. Herbert Maxwell, Glasgow, 1907, 104.
11. Clifford J. Rogers, The Wars of Edward III: Sources and Interpretations, Woodbridge, 1999, 59–62; Jonathan Sumption, The Hundred Years War, i: Trial by Battle, London, 1990, 199, 241–2.
12. Barber, Edward, 31.
13. Jean Le Bel, Chronique, ed. J. Viard et E. Déprez, Paris, 1904, 168; trans. Rogers, Wars of Edward III, 79.
14. Elizabeth Danbury, ‘English and French Propaganda During the Period of the Hundred Years War: Some Evidence from Royal Charters’, Power, Culture and Religion in France c.1350–c.1550, ed. C.T. Allmand, Woodbridge, 1989, 82, 94.
15. Clifford J. Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp, Woodbridge, 2000, 196.
16. Archives départementales de Lois-Atlantique, Natnes, E119 no. 5; Michael Jones, Ducal Brittany,1364–99, Oxford, 1970, 18–19, 45 and nn. 2–4.
17. BL Harley 4304 ff. 16v.–20.
Chapter 3
1. Barber, Edward, 44–5.
2. J. Viard, ‘La campagne de juillet-août 1346 et la bataille de Crécy’, Le Moyen Age, 2nd ser., xxvii (1926), 9; Léopold Delisle, Histoire du château et des sires de Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte, Valognes, 1867, 50–108.
3. Jean-Yves Marin, ‘Geoffroy d’Harcourt: une ‘conscience normande”, La Normandie dans la guerre de Cent Ans, 1346–1450, ed Jean-Yves Marin, Caen, 1999, 147–9.
4. Knighton’s Chronicle, 1337–1399, ed. G. Martin, Oxford, 1995, 58, 59; Barber, Edward, 47; McKisack, Fourteenth Century, 130, 133; Sumption, Hundred Years War, i, 498–9, 494, 497. For Hastings’ pay accounts see E371/191/49. For French preparations see Viard, ‘La campagne de juillet-août’, 3–4.
5. Emerson, Black Prince, 26–7. This figure includes 5,113 Welsh troops as well as one chaplain, 1 medicus, 1 proclamator, 5 standard-bearers and 25 vintners: G. Wrottesley, Crécy and Calais (William Salt Archæological Society, 18), 1880, 193. The Brut roll for Crécy and Calais calculates the Welsh contingent as 600 in addition to 480 footmen and 69 archers also on foot, The Brut, ii, ed. F.W.D. Brie (Early English Texts Society), 1906, 538. For a full discussion of the problems with sources for the 1346–7 expedition see Andrew Ayton, ‘The English Army and the Normandy Campaign of 1346’, England and Normandy in the Middle Ages, ed. David Bates and Anne Curry, London, 1994, 253–68.
6. BPR, i, 5. See Wrottesley, Crécy and Calais, 74–6 for directions to wardens of maritime land to defend ports and coastal areas against invasion.
7. Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. Martin, 58, 59; G.L. Harriss, King, Parliament and Public Finance in Medieval England to 1369, Oxford, 1975, 315–6; H.J. Hewitt, The Organisation of War under Edward III, Manchester, 1966, 1–27.
8. Sumption, Hundred Years War, i, 495. On Dagworth’s expedition see E101/25/17, 18, 19; Michael Jones, ‘Sir Thomas Dagworth et la guerre civile en Bretagne au xiv e siècle: quelques documents inédits’, Annales de Bretagne, lxxxviii (1980), 627–30; A.E. Prince, ‘The Strength of English Armies in the Reign of Edward III’, EHR, xlvi (1931), 364–5. In Sept. 1348, Dagworth was assigned £4,900 by the king from a parliamentary subsidy. His squire, Colkyn Lovayn, received £2,166, for Charles de Blois who had been purchased from them, Harriss, King, Parliament ands Public Finance, 335.
9. Sumption, Hundred Years War, i, 497–8. Loryng received letters of protection on 24 May, Wrottesley, Crécy and Calais, 92; Viard, ‘Campagne de juillet-août’, 11–12. For the career of Godfrey de Harcourt see Delisle, Histoire du château et des sires de Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte, 50–108.
10. See Sumption, Hundred Years War, i, 532–3 and for a contrary view of Edward’s intentions see Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp.
11. Adam Murimuth, Continuatio Chronicarum, ed. E.M. Thompson, London, (Rolls Ser.), 1889, 200–2, cited by Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp, 242–3 and n. 25.
12. ’Lanercost Chronicle’, ed. and trans. H. Maxwell, Scottish Historical Review, vi-x, 327; Barber, Edward, 49.
13. Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp, 240.
14. André Plaisse, À travers le Cotentin: la grande chevauchée guerrière ‘Édouard III en 1346, Cherbourg, 1994, 18.
15. Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. Martin, 56–9; Barber, Edward, 52; Rogers, War Sharp and Cruel, 245–6 and n. 45.
16. Sumption, Hundred Years War, i, 520.
17. Barber, Edward, 57.
18. Chandos Herald, Vie du Prince Noir, ed. Tyson, ll. 215–18.
19. Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp, 258.
20. Barber, Edward, 60. The location of the ford was provided either by: Gobin Agace; a squire in the retinue of Oliver Ghistels; a prisoner of war; or a Yorkshireman, from Rushton near Nafferton, living in the area.
21. 25 Mar. 1348–27 Mar. 1350, G. Dupont-Ferrier, Gallia Regia, iii, Paris, 1947, i, 265.
22. M. Bennett, ‘The Development of Battle Tactics in the Hundred Years War’, Arms, Armies and Fortifications in the Hundred Years War, ed. Anne Curry and M. Hughes, Woodbridge, 1994, 6–7; Clifford Rogers, ‘Edward III and the Dialectics of Strategy’,TRHS, 6th ser., iv (1994), 90–9; Kenneth Fowler, ‘Letters and Dispatches of the Fourteenth Century’, Guerre et societé en France en Angleterre et en Bourgogne XIVe–XVe siècles, ed. Philippe Contamine, Charles Giry-Deloison et M. Keen, Lille, 199, 179; Barber, Edward, 62.
23. Barber, Edward, 71; Rogers, ‘Edward III and the Dialectics of Strategy’, 93, 95, 99. See also Harriss, King, Parliament and Public Finance, 320–1. Edward had borrowed considerable sums from the Bardi to mount the campaign. The renewal of the parliamentary subsidy in Sept. 1346 was used as security for further loans. For further discussion of the use and control of war taxation and finance see ibid., 324–6.
24. Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. Martin, 61, 63.
25. Viard, ‘Le campagne de juillet-août’, 67, 70–1; Barber, Edward, 65. There is no consensus of the disposition of the leaders of the 3 ‘battles’, Viard states Northampton fought in the bishop of Durham’s division (the second ‘battle’) while the king was at the rear. He includes Mauny who was almost certainly with Lancaster. Other bannerets in the vanguard included James Audley of Stretton and Bartholomew Burghersh. Bachelors included Alexander Venables and Richard Baskerville, and Emerson includes Oxford, Warwick, Stafford, Harcourt, Thomas Holland, Burghersh and Chandos: Black Prince, 40. Knighton indicates the prince led the vanguard, with Arundel and Northampton in the second with the bishop of Durham subordinate, and the king in command of the third. Knighton states that the prince, Northampton and Warwick were ‘in the first line of battle’: Chronicle, ed. Martin, 63. Murimuth placed the prince, Northampton and Warwick in the vanguard: Chronicarum, 246. Froissart believed that the vanguard included; the prince, Warwick, Kent, Harcourt, Cobham, Holland, Richard Stafford, Mauny and de la Ware. Northampton and Arundel led the second division with Hereford, Roos, Percy and ‘Noefville’ [Robert Neufville]. The third battle was under the command of the king, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, v, 33–4. See also Jean Le Bel, Chronique, ii, 105; Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce, iii, 169, 405, 407, 409.
26. He is also recorded as Sir Thomas ‘Danyers’ a Cheshire veteran of low birth, rewarded for retrieving the standard and for his deeds at Caen with a £20 land grant. This became the Lyme Handley estate and was bequeathed to his son-in-law, Peter Legh, in 1398, Philip Morgan, War and Society in Medieval Cheshire, 1277–1403, Manchester (Chetham Society), 1987, 182, 186. An annual grant of 40 marks to the prince’s bachelor made on 26 Feb. 1347, to be taken from Frodsham manor, was made as a result of Daniel’s good service in the capture of Tancarville and at Crécy, BPR, i, 45.
27. It was probably for this that he was granted a £20 annuity from Wallingford manor on 1 Sept. 1346, BPR, i, 14. Further deeds were rewarded with a gift of 100 marks, 10 Dec. 1346, ibid., 40. There is an alternative tradition that the standard-bearer was one Richard Beaumont: Geoffrey Le Baker, Chronicon Galfridi le Baker de Swynebroke, 1330–56, ed. E.M. Thompson, Oxford, 1889, 261. He was said to have covered the prince with the great banner of Wales and defended him when he fell, Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris), Tramecourt MS, cited by Emerson, Black Prince, 45.
28. Reinforcements may have been sent led by the bishop of Durham and the earls of Huntingdon and Suffolk, Anonimalle Chronicle, 1333–1381, ed. V.H. Galbriath, Manchester, 1927, 22. Thomas of Norwich supposedly delivered the message to the king: Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce, iii, 183; Brereton, Chronicles, 92.
29. Jean le Bel, Chronique, ii, 99ff.; Baker, Chronicon, 82–5; Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, v, 37–8. On the Oriflamme see, Philippe Contamine, L’oriflamme de Saint-Denis aux XIVe et XVe siècles, Nancy, 1975.
30. Barber, Edward, 68. The prince is not mentioned as participating in the morning attack by Knighton, Baker or the Anonimalle Chronicler: Sumption, Hundred Years War, i, 530.
31. Murimuth, Chronicarum, 247. The Hundred Years War was generally fought as a bellum hostile, i.e. declared under the authority of a prince and allowing the ransom of prisoners, E. Porter, ‘Chaucer’s Knight, the Alliterative Morte Arthure and the Medieval Laws of War: A Reconsideration’, NMS, xxvii (1983), 67. A guerre mortelle, as demanded by Edward III at Crécy and indicated by the presence of the Oriflamme, was a war to the death with no surrender or ransoming of captives.
32. According to Knighton, the prince himself slew the kings of Bohemia and Mallorca, the latter did not die at Crécy: Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. Martin, 198, 199. For a list of the fallen see: ibid., 62, 63; Lanercost Chronicle, ed. and trans. Maxwell, 329 which differs from the casualty list given in Anonimalle Chronicle, ed. Galbraith, 23, 160.
33. Andrew Ayton, ‘English Armies in the Fourteenth Century’, Arms, Armies and Fortifications, ed. Curry and Hughes, 33–4; Andrew Ayton, Knights and Warhorses: Military Service and the English Aristocracy under Edward III, Woodbridge, 1994, 19.
34. Plaisse, À travers le Cotentin, 31.
35. Bennett, ‘Development of Battle Tactics’, 9–10.
36. ’et Franci xvi uicibus dederunt eis insultam antequam dies illucesceret’, Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. Martin, 62. Baker, refers to 16 attacks, Chronicon, 85. Jim Bradbury, The Medieval Archer, New York, 1985, 108, states there were 15.
37. Ayton, ‘English Army and the Normandy Campaign’, 253–68, indicates problems associated with previous estimates of the 1346–7 armies. With regard to the specific size of individual retinues, he states, ‘… numbers of retinue personnel cannot be ascertained from these records. All they can do is offer confirmation of the general order of magnitude – and the order of precedence – of those retinues that appear on the Calais roll.’
38. A History of Carmarthenshire, ed. John E. Lloyd, Cardiff, 1935, i, 249. See also D.L. Evans, ‘Some Notes on the History of the Principality of Wales in the Time of the Black Prince, 1343–1376’, Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymrodorion(1925–6), 80.
|
North Wales |
South Wales |
|
|
Knights |
3 |
– |
|
Esquires |
3 |
– |
|
Leaders |
4 |
2 |
|
Constables |
24 |
30 |
|
Chaplains |
1 |
1 |
|
Surgeons |
1 |
1 |
|
Proclamator |
1 |
1 |
|
Standard Bearers |
9 |
29 |
|
Vinteners |
112 |
108 |
|
Footmen |
2252 |
1990 |
|
Total |
2410 |
2162 |
39. Peter Coss, The Knight in Medieval England, 1100–1400, Stroud, 1993, 91, 100; Hugh E.L. Collins, The Order of the Garter, 1348–1461: Chivalry and Politics in Late Medieval England, Oxford, 2000, 12.
40. For discussion of the Round Table see Collins, Order of the Garter, 6–10. Froissart confused this with the foundation of the Garter.
41. The whereabouts of d’Aubrechicourt and Henry Eam in 1346 are uncertain. The captal de Buch and Lancaster were involved in subsidiary action elsewhere in France, D’A.J.D. Boulton, The Knights of the Crown. The Monarchical Orders of Knighthood in Later Medieval Europe, 1325–1520, Woodbridge, 1987, 127–8. For biographical details see Green, ‘Household and Military Retinue’, Appendix.
42. CPR, 1377–81, 197. John Burley was granted an annuity for his service in the prince’s bodyguard at Nájera: J.L. Gillespie, ‘Richard II’s Knights: Chivalry and Patronage’, Journal of Medieval History, 13 (1987), 154; See also Green, ‘Household and Military Retinue’, Appendix.
43. Bodleian MS Ashmole 1128, fos. 1–8, 41–116; Collins, Order of the Garter, 22–3.
44. In 1334, Edward III had fought incognito as Mons Lionel under the banner of Stephen Cosington and Thomas Bradeston at the Dunstable tournament, and at Dartford he competed under William Clinton’s banner, J. Vale, Edward III and Chivalry. Chivalrous Society and its Context, 1270–1350, Woodbridge, 1982, 68; R. Barber and J. Barker, Tournaments. Jousts, Chivalry and Pageants in the Middle Ages, Woodbridge, 1989, 32.
45. BPR, iv, 73; Vale, Edward III and Chivalry, 86.
46. The gifts for Chandos and Audley cost £6 13s. 4d., the prince’s own expenses were 20s., BPR, iv, 123. See also, ibid., 252, 284, 323–4.
47. Cuvelier, Chronicle de Bertrand Du Guesclin, ed. E. Chariere, Paris, 1839, i, ll. 11070ff; R. Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, rev. ed., Woodbridge, 1995, 225.
48. John Taylor, The Universal Chronicle of Ranulph Higden, Oxford, 1966, 146.
49. Thomas Walsingham, Historia Anglicana, ii, ed. H.T. Riley, London (Rolls Ser.), 1863, 239; T.A. Sandquist, ‘The Holy Oil of St Thomas of Canterbury’, Essays in Medieval History Presented to Bertie Wilkinson, ed. T.A. Sandquist and M.R. Powicke, Toronto, 1969, 337.
50. Those that suffered the ‘Plague of Justinian’ in the 6th century might disagree.
51. W.C. Sellar and R.J. Yeatman, 1066 and All That: A Memorable History of England, Comprising all the Parts you can Remember, Including 103 good things, 5 bad Kings and 2 genuine dates, London, 1930.
52. Juliet and Malcolm Vale, ‘Knightly Codes and Piety’, History Today, 37 (1987), 13, see also M.G.A. Vale, Piety, Charity and Literacy among the Yorkshire Gentry, 1370–1480, (Borthwick Papers, 50), York, 1976, 11–14.
53. Harvey, English in Rome, 60–1 and see nn. 40–5.
54. Northburgh left £2,000 to the London Carthusians in his will of 1361, William F. Taylor, The Charterhouse of London, London, 1912, 3, 17.
55. W. Hope St. John, History of the London Charterhouse, London, 1925, 6. A papal bull of Clement VI, 14 Mar. 1350–1 authorized the foundation of the chapel.
56. DNB, xvi, 49–50. His mother, Katherine (d. 1381), was buried in the Hull charterhouse although his father, William, rested in the Trinity Chapel, Hull: Testamenta Eboracensia, i, ed. J. Raine (Surtees Society, 4), 1836, 76–7, 119.
57. Nigel Saul, Richard II, New Haven and London, 1997, 298 n. 13.
58. 3 Mar. 1362, 19 Feb. 1363, BPR, iv, 423, 462, 488.
59. Baker, Chronicon, 103–6; Sumption, Hundred Years War, ii, 61–2.
60. Chroniques, ed. Luce, iv, 88–98; Packe, Edward III, 200–1; Sumption, Hundred Years War, ii, 66–7.
61. Graham J. Dawson, ‘The Black Prince’s Palace at Kennington, Surrey’, British Archaeological Reports, 26, 1976; John Harvey, English Mediaeval Architects, rev. ed., Gloucester, 1984, 358–66.
62. For the text of the treaty of Guînes see F. Bock, ‘Some New Documents Illustrating the Early Years of the Hundred Years War (1353–1356)’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, xv (1931), 34–6.
63. P.H.W. Booth, ‘Taxation and Public Order: Cheshire in 1353’, Northern History, xii (1976), 19, 21–2, 28–9
64. R.R. Davies, Lordship and Society in the March of Wales, 1282–1400, Oxford, 1978, 271–2.
Chapter 4
1. Armagnac had served as lieutenant in Languedoc, 1346–7 and was re-appointed 1352–7, Dupont-Ferrier, Gallia Regia, iii, 472, no. 13675; J. Moisant, Le Prince Noir en Aquitaine, 1355–6, 1362–70, Paris, 1894, 29.
2. Labarge, Gascony, 135–6. For a contrary view of the Gascons’ reasons for wanting the participation of the prince see J.M. Tourneur-Aumont, La Bataille de Poitiers (1356) et la construction de la France, Paris, 1940.
3. C61/67/29; 8 Mar. 1355, CCR, 1354–60, 256; Rymer, III, i, 298–9, 302, 307, 309–10, 323, 325. Similar warrants were issued to the sheriffs of Devon and Southampton
4. 1 Dec. 1354, BPR, iv, 158, 160; 16 June 1355; ibid., 166. Henry Keverell presumably was a merchant or supplier for ships and boats. He also supplied items to the prince’s barge, ibid., 160. Rymer, III, i, 308; Thomas Carte, Catalogue des rôles Gascons, Normans et Français dans les archives de la Tour de Londres, 2 vols, London and Paris, 1746, i, 134.
5. C61/67/5; Kenneth Fowler, The King’s Lieutenant: Henry of Grosmont, First Duke of Lancaster, London, 1969, 147. For a tentative list of the ships arrested for the prince’s use see H.J. Hewitt, The Black Prince’s Expedition of 1355–57, Manchester, 1958, 40–2. This excludes the Saint Mary cog of Winchelsea which, at 200 tons, was the largest ship in the fleet, E61/76/4; T.J. Runyan, ‘Ships and Mariners in Later Medieval England’, Journal of British Studies, 16:2 (1977), 2 n. 3. The prince himself sailed on his father’s ship, the Christophre, Emerson, Black Prince, 90.
6. BPR, ii, 80–8; ibid., iii, 212–6; ibid., iv, 78, 158, 161; Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 26. Tiderik was also involved in delivering money to the prince’s chamber and received a gift of £10.
7. Pierre Capra, ‘Le séjour du Prince Noir, lieutenant du Roi, à l’Archévêché de Bordeaux (20 septembre 1355–11 avril 1357)’, Revue historique du Bordeaux et du département Gironde, NS 7 (1958), 246–7; Labarge, Gascony, 136–7; Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 37. Ships were arrested for Warwick’s departure from 10 Mar. 1355, C61/67/14. By 8 May, 44 ships were at Southampton for the prince’s use, E101/26/37. For the account of Thomas Hoggeshawe, admiral of the fleet and for William Wenlock’s account of mariners’ wages see E101/26/34. For the text of the oath and a list of witnesses see Livre de Coutumes, ed. Henri Barckhausen, Archives Municipales de Bordeaux), 1890, 439–44, see also the resumé, 487.
8. BPR, ii, 77; iv, 143–5; Rogers, War Cruel and Sharp, 295 and n. 48; Harriss, King, Parliament and Public Finance, 344–5. For the prince’s appointment and duties as lieutenant see Rymer, III, i, 307, 312. Gray in Scalacronica considered the combined attacks in 1355–6 part of a coherent strategy: Barnie, War in Medieval Society, 93.
9. Sumption, Hundred Years War, ii, 175–6.
10. CIPM, x, no. 258; GEC, viii, 73–6.
11. Emerson, Black Prince, 94; Barber, Edward, 119.
12. Sumption, Hundred Years War, ii, 181.
13. A.H. Burne, The Crécy War: A Military History of the Hundred Years War from 1337 to the Peace of Brétigny, 1360, London, 1955, 252–8; Sumption, Hundred Years War, ii, 183–4.
14. Rogers, ‘Edward III and the Dialectics of Strategy’, 100–1.
15. Robert of Avesbury, De gestis mirabilis regis Edwardi tertii, ed. E.M. Thompson, 1889, 445–7; Life and Campaigns, ed. Barber, 53.
16. Françoise Lehoux, Jean de France, duc de Berri. Sa vie. Son action politique (1340–1416), Paris, 1966, i, 57; Pierre-Clément Timbal, La Guerre de Cent Ans vue à travers les registres du Parlement, 1337–1369, Paris, 1961, 108–9. At Béziers a tax was instituted for the repair of the fortifications, ibid., 240.
17. Burne, Crécy War, 252. ‘…c’étatit plutot l’invasion d’une forte armée de brigands pillant le pays sans défense, faisant le plus butin possible…’, Henri Denifle, La guerre de cent ans et la désolation des églises, monasteres et hospitaux en France, Paris, 1902, ii, 86. For further discussion of the damage to ecclesiastical buildings see, ibid., 86–95. See also Pierre Tucoo-Chala, Gaston Fébus et la vicomté de Béarn (1343–1391), Bordeaux, 1959, 70. If not before, the prince and Gaston met on 17 Nov., Baker,Chronicon, 128, 135, 138; Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 45; R. Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V, i, Paris, 5 vols, 1909–31, 128 n.1.
18. Emerson, Black Prince, 97–8; Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 69, 76.
19. ’La France loyaliste deviendra ‘armagnaque”, Touneur-Aumont, La bataille de Poitiers, 65. Delachenal, Charles V, i, 127–8.
20. Sumption, Hundred Years War, ii, 190.
21. The accounts of the raids are summarized by Fowler, ‘Letters and Dispatches’, 77–8, 80, nn. 69–76.
22. John of Reading, Chronica Johannis de Reading et Anonymi Cantuarensis 1346–1367, ed. James Tait, Manchester, 1914, 120; Avesbury, 437, 439.
23. The prince’s clerk, Robert Brampton, prepared the ships for Stafford’s return journey to Gascony in 1356, C61/68/4; C66/68/4. Brampton received £3 6s. 8d. as a gift from the prince for this, 24 Oct. 1356, BPR, iv, 192.
24. Register of John de Trillek, Bishop of Hereford (A.D. 1344–1361) ed. Joseph H. Parry, Hereford, 1910–12, 242; Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, xviii, 389–92; Chronicle of London from 1089 to 1483, ed. E. Tyrrell and N.H. Nicolas, London, 1827, 204–8; Delachenal, Charles V, ii, 381–4; Life and Campaigns, ed. Barber, 57–9.
25. Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, v, 528–9; Chartulary of Winchester Cathedral, ed. A.W. Goodman, Winchester, 1927, 159–61, no. 370, 162–4, no. 371; Fowler, ‘Letters and Dispatches’, 77–8; Delachenal, Charles V, i, 205–6; Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 79.
26. 7 Feb. 1356, Rymer, III, i, 322. The mayor and people received letters of protection on the same day:Henxteworth ff. 13, 21, 25.
27. Burne, Crécy War, 276; Barber, Edward, 129–30; Emerson, Black Prince, 102. Durfort’s lordship of Blanquefort had been confiscated on 21 Mar. 1355 and given to Auger de Mussidan as a result of his Valois sympathies. In 1356, he returned to favour and with it received Blanquefort. Mussidan was compensated with the chateau of Blaye, 3 offices in Bordeaux and revenue from the grande coutume on 600 tons of wine. Durfort also received rights in Saint-Foy, elsewhere and 4 bastides, C61/70/4; 71/7; Capra, ‘Le séjour du Prince Noir’, 245.
28. Work was carried out there by Chandos’ order, for which payment was made in March: Henxteworth, 68.
29. Sumption, Hundred Years War, ii, 193.
30. Rymer, III, i, 325. For a description of the route from Bergerac see Eulogium Historiarum, iii, 215–22.
31. This authority was given at the pope’s request, 15 Dec. 1355 and repeated 1 Aug. 1356, Rymer, III, i, 333.
32. Fowler stated a definite strategic plan had been formulated in 1355, by which Lancaster was to join the prince (although he failed to cross the Loire) and the earls of March, Northampton and Stafford were obliged to provide assistance: King’s Lieutenant, 153–5; E36/278/88; BPR, iv, 145.
33. Barber, Edward, 131–2; Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 102.
34. For the composition of the army see Delachenal, Charles V, i, 192–7. From Jan. to May the main Cheshire archer companies declined in number from around 180 to little over 50. This was due to their division along the Gascon march, withdrawal and desertion. Letters to the lieutenant-justice of Cheshire were written regarding 43 deserters and a further 20 or so were given leave of absence such as William Jodrell who received the famous Jodrell deed. His brother, John, fought at Poitiers as part of a company of bowmen raised from among the burgesses and inhabitants of Llantrisant, Robert Hardy, ‘The Longbow’, Arms, Armies and Fortifications, ed. Curry and Hughes, 163; Morgan, War and Society, 111, 113.
35. Delachenal, Charles V, i, 190; Denifle, La désolation, ii, 112–21; Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 104; Fowler, King’s Lieutenant, 154; Emerson, Black Prince, 108–9.
36. Letter to the mayor, aldermen and commons of London, 22 October, Life and Campaigns, ed. Barber, 57.
37. Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce, v, 414–16; Delachenal, Charles V, i, 225–6; Barber, Edward, 134, 136–7; Burne, Crécy War, 276–8; Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 107–9; Labarge, Gascony, 139–41.
38. Burne, Crécy War, 292–7; Labarge, Gascony, 141. Regarding the previous day, ‘Des ordres avaient du être donnés, le matin par le prince de Galles, soit pour une marche offensive, soit, ce qui est beaucoup plus probable pour une retraite’, Delachenal,Charles V, i, 210–1.
39. Letter to the mayor, aldermen and commons of London, Life and Campaigns, ed. Barber, 58.
40. Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 118–19; Packe, Edward, 217.
41. Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 121; Delachenal, Charles V, i, 222 and n. 3.
42. Bennett, ‘Development of Battle Tactics’, 12–13; Burne, Crécy War, 300–6.
43. T.F. Tout, ‘Some Neglected Fights Between Crécy and Poitiers’, EHR, xx (1905), 726–30. For the royal ordinance of Apr. 1351 see Ordonnances de Roys de France de la Troisième Race, ed. D.F. Secousse, iv, 67–70, partly translated by Allmand, Society at War, 45–8. See also Delachenal, Charles V, i, 221, 224.
44. Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 115. The French also received advice from the Scottish knight, William Douglas.
45. Anonimalle Chronicle, ed. Galbriath, contains unique details of the battle, see 36–9, 165n. Baker, Chronicon, 140ff. also provides a full account and includes an exhortation made by the prince to his men before the battle. Chandos Herald details the pre-battle negotiations: Life of the Black Prince, ed. Pope and Lodge, 193, ll. 881. See also Burne, Crécy War, 296–7; Delachenal, Charles V, i, 212–4, 228–33; Bennett, ‘Development of Battle Tactics’, 11–12.
46. Bradbury, Medieval Archer, 109, 111, 113; Barber, Edward, 139; Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 114. Burne asserts that ‘The English army was about 6,000 strong and the French over 20,000’: Crécy War, 298. See also Delachenal, Charles V, i, 215–18.
47. Philippe Contamine, Guerre, État et Société à la fin du Moyen Âge. Etudes sur les Armées des Rois de France, 1337–1494, Paris, 1972, 45, 175. It was not the only such attack on the French aristocracy, see BL Cotton Caligula D III f. 33; Froissart,Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, xviii, 388.
48. Delachenal, Charles V, i, 220. N.B. according to Baker, Chronicon, 151, French crossbows at Poitiers did considerable damage.
49. Stephen Turnbull, The Book of the Medieval Knight, London, 1985, 54–5.
50. Much of the argument concerning the weapons stems from archaeological evidence concerning the Mary Rose bows that showed an effective range of 300 yards or more. The wooden or composite crossbows of the time could shoot about 200 yards and for every 2 quarrels, a bowmen might fire 20 arrows. The proportion of longbowmen to other troops in armies were regularly 3, 4 or 5:1 and sometimes reached as high as 20:1, Hardy, ‘The Longbow’, 161–3, 180. See also Rogers, ‘Military Revolutions’, 249–51 and nn. 36–41. The ‘invincibility’ of the longbow has been questioned in recent years. It is argued that, rather than causing a great number of casualties, archer fire caused the enemy to become very disorganised which made them easy targets for the Anglo-Gascon infantry, Claude Gaier, ‘L’invincibilité anglaise et le grande arc après la guerre de cents ans: un mythe tenace’, Tijdschrift voor gescheidenis, 91 (1978), 378–85; John Keegan, Face of Battle: A Study of Agincourt, Waterloo and the Somme, Harmondsworth, 1978, 78–116. For a counter-argument see Clifford J. Rogers, ‘The Efficacy of the English Longbow: A Reply to Kelly DeVries’, War in History, 5:2 (1998), 233–42. The formation and disposition of the archer corps was described by Froissart, ‘a la maniere d’une herse’ which, according to Oman and Burne, was a triangular formation with the apex facing the enemy placed between divisions of dismounted men-at-arms. This is based on the translation of herce as ‘harrow’. Alternatively, they may have been placed on the flanks. Bradbury provides a number of possibilities: a candleabrum; a horn-shaped projection on the wings of the army; a hedgehog or something with spikes possibly using stakes or pikemen for protection: Medieval Archer, 99.
51. See Ayton, ‘English Armies’, 34; Bradbury, Medieval Archer, 93, 95–101.
52. Bennett, ‘Development of Battle Tactics’, 8–9; Sumption, Hundred Years War, i, 527; Hardy, ‘The Longbow’, 180; Bradbury, Medieval Archer, 111, 113.
53. Froissart’s Chronicles, ed. J. Jolliffe, London, 1968, 175; Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, v, 461, 463.
Chapter 5
1. Rymer, III, ii, 348–51; Delachenal, Charles V, ii, 52.
2. BPR, ii, 98.
3. BL Add. 40510 ff. 340, 342. Froissart says ‘that day he never took prisoner but always fought and went on after his enemies.’ The Chronicles of Froissart, trans. Berners, ed. Macaulay, 125; Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, v, 456–7. However, Audley, with Chandos and Robert Neville sold an unnamed prisoner to the Black Prince for £565 12s. 6d.: BPR, iv, 252.
4. These were Philip, son of King Jean, the count of Sancerre and the lord of Craon, CPR, 1358–61, 300. A payment of £3,333 was made in 1362, F. Devon, ed., Issues of the Exchequer [Henry III – Henry VI], London, 1847, 177.
5. John Palmer, ‘The War Aims of the Protagonists and the Negotiations for Peace’, The Hundred Years War, ed. K. Fowler, London, 1971, 59.
6. Fowler, King’s Lieutenant, 201. Craon had been bishop of Reims since 1355 and was apparently friendly to the English royal family, Delachenal, Charles V, ii, 155.
7. Delachenal, Charles V, ii, 144; Barber, Edward, 159.
8. On the course of the campaign, see also Anonimalle Chronicle, 49–50; Delachenal, Charles V, ii, chs. iv–v and the sources cited there.
9. A. Bricknell, The History of Edward Prince of Wales, Commonly termed the Black Prince, London, 1776, 212; Scalacronica, 146–7; Burne, Crécy War, 334. For an itinerary of the route see Delachenal, Charles V, ii, 151–3.
10. Fowler, King’s Lieutenant, 200; Delachenal, Charles V, ii, 146 and n. 1, 154; Timbal, La Guerre de Cent Ans, 170 n. 190 and the references given.
11. Bradbury, Medieval Siege, 156; Michael Wolfe, ‘Siege Warfare and the Bonnes Villes of France During the Hundred Years War’, The Medieval City Under Siege, ed. Ivy A. Corfis and Michael Wolfe, Woodbridge, 1995, 52.
12. Archives administratives de la ville de Reims, ed. Pierre Varin, Paris, 1848, iii, 81–2, 93, 96–7, 119, 136–41, 150–1; Pierre Desportes, Reims et les Remois aux xiiie et xive siècles, Paris, 1979, 550–3, 560–1.
13. In one of his early raids at Attigny, d’Aubrechicourt captured supplies that included 3,000 tuns of wine, Delachenal, Charles V, ii, 159 and n. 7.
14. Burghersh fought a duel outside the walls of the city, à outrance, killing one opponent and wounding two others. He was stated incorrectly by Gray to have been in Lancaster’s retinue: Scalacronica, 148. He is noted as going ‘beyond seas with the prince for the furtherance of the war’, BPR, iii, 371.
15. Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. Martin, 170–3. Burne stated that Mortimer, Burghersh and Gaunt alone were involved in the capture: Crécy War, 339. Audley joined the prince’s force after this, having travelled from his castle of Ferte in Brie with the captal de Buch, Scalacronica, 149; Fowler, King’s Lieutenant, 203; Barber, Edward, 162.
16. Scalacronica, 150.
17. On the Burgundian alliance and the terms of the treaty see Delachenal, Charles V, ii, 166–70, 169 n. 3. King Jean took over responsibility for the payment in 1361, Tout, Chapters, iii, 243–4; Burne, Crécy War, 342.
18. Scalacronica, 153, 157, 159. Gray recounted an incident when the prince used siege engines to capture a fortified country house and with it Jacques de Greville, Hagenay de Bouille and 60 men-at-arms plus 100 others.
19. BL Stowe 140.
20. Léon Mirot et E. Déprez, Les ambassades Anglaises pendant la guerre de cent ans, Paris, 1900, 27–9; J. le Patourel, ‘The Treaty of Brétigny, 1360’, TRHS, 5th ser., 10 (1960), 24–5, 28–31.
21. Curry, Hundred Years War, 152–5
22. Denise N. Baker, ‘Meed and the Economics of Chivalry in Piers Ploughman’, Inscribing the Hundred Years War in French and English Cultures, ed. Denise N. Baker, Albany, 2000, 55–9 and n. 2.
23. For further discussion see Clifford J. Rogers ed., The Military Revolution Debate. Readings on the Military Transformation of Early Modern Europe, Colorado and Oxford, 1995. Rogers describes the military developments of the war as a ‘punctuated equilibrium evolution’, ibid., 76–7.
24. R.F. Green, ‘The Familia Regis and the Familia Cupidinis’, English Court Culture, ed. Scattergood and Sherborne, 90–1; Barnie, War in Medieval Society, 57–8; Gervase Mathew, ‘Ideals of Knighthood in Late Fourteenth Century England’, Studies in Medieval History Presented to F.M. Powicke, ed. R.W. Hunt, W.A. Pantin and R.W. Southern, Oxford, 1948, 358–62; John Taylor, English Historical Literature in the Fourteenth Century, Oxford, 1987, 168.
25. Chandos Herald, Vie du Prince Noir, ed. Tyson, ll. 2729–80, 2740, ‘Raoul de Hastynges, Qi la mort ne counte a deux gynges.’ [Felton] ‘Comme homme sans sens et sans avis’.
26. Barber, Knight and Chivalry, rev. ed., 43. See also Ayton, ‘War and the English Gentry’, 34–40.
27. Ayton, Knights and Warhorses, 121–5; C. Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, London, 1987, 56.
28. Hugh Collins, ‘The Order of the Garter, 1348–1461: Chivalry and Politics in Later Medieval England’, Courts, Counties and the Capital in the Later Middle Ages, ed. Diana E.S. Dunn, Far Thrupp, 1996, 156.
29. Aldo Scaglione, Knights at Court: Courtliness, Chivalry and Courtesy From Ottonian Germany to the Italian Renaissance, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1991, 28.
30. M. Keen, The Laws of War in the Late Middle Ages, London, 1965, 3.
31. Jean de Bueil, Le Jouvencel, ii, ed. C. Favre et L. Lecestre, Paris, 1887–9, 20 cited by Nicholas Wright, Knights and Peasants, The Hundred Years War in the French Countryside, Woodbridge, 1998, 26.
32. R. Kaeuper and E. Kennedy, The Book of Chivalry of Geoffroi de Charny. Text, Context and Translation, Philadelphia, 1996, 37–8, 44–7; Keen, Chivalry, 14.
33. Barnie, War in Medieval Society, 60–1, 65. Collins also refers to the ‘growing secularisation of the chivalric ethos’, ‘Order of the Garter’, 156.
34. Barber, Edward, 49.
35. Froissart’s Chronicles, ed. and trans, Jolliffe, 136.
36. Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, iv, 430; Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 72; Denifle, La désolation, 88–9.
37. Noel Denholm-Young, ‘The Tournament in the Thirteenth Century’, Studies in Medieval History Presented to F.M. Powicke, ed. Hunt, Pantin and Southern, 240.
38. Anna Comnena, The Alexiad, trans. Elizabeth A.S. Dawson, London, 1967, 122–3, 342.
39. Ayton, ‘English Armies’, 1–13; 21–36; M. Prestwich, Armies and Warfare in the Middle Ages: The English Experience, New Haven and London, 1996, 231–43.
40. Clifford J. Rogers, ‘The Military Revolutions of the Hundred Years’ War’, Journal of Military History, 57 (1993), 247–52; idem., ‘Edward III and the Dialectics of Strategy’, 83–102; Hardy, ‘Longbow’, 161–80; Philippe Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, trans. M. Jones, Oxford, 1984, 132–3.
41. At Crécy, as at Poitiers, the deployment of the Oriflamme was seen by the English as a sign of guerre mortelle, see Murimuth, Chronicon, 247 and Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. Martin, 142 which states that ‘Dominus Galfridus Charneys baiulauit uexillum rubium quod erat mortis signiferum. Rex Francie edidit preceptum ne quis Anglicus uite reseruaretur, solo principe excepto.’
42. The Chronicles of Froissart, trans. Berners, ed. Macaulay, 120; Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, v, 403–4; Sumption, Hundred Years War, i, 515.
43. Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, 126; Ayton, ‘English Armies’, 34–5.
44. Prestwich, Armies and Warfare, 117–18; Ayton, Knights and Warhorses, 26.
45. Bradbury, Medieval Archer, 91; Edouard Perroy, The Hundred Years War, trans. W.B. Wells, London, 1951, 119.
46. Rogers, ‘Military Revolutions’, 247–8.
47. See Prestwich, Armies and Warfare, 319–21 for a discussion of the possible formations used at Crécy.
48. Prestwich, Three Edwards, 199.
49. Andre Corvisier et Philippe Contamine, Histoire militaire de la France, Paris, 1992, i, 133–4.
Chapter 6
1. SC 7/22/17.
2. Chronique des quatre premiers Valois (1327–1393), ed. S. Luce (SHF), Paris, 1862, 123; Montagu Burrows, The Family of Brocas of Beaurepaire and Roche Court, London, 1886, 53, 55. Burrows’ account of the life of Bernard, which was very similar to that in DNB, ii, 1273, has been questioned, particularly with regard to his relationship with the Black Prince in Roskell et al., History of Parliament, ii, 359–62.
3. Dupuy, Prince Noir, 300.
4. DNB, x, 829–30.
5. For his appointment and powers as prince of Aquitaine see BL Stowe 140 ff. 50v–56; Add. 32097 f. 108v.
6. See A. Bardonnet, Procès-verbal de deliverance a Jean Chandos commissaire du roi d’Angleterre des places Françaises abandonees par le traite de Brétigny, Niort, 1866; Lodge, Gascony Under English Rule, 93–4; Delachenal, Charles V, iv, 33–6, 44–50.
7. Delachenal, Charles V, iv, 62–3; Charles Higounet, ed., Histoire de l’Aquitaine, Toulouse, 1971, 217.
8. Delachenal, Charles V, iv, 16. It has been suggested that the creation of the principality could have been as banishment resulting from the prince’s marriage to Joan of Kent: Chronique de quarter premiers Valois, 122ff.
9. For example, the Ombrière, Fronsac, Bourg, Blaye, Bayonne, Dax, Saint Sever, Malcolm Vale, ‘The War in Aquitaine’, Arms, Armies and Fortifications, ed. Curry and Hughes, 69, 74, 77.
10. Pierre Capra, ‘L’Administration Anglo-Gasconne au temps de la lieutenance du Prince Noir, 1354–62’, Unpub. Thesis, Paris, 1972, ix.
11. Robert Favreau, ‘Le cession de La Rochelle à l’Angleterre en 1360’, La France Anglaise au Moyen Age, Paris, 1988, 217–31; Capra, ‘L’administration Anglo-Gasconne’, 770, 835–50.
12. E101/176/4, 13, 20.
13. Capra, ‘L’Administration Anglo-Gasconne’, 811–24, 828, 836, 844 n. 12, 885–6, 890 n. 12. For Loryng’s accounts see E372/206/10 m. 2; E403/408/31–2; 411/34; 413/15. Hoghton arrived at Rabastens on 28 Jan. 1362, took oaths from nobles, churchmen and urban authorities and occupied 4 castles. Like Chandos he employed many Gascon officers.
14. Harewell received £17,476 from the English exchequer but there were no further receipts before 1370: Harriss, King, Parliament and Public Finance, 476 n. 3. Gascon revenues never covered the pay of the chief officials, some £750 a year:Frank Musgrove,The North of England. A History, Oxford, 1990, 160.
15. Lodge, Gascony Under English Rule, 138–41, 147–50. The court was a permanent tribunal in Bordeaux held by the seneschal or his lieutenant, the judge of Aquitaine. It was superior to other courts and could hear appeals from municipal courts and deal with disputes between secular and ecclesiastical jurisdictions, for which, in 1365, Edward III handed over responsibility. In 1370, a curia superioritatis, largely composed of Gascons was established.
16. Capra, ‘L’administration Anglo-Gasconne’, 826, 838–40; 843 n. 3; C76/44/6; E361/5/3 r.–v.
17. Françoise Bériac, ‘Une principauté sans chambre des comptes ni échiquier: L’Aquitaine (1362–1370)’, La France des principautés. Les chambre des comptes XIVe et XVe siècles, ed. Philippe Contamine et Olivier Mattéoni, Paris, 1996, 109–10, 113–15. He was commissioned at La Rochelle on 25 Apr. 1372. His duties were those of treasurer of Aquitaine. In 1362 he had served Nicholas Loveigne and was receiver of La Rochelle from 26 Oct. 1364, Timothy Runyan, ‘The Constabulary of Bordeaux: The Accounts of John Ludham (1372–3) and Robert de Wykford (1373–5)’, Mediaeval Studies, xxxvi (1974), i, 221–4, 239 n. 1. The Ombrière housed the court of Gascony, the council, the chancery of the seneschal and perhaps the court of sovereignty. It served as the local prison and was topped by 2 large towers; the tour du roi and the tour Arbalesteyre.
18. Capra, ‘L’administration Anglo-Gasconne’, 741–2.
19. Life and Campaigns, ed. Barber, 105.
20. For details of the transportation of horses see C61/75/10. Thomas Dautre, John Ellerton and others provided ships for the prince and de Montfort: Rymer, III, ii, 666. Further supplies, forage and litter were levied in Devon, Cornwall and bows and arrows from London: Rymer, III, ii, 671, 720; Labarge, Gascony, 151.
21. For Stafford’s and Chivereston’s ships see C61/74/3; 75/27. Adam Hoghton received letters of protection 15 July 1361, Carte, Rôles Gascons, i, 149.
22. Barber, Edward, 178–9. Ships were ‘arrested’ on 4 June 1362 and 16 Feb. 1363 for this purpose, C61/75/25; CPR, 1361–4, 317, also see C61/75/6, 8, 16–18; 76/5, 7; Carte, Rôles Gascons, i, 151–2. On 3 and 4 June 1363, payments were made to the masters of the ships Christophre of Fowey and Katerine of Hull, presumably in connection with the transfer to Aquitaine, BPR, iv, 497; Rymer, III, ii, 652. For payments to the masters of ships in 1363–4 see E101/29/1 (Ralph Kesteven’s account); 36/20 and payments to mariners, 1362–3 see E101/28/26 (Robert Crull’s account).
23. The captal de Buch fought at Cocherel and Chandos led de Montfort’s forces at Auray.
24. Charles T. Wood, The Age of Chivalry. Manners and Morals, 1000–1450, London, 1970, 148.
25. By contrast, poems of social protest were circulating stressing knightly pride and vanity and demanding a return to the religious devotion thought of as the norm in some earlier age. Later writers such as Philippe de Mézières, Honoré Bouvet and Christine de Pizan described the pillaging of the Companies and their maltreatment of churchmen and civilians in terms of abandoning the laws of true chivalry, M.H. Keen, ‘War and Peace in the Middle Ages’, Nobles, Knights and Men-at-Arms in the Middle Ages, ed. B.P. McGuire, London and Rio Grande, 1996, 8–9.
26. Russell, Intervention, 79ff; M. Keen, ‘Brotherhood-in-Arms’, History, 47 (1962), 1–16; K.B. McFarlane, ‘An Indenture of Agreement Between Two English Knights for Mutual Aid and Counsel in War and Peace’, BIHR, xxxviii (1965), 200–10.
27. Linda M. Paterson, The World of the Troubadours. Medieval Occitan Society c.1100–c.1300, Cambridge, 1993, 68.
28. Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce, vi, 81, 275–6.
29. Anominalle Chronicle, 56; Paterson, World of the Troubadours, 68–71, 88, 101–4, 108–10.
30. V.J. Scattergood, ‘Literary Culture at the Court of Richard II’, English Court Culture, ed. Scattergood and Sherborne, London, 1983, 35–6. After his execution, 40 books were recorded as formerly belonging to Simon Burley; 8 Nov. 1387, BL Add. 25459, f. 206.
31. D’A.J.D. Boulton, ‘Insignia of Power: The Use of Heraldic and Paraheraldic Devices by Italian Princes, c.1350 –c.1500’, Art and Politics in Late Medieval and Early Renaissance Italy, 1250–1500, ed. Charles M. Rosenburg, Indiana, 1990, 113.
32. See Pierre Tucoo-Chala, Gaston Fébus: un grand prince d’Occident au XIVe siècle, Pau, 1976, 164–93.
33. BPR, iv, 484; Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, trans. Brian Stone, 2nd ed., Harmondsworth, 1975, 64–5, 71–2, 74–6, 79–81, 92; See Orme, Childhood to Chivalry, 191–8.
34. 1 Sept. 1362, BPR, iv, 467; Labarge, Gascony, 149.
35. Emerson, Black Prince, 171. For the nature of garments worn and other related comments see Stella M. Newton, Fashion in the Age of the Black Prince. A Study of the Years 1340–1365, Woodbridge, 1988; Sherborne, ‘Aspects of English Court Culture in the Later Fourteenth Century’, English Court Culture, ed. Scattergood and Sherborne, 14–16. See for comparison Baker, Chronicon, 122.
36. His mother’s violist, Richard Merlin, visited the prince in 1338–9. In the following year he was entertained by a minstrel with a portative organ and by John ‘the fool’ of Eltham, Barber, Edward, 22, 30, 37. There were musicians with Queen Philippa and the prince at Waltham in 1358, BPR, iv, 251.
37. BPR, iv, 73. Instruments were also made for the prince. A pipe was made by Jakelyn costing the exorbitant sum of £6 13s. 4d., and a ‘hakeney’ was made by Zeulyn the piper at a cost of 66s. 8d., ibid., 251.
38. At the Garter feast of 1358 the prince paid £100 to heralds and minstrels: Barber, Edward, 154–5. Other gifts included a destrier to a minstrel at a tournament in Bury St Edmunds, a drum for John ‘the prince’s minstrel’, 40s. to minstrels of Bartholomew Burghersh, the younger, 40s. to two of the prince’s minstrels, Ulyn the piper received £13 6s. 8d., and 7 of the prince’s minstrels were given £9 6s. 8d., BPR, iv, 67, 72, 87, 167, 283, 388–9. Money was also paid to minstrels to settle debts, presumably these were in the prince’s employ, Jakelyn received £16 13s. 4d. and 72s. 10d., and Tolle of Almain, 56s., ibid., 89, 388. John Cokard received 20s. towards the costs of his stay in London, ibid., 304; Nigel Wilkins, ‘Music and Poetry at Court: England and France in the Late Middle Ages’, English Court Culture, ed. Scattergood and Sherborne, 195. Hanz and Soz were provided with 3 quarters of a rayed cloth for making robes for themselves and two habergeons, BPR, iv, 71.
39. John Southworth, The English Medieval Minstrel, Woodbridge, 1980, 106–7. Gilbert Stakford, a trumpeter, was one of the minstrels left behind who may have been wounded on the Poitiers campaign, an alternative living was found for him in the household of the prior of St Michael’s Mount. Stakford recovered from his injuries and later served Richard II who gave him with a pension of 6d. a day ‘for service to the king’s father and to the king’.
40. Froissart, Chronicles, ed. Berners, 91.
41. Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, vi, 393–4; CPR, 1364–7, 180.
42. Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce, vi, 93, 285; ‘A Fourteenth Century Chronicle of the Grey Friars of Lynn’, ed. Antonia Gransden, EHR, lxxii (1957), 271.
43. The chevauchées of 1355–6 established taxation as a regular feature of southern French life. There had been opposition to the demands of the count of Armagnac and later Jean, count of Poitiers, acting as Jean II’s lieutenants in Languedoc, John Bell Henneman, Royal Taxation in Fourteenth Century France, Princeton, 1971, 272–82.
44. Wood, Age of Chivalry, 141. For further details on the Free Companies see Norman Housley, ‘The Mercenary Companies, the Papacy and the Crusades, 1356–1378’, Traditio, xxxvii (1982), 253–80; Kenneth Fowler, Medieval Mercenaries. Volume I The Great Companies, Oxford, 2001.
45. Housley, ‘Mercenary Companies’, 254; Fowler, Medieval Mercenaries, 51, 75; Delachenal, Charles V, ii, 319–20; P.S. Lewis, Later Medieval France: The Polity, London, 1968, 51; Keen, ‘Chivalry, Nobility and the Man-at-Arms’, 38.
46. Russell, Intervention, 62.
47. Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, vii, 96–9.
48. Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. Martin, 194, 195; A. Mackay, Spain in the Middle Age: From Frontier to Empire, 1000–1500, London, 1977, 134–5.
49. E30/191. The alliance required any English military assistance to be paid by the Castilian treasury, Russell, Intervention, 59.
50. Clara Elstow, Pedro the Cruel of Castile, 1350–1369, Leiden, New York and Köln, 1995, 223–4.
51. Mackay, Spain in the Middle Ages, 125.
52. Elstow, Pedro the Cruel, 236.
53. Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, vii, 98.
54. Fowler, Medieval Mercenaries, 192–3.
55. Rymer, iii, 805–6; Russell, Intervention, 65–6.
56. Fowler, Medieval Mercenaries, 194; Rymer, III, ii, 800 (23 Sept. 1366).
57. C61/79/13–15; Russell, Intervention, 75–7; Sumption, Hundred Years War, ii, 544.
58. 10 Feb. 1367, CCR, 1364–8, 371; Robert Boutruche, La crise d’une société: seigneurs et paysans du Bordelais pendant la Guerre de Cent Ans, new ed., Paris, 1963, 169–70, Fowler, Medieval Mercenaries, 200.
59. Fowler, Medieval Mercenaries, 197–8; Prince, ‘Strength of English Armies’, 369; J.J.N. Palmer, ‘Froissart et le héraut Chandos’, Le Moyen Age, 88 (1982), 271ff.; Diana B. Tyson, ‘Authors, Patrons and Soldiers – Some Thoughts on Four Old French Soldiers’ Lives’, NMS, xlii (1998), 110.
60. BL Cotton, Caligula D III, f.141; Delachenal, Charles V, iii, 554 and Russell, Intervention, 93–4.
61. Barber, Edward, 198. According to Chandos Herald, 160 lancers and 300 archers made up the party.
62. Russell, Intervention, 87, 91 and n. 3; Fowler, Medieval Mercenaries, 206–7.
63. Fernao Lopes, The English in Portugal, 1367–87, ed. and trans. Derek W. Lomax and R.J. Oakley, Warminster, 1988, 9. This advice may have been given just prior to the battle or somewhat earlier, Russell, Intervention, 89.
64. Chandos Herald, Life of the Black Prince, ed. Pope and Lodge, ll. 2572–4.
65. Russell, Intervention, 94–6 and nn. 1–2. On the exchange of letters see Lopes, English in Portugal, 12–17; Delachenal, Charles V, iii, 398 and n. 1, 399 and nn. 1–2.
66. Delachenal, Charles V, iii, 402, 404; Russell, Intervention, 97–8, estimated 4,000–5,000 troops plus a number of jinetes on Trastamara’s side.
67. Russell, Intervention, 101.
68. Chandos Herald, Life of the Black Prince, ed. Pope and Lodge, 163, ll. 3258, 3277–8.
69. E. Déprez, ‘La bataille de Nájera: le communiqué du prince noir’ Revue Historique, cxxxvi (1921), 37–59; A.E. Prince, ‘A Letter of Edward the Black Prince describing the Battle of Nájera in 1367’, EHR, xli (1926), 415–18; Life and Campaigns ed. Barber, 83.
70. For further discussion see Michael Jones, ‘Edward III’s Captains in Brittany’, England in the Fourteenth Century. Proceedings of 1985 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. W.M. Ormrod, Woodbridge, 1986, 104; Rogers, ‘Dialectics of Strategy’, 83–102; Bennett, ‘Development of Battle Tactics’, 2, 5.
71. Case taken from Keen, Laws of War, 50–6.
72. Fowler, Medieval Mercenaries, 218–23.
73. P.E. Russell, ‘The War in Spain and Portugal’, Froissart: Historian, ed. J.J.N. Palmer, Woodbridge, 1981, 91.
Chapter 7
1. For further comments see Green, ‘Household and Military Retinue’, esp. 279–95; ‘The Later Retinue of Edward the Black Prince’, NMS, xliv (2000), 141–51; ‘The Military Personnel of Edward the Black Prince’, Medieval Prosopography, 21 (2000), 133–52; ‘Politics and Service with Edward the Black Prince’, 53–68; The Age of Edward III, ed. J. Bothwell, York, 2001.
2. Rising and the Lynn tollbooth were valued at only £116 13s. 4d. in 1376, C47/9/57. After his marriage to Joan, the prince acquired additional property in Norfolk, such as Ormsby manor. Members of the retinue with Norfolk connections included Thomas Felton, William Elmham, William Kerdeston, Stephen Hales, Thomas Gissing, Nicholas Dagworth, Robert Ufford and Robert Knolles.
3. Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 80–1.
4. Hewitt, Black Prince’s Expedition, 52.
5. Letter of the prince to the bishop of Winchester, Life and Campaigns ed. Barber, 54.
6. Barber, Edward, 146.
7. £2,000 was advanced by Arundel on the security of a crown and a jewelled star taken from the king of France at Poitiers, 24 July 1359, BPR, iv, 302, 333. The chamberlain of Chester was ordered to levy funds on 20 May 1360 to repay FitzAlan, ibid., iii, 381. On 21 May, John Delves, lieutenant of the justices of north Wales and Cheshire, was notified that he was to receive £1,000 and then deliver it to the prince. Delves was also to inform the chamberlains of Chester (John Brunham) and north Wales that they also to bring/send all available funds to London, ibid., 354. See also 27 July, ibid., 355. Delves received £3 expenses in connection with this transaction at Holt castle and the transportation costs, ibid., 364.
8. Antony ‘Maubaille’, merchant of Ast and Hugh Provane, merchant of Carignano, loaned 1,000 marks, BPR, iii, 319.
9. 500 marks were provided by Humphrey Bohun, earl of Hereford and Essex, 30 July 1359, BPR, iv, 304. Ralph Nevill and the bishop of Lincoln each loaned 500 marks and the bishop of Winchester, 1,000 marks, ibid., 319, 327.
10. John Peche borrowed £1,000 from various London merchants on the prince’s behalf and repaid 250 marks to William de la Pole for him. Peche was appointed the prince’s attorney for the transfer of certain jewels from the sire de Lesparre and Sir Petiton de Curton, and also received the crown which had been pledged as security for Arundel’s loan, BPR, iv, 321, 327, 333. £100 was borrowed from both Henry Pickard and Adam Franceys, ibid., 327.
11. BPR, iv, 326. Wingfield, another East Anglian in the retinue, held this office until his death in 1360 in addition to being the prince’s attorney, steward of his lands and chief of the council. He received wages of 10s. a day. Delves replaced him until his own death in 1369: Sharpe, ‘Administrative Chancery of the Black Prince’, 331.
12. For comparison, 14 of the MPs sitting for Westmoreland between 1386 and 1421 were associated with the Clifford family, and 14 members of Richard, earl of Worcester’s affinity represented that county between 1404 and 1421, Linda Clark:‘Magnates and their Affinities in the Parliaments of 1386–1421’ The McFarlane Legacy. Studies in Late Medieval Politics and Society, ed. R.H. Britnell and A.J. Pollard, Stroud, 1995, 139; W.M. Ormrod, The Reign of Edward III: Crown and Political Society in England, 1327–1377, New Haven, 1990, 129–30.
13. Green, ‘Politics and Service’, 67.
14. Sumption, Hundred Years War, ii, 540–2. See also Delpit, Documents français, 136–7 9 (no. 48), 175 (nos. 19, 22), 134–68 (nos. 4, 9, 12, 14, 19, etc), 176 (nos. 53, 55, 56).
15. E101/38/15, 17–18; Delpit, Documents Français, 176; Green, ‘Household and Military Retinue’, 143–4, 160–1; Bériac, ‘Une principauté sans chambre de comptes ni échiquier’, 120–1; Barber, Edward, 209.
16. C. de Vic et J. Vaisette, ed., Histoire générale de Languedoc avec des notes et les pieces justicatives, re-ed. A. Molinier, 16 vols, Toulouse, 1872–1904, x, 1211–55, 1264–73, 1273–8. In 1364, the fouage was levied at 1 guyennois d’or; in 1365 at a halfguyennois d’or; in 1366 at a minimum of 4 sous, Boutruche, La crise d’une société, 202; Delachenal, Charles V, iv, 56–7, 66. For French taxation policy in the Languedoc in the years before Brétigny see John Bell Henneman, Royal Taxation in Fourteenth Century France. The Captivity and Ransom of John II, 1356–1370, Philadelphia, 1976, 123–47.
17. The tax was not to be levied again for 5 years, grievances of clergy were addressed and certain trade concessions were made. Complaints were also heard about the encroachment of seneschals and other officials on siegneurial rights including violations of ancient privileges, Delachenal, Charles V, iv, 58–9.
18. He was constable of Bordeaux from 11 Nov. 1362 until his appointment as chancellor in Michaelmas 1364. As bishop of Bath and Wells he was an executor of the prince’s will, Pierre Chaplais, ‘The Chancery of Guienne, 1289–1453’, Studies Presented to Sir Hillary Jenkinson, ed. J.Conway Davies, London, 1957, 85–6 and n. 7.
19. Malcolm Vale, The Angevin Legacy and the Hundred Years War, 1250–1340, Oxford, 1990, 82–4, 124–39; Delachenal, Charles V, iv, 65; Maurice Rey, Les finances royales sous Charles VI. Les causes du déficit, 1388–1413, Paris, 1965, 447.
20. Histoire générale de Languedoc, x, 1347–8 ; Delachenal, Charles V, iv, 67–9; Henneman, Royal Taxation, 250.
21. See Anonimalle Chronicle, 55–6; also Cuvelier, Chronique de Bertrand du Guesclin, I, 236–9, 325, 348, 368, 435, 459; II, 15, 245, 249; Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, vi, 82; vii, 92.
22. Totesham had succeeded Bernard de Montferrand as governor of La Rochelle in Dec. 1360 and in Oct. 1361 he received the captaincy of the castle of St-Jean-d’Angély with annual wages of 100 livres. He had been a French prisoner and fought a duel during his captivity, Chronique Normande du xive siècle, ed. E. et A. Molinier (SHF), Paris, 1882, 104–5; Robert Favreau, ‘Comptes de la sénéchausée de Saintonge, 1360–2’, BEC, 117 (1959), 74–5.
23. For example in Périgord, see Arlette Higounet-Nadal, Perigeux au xive et xve siècles, Bordeaux, 1978, 148.
24. Favreau, ‘Comptes’, 76. Seris was a royal counsellor receiving wages of 500 écus yearly. However, the 2 seals with which he was to authorize his actions were never used as in 1367 he returned them, no case of ressort having been brought before him. Rymer, III, i, 548; Pierre Chaplais, ‘Some Documents Regarding the Fulfilment and Interpretation of the Treaty of Brétigny’, Camden 3rd ser., xix (1952), 52–3 and nn. 1, 2.
25. For further examples including William Boulard and Renoul Bouchard (procureurs) of the king in Saintonge, Boulard was also mayor of La Rochelle, 1361–2; Macé d’Aiguechaude (royal advocate in Saintonge); Pierre Bernard (receiver of Saintonge); Pierre de Vergny (receiver of a number of prévôtés and other revenues later including La Rochelle 1374–6 and of Saintonge and Angoumois in 1376 as well as Andilly, the ‘baillie’ of Chagnolet, the customs on wine passing through the port of Périgny, revenues of the royal seal of La Rochelle and of the great fief of Aunis), see Favreau, ‘Comptes’, 78.
26. Davies, Lordship and Society, 203, 207.
27. A.D. Carr, ‘Rhys ap Roppert’, Transactions of the Denbighshire Historical Society, 25 (1976), 155–70.
28. Fowler, Medieval Mercenaries, 69ff, 98–100 and n. 33, 149, 151, 153–4; Delachenal, Charles V, iv, 16, 20 and n. 1.
29. Emerson, Black Prince, 215.
30. Corvisier et Contamine, Histoire militaire, 145–9; Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, 153–6; Sumption. Hundred Years War, ii, 579. For the prince’s letter to the lord of Séverac who had refused to allow levying of the fouage and regarding the appeal of Castelbon see Histoire générale de Languedoc, x, 1337–8, 1420–1. See also Documents sur la ville de Millau, nos., 316, 318, 319, 322–5.
31. CCR, 1364–8, 371; Sumption, Hundred Years War, ii, 579. See CPR, 1367–70, 56, 58 (11, 13, 20 Nov. 1367); 22 Nov. 1367, Rymer, III, ii, 837.
32. Histoire générale de Languedoc, x, 1404–6.
33. Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce, vii, 95–9; Chandos Herald, Vie du Prince Noir, ed. Tyson, ll. 3889–96; Barber, Edward, 219–20; James Sherborne, ‘John of Gaunt, Edward III’s Retinue and the French Campaign of 1369’, Kings and Nobles in the Later Middle Ages, ed. Ralph A. Griffiths and James Sherborne, Gloucester, 1986, 41. For the payments for reinforcements made to Peter Lacy see E403/436 mm. 25–6; 438 m. 24.
34. BL Harleian MS. 2074 f. 230v. For further discussion of this document and some of the inherent problems see Green, ‘Later Retinue of the Black Prince’, 142, 144–5.
35. E101/29/24. Wetenhale was paid £54 for men-at-arms and archers, SC6/772/5 m. 2d.; P.J. Morgan, ‘Cheshire and the Defence of the Principality of Aquitaine’, Transactions of the Historical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 128 (1978), 147–9, 158 n. 41.
36. C61/81/4; CPR, 1367–70, 228.
37. For a description of the castle see Kelly DeVries, Medieval Military Technology, Ontario, 1992, 240–1.
38. Archives Nationales, Trésor des Chartes, JJ 100, no. 778 and J?655 n. 18.
39. Sumption, Hundred Years War, ii, 581–2.
40. Emerson, Black Prince, 232. Thanks to Jonathan Burr for this reference.
41. Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce, vii, 199–204; Barber, Edward, 222–3; Corvisier et Contamine, Histoire militaire, 142–3.
42. Charles Higounet ed., Histoire de l’Aquitaine,, Toulouse, 1971, 214; Louis Pérouas, Histoire de Limoges, Toulouse, 1989, 106; Stéphane Baumont ed., Histoire d’Agen, Toulouse, 1991, 80; Packe, Edward III, 277.
43. Porter, ‘Chaucer’s Knight’, 65, 68–9; Barber, Edward, 225–6. On the severity of siege warfare see Keen, Laws of War, 121–2; Barber, Knight and Chivalry, rev. ed., 239–40; Barnie, War in Medieval Society, 77.
44. Bradbury, Medieval Siege, 161; Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove, xvii, 501–2.
45. Chronique de quartre premiers Valois, 210; Wars of Edward III, ed. Rogers, 193; Barber, Edward, 224–6 and n. 23; Paul Ducourtieux, Histoire de Limoges, Limoges, 1925, repr. Marseille, 1975, 53–7, 59.
46. S.H. Cuttler, The Law of Treason and Treason Trials in Later Medieval France, Cambridge, 1981, 117.
47. Eulogium Historiarum, iii, 219–20; Baker, Chronicon, 141; Ayton, ‘English Armies’, 36.
48. 3 Dec. 1355, BPR, iii, 220–1.
49. BPR, iii, 375–9; 16 Feb. 1360, CCR, 1360–4, 6.
50. BPR, ii, 14, 24, 66, 166, 169.
51. 20 Mar. 1360, BPR, iv, 345–6.
52. 14 Feb. and 26 Mar. 1360, BPR, iv, 344, 346.
53. CCR, 1354–60, 214, 215; 1364–8, 371; D. Pratt, ‘Wrexham Militia in the Fourteenth Century’, Transactions of the Denbighshire Historical Society, (1963), 38–9.
54. Vale, ‘Seigneurial Fortification’, 74–5.
55. Prestwich, Armies and Warfare, 293; T.F. Tout, ‘Firearms in England in the Fourteenth Century’, EHR, xxvi (1911), 670–4, 676.
56. Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce, iv, 11; Jim Bradbury, The Medieval Siege, Woodbridge, 1992, 159; Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, 140; S. Storey-Challenger, L’administration anglaise du Ponthieu apres le traité de Brétigny, 1361–1369, Abbeville, 1975, 286; Robert D. Smith, ‘Artillery and the Hundred Years War: Myth and Interpretation’, Arms, Armies and Fortifications, ed. Curry and Hughes, 153–5.
57. Delpit, Documents français, 130–1.
Chapter 8
1. 4 Feb. 1375, CPR, 1374–7, 70.
2. Emerson, Black Prince, 249.
3. Russell, Intervention, 174–5, 176 n. 3.
4. Green, ‘Politics and Service’, 64–7. MPs in Gaunt’s affinity were concentrated in a handful of counties, whereas those in the prince’s retinue represented at least 21 of the 36 counties that returned members. Gaunt had as few as 3 and as many as 13 MPs in every parliament from 1372 to 1397 (5 or 6 in the 1370s, 7 or 8 in the 1380s, and 10 to 12 in the 1390s), Walker, Lancastrian Affinity, 238–9. Clark suggests that in the 11 parliaments from 1386 to 1397 Gaunt’s representatives in the Commons averaged a dozen and rose on occasion to 17: ‘Magnates and their Affinities’; Ormrod, Reign of Edward III, 208–9.
5. Walsingham, Chronicon Angliae, trans. E. M. Thompson, London (Rolls Ser.), 1874, 68–101. At least part of Walsingham’s account of the prince’s death was taken from a continuation of Higden’s Polychronicon: Taylor, Universal Chronicle of Ranulph Higden, 120.
6. Michael Bennett, ‘Edward III’s Entail and the Succession to the Crown, 1376–1471’, EHR, cxiii (1998), 580–607.
7. Russell, Intervention, 185.
8. Antonia Gransden, Historical Writing in England, ii, c.1307 to the Early Sixteenth Century, London, 1982, 108.
9. Harvey, Black Prince and his Age, 160.
10. Henry V, I, ii.
11. Christopher Brooke, ‘Reflections on Late Medieval Cults and Devotions’, Essays in Honor of Edward B. King, Tennessee, 1991, 38–9.
12. J.J.G. Alexander and P. Binski, ed., Age of Chivalry: Art in Plantagenet England 1200–1400, London, 1987, 222, 478–9; Patrick Collinson, Nigel Ramsay and Margaret Sparks, ed., A History of Canterbury Cathedral, Oxford, 1995, 495 n. 192; Patricia Cullum and Jeremy Goldberg, ‘How Margaret Blackburn Taught her Daughters: Reading Devotional Instruction in a Book of Hours’, Medieval Women: Texts and Contexts in Late Medieval Britain, ed. J. Wogan-Browne et al., Turnhout, Belgium, 2000, 222.
13. Husting Roll 89 (183); Lincoln Archives Office Reg. xii, fo. 170; BPR, iii, 408–9; Arthur Mee, Lincolnshire, London, repr. 1992, 349.
14. H.F. Chettle, ‘The Boni Homines of Ashridge and Edington’, Downside Review, 62 (1944), 47; VCH, Bucks, 387; G.E. Chambers, The Bonhommes of the Order of St. Augustine at Ashridge and Edington, 2nd ed., pamphlet, 1979, 4.
15. Janet H. Stevenson, The Edington Cartulary (Wiltshire Record Society), 1986, xv–xvii; Chettle, ‘Boni Homines’, 43–4.
16. Stevenson, Edington Cartulary., xiv.
17. William Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, London, 1655–73, vi, 536. See Stevenson, Edington Cartulary, 9–14 for letters patent dated 29 Mar. 1358.
18. Stevenson, Edington Cartulary, 36, 108, 119–20, 128; Harvey, Black Prince and his Age, 160–5; Age of Chivalry, ed. Alexander and Binski, 145.
19. Eleanor Scheifele, ‘Richard II and the Visual Arts’, Richard II: The Art of Kingship, ed. A. Goodman and J. Gillespie, Oxford, 1999, 258; Harvey, Black Prince and his Age, 160–5; W.M.?Ormrod, ‘In Bed with Joan of Kent: The King’s Mother and the Peasants’ Revolt’, Medieval Women, ed. Wogan-Browne, 281–2.
20. But now a caitiff poor am I, Deep in the ground, lo here I lie. My beauty great is all quite gone, My flesh is wasted to the bone. For a discussion of the source and 3 different versions of the epitaph, the earliest being the Disciplina Clericalis by Petrus Alphonsi, see D.B. Tyson, ‘The Epitaph of the Black Prince’, Medium Aevum, 46 (1977), 98–104.
21. E101/400/4 m. 20; Orme, From Childhood to Chivalry, 122.
22. Eric W. Stockton, The Major Latin Works of John Gower, Seattle, 1962, 242.
23. BL Add. Mss 24511 f. 69, household expenses, 1 Jan. –16?July 1377.
24. James L. Gillespie, ‘Richard II: Chivalry and Kingship’, The Age of Richard II, ed. James L. Gillespie, Stroud, 1997, 115–16.
25. GEC, i, 650–3.
26. James L. Gillespie, ‘Richard II: King of Battles?’, Age of Richard II, ed. Gillespie, 139; A.B. Steel, Richard II, Cambridge, 1941, 41.
27. E101/398/8; Given-Wilson, Royal Household, 161–2, 306 n. 128; Green, ‘Politics and Service’.
28. A. Goodman, ‘Introduction’, Richard II, ed. Goodman and Gillespie, Oxford, 4–5.
29. Michael J. Bennett, ‘Richard III and the Wider Realm’, Richard II, ed. Goodman and Gillespie, 189–90.
30. John Taylor, ‘Richard II in the Chronicles’, Richard II, ed. Goodman and Gillespie, 21–2.
31. C.M. Barron, ‘The Deposition of Richard II’, Politics and Crisis in Fourteenth Century England, ed. J. Taylor and W. Childs, Gloucester, 1990, 145.
32. Nigel Saul, ‘The Kingship of Richard II’, Richard II, ed. Goodman and Gillespie, 40.
33. Dillian Gordon, ‘The Wilton Diptych: An Introduction’, The Regal Image of Richard II and the Wilton Diptych, ed. Dillian Gordon, Lisa Monnas and Caroline Elam, London, 1997, 21; M. Galway, ‘The Wilton Diptych: A Postscript’, Archaeological Journal, cvii (1952 for 1950), 9–14.
34. Scheifele, ‘Richard II and the Visual Arts’, 269 and n. 57.
35. Nigel Saul, ‘Richard II’s Ideas of Kingship’, Regal Image of Richard II, ed. Gordon et al., 27–8. For discussions of Richard’s own depiction as Christ-like, especially in the context of the 1381 revolt, by Froissart and others see Ormrod ‘In Bed with Joan of Kent’, 286–7 and n. 33.
36. Saul, Richard II, 9; Walsingham, Chronicon Anglie, 183; Historia Anglicana, ed. H.T. Riley (Rolls Ser.), London, 1863–4, i, 356; Anne Hudson, The Premature Reformation: Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History, Oxford, 1988, 110, 112, nn 310–12.
37. N.H. Nicolas, ed., Testamenta Vetusta, 2 vols, London, 1826, i, 14–15; J.I. Catto, ‘Sir William Beauchamp between Chivalry and Lollardy’, The Ideals and Practices of Medieval Knighthood, ed. C. Harper-Bill and R. Harvey, Woodbridge, 1990, 39–48; W.T. Waugh, ‘The Lollard Knights’, Scottish Historical Review, xi (1913–14), 58, 64, 75–6; K.B. McFarlane, Lancastrian Kings and Lollard Knights, Oxford, 1972, 207–26.
38. Green, ‘Household and Military Retinue’, 241–4.
39. M. Keen, ‘The Influence of Wyclif’, Wyclif in his Times, ed. Anthony Kenny, Oxford, 1986, 129.
40. J.A. Tuck, ‘Carthusian Monks and Lollard Knights: Religious Attitudes at the Court of Richard II’, Studies in the Age of Chaucer, Proceedings I: Reconstructing Chaucer, ed. P. Strohm and T.J. Heffernan, 1984, 153.
41. Jeremy Catto, ‘Fellows and Helpers: The Religious Identity of the Followers of Wyclif’, The Medieval Church: Universities, Heresy and the Religious Life, ed. Peter Biller and Barry Dobson (SCH Susidia 11), Woodbridge, 1999, 145, 154ff. and n. 35.
42. See V.J. Scattergood ed., The Works of Sir John Clanvowe, Cambridge, 1975.
43. J.A.F. Thomson, ‘Orthodox Religion and the Origins of Lollardy’, History, 74 (1989), 44–8.
44. Green, ‘Household and Military Retinue’, Appendix.
45. E403/551; Annales Ricardi Secundi et Henrici Quarti, in J. de Trokelowe ed., Chronica et Annales, ed. H.T. Riley (Rolls Ser.), London, 1866, 183; Hudson, Premature Reformation, 89–90. On Clifford see ibid., 291–2 and Margaret Aston, Lollards and Reformers: Images and Literacy in Late Medieval Religion, Hambledon, 1984, 98 n. 117.