NOTES

INTRODUCTION

1.   Raymonde Litalien, “Historiography of Samuel Champlain,” in Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 12. This volume is an English translation of Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds.,Champlain: la naissance de l’Amérique française (Sillery, Québec, 2004).

2.   Samuel de Champlain, Les Voyages faits au Grand Fleuve Sainct Laurens par le sieur de Champlain Capitaine ordinaire pour le Roy en al marine, depuis, l’année 1608 iusques en 1612 (Paris, 1613): translated and republished in Henry Percival Biggar, ed.,The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB) (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 2: 1–236; the self-portrait appears on plate V, “Deffaite des Yroquois au Lac de Champlain,” CWB 2:100–01.

3.   The naked warriors are an inaccuracy. Champlain tells us in the accompanying text that the Indians wore hardwood armor tied together with hemp or cotton. Probably this error was introduced by engraver who might have followed conventional images of American Indians by Theodor de Bry and other European artists. Several scholars have written that the trees which appear to be palms may be an error of the same sort. But historians at Fort Ticonderoga believe that they may have been an attempt to represent clumps of willow trees, which still stand at that place on the shore of Lake Champlain.

4.   E. Ewart Oakeshott, The Sword in the Age of Chivalry (New York, 1964); Harold Peterson, Arms and Armor in Colonial America, 1526–1783 (New York, 1956).

5.   Stephen Bull, An Historical Guide to Armes and Armour (New York, 1991); Charles ffoulkes, The Armourer and his Craft (London, 1912), a great classic.

6.   The white panache that Henri IV wore at the head of his army appears in an engraving of his entry into Paris, March 1594, in the Bibliothèque nationale de France. His elaborately curled court panache is in a formal portrait, “Henri IV, école française, ca. 1595,” Château de Versailles. For an essay on the word itself see Alain Rey et al., eds., Dictionnaire historique de la langue française 3 vols. (Paris, 2006) 2: 2542–43; s.v. “panache.”

7.   On the arquebus, a leading work is M. A. O. Paulin-Desormeaux, Nouveau manuel complet de l’armurier du fourbisseur et de l’arquebusier, nouvelle édition, 2 vols. (Paris, 1852, rpt. Paris, 1977) 1:11–14; copy in the author’s collection. On Champlain’s use of the arquebuse à rouet see Russel Bouchard, Les armes à feu en Nouvelle France (Sillery, Québec, 1999), 102–06. Champlain appears to be carrying a light arquebus that Paulin-Desormeaux calls a fusil de chasse, a hunting weapon; ibid., 1:184–93; for a more extended discussion, see below, chapter 12, and Appendix L.

8.   CWB 2: 1–236; The self-portrait appears on plate V, “Deffaite des Yroquois au Lac de Champlain,” 101.

9.   Ibid.

10. François-Marc Gagnon, “Champlain: Painter?” in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds. Champlain, 302–11.

11. For discussion, see “Memories of Champlain,” below, and Appendix F.

12. Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948), 7.

13. Samuel Eliot Morison, Samuel de Champlain; Father of New France (New York, 1972), 22.

14. Heather Hudak, Samuel de Champlain (Discovering Canada) (Calgary, 2005), cover.

15. [Michael Hollingsworth], “The History of the Village of the Small Huts (n.p., 1985), 24; www.videocas/com/pdfs/nfchamplain.

16. Samuel Eliot Morison, Samuel de Champlain, Father of New France (New York, 1972), xiii.

17. C. E. Heidenreich, Explorations and Mapping of Samuel de Champlain (Toronto, 1976).

18. Allan Forbes and Paul Cadman, France and New England, 3 vols. (Boston, 1925–29).

19. For a positive judgment of Champlain, see Carl O. Sauer, Seventeenth Century America (Berkeley: Turtle Island Foundation, 1980); for a more negative interpretation, see Bruce Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic: A History of the Huron People to 1660(Montreal, 1976, 1987); and Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada’s “Heroic Age” Reconsidered (Montreal, Kingston, 1985). Sauer was a geographer at Berkeley; Trigger was for many years an anthropologist and archaeologist at McGill University.

20. Chandra Mukarjee, “Champlain as Gardener,” unpublished lecture, College of the Atlantic, 2005.

21. For the historiography of Champlain see “Memories of Champlain,” below.

22. Peter E. Pope, The Many Landfalls of John Cabot (Toronto, 1997), 165, 225n.

23. W. J. Eccles, “Samuel de Champlain,” American National Biography (New York, 1999), s.v., “Champlain.”

24. Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: la naissance de l’Amérique française (Sillery, Québec, 2004); it was followed by an English translation as Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004); Mickaël Augeron and Dominique Guillemet, Champlain, ou les portes du nouveau monde: cinq siècles d’échanges entre le Centre-Ouest français et l’Amérique du Nord, XVIe—XXe siècles (Geste, 2004); Annie Blondel-Loisel and Raymonde Litalien, in collaboration with Jean Paul Barbiche and Claude Briot, De la Seine au Saint Laurent avec Champlain (Paris, 2005); Bertrand Guillet and Louise Pothier, eds., France/ Nouvelle France: naissance d’un peuple français en Amérique (Montreal and Paris, 2005); James Kelly and Barbara Clarke Smith eds., Jamestown-Quebec-Santa Fe; Three North American Beginnings (Washington and New York, 2007).

25. Robert le Blant and René Baudry, Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque, vol. 1 (1560–1662) (Ottawa, 1967), xii, xxiv.

26. Indian is the term of choice throughout this book. In meetings at the Newberry Library with Indian leaders from many parts of the United States, I asked them what they wished to be called. Invariably they wanted to be known by the name of their own nation. I asked what word we should use for all of them together. They said that Indian was as good as any other. They used it with pride. After much experiment with other clumsy terms, Indian sounds better and better. See also Appendix I below.

1. A CHILD OF BROUAGE

1.   Samuel Champlain, Des Savvages, ov, Voyage de Samvel Champlain, De Brouage, fait en la France nouvelle, l’an mil six cents trois (Paris, 1603); in CWB 1:83; an excellent modern edition, Des Sauvages by Alain Beaulieu and Réal Ouellet, was published in Montreal in 1993 and is very helpful for its learned commentary.

2.   Lancelot Voisin, sieur de la Popelinière, L’histoire de France enrichie des plus notables occurrances, 2 vols. (La Rochelle, 1581); as quoted in Eliane Vigé and Jimmy Vigé, Brouage, ville d’histoire et place forte (Saint-Jean-d’Angély, 1989), 12; and Nathalie Fiquet, “Brouage in the Time of Champlain: A New Town Open to the World,” in Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 39.

3.   The term derived from broue, a word in the langue saintongeaise related to the French boue, a muddy mix of water and clay. See “Le grand lexique du patois charentais,” Xaintonge hors serie 1 (2003) 48, s.v. “broue: boue;” and Alain Rey et al., Le Grand Robert de la langue française, nouvelle édition augmentée, 6 vols. (Paris, 2001) 1:1576, s.v. “boue;” for the etymology of brouage in the langue d’oïl, see Nicolas Chéreau, Visite historique de Brouage (La Mothe-Achard, 2003), 1.

4.   Eliane Vigé and Jimmy Vigé, Brouage: capitale du sel et patrie de Champlain (Bordessoules, 1990); Marcel Delafosse and Claude Laveau, Le commerce du sel de Brouage aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: Cahiers des Annales 17 (Paris, 1960) centers on the economic history of salt in the early modern era; Micheline Huvet-Martinet, L’aventure du sel (Rennes, 1995) is by an expert on the fiscal history of salt; J. F. Bergier, Une histoire du sel (Paris, 1982) is strong on iconography.

5.   On the colors of salt, see Marc Séguin, Histoire de l’Aunis et de la Saintonge (Ligugé, 2005), 108.

6.   Examples include the Gap Portolano in the Archives of the Département des Hautes-Alpes, and the Dijon Portolano in the Bibliothèque municipale de Dijon. Both are of doubtful date; see Tony Campbell, “Census of Pre-Sixteenth-Century Portolan Charts,”Imago Mundi 38 (1986), 67–94. See also Nathalie Fiquet and François-Yves Le Blanc, Brouage, ville royale, et les villages du golfe de Saintonge (Chauray-Niort, 1997), 25; and Nathalie Fiquet, “Brouage in the Time of Champlain; A New Town Open to the World,” in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 35, 33–42.

7.   Nathalie Fiquet, “Brouage in the Time of Champlain,” 33–42; Séguin, Aunis et Saintonge, 92–96.

8.   Delafosse and Laveau, Le commerce du sel de Brouage, 13–26; Michael Mollat du Jourin, “Les marais salants charentais: carrefour du commerce international (XIIe—XVIe siècles),” Annales de l’université francophone d’été Saintonge-Québec (1979).

9.   Alice Drouin, Les marais salants en Aunis et Saintonge jusqu’en 1789 (Royan, 1999); Bernard Callame and Isabelle Delavaud, Brouage et son marais: pour une meilleure connaissance des marais littoraux en Charente-Maritime (Saintes, 1996); citing L. Papy, “Brouage et ses marais,” Revue géographique des Pyrénées et du Sud-Ouest 6 (1935), 281–323.

10. Nathalie Fiquet and François-Yves Le Blanc, Les Arsenaux de Richelieu: Brouage, Brest, Le Havre, vers l’arsenal idéal (Brouage, 2003), 25–27.

11. Plan of Brouage, c. 1570, manuscript in the Public Record Office, now the British National Archives, Kew and London. For a detailed discussion, see Fiquet and Le Blanc, Brouage, ville royale, 76–78.

12. The historian La Popelinière wrote in 1581: “C’est une petite ville nommée Jacopolis du nom de son fondateur qui vers 1555 y fit édifier les premières maisons et distribua les places pour y bastir ce qui ce fit à grande difficulté … étant tout ce rivage un marais … tellement ce lieu semble avoir été conquis sur l’eau, qui paravant couvrait toute la place, et encore de présent, en hiver durant les grandes marées, les rues et bas de maisons sont tous plein d’eau.” Histoire de France enrichie, 439 verso.

13. Fiquet, “Brouage au Temps de Champlain,” 36, 39; my translation here. Other contemporary accounts of its commerce include la Popelinière, Histoire de France enrichie; Nicolas Alain, De Santonum regione et illustrioribus familiis (Bordeaux, 1598).

14. Robert Le Blant and René Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque, xxvi (Rouen, La Rochelle, Brouage, Gaspé, Spain, Marseilles, Le Havre, and home again in a hexagonal Atlantic and Mediterranean trade of high complexity); Fiquet, “Brouage in the Time of Champlain,” 33–41.

15. Photo by Judith Fischer, June, 2006; with thanks to my brother Miles Pennington Fischer for help with the Dutch translation.

16. Fiquet, “Brouage in the Time of Champlain,” 39.

17. A.-L. Leymarie, “Inédit sur le fondateur de Québec,” Nova Francia 1 (1925) 80–85; Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle France (Montreal, 1963–1979) 1:253.

18. For a discussion of the evidence, see Appendix A, “Champlain’s Birth Date.”

19. For Champlain’s marriage contract, see Champlain, CWB 2: 315–17; Narcisse-Eutrope Dionne, Samuel de Champlain, fondateur de Québec et père de la Nouvelle-France (Quebec, 1891, 1926) 1:399–403; for the new work by American genealogists, see Newbold Le Roy 3rd and Scott C. Steward, The Le Roy Family in America, 1753–2003 (Boston and Laconia, 2003), ix; I am grateful to Scott Steward for this information, and for a copy of the book.

20. For Champlain’s father, see Champlain, CWB 2: 315–17; Dionne, Samuel de Champlain, 1:399–403; Le Roy 3rd and Steward, The Le Roy Family in America; and also “Vente d’une moitié de navire par Antoine Chappelain, Dec. 23, 1573,” Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents, 1: xxv, 10–11. The editors observe that “very probably if not with absolute certainty” Antoine Chappelain was Champlain’s father. Guillaume Allène married Guillemette Gousse in 1563, and they were still married in 1579. Was she the stepsister of Margueritte Le Roy, or had one or another of them married before, or did Allène remarry? Pauline Arsenault, “Acadia in Champlain’s New France: From Arcadia to China,” in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 120; Le Blant and Baudry, Nouveaux documents, 1:2, 12–13.

21. Pablo E. Pérez-Mallaína, Spain’s Men of the Sea: Daily Life on the Indies Fleets in the Sixteenth Century (Baltimore, 1998), 35–36, 39–41, 122–23.

22. Ibid., 122–24, 87–92, 177–78.

23. Ibid., 82–83, 92–95, 100.

24. “Vente d’une moitié de navire” in Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents 1: 10–11.

25. This house was “sise derrière l’église rue Saint-Jean (actuelle rue du Port);” “situated behind the church on rue Saint-Jean (now rue du Port),” and was ceded to Du Carlo in 1616; for the mansion of Christophe Depoy, see Vigé and Vigé, Brouage: ville d’histoire et place forte, 292–93.

26. 1 Samuel: 7–8; King James version.

27. Several scholars date the “Hebrew invasion” of “font names” from the publication of the Geneva Bible in a compact quarto edition in 1560. See David Hackett Fischer, “Forenames and the Family in New England: An Exercise in Historical Onomastics,” in Robert M. Taylor, Jr. and Ralph J. Crandall, eds., Generations and Change: Genealogical Perspectives in Social History (Macon, Ga., Mercer University Press, 1986), 215–41.

28. The learned Abbé Laverdière, a great Champlain scholar, came to the same conclusion. He observed that the parents’ “deux noms” were “tout à fait catholiques” (“both the parents’ names were entirely Catholic”) and that the son’s Protestant name suggested that “le père et la mère de Champlain avaient dû apostasier” (the father and mother must have renounced their faith). This historian agrees on all except “apostasier.” Cf. C.-H. Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain, publiées sous le patronage de l’Université Laval (Quebec, 1870) 1:xi (in my five-volume edition).

29. Leonce Anquez, Histoire des assemblées politiques des réformés de France (Paris, 1959), 162–65; these generalizations exclude towns controlled by individual Protestant nobles.

30. For Protestants in Poitou and Saintonge see Guide du Protestantisme Charentais (La Mothe-Achard, 2006), 19.

31. “Vente par Jacques Hersan et Marie Cameret à Samuel de Champlain, de la moitié d’une maison, à Brouage, Feb. 23, 1620,” Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents 1:170; Marcel Delafosse, “L’oncle de Champlain,” RHAF 12 (1958), 208–16; L.-A. Vigneras, “Encore le capitaine provençal,” RHAF 13 (1959–60), 544–49.

32. Thomas Platter, Le Voyage de Thomas Platter, ed. Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie (Paris: Fayard, 2000), 50, 573–77; Jean Glénisson, “Interview,” Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 282; Nathalie Fiquet disagrees, writing that “it is unlikely that Samuel was taught in an academy (reserved exclusively for the nobility),” but Platter observed explicitly that youths not of the nobility also attended the Brouage academy. Cf. Fiquet, “Brouage in the Time of Champlain,” 37.

33. See Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, 1: 256; Le Grand Robert, s.v. “écuyer.” In medieval France, an écuyer had been something else, a squire who carried the weapons of a chevalier, and looked after the horses.

34. Glénisson, “Interview,” 282; and Fiquet, “Brouage in the Time of Champlain,” 37, both drawing from Vigé and Vigé, Brouage, capitale du sel.

35. For example, on his map of 1612, he noted in English, “The Bay where Hudson did winter.” Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 133.

36. Dionne, Samuel de Champlain, 1.

37. Champlain to Marie de Medici, Queen Regent of France, 1632, in The Voyages of the Sieur de Champlain of Saintonge. … (Paris, 1613), preface; CWB 1:209–10.

38. Ibid. For the other phrase, “après avoir passé trente huict ans de mon âge à faire plusieurs voyages sur mer,” see Champlain, Traitté de la Marine et du Devoir d’Un Bon Marinier, (Treatise on Marine Affairs, and the Duty of a Good Mariner) (Paris, 1632); CWB 6:255. See also Appendix C.

39. For Champlain’s ship-types see Appendix M.

2. TWO MEN OF SAINTONGE

1.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 3:231–34.

2.   Cf. Champlain’s name on three title pages: “Samuel Champlain, De Brouage,” in Les Sauvages (1603); “Sieur de Champlain Xaintongeois,” in Les Voyages (1613); “Sr. de Champlain Xainctongeois” in Les Voyages (1632); CWB 1:81–83, 202–07; 3:231–34.

3.   Champlain’s biographers have not explored the importance of Saintonge in his life. Samuel Eliot Morison (Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France) and Narcisse-Eutrope Dionne (Champlain, Fondateur de Québec et Père de la Nouvelle France) make only a brief mention of the province; Morris Bishop (Champlain: The Life of Fortitude) and Joe Armstrong (Champlain) made no reference at all. One finds two classes of exceptions. The first are historians who lived in Saintonge such as Hubert Deschamps, Jean Glénisson, and Nathalie Fiquet. The others are French Canadian descendants of immigrants from Saintonge, such as the genealogist Jacques Saintonge.

4.   Marc Seguin’s excellent Histoire de l’Aunis et de la Saintonge: le début des temps modernes, 1480–1610 (Poitou, 2005) is a recent contribution to a large literature, with a good bibliography. It is part of a series published under the direction of Jean Glénisson. For the persistence of old identities today see the lively popular journal called Xaintonge, which has been published in Saint-Jean-d’Angély since 1997.

5.   Julius Caesar, The Gallic Wars, Loeb edition (London, 1970) book I, 10–11; book VII, 75. For ancient sources and numismatic evidence of the Santoni see www:cgb.fr/monnaies/vso/v15/gb.

6.   Nathalie Fiquet, “Brouage in the Time of Champlain,” in Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 33; see also Maxime le Grelle, Brouage Québec: foi de pionniers (Saint-Jean-d’Angély, 1980), 11.

7.   Hubert Deschamps, Les voyages de Samuel de Champlain Saintongeais, père du Canada (Paris, 1952), 3.

8.   Hugh Johnson, The World Atlas of Wine (New York, 1971, 1977), 258–59.

9.   Ibid.

10. Mage de Fiefmelin, Les Oeuvres du Sieur Fiefmelin, 44, quoted in Seguin, Histoire de l’Aunis et de la Saintonge, 104.

11. Seguin, Histoire de l’Aunis et de la Saintonge, 104, citing municipal archives of Bordeaux, ms. 776, 881 (14 July 1570).

12. For the Hundred Years War, I follow the traditional dates of Édouard Perroy and Kenneth Fowler. See Édouard Perroy, The Hundred Years War, introduction by David C. Douglas (1945; New York, 1965), 322; Kenneth Fowler, The Hundred Years War(London, 1971), 1. For trends in climate and the economy see Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Times of Feast, Times of Famine: A History of Climate since the Year 1000 (New York, 1971), 21, 67, 348–50; David Hackett Fischer, The Great Wave: Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History (1996), 4th printing (New York, 2006), 65–102; for the local impact of these large movements, see Seguin, Histoire de l’Aunis et de la Saintonge, 334–37 (1573–93), and 383–84 (1594–95).

13. Seguin writes of coastal Saintonge, “La mer offre ses ressources alimentaires qui rendent sans les disettes exceptionnelles.” On disettes, see Fischer, Great Wave, 31, 53, 77; and for disettes in Saintonge, see Seguin, Histoire de l’Aunis et de la Saintonge, 104, 334–37 (1573–74), and 383–84 (1594–95).

14. Seguin, Histoire de l’Aunis et de la Saintonge, 102, 103.

15. Fiquet, “Brouage in the Time of Champlain,” 34.

16. Seguin, Histoire de l’Aunis et de la Saintonge, 73; for the semantic history of “individualism” in France, see an excellent and pathbreaking study by Steven Lukes, Individualism (New York, 1973), 3–16.

17. Georges Musset, Marcel Pellisson, and Charles Vigon, Glossaire des patois et des parlers de l’Aunis et de la Saintonge 2 vols. (La Rochelle, 1922); a new dictionary has been in process of publication since 2003, Le grand lexique du patois charentais, in six livrets by the editors of the journal Xaintonge, hors série 1–6 (May 2003—December 2006).

18. An entire issue of the journal Xaintonge 2 (Oct.–Nov. 1997) 1–32, is devoted to the subject of “La Cagouille: l’emblême des Charentais,” with essays on “Légendes et croyances,” “Coutumes et traditions de la race Cagouillarde,” and “Des Cagouilles sur les églises.”

19. Jacques Rousseau, “Samuel de Champlain, botaniste mexicain et antillais,” Les Cahiers des Dix 16 (1951) 39–61.

20. Le grand lexique du patois charentais 2: 35.

21. Other examples include acheneaux for canals, and clairs for shallow places in the marshes.

22. “Tu nous dis tousiours quelque chose de gaillard pour nous resiouyr; si sela arriuoit nous serions bien-heureux.” Le Jeune, “Relation” (1633), Jesuit Relations 5:211; Bishop, Champlain, 337.

23. It has been translated from the parlanjhe into standard French as “qui va doucement, va sûrement,” which is not at all the same thought.

24. “Patoiser dans les Règles,” “Proverbes Charentais,” http://membres.lycos.fr/xaintong/lang.htm; J. L. Buetas, “Patoiser dans les règles,” (2007) 9–15.

25. “Patois Charentais,” Société d’Ethnologie et de Folklore du Centre-Ouest http://www.cths.fr/FICHES/Fisches_Societes/S_309.shtm; “Lexique du patois Charentais,” http:// membres.lycos.fr/xaintong/lexique.htm; http://membres.lycos.fr/xaintong/patois.htm.

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

28. Maurice Bures, Le type saintongeais (1908, Paris, 1991), especially chapters 3 and 4, “La Sain-tonge dans le passé,” and “Le type social,” pp. 47–72. This book centers on the response to “la crise phylloxérique,” which did grave injury to the vineyards of Saintonge, until revived with plant stocks from America—a return for the contribution of Saintonge to the new world.

29. Bures, 70, 57–59.

30. Ibid., 57, 65–72.

31. Ibid., 69.

32. Biggar, CWB 1:4.

33. Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Histoire du Languedoc (Paris, 1962; 6th edition, 2000), 28–29, 8–9, 41–45, 59–60.

34. Ibid. Like Champlain in another era, the cultural experience of Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie carried him back and forth across the great cultural regions of France. He stayed with us on one of his many visits to America. In his company, we observed the same intense curiosity about other cultures and the same tolerance of diversity that appeared in Champlain.

35. Historians have written about Champlain’s religion in these terms, but religion was only one of many dimensions of diversity in his formative years: a diversity of region, language, culture, and environment.

36. Contemporaries referred to him in many different ways. Champlain wrote his friend’s nom de terre as De Monts; royal documents addressed him as De Montz. His nom de baptême was also spelled in different ways: Dugua, Du Gua, Du Gas, Du Guast. His very able biographer Jean-Yves Grenon calls him Pierre Dugua De Mons, and reports that “the spelling ‘Dugua de Mons’ is favoured by people of Royan and the Saintonge area today.” Cf. Grenon, Pierre Dugua de Mons: Founder of Acadie (1604–05); Co-founder of Quebec (1608) (Annapolis Royal, 1997, 1999, 2000), 2.

37. Jean Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, fondateur de Québec (Paris, 1999), 35.

38. William Inglis Morse, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons; Records: Colonial and ‘Saintongeois’ (London, 1939).

39. Jean Glénisson, La France d’Amérique (Paris, 1994); quoted in Jean-Yves Grenon, Pierre Dugua de Mons: Founder of Acadie, 1; Jean Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, fondateur de Québec (Paris, 1999); Guy Binot, Pierre Dugua de Mons, Gentilhomme Royannais, Premier Colonisateur du Canada, Lieutenant Général de la Nouvelle-France de 1603 à 1612 (Royan, 2004); Marie Claude Bouchet, Pierre Dugua de Mons (Royan, 2000); for other interpretations see Bruce G. Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada’s “Heroic Age” Reconsidered (Montreal and Kingston, 1985), 172–77, 306–12, which describes and dismisses de Mons as merely a “trader.”

40. Morse, ed., Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons; Grenon, Pierre Dugua de Mons, Founder of Acadie; Liebel, Pierre Dugua sieur de Mons, fondateur de Québec; Binot, Pierre Dugua de Mons, Gentilhomme Royannais, 1.

41. Lescarbot, History of New France, 3 vols. (Toronto, 1907) 2:250, 277.

42. Quoted in Grenon, Pierre Dugua de Mons, Founder of Acadie, 13–14.

43. Grenon, Pierre Dugua de Mons, Founder of Acadie, 1–3; Morse, ed., Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons; M. G. Rodrigues, Le père du Canada: Pierre Dugua (1994), not seen. Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, vol. 1: Les vaines tentatives 1524–1603 (Montreal, 1963).

44. Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 37.

45. CWB 2: 215; 3:319.

46. Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 8; also helpful in correcting much confusion about the origins of his family.

47. Ibid., 8, 61; Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents 1: xxv; these are the court documents, which are most likely to survive. For monetary units, see Appendix O, below.

48. Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 327, 336.

49. Ibid., 325, 329, 342, 336.

50. Ibid., 93.

3. HENRI IV AND CHAMPLAIN

1.   “Majesté, à laquelle i’estois obligé tant de naissance, que d’vne pension de laquelle elle m’honoroit.” Samuel de Champlain, Les Voyages faits au Grand Fleuve Sainct Laurens par le sieur de Champlain Capitaine ordinaire pour le Roy en al marine, depuis l’année 1608 iusques en 1612 (Paris, 1613) in Works ed. Biggar (CWB) 3:315.

2.   “Le Roy [et] patrie … Dieu et le monde,” ibid., 6:99.

3.   Ibid., 3:315. For the meaning of obligé in the era of Samuel de Champlain, see Le Grand Robert de la langue française, 6:2050–52, s.v., “obliger.” The first example is “la loi naturelle, la loi divine nous oblige à honorer père et mere; natural and divine law obliges us to honor our father and mother.” The second meaning is “assujettir par une obligation d’ordre moral; to subject oneself by an obligation of a moral order.” Third, fourth and fifth meanings of “obliger” are: “assujettir par une obligation d’ordre juridique; to subject oneself by an obligation of a judicial order;” “mettre quelqu’un dans la nécessité de (faire quelque chose); to put someone under a necessity of doing something;” and “attacher quelqu’un par une obligation; to attach someone by an obligation.”

4.   “Bail de Jacques Hersan et Marie Camaret,” March 15, 1619, Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (Ottawa, 1967), 165.

5.   CWB 3:315; Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 364.

6.   Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France: Les Vaines Tentatives, 1524–1603 (Montreal and Paris, 1963), 1:255; Hubert Deschamps, Les Voyages de Samuel Champlain, saintongeais, père du Canada (Paris, 1951), 4n5.

7.   Life of Mà-Ka-Tai-Me-She-Kià-Kiàk or Black Hawk … dictated by himself, ed. J. B. Patterson (Cincinnati, 1834), new edition, ed. Milo M. Quaife (Chicago, 1916), 24; the best scholarly edition is Black Hawk, An Autobiography, ed. Donald Jackson (Urbana, Ill., 1955, 1964, 1990), 41–45, 45n; Gordon M. Sayre, Les sauvages Américaines (Chapel Hill, 1997), 64; see conclusion above.

8.   David Buisseret, Henry IV (London, 1984), 6–7; Pierre de Vaissière, Henri IV (Paris, 1925); Irene Mahoney, Royal Cousin: The Life of Henry IV of France (New York, 1970); Pierre-Victor Palma-Cuyet, Chronologie novenaire [1589–98] and Chronologie septenaire [1598–1604], ed. J. A. Buchon (Paris, 1836).

9.   For Henri’s presence in Saintonge, 1568–72, see Janine Garrison, Henry IV (Paris, 1984), “Le Prince de La Rochelle,” 46–52; Jean-Pierre Babelon, Henri IV (Paris, 1982), 138–58.

10. The particule de noblesse and the title “sieur de Champlain” appeared as early as 1595 in pay records of the royal army in Brittany. These documents are in the Archives d’Ille-et-Vilaine C2914 (fonds des États de Bretagne). They were discovered by Arthur de la Borderie, archivist in Rennes, and noted by Jouon de Longrais in Bulletin et mémoires de la Societé archéologique du département d’Ille-et-Vilaine 42 (1913), xlvi—xlviii. A modern transcription appears in Le Blant et Baudry, Nouveaux documents, 17–19.

11. The particule de preceding a patronymic name is often called the particule de noblesse, or particule nobiliare. It was never explicitly a sign of authentic nobility, but an emblem of rank, status, distinction, or merit that was awarded to others in common usage. In Champlain’s era the particule de noblesse commonly referred to someone who was thought worthy of respect, usually by rank and status—though not exclusively to people with authentic titles of nobility. In the nineteenth century it was assumed by the bourgeoisie as an instrument of social striving. As Victor Hugo complained in Les Misérables, “Le particule, on le sait, n’a aucune significance; it is well known that the particle means nothing at all” (III. iv. 1). See Le Grand Robert de la langue française 5: 279, s.v. “particule,” II. 2.

Robert Le Blant observed that Champlain signed himself Champlain, without the “de” word. An exception was his manuscript map of 1607. See Le Blant’s “La condition sociale de Samuel Champlain,” Actes du 87e congrès national des Sociétés savantes, Poitiers, 1962, (n.p., 1963), 669–77. It might be noted that Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, signed himself either Pierredugua, or Dugua, or Monts, or Mons, but not de Mons or de Monts. Photographs of his signatures appear in William Inglis Morse, Pierre Dugua sieur de Mons (London, 1939), 93ff.

The title “sieur” was commonly defined as a “titre honorifique pour un homme; an honorific title for a man.” In Champlain’s world it was given on the same criteria as the particule de noblesse. It did not refer exclusively to the nobility, but to men of honor who were thought to be worthy of respect. Only a very small proportion of the men mentioned in Champlain’s writings were called “sieur.” See Le Grand Robert de la langue française 6:436, s.v. “sieur,” I—III.

12. CWB 3:315.

13. Babelon, Henri IV, 7.

14. See, for example, René de La Croix de Castries, Henri IV, roi de coeur, roi de France (Paris, 1970); André Castelot, Henri IV le passionné (Paris, 1986); Marcelle Vioux, Le vert-galant: vie héroique at amoureuse de Henri IV (Paris, 1935); Francis Bayrou,Henri IV: le roi libre (Paris, 1994).

15. Christian Desplat, Cultures en Béarn (Librairie des Pyrénées et de Gascogne, 2001), excellent on the persistence of ancient and medieval folkways in the modern world, and the interplay of French and Bearnaise language and culture; Nicolas de Bordenave,Histoire de Béarn et de Navarre (Paris, 1873), a fine work of scholarship.

16. Buisseret, Henri IV, 1, from Pierre-Victor Palma-Cayet, Chronologie novenaire contenant l’histoire de la guerre (Paris, 1608) 1:175.

17. Nancy Lyman Roelker, Queen of Navarre: Jeanne d’Albret (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), a classic and charming work; Marquis de Rochambeau, Lettres d’Antoine de Bourbon et de Jehanne d’Albret (Paris, 1878); Jeanne d’Albret, Memoires et poésies de Jeanne d’Albret (Paris, 1893).

18. Roelker, Queen of Navarre, trans. as Jeanne d’Albret, reine de Navarre (Paris, 1979).

19. Frederic J. Baumgartner, Henri II: King of France, 1547–1559 (Durham, N.C., 1988).

20. David Hackett Fischer, The Great Wave: Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History (New York, 1996), 65–102.

21. Barbara B. Diefendorf, Beneath the Cross: Catholics and Huguenots in Sixteenth-Century Paris (Oxford, 1991) 50–56; Natalie Zemon Davis, “The Rites of Violence: Religious Riot in Sixteenth-Century France,” Society and Culture in Early Modern France(Palo Alto, 1976), 152–87; Denis Richet, “Aspects socio-culturels des conflits religieux à Paris dans la seconde moitié du XVIe siècle,” Annules ESC 32 (1977), 764–89.

22. Sylvia Shannon, “The Political Activity of François de Lorraine, duc de Guise, 1559–1563,” (thesis, Boston University, 1988), 344–82 compares four primary sources, two Protestant and two Catholic; Arlette Jouanna et al., Histoire et dictionnaire des guerres de religion (Paris, 1998), 106–10.

23. Denis Crouzet, Les Guerriers de Dieu: La violence au temps des troubles de religion, vers 1520—vers 1610, 2 vols. (Paris, 1990), a major work; on Sens and Tours, see Jouanna et al., Guerres de religion, 117; and on Montbrison, see Robert Knecht, French Religious Wars 1562–1598 (Botley, 2002), 73–75.

24. Knecht, The French Religious Wars, 29–37; a great classic is Pierre de Ronsard, Discours des misères de ce temps and its sequel, published in his Oeuvres complètes (Paris, 1552).

25. Jouanna et al., Guerres de religion, 163–85.

26. Mark Greengrass, France in the Age of Henri IV: The Struggle for Stability (New York, 1995), 11.

27. Eliane Vigé and Jimmy Vigé, Brouage: capitale du sel et patrie de Champlain (Bordessoules, 1990),42, 44, 49.

28. Mémoires et autres écrits de Marguerite de Valois, la Reine Margot, ed. Yves Cazeau (Paris, 1971, 1986), 11–12, 58–59.

29. Another factor was the war in the Netherlands, where the Protestant Dutch were fighting for their freedom from a Spanish Catholic ruler. In August 1572, the French king, Charles IX, gave Admiral de Coligny permission to take a French army into the Netherlands in support of the Dutch. The attempted assassination of de Coligny was an effort by the Catholic party to stop that intervention. A papal envoy reported that “if the Admiral had died from the shot, no others would have been killed.” But the admiral survived and the St. Bartholemew Massacre followed. See Lisa Jardine, The Awful End of Prince William the Silent (New York, 2006), 36.

30. Arlette Jouanna, La Saint-Barthélemy: les mystères d’un crime d’État, 24 août 1572 (Paris, 2007), 160–200.

31. Barbara B. Diefendorf, Beneath the Cross: Catholics and Huguenots in Sixteenth-Century Paris (New York, 1991); Philip Benedict, “The Saint Bartholemew’s Massacres in the Provinces,” Historical Journal 21 (1978) 205–25; Greengrass, France in the Age of Henry IV, 9.

32. Buisseret, Henri IV, 10.

33. Ibid.; Henri IV, Lettres missives de Henri IV, 9 vols. (Paris, 1843–76) 1:122.

34. Jean H. Mariéjol, Henri IV et Louis XIII (Paris, 1905), 252–53.

35. Michael Wolfe, The Conversion of Henry IV: Politics, Power, and Religious Belief in Early Modern Times (Cambridge, 1993), 22.

36. Marcel Trudel, a great historian of New France, raised a Roman Catholic, concluded that Champlain was born Protestant and converted to Catholicism. See Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 1:235–36; Deschamps, Les Voyages de Samuel Champlain, 4–5. A Protestant historian, Samuel Eliot Morison, thought that Champlain was “probably born and certainly brought up a Catholic,” but he did not appear to know the evidence. Samuel de Champlain, 17. Other scholars, such as Bishop, Champlain, 4, and Armstrong, Champlain, 4, remained agnostic on these questions.

37. Buisseret, Henri IV, 122.

38. Champlain’s religious books appear in Robert le Blant, “Inventaire des meubles faisant partie de la communauté entre Samuel Champlain et Hélène Boullé, Nov. 21, 1636,” Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique française 18 (1965) 595, 603, 599; for Henri’s Christian piety see Buisseret, Henri IV, 50.

39. Buisseret, Henri IV, 50–51, 54.

40. Ibid., 178.

41. Ibid., 12.

42. Knecht, The French Religious Wars, 91.

43. Variant estimates of these payments appear in Claude Groulart, Mémoires ou Voyages par lui faits en Cour (Paris, 1857); Sully, Les Oeconomies royales de Sully ed., David Buisseret and Bernard Barbiche, (Paris, 1970), and an earlier edition, Les Économies Royales ed. Michaud and Poujoulat, 2 vols. (Paris, 1837), and manuscript materials in Buisseret, Henri IV, 48; Greengrass, France in the Age of Henri IV, 87, 393.

44. Buisseret, Henri IV, 48–49.

45. Eliane Vigé and Jimmy Vigé, Brouage, ville d’histoire et place forte (Saint-Jean-d’Angély, 1989), 34–69.

46. S. Annette Finley-Croswhite, Henri IV and the Towns: The Pursuit of Legitimacy in French Urban Society, 1589–1610 (Cambridge, 1999), 20–22.

47. Henri IV was quoted as saying, “Si Dieu me donne encore de la vie, je feray qu’il n’y aura point de laboureur en mon Royaume, qui n’ait moyen d’avoir une poule dans son pot.” The earliest source I have found for this much quoted saying is Bishop Hardouin de Beaumont de Péréfixe, Histoire du Roy Henry Le Grand (1661, revised corrected and expanded by the author, Paris, 1681), annexe, “Recueil de quelques belles actions et paroles mémorables du Roy Henri Le Grand,” 528. Péréfixe was a tutor of Louis XIV.

48. Jean-Pierre Babelon, Demeures parisiens sous Henri IV et Louis XIII (Paris, 1965); Buisseret, Henri IV, 196.

49. Buisseret, Henri IV, 139–40.

50. Péréfixe, Histoire du Roy Henry Le Grand, annexe, “Recueil de quelques belles actions,” 529.

51. Jean-François Labourdette, “L’importance du Traité de Vervins,” 15–26.

4. A SOLDIER IN BRITTANY

1.   Champlain’s Army Pay Records, 1595, Archives de l’Ille-et-Vilaine, Fonds des États de Bretagne, C. 1924, ff. 229, 523–27; Robert Le Blant and René Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (Ottawa, 1967), 17–19.

2.   For an overview, and a great work of scholarship see Denis Crouzet, Les guerriers de Dieu: la violence au temps des troubles de religion (vers 1525—vers 1610), 2 vols. (Seyssel, 1990); also James B. Collins, “La Guerre de la Ligue et le bien public,” in Jean-François Labourdette, Jean-Pierre Poussou, and Marie-Catherine Vignal, eds., Le Traité de Vervins (Paris, 2000), 81–96.

3.   Louis Grégoire, La Ligue en Bretagne (Paris and Nantes, 1856). Major documents are in the second volume of Pierre-Victor Palma-Cayet, Chronologie novenaire and Chronologie septenaire (Paris 1836); and Henri IV, Recueil des lettres missives, 9 vols. (Paris, 1843–76), vols. 4–5.

4.   Mark Greengrass, France in the Age of Henry IV (2d edition 1984, London, 1995) 86; H. Wacquet, Mémoires du chanoine Jean Moreau sur les guerres de la ligue en Bretagne (Quimper, 1960).

5.   Champlain’s army records are reproduced in Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur 1:9–11.

6.   For monetary units see Frank C. Spooner, The International Economy and Monetary Movements in France, 1493–1725 (Cambridge, 1972); John J. McCusker, Money and Exchange in Europe and America, 1600–1775 (Chapel Hill, 1978), 9–13, 87–97, 280–90, passim; David Hackett Fischer, The Great Wave: Price Movements in World History (1996, 2d edition, Oxford, 2000). In general 1 silver écu equalled 3 livres tournois (a money of account), or about 6 English silver shillings in 1619; for monetary values, see Frank C. Spooner. On Champlain’s monetary units, see Appendix O below.

7.   “Paiement de diverses sommes à Jean Hardy et Samuel Champlain, pour leurs gages dans l’armée royale de Bretagne,” March—Dec. 1595, Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents 1:17–19.

8.   “A Samuel de Champlain, ayde du Sieur Hardy … pour certain voiage secret qu’il a faict important le service du Roy,” March—Dec. 1595, in Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents 1:18.

9.   This title appeared in pay records for the period from March to December 1595. Before the reference in folio 195 to the secret voyage and service to the king, he appears to have been called Champlain. Thereafter, he was sieur de Champlain. Cf. Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents, 1:17–19.

10. “Au sieur de Champlain la somme de trois escuz pour aller trouver Monsieur le marechal et luy representer quelques chose important le service du Roy,” Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents, 1:19. For Saint-Luc see Éliane Vigé and Jimmy Vigé,Brouage: ville d’histoire et place forte (Saint-Jean-d’Angély, 1989), 34–55.

11. Claude de Chastillon, “The Royal Camp of Henri IV at the Siege of La Fère,” January 1596, British Library; David Buisseret, Henri IV (London, 1984) plates 8, 9. This engraving gives a good sense of the role of the Logis du Roy in active campaigns.

12. Full accounts of the campaign are written by English participants and historians: R. B. Wernham, After the Armada: Elizabethan England and the Struggle for Western Europe (Oxford, 1984); J. S. Nolan, “English Operations around Brest, 1594,” Mariner’s Mirror 81 (1995), 259–74; James McDermott, “The Crozon Peninsula, El Leon, 1594,” Martin Fro-bisher, Elizabethan Privateer (New Haven, 2003), 407–23.

13. For Champlain’s presence at Crozon see Arthur le Moyne de la Borderie and Barthélemy Pocquet, Histoire de Bretagne, 6 vols., (Rennes, 1905–14), 5:260; Samuel E. Morison, Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 17; Morris Bishop,Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948, 1963), 10; Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto, 1987), 22; cf, Narcisse-Eutrope Dionne, Champlain: fondateur de Québec et père de la Nouvelle France (Quebec 1981, 1926) 1:8, who has him on the wrong side, fighting for the Catholic League; cf. Champlain himself in Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB) (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 1:3.

14. After-action report by English officers, 8 Nov. 1594, Cotton MSS, Caligula E IX, 1, f 211, British Library, as cited in McDermott, Frobisher, 480n.

15. Champlain, Brief Discours, CWB 1:3; Voyage (1612), Ibid., 2:257; Voyages (1632), Ibid., 4:156.

16. “Champlain, capitaine d’une compagnie en garnison à Quimper,” Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents 1:11.

17. Champlain, Traitté de la Marine, CWB 6: xii—xiv.

18. Ibid.

19. See McDermott, Martin Frobisher, 407–23.

20. James McDermott, ed., The Third Voyage of Martin Frobisher to Baffin Lsland (London, 2001), 409–17.

21. V. Steffanson, ed., The Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, 2 vols. (London, 1938); McDermott, ed., The Third Voyage of Martin Frobisher; Samuel Eliot Morison, The European Discovery of America: The Northern Voyages, AD 500–1600 (New York, 1971); for Champlain on “Messire Martin Forbichet” see CWB 1:227; 3:300; 6:196.

22. Nancy Lyman Roelker, ed., The Paris of Henry of Navarre, as seen by Pierre de l’Estoile; Selections from his Mémoires-Journaux (Cambridge, 1958), 287 (March 1698); extracts are from de l’Estoile, Mémoires-Journaux, ed. Brunet et al., 12 vols. (Paris, 1875–96).

23. The full text is in Roland Mousnier, The Assassination of Henri IV, tr. Joan Spencer (New York, 1973), appendix 4, 316–63.

24. For an overview, see Jean-François Labourdette, “L’importance du Traité de Vervins,” in Labourdette, Poussou, and Vignal eds., Le Traité de Vervins (Paris, 2000), 15–26.

25. Peter Kruger, “Vervins: le resultat précoce d’une vue systémique des affaires étrangères en Europe,” in Labourdette, Poussou, and Vignal eds., Le Traité de Vervins, 415–29.

26. David Buisseret, Henry IV (London, 1984), 69.

27. Samuel Eliot Morison, The European Discovery of America: The Southern Voyages, 1492–1616 (New York, 1974), 97–98; Francis G. Davenport, ed., European Treaties Bearing on the History of the United States and its Dependencies (Washington, 1914); Luis Weckmann, Las Bulas Alejandrinas de 1493 y la Teorìa Politica del Papado Medieval (Mexico City, 1949).

28. This subject is much confused in the secondary literature, and lines of amity have been understood in many different ways. For a review of the literature see Eric Thierry, “La Paix de Vervins et les ambitions françaises en Amérique,” in Labourdette, Poussou, and Vignal, eds., Le Traité de Vervins, 373–89; Olive Dickason, The Myth of the Savage; and the Beginnings of French Colonization in the Americas (Edmonton, 1984), 139.

29. Thierry, “La Paix de Vervins,” 375; quoting David Asseline, Antiquités et chroniques de la ville de Dieppe (Dieppe, 1874) 2:149.

30. L. Pauliat, La politique coloniale sous l’Ancien Régime d’après des documentes empruntés aux archives coloniales du ministre de la marine et des colonies (Paris, 1887) 177–79; Thierry, “La Paix de Vervins,” 375; Carl Bridenbaugh, No Peace Beyond the Line(New York and Oxford, 1972), 3.

31. Thierry, “La Paix de Vervins,” 375–77. I understand Claude Groulart to testify that Henri IV said in 1600 he was unable to make an agreement in the last treaty for peaceful trade in Brazil, the Indies and other places “beyond the line,” and that the Spanish were seizing French ships when found there, and therefore he would do the same to their ships. Cf. Claude Groulart, Mémoires ou voyages par lui faits en cour (Paris, 1857).

32. Buisseret, Henry IV, 138; also Auguste Poirson, Histoire du règne de Henri IV, 4 vols. (Paris, 1865) 2:283–87.

33. Robert Le Blant, “Henri IV et le Canada,” Revue de Pau et du Béarn 12 (1984–85), 43–57.

34. Yves Cazaux, Henri IV: les horizons du règne (Paris, 1986), 284–85; Le Blant, “Henri IV et le Canada,” 44.

35. Buisseret, Henry IV, 19.

36. Étienne Taillemite, “The Royal Navy in Champlain’s Time,” in Raymonde Litalien et Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 19–23.

37. Bernard Barbiche, “Autour de la visite de Henri IV au Havre en septembre 1603,” in Annie Blondel-Loisel, Raymonde Litalien, Jean Paul Barbiche and Claude Briot, eds., De la Seine au Saint-Laurent avec Champlain (Paris, 2005), 55–66; Buisseret, Henri IV, 88, 103, 108, 157; Jean-Pierre Babelon, Henri V (Paris, 1982), 708, 866, 888.

38. Taillemite, “The Royal Navy in Champlain’s Time,” 19–23.

39. Ibid., 21–22.

40. Ibid., 19–23.

41. Bernard Barbiche, “Henri IV and the World Overseas: A Decisive Time in the History of New France,” in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 24–32.

42. Richard Colebrook Harris, The Seigneurial System in Early Canada: A Geographical Study (Madison, 1968), 3; Edmond Lareau, Histoire du droit canadien (Montreal, 1888), 1:159–60.

43. Barbiche, “Henri IV and the World Overseas,” 30; Sully, Économies Royales, 2 vols. (1611–17, 1638) (Paris 1836–37), published in the second series of the Nouvelle collection des mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de France 1:516b; David Buisseret, Sully and the Growth of Centralized Government in France, 1598–1610 (London, 1968), 178.

44. Sully, Les Oeconomies royales de Sully, David Buisseret and Bernard Barbiche, eds. (Paris, 1988) 2:257.

45. Barbiche, “Henri IV and the World Overseas,” 30.

46. Champlain, CWB 3:302.

5. A SPY IN NEW SPAIN

1.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 1:63.

2.   CWB 1:3. Nearly everything in this Spanish period of Champlain’s life has been challenged by skeptics, debunkers, and iconoclasts in the late twentieth century. The text of this chapter centers on the history of what Champlain actually did, with historical evidence on disputed questions in the notes. A historiographical discussion of this literature appears in Appendix C below.

3.   In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the center of commerce and industry on that southern coast of Brittany shifted to the modern ports of Lorient and Saint-Nazaire. Blavet/ Port-Louis preserved much of its sixteenth-century scale and character as a consequence of rapid change in other towns—a pattern that also appears in Brouage, Crozon, Honfleur, and other places that were important in Champlain’s early life. When we visited these very attractive small towns, we had the sense of traveling through time.

4.   The first point raised by skeptics was whether Champlain served in the Brittany campaign and could have been at Blavet. In 1950, Jean Bruchési suggested that Champlain falsified the record of his military service in Brittany. See “Champlain a-t-il menti?”Cahiers des Dix 15 (1950), 39–53. Much evidence has come to light on Champlain’s military service, including army pay records kept by treasurer Gabriel Hus, that confirm Champlain’s account in the Brief Discours. The documents are published in Robert Le Blant and René Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (1560–1622) (Ottawa, 1967), I, xxv, 18–21.

5.   CWB 1:4.

6.   Ibid.

7.   Spanish captains were allowed to employ foreigners, “except English and rebel Dutchmen.” See L. A. Vigneras, “Le Voyage de Samuel Champlain aux Indes occidentales,” RHAF 11 (1957), 163–200.

8.   For ship-types, see Appendix M. Bonnault argued that Champlain was never in Blavet and invented Captain Provençal out of whole cloth. See Claude de Bonnault, “Encore le Brief discours: Champlain a-t-il été à Blavet en 1598?” Bulletin des recherches historiques 60 (1954), 59–64. A major document has been found in Cadiz and published in Joe C. W. Armstrong’s Champlain (Toronto, 1987), 274–77. It is a will and covenant signed by Champlain and his uncle on June 26, 1601. It clearly establishes their relationship as Champlain described it, and confirms many parts of the Brief Discours.

9.   Marcel Delafosse, “L’oncle de Champlain,” RHAF 12 (1958), 208–16; L.-A. Vigneras, “Encore le capitaine provençal,” RHAF 13 (1959–60), 544–49; Champlain, “Brief Narrative,” CWB 1:4; Narcisse-Eutrope Dionne, Champlain: fondateur de Québec et père de la Nouvelle France (Quebec, 1891, 1926), 1:14–19; Samuel Eliot Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 18.

10. CWB 1:4. Several scholars have argued that Captain Provençal was not Champlain’s uncle. Both men confirmed this relationship in a Spanish affidavit dated June 26, 1601, in the Archivo Historico Provincial in Cádiz, Spain. A copy of this document is in the Public Archives of Canada, and a transcription appears in Joe C. W. Armstrong, “The Testament of Guillermo Elena,” Champlain, appendix II, 274–78. Cf. Delafosse, “L’oncle de Champlain,” 208–16; Vigneras, “Encore le capitaine provençal,” 544–49; CWB 1:4, 7–8.

11. CWB 1:7. For evidence from Spanish archives that the Saint-Julien was chartered to carry troops from Blavet to Spain, see Laura Giraudo, “Research Report: A Mission to Spain,” and François-Marc Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” in Raymonde Italien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 93–97, 86–88; also Vigneras, “Voyage,” 168.

12. Gaston de Carné, Correspondance du duc de Mercoeur (Rennes, 1899), 2:162.

13. CWB 1:3&n; 2:257&n; 4:156; Governor de la Hottière’s charter gave him 40 reals per ton, which would have come to 2,000 reals altogether for the charter of the Saint-Julien. Captain Provençal was paid 400 reals to serve as master of the vessel.

14. Vigneras, “Le Voyage de Samuel Champlain.” Critics have made much of the fact that the Brief Discours garbled the name of Captain General Zubiaur, the Spanish commander of the fleet, sometimes making it Soubriago. Laura Giraudo’s study of orthography in the three early manuscripts of the Brief Discours finds that the name of the Spanish commander appeared in two of them as Subiaure and Subiaur, very close to the original Zubiaur. Broad variations in orthography were routine; S and Z were used interchangeably in Spanish and French. A Spanish court document in Cadiz reports the name Champlain as Zamplen. See Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” 86; and Laura Giraudo, “The Manuscripts of the Brief Discours,” in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America, 67.

15. For the smuggling of illegal cargo in the Saint-Julien, and for Zubiaur’s involvement, see Giraudo, “Research Report,” 95.

16. CWB 1:3–4. Supporting evidence in Spanish archives was found by Giraudo, “Research Report,” 93–95.

17. Critics have made much of inconsistencies in chronology between Champlain’s Discours and Spanish records. Champlain remembered the date of departure from Blavet as “the beginning of the month of August.” He estimated the arrival at Cape Finisterre as ten days later, the arrival at Vigo Bay as one day thereafter, the departure from Vigo six days later; doubling Cape St. Vincent three days later; arrival at Cadiz soon after that; stay in Cadiz one month. Spanish records gave the date of August 23, 1598, for the departure from Blavet, August 28 for arrival in Vigo Bay, September 7 for departure from Vigo, September 14 for arrival at Cadiz, and the stay in Cadiz from September 14 to October 12, 1598. Champlain erred in his memory of the date of departure, but thereafter the accounts are consistent, and they are clearly describing the same voyage. The initial error can be explained by the fact that Champlain was writing from memory long after the event, without a journal or a logbook. Cf. CWB 1:5–7; Vigneras, “Voyage,” 168; Giraudo, “Research Report,” 86; Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” 86.

18. Zubiaur, Report, Oct. 7, 1598, qtd. in Vigneras, “Voyage,” 168.

19. CWB 1:5.

20. Vigneras, “Voyage,” 168–69.

21. John Cummins, Francis Drake, The Lives of a Hero (New York, 1995, 1997), 164–78; Julian S. Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, 2 vols. (London, 1892); Kenneth Andrews, Drake’s Voyages, a Reassessment … (London, 1964).

22. CWB 1:7 and plate. Vigneras observes of Champlain’s plans of Spanish cities that “the two plans are accurate [exactes] and appear to be the work of someone who had actually been there.” See Vigneras, “Voyage,” 170.

23. Vigneras, “Voyage,” 169, found in Spanish records confirmation that Saint-Julien remained at Cadiz from September 14 to October 12, and moved to Sanlucar, just as Champlain wrote.

24. On the accuracy of Champlain’s plan see Vigneras, “Voyage,” 170.

25. A full account that confirms Champlain’s references to these events is Richard T. Spence, The Privateering Earl: George Clifford, 3rd Earl of Cumberland, 1558–1605, 141–75.

26. Zubiar’s appointments are confirmed in Spanish archives. See Giraudo, “Research Report,” 95.

27. Ibid., 95–97. See also Vigneras, “Voyage,” 163.

28. For the patache d’avis, see CWB 1:8.

29. CWB 1:9; Giraudo, “Research Report,” 95.

30. Giraudo, “Research Report,” 95.

31. The eight beatitudes in the Sermon on the Mount: Blessed are the poor in spirit, the meek, the pure, the merciful, the peacemakers; blessed are they that mourn, and seek righteousness, and blessed are they that are persecuted for righteousness’ sake.

32. For bizarria see Pablo E. Pérez-Mallaína, Los hombres del océano. Vida cotidiana de los tripulantes de las flotas de Indias, Siglo XVI (Seville, 1992); translated by Carla Rahn Phillips as Spain’s Men of the Sea: Daily Life on the Indies Fleets in the Sixteenth-Century (Baltimore, 1998), 1,152.

33. CWB 1:10.

34. Ibid.

35. For the six clandestine passengers see Vigneras, “Voyage,” 174; and Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” 87.

36. Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” 87; Vigneras discovered a list of officers aboard the San Julian. Champlain was not among them. Don Francisco Coloma also wrote that nobody aboard the San Julian had powers of attorney from the owners. Laura Giraudo writes, “The hypothesis advanced by Vigneras to the effect that Champlain undertook the voyage clandestinely or in a subordinate role appears more and more likely.” She found more evidence of clandestine passengers aboard the Saint-Julien. “Research Report,” 95.

The key to Champlain’s status may be found in the language of his own description. Champlain wrote, “mon oncle … me commist la charge dudict vaisseau pour esgard à ice-luy.” CWB 1:10. The operative words are charge and esgard. Charge, in early modern French usage, did not mean “in charge,” but a more general and less formal sense of concern. See Le Grand Robert, s.v., charge, ii, 3–5. Esgard came from the verb esgarder, to be attentive or to look after something, or to watch over it, or to be concerned about it. It did not necessarily imply power or authority. Esgard is rarely used in French today, and does not appear in Le Grand Robert, but it was common in early modern French, as in the preface to Pascal’s Pensées, “l’indifférence à l’esgard de toutes choses;” or Montaigne’s essay on cannibals, “esgard aux règles de la raison.”

37. Champlain’s Brief Discours and Spanish records are similar on the departure for the West Indies, but with a difference of dates. Gagnon writes, “the one month gap between the date given by Champlain and the date shown in official documents has yet to be explained” (Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” 87).

Champlain wrote that his ship “hoisted sail” for America at the beginning of January, 1599. This may have been the date when the ships began to shift their moorings at Sanlucar, and dropped down the river to join a fleet that was forming inside the bar. According to Spanish records San Julian cleared the bar at the mouth of the Guadalquivir River on February 3, 1599, with river pilot Adrián García aboard. We know this from his very large fee of ten Venetian ducats, which suggests that he may have been aboard the ship for some time, perhaps guiding her downstream from an upriver mooring.

Critics have made much of this discrepancy, but both statements could have been correct. The ships of the fleet had moored in the Guadalquivir River, as much as fifty miles upstream. In the Second World War, convoys smaller than the Spanish treasure fleets took weeks to form up in Halifax harbor. Delays might also have developed as river pilots watched the winds and tides over the treacherous Sanlucar bar. Compare CWB 1:10; Vigneras, “Voyage,” 174; Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” 87.

38. Pérez-Mallaína, Spain’s Men of the Sea, 8–15.

39. CWB 1:10. Champlain’s account and Spanish records were similar on the Atlantic passage, with exactly the same routes from Sanlucar through the Canary Islands to a landfall at La Deseade Island in the West Indies. But again we find a difference of dates. Champlain reckoned that the crossing took 66 days; Spanish records made it forty-five days. The disparity could be explained by the difference in departure dates between Champlain’s date of hoisting sail in the river and the Spanish date when the Saint Juliancrossed the bar. See CWB 1:10–11; Vigneras, “Voyage,” 175; Pérez-Mallaína, Spain’s Men of the Sea, 10–11.

40. CWB 1:10–11; Pérez-Mallaína, Spain’s Men of the Sea, 10.

41. CWB 1:11; Pérez-Mallaína, Spain’s Men of the Sea, 10–11; Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” 87.

42. CWB 1:11. Again we have a disparity of time between Champlain’s Brief Discours and Spanish records. Champlain reckoned the passage at two months and six days from the San Julian’s mooring in the Gaudalquivir River. Spanish sources set the arrival at La Deseada Island at March 18, which would yield a passage of one month and fifteen days. San Julian might have left her upstream mooring in January, and waited at the river’s mouth for the fleet to form. If so, then Champlain’s estimate of his landfall in the West Indies had the same date in mid-March as did the reports in the Spanish archives. Here again Champlain gives the date of first sailing. The Spanish sources give the date of crossing the bar.

43. For troubles aboard the San Julian, see Vigneras, “Voyage,” 188; Giraudo, “Research Report,” 95.

44. Vigneras and Giraudo found evidence that Coloma paired large vessels with small pataches, and that specifically on this voyage San Julian was paired with the Sandoval. Vigneras also found evidence in Spanish archives that Coloma sailed directly to Puerto Rico and San Julian had lagged behind. All of this evidence comes together if we conclude that San Julian made repairs in Guadeloupe, that she and Sandoval sailed together toward San Juan; when they were near the Virgin Islands the commanders found thatSan Julian could make San Juan on her own, and Sandoval was then detached to Margarita Island. Spanish records confirm that the patache Sandoval was sent on the annual errand to Margarita Island and that she rejoined the fleet in San Juan. All this is consistent with Champlain’s account. Compare CWB 1:12–13, and works cited above by Vigneras, Giraudo, and Gagnon.

45. CWB 1:12.

46. Ibid.

47. Several debunkers have severely chastised Champlain for gross inaccuracy in his sketch-map of Guadeloupe, which they offer as proof that he was never there. It is true that the drawing is inaccurate in its representation of the indented coast of Guadeloupe, which gives the island its distinctive butterfly shape. Champlain tells us that he was on the other side of the island, and this coast is represented more accurately. The pattern of this error is evidence that he worked from his own observation, rather than other sources. See Vigneras, “Voyage,” 176; Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” 91.

48. This interpretation reconciles Champlain’s narrative with evidence found by Vigneras in Spanish archives. Coloma sailed directly to Puerto Rico; San Julian lagged behind, and the patache Sandoval was sent to Margarita Island. Cf. CWB 1:12–13; Vigneras, “Voyage,” 176–77, 189; there is no necessary contradiction here, and strictures in Bishop, Champlain, 16–17, are without foundation.

49. CWB 1:13; Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” 83, 87; R. A. Donkin, Beyond Price: Pearls and Pearl Fishing: Origins to the Age of Discoveries (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1998).

50. CWB 1:12–13; Clyde L. Mackenzie, Jr., Luis Troccoli and Luis B. Leon, “History of the Atlantic Pearl-Oyster, Pinctata imbricata, Industry in Venezuela and Colombia, with Biological and Ecological Observations,” Marine Fisheries Review 65 (2003), 1–20; F[ernando] Cervigon, Las perlas en la historia de Venezuela (Caracas, 1998); R. A. Donkin, Beyond Price: Pearls and Pearl Fishing: Origins to the Age of Discoveries (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1998).

51. CWB 1:12–14; Vigneras, “Voyage,” 177, 189; cf. Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” 83, 87, 90–91.

52. CWB 1:14.

53. Ibid. 1:17; Here is another disparity of dates which has been used by iconoclasts to impeach Champlain’s Brief Discours. Spanish accounts reported that the English privateers had left much earlier; Champlain wrote that some English raiders left only fifteen days before Don Francisco’s ships arrived. English records indicate that the Earl of Cumberland left earlier, but his second-in-command, Sir John Berkeley, remained in San Juan to continue the work of destroying the walls of the fortress.

Champlain’s account is confirmed by Richard T. Spence, The Privateering Earl, 141–75. The best primary account of the English attack is by Dr. John Layfield, an Oxford don who was chaplain to the Earl of Cumberland. His manuscript is in the British Library, Sloane MS 3289, partly published in S. Purchas ed., Hakluytus Posthumus; or Purchas his pilgrimes (20 vols., Glasgow, 1905–07), 16: 43–106; the Earl’s account is in Purchas 6: 29–42; an account based on interviews by Richard Robinson is in George Williamson, George, Third Earl of Cumberland (1558–1805) (Cambridge, 1920), 177–85.

54. CWB 1:15, 18–19, 22.

55. Ibid. 1:18; Vigneras, “Voyage,” 177.

56. CWB 1:19–20; Iconoclasts have mocked these reports as fantasies. Champlain may have been describing a grove of Puerto Rican trees called the Benjamin Fig—not ficus sp. as Biggar believed, but ficus benjamina. Modern studies report that it has “the greatest crown spread of any tree on the island,” and “might be more accurately described as a clone formed of many aerial roots grown into stems from interconnected and ever-spreading branches,” much as Champlain observed. The largest ficus benjaminaknown to modern botany has a crown of about two hundred feet. A grove of them could have covered a very large area. Cf. CWB 1:19–22 with John K. Francis, Champion Trees of Puerto Rico (United States Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, International Institute of Tropical Forestry, Rio Piedras, P.R., 2000?), 1; and John K. Francis and Carol A. Lowe, eds., Bioecología de Arboles Nativos y Exóticos de Puerto Rico y las Indias Occidentales (United States Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, International Institute of Tropical Forestry, Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico, General Technical Report IITF-15, June 2000).

57. Champlain’s account of the division of the fleet and the itinerary of his squadron is fully confirmed in Spanish records. Cf. CWB 1:25–31; Vigneras, “Voyage,” 179–80.

58. This is Biggar’s point, in CWB, 1:31&n; Vigneras compared Champlain’s work with Spanish records and concluded that “L’auteur du Brief Discours suit avec exactitude l’itinéraire de Joannes Urdayre, et ses croquis de Puerto Plata, Manzanillo, Mosquitos et Monte Christi semblent pris sur le vif ou sont d’excellentes copies.” As always Vigneras gave Champlain a sharp elbow at the end! Cf. CWB 1:25–31; Vigneras, “Voyage,” 179, and evidence in Spanish records found by Vigneras and Laura Giraudo.

59. Champlain’s account of the squadron’s track along this coast has been confirmed in Spanish archives; Cf. CWB 1:25–31; and records reported by Vigneras, 179. Vigneras adds, “His sketches of Puerto Plata, Manzanillo, Mosquitos et Monte Christi appear to be taken from life or are excellent copies.”

60. Vigneras, “Voyage,” 179–80, concludes from his search of Spanish archives that “the version that Champlain gives accords with Spanish sources, except for several small details.”

61. Champlain’s account differs from Spanish records in several details such as the number of enemy ships (thirteen by Champlain’s count, eleven in Spanish records). There was also a difference on the location of the skirmish. The Brief Discours puts it on the south side of Cap St. Nicolas; Spanish sources place it at Gonaives. To study the coast is to see that this is a matter of language; the two accounts are fundamentally consistent. Compare CWB 1:26–31, and Vigneras, “Voyage,” 179–80.

62. CWB 1:32.

63. CWB 1:23.

64. Champlain’s description of the arid coast of southern Cuba with the Sierra Maestra rising behind it is very accurate, as I can testify from having cruised it several times. Cf. CWB 1:32–33.

65. CWB 1:33–34. Critics have argued that Champlain could not have visited the Cayman Islands because the records of the Spanish squadron make no mention of it—the fallacy of negative proof. Champlain wrote that they paused only one day. The Caymans lay directly on their course. Champlain’s description of the fauna and flora was accurate. He has been chastised for writing that the Cayman Islands were six or seven in number. Today they are reckoned as three, but with the others as islets. He noted that only three islands had harbors. Cf. Vigneras, “Voyage,” 181.

Champlain’s account has the ring of truth in its vivid and idiosyncratic detail. He wrote: “We anchored between the islands, and we remained there one day. I landed on two of them, and saw a very fine and most pleasant harbor. I walked a league inland, through very thick woods, and caught some rabbits, which were very numerous, a few birds, and a lizard as thick as my thigh, grey and the color of dead leaves.” He accurately described the flora and fauna, and was fascinated by the deep woods, huge flocks of birds, “very good fruits,” and the large Cayman iguanas, which are now protected. He caught a flightless bird as big as a goose and tried to eat it, a big mistake and a very bad taste (fort mauuais goust). It was evidence of Champlain’s omnivorous curiosity, and a testament to the authenticity of this experience. CWB 1:33–34.

66. This also finds confirmation in the West India Pilot, which advised that “the attention of the mariner is drawn to the fishing grounds pointed out on the chart of the Campeche Bank, which would amply repay a couple of hours’ delay by an abundant supply of rock-fish and red snappers.” Compare West India Pilot (London, 1903), 1:453, quoted in CWB 1:35n.

67. Champlain’s account of his visit to Mexico is the largest part of the Brief Discours, nearly 40 percent of the work. It was also the most controversial, and has been sharply attacked by hostile critics who argue that Champlain’s claim to have landed at Vera Cruz, to have traveled to Mexico City, and then to have visited Panama in a small vessel was either fiction or falsehood (Vigneras, “Voyage,” 182–85).

There is indeed a major problem of chronology here. Vigneras found records in Seville that Urdayre’s Spanish squadron remained at Vera Cruz for about nine weeks, from May 1 to June 29, 1699. He read Champlain’s Brief Discours as saying that his ship was there for more than fifteen weeks, perhaps eighteen weeks.

Champlain appears to say that he was two weeks at San Juan de Luz, spent an “entire month” in Mexico, made a voyage of three weeks to Porto Bello in Panama, was a month at Panama, returned to San Juan de Luz with no time given, and remained a period of fifteen days at San Juan de Luz while San Julian was careened and repaired yet again. This would appear to make a total of fifteen weeks plus the return from Panama, which Vigneras reckons at four and a half months. From this discrepancy Vigneras concludes that Champlain did not have time to spend one month at Mexico and another at Port-Bello, and that “it is necessary to reject one of these voyages, or perhaps both” (Vigneras, “Voyage,” 183; CWB 1:38, 66, 70).

But there are also problems in the analysis of Vigneras. Champlain’s count of weeks is not clear in his text, particularly for the trip to Portobello. Vigneras assumes that he was three weeks going there, a month in Panama, and three weeks returning, for a total of eleven or twelve weeks. But it is not certain that these temporal units were separate or overlapping, and Champlain gave no estimate of time for his return voyage.

The distance between Vera Cruz and Portobello was approximately 1,200 nautical miles. At a speed of five knots, each passage would have taken ten days, and Champlain might have been ten days at Portobello, for a total of four or five weeks, or a month overall, or even a little less, not eleven or twelve weeks. Perhaps this was what actually happened.

Champlain’s Discours and Spanish records used different ways of timekeeping. The Spanish worked from documents and referred to calendar dates. Champlain worked from memory and reckoned time in intervals of weeks and months. He rarely referred to the calendar, and then only with vague references and never exact dates. This clearly caused a bias in time estimates. Throughout the Discours Champlain tended to overestimate the length of time intervals in the past, a clear pattern of memory distortion. For example, he remembered the passage from Blavet to Vigo Bay at eleven days; Spanish records showed that the voyage lasted five days. Champlain’s memory of the Atlantic crossing from San Lucar to Deseada was sixty-six to seventy days; Spanish records made it forty-five days. The disparity is roughly comparable in estimates of time spent in New Spain.

This pattern of bias appears to have been working in Champlain’s memory of the Portobello trip, and time spent at San Juan de Luz. Also, the fifteen days spent careening the San Julian at San Juan de Luz could well have overlapped with his passage from Portobello. When we correct for a bias in Champlain’s inflated overestimates of time intervals, and if some of those intervals may have overlapped, it is possible that he could have made trips both to Mexico City and Portobello during the nine weeks when his squadron was moored at San Juan de Luz.

Gagnon suggests another interpretative possibility, that Champlain included events that he witnessed, and happenings that were experienced by his shipmates. Gagnon suggests that we watch his pronouns carefully. Sometimes he spoke of “I” and sometimes of “we,” to mean voyages not only by himself but by others in his squadron. I believe that this is correct and important as a general way of reading Champlain’s text. But it does not apply to the Mexican and the Portobello voyage, because both were cast in the first person singular. Champlain tells us in no uncertain terms that he was there. Cf. Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” 91.

68. 68. CWB 1:36.

69. 69. Ibid. 1:36–37.

70. 70. Gagnon, “Is the Brief Discours by Champlain?” 91; CWB 1:66; Records in Spanish archives establish that Urdayre ordered San Julian’s captain to go to Mexico City, and they report the length of the journey at thirty-nine days, very similar to Champlain’s estimate. Here is strong supporting evidence that Champlain did go to Mexico City, as he claimed. Vigneras was not persuaded, but his own research in Spanish archives strongly supports Champlain’s account, even if it does not explicitly mention his name.

71. 71. CWB 1:39–41.

72. Ibid. 1:56.

73. Ibid. 1:54.

74. CWB 1:60; Vigneras is exactly right when he notes the caution in Champlain’s statements, which hostile readers missed. Compare Vigneras, “Voyage,” 185.

75. CWB 1:63–65.

76. Ibid. 1:43.

77. Ibid. 1:63.

78. Ibid.

79. On these points his critics were correct and Champlain was mistaken. But these problems of accuracy on specific points of fact do not impeach the authenticity of the document.

80. CWB 1:66–67.

81. Ibid. 1:70.

82. Ibid. 1:69.

83. Ibid. 1:70–71. Champlain’s account is confirmed in Spanish records of payment to seamen who did the repair work, June 20, 1599, see Giraudo, “Research Report,” 26; citing AWI Contracción 2965. Confirmation for the careenage at San Juan de Luz also appears in Spanish records; but chronology is again a problem.

84. CWB 1:71.

85. Spanish records confirm that the ship was separated from the squadron, severely damaged, and by luck reached Havana.

86. Champlain’s account and Spanish records are consistent on the separation of the San Julian from Urdayre’s squadron, on reports that she was almost lost, and on the later arrival of Coloma. Vigneras, “Voyage,” 188.

87. Giraudo, “Research Report,” 95.

88. CWB 1:73.

89. Ibid. 1:77.

90. Ibid. 1:77–79.

91. On problems of chronology in this part of Champlain’s travels, see Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948, 1963), 343–44. Note that Coloma was back by February 1600; Champlain tells us that he returned two years and two months after his departure, which would have been March or April 1601.

92. Testament of Guillermo Elena, June 26, 1601; Armstrong, Champlain, 275. I follow Conrad Heidenreich and Janet Ritch on this text, in their new edition of Champlain’s writings.

93. Ibid.

94. CWB 1:208.

95. Ibid. 1:68.

96. Voyages (1632), in CWB 3:314; note the interlocking with the narrative of the West Indies and the connection with the king.

97. Voyages (1632); CWB 3:315.

98. CWB 4:362.

6. GEOGRAPHER IN THE LOUVRE

1.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 3:294–95.

2.   Philippe Erlanger, La vie quotidienne sous Henri IV (Paris, 1958, 1977), 91–92; for Champlain’s presence at court, CWB 3:314–16.

3.   Quoted in Erlanger, La vie quotidienne, 92.

4.   For the composition of the royal household in 1602, see a contemporary list in the British Public Record Office, “Officiers de la couronne,” PRO SP 78/44 folio 404; this and other sources are cited in David Buisseret, Henri IV (London, 1984), 94–105. Social historians have done much interesting analytic work on the courts of Louis XIV, XV, and XVI as communities. See Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Saint-Simon and the Court of Louis XIV (Chicago, 2001); William R. Newton, L’espace du roi: la cour de France au Château de Versailles, 1682–1789 (Paris, 1999); and Newton, La petite Cour: services et serviteurs à la Cour de Versailles (Paris, 2006). The court of Henri IV was smaller than that of Louis XIV, but similar in many aspects of its structure and function.

5.   Louis Batiffol. Le Louvre sous Henri IV et Louis XIII: La vie de la cour de France au XVlle siècle (Paris, 1930), 13; Michel Carmona, Le Louvre et les Tuileries: huit siècles d’histoire (Paris, 2004), 75–80.

6.   Jean-Pierre Babelon, Henri IV (Paris, 1982), 814–17; Babelon, “Les travaux de Henri IV au Louvre et aux Tuileries,” Paris et Île de France Mémoires 29 (1978) 55–130; Batiffol, Le Louvre sous Henri IV et Louis XIll; Jacques Thuillier, “Peinture et politique: une théorie de la galerie royale sous Henri IV,” Études d’art français offertes à Charles Sterling (Paris, 1975); Michel Carmona, Le Louvre et les Tuileries, 71–108.

7.   Buisseret, Henri IV, 94; Bertrand de Jouvenel, Du Pouvoir: Histoire naturelle de sa croissance (Geneva, 1945; Paris, 1972); translated by J. F. Huntington as On Power: The Natural History of Its Growth (Boston, 1962).

8.   Buisseret, Henri IV, 94–95.

9.   Keith Thomas has some wonderful unpublished work on the theme of fashion and change in the early modern era.

10. Buisseret, Henri IV, 94, 96; citing contemporary lists in the Bibliothèque nationale de France, Collection Clairambault, 837 folio 3225–3349; AN KK 151, 152, 153; also “Officiers de la Couronne,” PRO SP 78/44 folio 404 British National Archives.

11. David Buisseret, in The Mapmaker’s Quest: Depicting New Worlds in Renaissance Europe (Oxford, 2003), 64, 67, 116, 131, 139, passim. This is an excellent and deeply learned work by an expert on early cartography and a biographer of Henri IV. It is critically important for an understanding of Champlain’s career, and for the depth of Henri IV’s activity in supporting geography and cartography. It also describes the king’s large staff of expert geographers and cartographers such as Claude de Chastillon and Pierre Fougeu, and surveyors and instrument makers such as Philippe Danfrie at the Louvre.

12. Marc Lescarbot referred to Champlain as “géographe du Roy” in his Histoire de la Nouvelle France, 2d edition, revised, corrected, and augmented (Paris, 1611), 612; John Carter Brown Library. Marcel Trudel was skeptical, and wrote: “Était-il géographe du roi, comme le saluera Lescarbot dans un sonnet de 1607? Nulle part Champlain ne porte ce titre et personne autre que Lescarbot ne le lui donne; rien n’établit que Champlain, tout en agissant en géographe, ait occupé le poste officiel de géographe du roi.” Cf. Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1963) 1:258. The phrase does not appear in Lescarbot’s sonnet but it is in the second edition of his history of New France, as cited above.

Trudel is correct as to an official title of the Royal Geographer, but Buisseret reports that many geographers, cartographers, and experts in related sciences were employed by the king, with apartments in the Louvre. We have evidence that Champlain was receiving an annual pension from the king of 600 livres a year and that he was at the Louvre in this period, and Champlain himself wrote that the king wished to keep him “about his person.” Buisseret observes that “the King was a great patron of Samuel de Champlain who would soon be compiling his astonishing maps of North America.” See David Buisseret, The Mapmaker’s Quest: Depicting New Worlds in Renaissance Europe (Oxford, 2003), 64, 92–95. From this I conclude that Trudel was correct in his statement that Champlain was not the only oicial géographe du roi under Henri IV, but Buisseret and Lescarbot are correct in describing him as one of many géographes du roi who worked in the basement of the Grande Galerie of the Louvre.

13. A biographical sketch of Champlain in the Biographie Saintonge, 1852, reported that Champlain had worked as an armateur in Dieppe during these years; see also Morris Bishop, Champlain: A Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948, 1963), 37.

14. CWB 3:260.

15. Guilheume Allene [sic], Agreement, Nov 7, 1570, folios 709–10, Archives départementales de la Charente-Maritime; reproduced in Pauline Arsenault, “Acadia in Champlain’s New France: From Arcadia to China,” Litalien and Vaugeois eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal 2004), 114–20.

16. Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 24–25.

17. Marine archaeologists have raised some of these sixteenth-century boats from coastal waters off Labrador. They are remarkably similar to the whaleboats of Nantucket and New Bedford in the nineteenth century. See James A. Tuck and Robert Grenier, Red Bay, Labrador, World Whaling Capital A.D., 1550–1600 (St. John’s, Newfoundland, 1989), 36–37.

18. CWB 1:463, 3:415; Lescarbot, New France 2:362; Cartier had similar encounters with Basque fishermen as early as 1534 and 1535. See also Tuck and Grenier, Red Bay, Labrador, 2–3.

19. Robert Le Blant and René Baudry, Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (Ottawa, 1967), xxvii.

20. René Bélanger, Les Basques dans l’estuaire du Saint-Laurent, 1535–1635 (Montreal, 1971); Laurier Turgeon, “Pêcheurs basques et indiens des côtes du Saint-Laurent au XVIe siècle: Perspectives de recherches,” Études canadiennes/Canadian Studies 13 (1982), 9–14; Turgeon, “Pêches basques en Atlantique Nord (XVIIe—XVIIIe siècles): étude d’économie maritime” (Bordeaux, thèse de doctorat, 1982) and many essays by Selma Barkham, including “The Basques: Filling a Gap in Our History between Jacques Cartier and Champlain,” Canadian Historical Journal 96 (1978), 8–19; “The Documentary Evidence for Basque Whaling Ships in the Strait of Belle Isle,” in G. M. Story, ed., Early European Settlement and Exploitation in Atlantic Canada: Selected Papers(St. John’s, Nfld., 1982), 53–95; “The Basque Whaling Establishment in Labrador, 1536–1632: A Summary,” Arctic 37 (1984), 515–19; “A Note on the Strait of Belle Isle during the Period of Basque Contact with Indians and Inuit,” Études/ Inuit/Studies 4 (1980), 51–58.

21. Peter Bakker, “A Basque Etymology for the Word ‘Iroquois,’” Man in the Northeast 40 (1990), 89–93; idem, “The Language of the Coast Tribes is Half Basque: A Basque-Amerindian Pidgin in Use between Europeans and Native Americans in North America, ca. 1540—ca. 1640,” Anthropological Linguistics 31 (1989), 117–41; G. M. Day, “Iroquois, An Etymology,” Ethnohistory 15 (1968) 389–402; and I. Goddard, “Synonymy,” in B. G. Trigger ed., Handbook of North American Indians, Northeast(Washington, 1978) 15:319–21.

22. CWB 1:228.

23. Ibid. 3:261.

24. Ramsay Cook, ed., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (Toronto, 1993), xxv—xli, passim; Gustave Lanctot, A History of Canada (Toronto, 1963), 55.

25. For Cartier’s kidnapping of Donnacona and his sons, see Cook, ed., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier, xxxviii—xxxix. See also Roland Tremblay, Les Iroquoiens du Saint-Laurent: peuple du maïs (Montreal, 2006), 100–11.

26. Cook, ed., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier, xli, with much more on the mistrust of Cartier.

27. CWB 6:193; 3:298–99; 1:227; H. P. Biggar, ed., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (Ottawa, 1924); A Collection of Documents relating to Jacques Cartier and the Sieur de Roberval (Ottawa, 1930); Lanctot, Canada, 1:52–75.

28. CWB 3:264.

29. Ibid. 3:265–66.

30. Ibid. 3:268–69.

31. Ibid. 3:290–91.

32. Ibid. 3:275.

33. Ibid. 3:289–91.

34. Marq de Villiers and Sheila Hirtle, Sable Island (New York, 2004), 2–10, 123–33.

35. Joseph de Ber, ed., “Un document inédit sur l’île de Sable et le Marquis de la Roche,” RHAF 2 (1948–49) 199–213; Lescarbot, New France, 2:398–405; Dionne, Samuel Champlain, appendix, 354–60.

36. Lescarbot, New France, 194–95; Lanctot, Canada; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 1: 231–33; Bishop, “The Marquis de la Roche and Sable Island,” in Champlain, 347–49; Gustave Lanctot, “l’Établissement du Marquis de La Roche à l’Île de Sable,”Rapport de la Société historique du Canada, 1933, in Annual Report of the Canadian Historical Association (1933), 33–37; Charles Bréard and Paul Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande et à ses armements aux XVlle et XVllle siècles(Rouen, 1889), 79–83.

37. CWB 3:302–04.

38. This Pierre de Chauvin should not be confused with Captain Pierre Chauvin de la Pierre (var. Chavin) of Dieppe, whom Champlain appointed acting commander of Quebec in 1609–10. For Dieppe and North America, and a discussion of the two Chauvins, see Pierre Ickowicz and Raymonde Litalien, Dieppe-Canada: cinq cents ans d’histoire commune (Dieppe, 2004), 14ff.

39. CWB 3:311.

40. Ibid. 3:308.

41. Ibid. 3:305–12.

42. Ibid. 3:310; Bréard and Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande, 65–92.

43. CWB 3:293–94.

44. Ibid. 2:294–95.

45. Ibid. 3:302–04.

46. H. P. Biggar, The Early Trading Companies of New France (1901, 1937, Clifton, N.J., 1972), 45–49.

47. CWB 1:229; 3:312–18; 6:194.

48. Ibid. 3:313.

49. Ibid. 3:313–14.

50. Ibid. 3:315.

51. Ibid. 3:316.

7. TADOUSSAC

1.   Alain Beaulieu, “The Birth of the Franco-American Alliance,” in Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 160.

2.   CWB 3:315–16.

3.   CWB 5:92–93, 198; 3:316; Morris Bishop, Champlain: A Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948, 1963), 38; Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 23.

4.   D’Aumont to Henri IV, July 3, 1594, Robert Le Blant and René Baudry, Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (Ottawa, 1967), 15–16.

5.   CWB 3:305.

6.   Ibid. 4:363.

7.   Bishop, Champlain, 39; Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto, 1987), 39; CWB 1:98.

8.   Details of the ships appear in actes notariés, Feb. 18, 24, Mar. 10, 12, 1603, Charles Bréard and Paul Bréard, La Marine normande et ses armements aux XVle et XVlle siècles pour le Canada, l’Afrique, les Antilles, le Brésil et les lndes (Rouen, 1889), 99–101.

9.   Ibid.

10. For a discussion of Champlain’s purposes, see Alain Beaulieu and Réal Ouellet, eds., Des Sauvages (Montreal 2002), 36–37.

11. CWB 3:316. For the shipment of prefabricated boats, see William A. Baker, The Mayflower and Other Colonial Vessels (London, 1983), 65–74. A description of shallops “transported in portions” can be found in Captain John Smith’s account of the first voyage to Virginia, and in Mourt’s Relation, a journal recounting the Pilgrims’ venture at Plymouth.

12. CWB 1:92.

13. Ibid.

14. CWB 1:92–94; Morison, Samuel de Champlain, 27.

15. Ibid. 3:316.

16. Ibid. 1:105–06. Some historians believe that this first encampment was very small, and that the larger group gathered in response to the French arrival. But Champlain tells us explicitly: “They were 1,000 people—men, women and children. The place at St. Matthew’s Point where they first camped, is very pleasant.”

17. Eleanor Leacock, “Seventeenth-Century Montagnais Social Relations and Values,” and Edward S. Rogers and Eleanor Leacock, “Montagnais-Legaspi,” in June Helm, ed., Handbook of North American Indians 6: Subarctic (Washington, 1981), 169–89, 190–95; notes and materials in the Canadian Museum of Civilization, Hull, Quebec; conversations with Martin Gagnon, ethnographer and historian of the Montagnais nation at the Innu Cultural Centre, Essipit Reserve.

18. CWB 1:103. Champlain always called them nations, not tribes, and recorded their names as “Montagnes, Estechemins & Algoumekins.” Some scholars have raised a question: were the three nations all present, or was this merely a gathering of Montagnais? Alain Beaulieu concludes that all three were there. I absolutely agree, on the basis of Champlain’s language, on the numbers cited in two passages, on the location of the meeting in relation to their homelands, and the description of the tabagie. Cf. Beaulieu, “The Birth of the Franco-American Alliance,” 15–62.

19. Camil Girard and Édith Gagné, “Première alliance interculturelle. Rencontre entre Montagnais et Français à Tadoussac en 1603,” Recherches Amérindiennes au Québec 25 (1995), 3–14.

20. Was Anadabijou a name or a title? Some of Champlain’s passages imply that it was a title; others, that it was a name. For a discussion, see Beaulieu, “The Birth of the Franco-American Alliance,” 15–62. For the length of the lodge see CWB 1:101, where Champlain writes that “they had eight or ten kettles full of meats in the midst of the said lodge, and they were set some six paces apart, each on its own fire.” CWB 1:101; see also Victor Tremblay, “Anadabijou,” Saguenayensia, Sept.–Oct. 1959, 98–101.

21. CWB 1:99–101.

22. Ibid. 1:101.

23. Ibid. 1:104.

24. Ibid. 1:104.

25. Ibid. 1:108–09, 118.

26. Ibid. 1:109–11.

27. Ibid. 1:110.

28. Historians have come to different conclusions on the nature of this event. Early writers thought of it as an understanding on the fur trade and exploration. Benjamin Sulte in 1882 may have been the first to describe it as an alliance between the French and the Indians. The Abbé Tremblay thought of it as more than an alliance and called it a “traité.” Marcel Trudel described it as an “entente,” or understanding rather than a traité or formal alliance. Olive Patricia Dickason thought of it as “une alliance selon le ritual amérindien” and that Champlain also had this idea of it. I believe that this interpretation is correct. This informal entente, anchored in Indian rituals, proved to be more durable in that form than many formal treaties or pacts that were reduced to writing in a formal document of consent on a European model. For a discussion see Girard and Gagné, “Première alliance interculturelle,” 5–9.

29. Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France: Les Vaines Tentatives, 1524–1603 (Montreal, 1963), 260–61; Beaulieu and Ouellet, in their excellent edition of Champlain’s Des Sauvages, 11–60. My wife, Judy, and I learned much in conversation on August 7, 2007, with Jacques Martin in his home near Pointe aux Alouettes (also called Pointe Saint-Mathieu) on the Saguenay River. Martin knows intimately the place, the people, and the event. He lives the dream of Champlain and Anadabijou, as do we, and is devoted to the preservation of its memory, and he showed us some of the artifacts that he has found in the area.

30. Marcel Trudel, “Bâtir une Nouvelle-France plutôt sur l’axe Tadoussac-Baie d’Hudson?” Mythes et réalités dans l’histoire du Québec (Montreal, 2001), 39–47.

31. Ibid., 39–48.

32. Champlain’s soundings appeared in his map, “Port de Tadoussac,” reproduced in CWB 2:19 facing page; also CWB 2:16–19; 1:96–97, 121–24; by the evidence of soundings in the twentieth century, the Saguenay River is not as deep in our time as in Champlain’s. Rivermen told us that sediment as much as 500 feet deep has accumulated near the river’s mouth.

33. Ibid., 2:16–19; Pierre Béland, Beluga: A Farewell to Whales (New York, 1996), 32–49.

34. CWB 1:96–97.

35. Ibid. 2:19.

36. Ibid. 2:18.

37. Trudel, “L’axe Tadoussac,” 41.

38. CWB 1:124.

39. CWB (1632) 3:316.

40. CWB 1:137.

41. Ibid. 1:127.

42. Ibid. 1:129.

43. Ibid. 1:131–32.

44. Ibid. 1:137.

45. Ibid. 1:135.

46. Ibid. 1:138, 140–41.

47. Ibid. 1:149; 3:316–17.

48. Ibid. 1:151.

49. Ibid. 1:151.

50. Ibid. 1:152.

51. Ibid. 1:156.

52. Ibid. 1:153–56.

53. Ibid. 1:180–85; Carl O. Sauer, Northern Mists (Berkeley, 1970), 78.

54. Morison, Samuel de Champlain, 32.

55. Ibid.

56. Samuel de Champlain, Des Savvages, ov, Voyage de Samvel Champlain, de Brovage, fait en la France nouvelle en l’an mil six cens trois (Paris, chez Clavde de Monstr’oeil, tenant sa boutique en la Cour du Palais, au nom de Jésus, avec privilege dv Roi, 1603). A modern edition, edited by Alain Beaulieu et Réal Ouellet is published by Les Messageries (Montreal, 1993). A bilingual edition in French and English is in Champlain, Works, CWB 1:81–189.

57. Alain Rey et al., eds. Le Grand Robert de la langue française, 6 vols. (Paris 2001) 6:213ff, s.v. “sauvage.” For discussion see Peter N. Moogk, La Nouvelle France: The Making of French Canada, A Cultural History (East Lansing, 2000), 17ff; also Gervais Carpin, Histoire d’un mot: l’ethnonyme Canadien de 1535 à 1691 (Sillery, 1995), chapter 2, “Le canadien nommant Le ‘Sauvage,’ “25–66; and Olive Patricia Dickason, The Myth of the Savage and the Beginnings of French Colonialism in the Americas(Edmonton, 1984).

58. CWB 1:110.

59. Ibid. 3:81ff, 91n; 169–72; 4:267, 275, 335.

60. Marc Lescarbot, History of New France, 3 vols. (Toronto, 1907) 1:32–33; CWB 1:308.

61. CWB 1:110.

62. Ibid. 1:120.

63. Ibid. 1:111, 117.

64. Ibid. 1:111.

65. Ibid. 1:111.

66. Ibid. 3:222; Bruce Trigger wrote of Champlain: “He failed completely to understand the consensual nature of native political arrangements, because he viewed all power as being delegated from above, he did not comprehend that Indian leaders could not decide matters.” Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada’s “Heroic Age” Reconsidered (Montreal, 1985, 1994), 198–99. This is mistaken. Champlain repeatedly noted that chiefs had very little authority in the European sense. He repeated these observations from 1603 to the end of his life, and organized many approaches to the Indians around an understanding of the more consensual Indian polities.

67. CWB 1:119.

68. Ibid. 3:13.

69. Ibid. 3:17.

8. SAINTE-CROIX

1.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 1:307.

2.   CWB 3:317.

3.   The “special account” and manuscript map that Champlain gave Henri IV in 1603 have not been found. Probably the special account was a detailed report on the tabagie at Tadoussac, and prospects for settlement in the St. Lawrence Valley. It would have been very different from Des Sauvages. Champlain had been explicitly ordered to submit such a document by de Chaste and the king himself (CWB 3:318).

The map probably centered on the St. Lawrence River. Champlain wrote later, “I made a very exact map of what I saw, which I had engraved in 1604, which since then has been published with the account of my first voyages [in 1612].” No map engraved by Champlain in 1604 has been found. His map of 1612 centers on his observations in the St. Lawrence Valley and on reports that the Indians had given him about the Great Lakes. It also includes much additional information about Acadia and Norumbega that Champlain obtained on his coastal voyages of 1604–06. The 1612 map was likely based on the 1603 manuscript map and the 1604 engraving, with additions from the subsequent voyages. Cf. CWB 3:411, 318 and discussion in C. E. Heidenreich’s excellentExplorations and Mapping of Samuel de Champlain, 1602–1632 (Toronto, 1976), 2–4; Cartographica monograph 17; also published as a beiheft to Canadian Cartographer 13 (1976).

4.  CWB 3:318.

5.   Jean Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, fondateur de Québec (Quebec, 1999), 75, citing a manuscript in the Bibliothèque nationale de France, n. acq. fr. 9281 folio 2 recto; see also Guy Binot, Pierre Dugua de Mons (Royan, 2004), 66–70. Some of the major documents were first published as Commissions du Roy et de Monseigneur l’Admiral au sieur de Monts, pour l’habitation ès terres de Lacadie, Canada, & autres endroits en la nouvelle France. Ensemble les défenses premières et secondes à tous autres de traffiquer avec les Sauvages desdites terres. Avec la verification en la Cour de Parlement à Paris (Paris, 1605; facsimile published in Bar Harbor, Maine, 1915); also Collection de manuscrits contenant lettres, mémoires, et autres documents historiques relatifs à la Nouvelle France, recueillis aux Archives de la Province de Québec ou copiés à l’étranger, 4 vols. (Quebec, 1883), 1:40–49. These and other primary materials on de Mons’ appointment also appear in Binot, Pierre Dugua de Mons (Royan, 2004), 247–55; also William Inglis Morse, ed., Pierre du Gua, sieur de Monts: Records Colonial and ‘Saintongeois,’ (London, 1939), 4–13.

6.   Binot, Pierre Dugua de Mons, 60.

7.   CWB 1:231.

8.   For Champlain’s association with these three men—Pierre Jeannin (1540–1622?), Nicolas Brûlart, marquis de Sillery (1544–1624), and Charles II de Cossé-Brissac (ca. 1550–1621)—see CWB 1:3; 2:243, 257; on the men themselves, also see Pierre Saumaise,Éloge sur la vie de Pierre Janin (Dijon, 1623); Henri Ballande, “Rebelle et conseiller de trois souverains: le président Jeannin (1542–1643) (Paris, 1981); L. E. Bois, Le Chevalier Noël Brûlart de Sillery, Étude Biographique, nouvelle édition corrigée (Québec, 1871); the entire text of the latter book is online in OurRoots/NosRacines.ca; this was the son of Nicolas Brûlart de Sillery; see also Pierre Cossé, Les Brissac et l’histoire (Grasset, 1973); and Cossé, Les Brissac (Farquelle, 1952).

9.   CWB 3:320.

10. CWB 3:320–21; Guy Binot, another man of Saintonge, observed that de Mons was drawn to Acadia as “plus méridional, située sur la même latitude que sa Saintonge natale.” Cf. Pierre Dugua de Mons, 65.

11. Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 35.

12. Elizabeth Jones, Gentlemen and Jesuits: Quests for Glory and Adventure in the Early Days of New France (Toronto, 1986), 19.

13. Ernest H. Wilkins, “Arcadia in America,” APS Proceedings 101 (1957) 4–30; Carl O. Sauer, Seventeenth Century North America (Berkeley, 1980), 77; Andrew H. Clark, Acadia: The Geography of Nova Scotia to 1760 (Madison, 1968), 71n.

14. The commission is published in Morse, ed., Pierre Du Gua, sieur de Monts, 4–6.

15. De Mons, “Articles proposed Nov. 6, 1603,” in Collection de manuscripts contenant lettres, mémoires et autres documents historiques relatifs à la Nouvelle-France, 1:40–43.

16. Reply to Articles proposed Nov. 6, 1603, Ibid.1:40–43.

17. “Commission of 8 Nov. 160–3;” “Remonstrances par le sieur de Mons, 18 déc. 1603, Bibliothèque Nationale, Dupuy vol. 318, 107–108r; for discussion, Binot, Pierre Dugua de Mons, 65–67; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 78–83; Marcel Trudel,Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1963) 2: 9–11.

18. Binot, Pierre Dugua de Mons, 68.

19. Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas, The Wise Men (New York, 1986). In the huge literature on the American founding fathers, nobody has brought out the linkage between their hard experience and high ideals. To these two generations one might add the circles that formed around Elizabeth I in England and Henri IV in France.

20. Documents dated 17 January and 25 January, 1604, in Henri Harrisse, Notes pour servir à l’histoire, à la bibliographie, et à la cartographie de la Nouvelle-France et des pays adjacents, 1545–1700 (Paris, 1872), 280–82; and Édouard Gosselin, Nouvelles glanes historiques normandes puisées exclusivement dans des documents inédits (Rouen, 1873), 21–23; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:14.

21. “The Two Monopolies of Monts,” H. P. Biggar, The Early Trading Companies of New France (1937, rpt. Clifton, N.J., 1937), 51–55; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:14–15; Contract of Feb. 19, 1604, in Gosselin, Nouvelles glanes, 24–29; Binot,Pierre Dugua de Mons, 81–82; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 85–93; “Association de Samuel Georges et Jean Macain à la compagnie de Pierre du Gua, sieur de Mons,” Feb. 10, 1604, and related documents of the same date, in Robert Le Blant et René Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (Ottawa, 1967) 1:80–85.

22. CWB 3:323.

23. Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 105; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:63, 465, 486; Marc Lescarbot, History of New France (Toronto, 1907), 3:231.

24. Adrien Huguet, Jean de Poutrincourt, Fondateur de Port-Royal en Acadie; Vice-Roi du Canada, 1557–1615: campagnes, voyages et aventures d’un colonisateur sous Henri IV (Amiens and Paris, 1932), 154–72. The title is inaccurate; Poutrincourt was never viceroy of Canada or New France, but this book is still the most comprehensive study of Poutrincourt.

25. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:27, 228; Champlain, CWB 1:234, 277, 391; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:24. This Boullay or Boullet should not be confused with Eustache Boullé, the future brother-in-law of Champlain, who was prominent in later voyages. Cf. Biggar, who is mistaken in CWB 1:247n; and Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:24n, who puts it right.

26. Charles Bréard and Paul Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande et à ses armements aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Rouen, 1889), 56, 102; CWB 1:230, 276n, 363; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:227, 253; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons(n.p., 1999), 123.

27. The most complete list appears on Champlain’s sketch of the Isle Sainte-Croix. Scattered references in Champlain and Lescarbot. For the sieur Ralluau see CWB 1:239 passim.

28. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:24; CWB 1:246–47.

29. Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 98.

30. CWB 1:233; 3:321.

31. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:34, 36.

32. A procuration of Pierre du Gua [sieur de Monts] for Mathieu de Coste, described as “nègre” or “naigre.” De Monts had contracted for his services with Nicolas de Bauquemare, merchant of Rouen; see Declaration of Nicolas de Bauquemare for le nègre Mathieu de Coste for services “de Canada Cadie et ailleurs … Canada, Acadie, et Nouvelle France;” Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents, 105–06, 194, 195, 203, 212, 235, 388. For his kidnapping and ransom see Morse, ed., Pierre du Gua, Sieur de Monts, 51; and Le Blant and Baudry, Nouveaux documents 1:196. Morison garbled the name as “d’Acosta” and wrote contemptuously that he “had somehow managed to learn the Indian languages and … caused his master so much trouble,” (p. xxvi).

33. CWB 1:253–54, 275; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:232, 242–44, 247; 3:45, 130.

34. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:25; CWB 3:327; Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada (1636) 1:9.

35. Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 103.

36. Jean Liebel found much primary material in the manuscript port records of Honfleur and other records in the departmental archives of Calvados, 8E 6517 folio 6Or; 6566 folio 149r; 6666, folio 106v, 184v, r; 6517 folio 302r; 335r; 5520 folio 318, 342; 6666 f. 184v, 185r, 196r, 197v, T96v; 6517, f335r, 107v, 184v recto; all in Pierre Dugua sieur de Mons, 95–108. He also found a source for the relationship of tonnage to length in Père Fournier, S.J. Hydrographie, contenant la théorie et la pratique de toutes les parties de la navigation (Paris, 1643), a chapter on “Architecture navale,” 16–43.

37. Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 100.

38. CWB 1:238–39; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 127.

39. At least four accounts of this voyage survive: one in Champlain’s Voyages published in 1613, CWB 1:234–36; another in Champlain’s Voyages of 1632, CWB 3:321–25; a third by Lescarbot (who was not aboard, but talked with Poutrincourt and others) inHistory of New France 2:227–31; and an anonymous essay in Le Mercure François, volume for 1608 (1611) 294; reprinted in Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada 8 (1902) 2:172. See also new material in Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 108–12.

Champlain wrote in his first account that the date of departure was April 7, 1604. Lescarbot and the Mercure François made it March 7. Champlain’s editor, H. P. Biggar, believed that Lescarbot and the Mercure François were correct and Champlain was mistaken, a judgment repeated by other scholars. But Champlain was right about the date and Lescarbot was mistaken. Evidence has turned up in court records that merchants were still signing on passengers as late as March 17, 1604, and that Don-de-Dieu was still at Honfleur until 24 March, then sailed on that date for Le Havre and joined La Bonne-Renommée which had been there since at least March 17, 1604. See Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 98, 104.

40. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:301.

41. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:228.

42. CWB 1:234; 3:321.

43. CWB 1:236n; Nicolas Denys, The Description and Natural History of the Coasts of North America (Acadia), ed. William F. Ganong (Toronto, 1908), 147n, a bilingual edition published by the Champlain Society.

44. CWB 1:235; 3:322. Biggar did not believe that it could be so, but Champlain had made even faster crossings. In 1615 he sailed from Honfleur on April 24 (he wrote August by mistake) and reached Tadoussac on May 24. He did it again in 1618, from Honfleur on May 24 to Tadoussac on June 24. See Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 110.

45. CWB. The chart was published at Paris in 1613. It is reprinted with a modern chart in CWB I:236.f.

46. Sheila Chambers et al., Historic LaHave River Valley: images of Our Past (Halifax, 2004); Joan Dawson, “History,” www.fortpointmuseum.com/history.asp.

47. Silas Tertius Rand, Legends of the Micmacs, Wellesley Philological Publications (New York and London, 1894), 225–26; cf Nicolas Denys, Acadia, 323. The 400th Anniversary celebrations at Sainte—Croix sponsored with the endorsement of the National Park Service in 2004 asserted that Mi’kmaq Indians thought Champlain’s ships were great white birds. This is complete humbug. The long history of maritime activity on the North Atlantic coast has left archaeological evidence. Peter Pope writes that “translucent chert from Ramah Bay in northern Labrador has a wide distribution in pre-contact sites along the eastern littoral of North America as far south as Long Island Sound.” Cf. Peter Pope, The Many Landfalls of John Cabot (Toronto, 1997), 152.

48. CWB 1:237. Champlain’s estimate of five leagues from La Hève to Rossignol (today called Liverpool) was mistaken; eight leagues would be more accurate. A similar account is in Lescarbot, 2:229. A third account by Pont-Gravé, dated 24 Oct. 1604, is in Bréard and Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande. All confirm the accuracy of Champlain’s accounts. Owners of the seized ship brought suit, and after four years of litigation a settlement was reached. De Mons and his associates, “moved by pity and compassion,” made a gift of 900 livres but kept the furs. For the litigation that followed in France, and its outcome, see “Procuration donnée par les bourgeois du navire La Levrette….” March 26, 1608, and “Transaction de Pierre Dugua, Samuel Georges et leurs associés, avec les bourgeois havrais du navire La Levrette,” April 4, 1608, in Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents, 1:166–67, 169–72. For more detail about La Levrette, see Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Monts, 112–13. He estimates a figure of 500 livres for the payment to Rossignol and the owners of Levrette, which differs from other sources.

49. A version of this oral tradition was published in Mike Parker, Guides to the North Woods: Hunting and Fishing Tales from Nova Scotia 1860–1960 (Halifax, 1990), 95–96, from which these quotations are taken.

50. We know this story from a happy conjunction of sources. Oral legends of the Mi’kmaq and Métis people of Acadia interlock perfectly with the narratives of Champlain, Marc Lescarbot, François Pont-Gravé, and French court documents. These elements came together four centuries later, August 22, 2004, when we heard the legends again from Matthew Verge on a beautiful late summer day in the harbor where they took place. Many thanks to Matthew Verge for lending a copy of Mike Parker’s book, and for taking the time to talk with us on our visit to Liverpool in the summer of 2004.

51. CWB 1:237–38, 251, 3:332; 6:233; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:229.

52. CWB 1:239.

53. Ibid. 1:239–40.

54. Ibid. 1:241–43.

55. Ibid. 1:243.

56. Ibid. 1:247–49.

57. Ibid. 1:250–51.

58. For Jean Ralluau, see CWB 1:239, 267, 280, 388, 456; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 1:22, 26, 30, 52, 70, 174, 482; Le Blant et Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents 1: xii, xxiv, 212, 225, 317–18, passim.

59. CWB 1:255n.

60. Ibid. 1:256.

61. Ibid. 1:256.

62. Ibid. 1: 258–59.

63. Ibid. 1:261–63.

64. Ibid. 1:265–68.

65. Ibid. 1:269.

66. Still a leading study is William F. Ganong, Champlain’s Island (1902, expanded edition, Saint John, 2003), 122–139, 74–77; it examines the eyewitness accounts by Champlain and Lescarbot who visited the island shortly after it was abandoned. Ganong’s research confirms the accuracy of both accounts. Another study is Edwin A. Garrett IV, “L’île Sainte-Croix—St. Croix Island,” ms., 2007, with thanks to the author for a copy of his manuscript.

67. CWB 1:302.

68. Champlain tells us that they reached the Saint John River on June 24, 1604, St. John’s Day. They sailed through the reversing falls but “not farther,” which required two tides, then explored islands to the south, went hunting, then continued south to the Sainte-Croix River, and up the river to Sainte-Croix. This would have required at least two days after June 24, perhaps three or four. On that basis, we might estimate the date of arrival at Sainte-Croix as between June 26 and June 28. The date of June 24, 1604, given for the “choice of Ste. Croix,” in the excellent chronology of Litalien and Vaugeois, Champlain, 365, is not possible. Morison’s date of “mid-June” is mistaken in Champlain, 41. Liebel has it about right at June 26, 1604, in Pierre Dugua, sieur de Monts, 121.

69. CWB 1:275.

70. Ibid. 1:277.

71. Ibid. 1:274–75.

72. Ibid. 1:277; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:255; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 124; Ganong, Champlain’s Island, 90.

73. CWB 1:277–78; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:255; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 124; Ganong, Champlain’s Island, 64–78.

74. CWB 1:275–77; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:255.

75. Ganong writes from close study of the island, “the engraver probably used a crude though approximately accurate sketch by Champlain, and from this drew his attractive picture. CWB 1:275–79. A survey of archaeology done on Sainte-Croix Island appears in Gretchen Fearn Faulkner, “A History of Archeological Investigation on St. Croix,” unpub. paper, University of Maine, 1982; a copy is in the library of the Acadia National Park, Bar Harbor, Maine.

The first major project was done as early as 1796–97 by Loyalist settlers in New Brunswick, who wanted to determine that this was in fact the Sainte-Croix River and that their land grants were safe north of the river. Thomas Wright, surveyor general of Prince Edward Island, made a survey of the island and found that the foundations of the settlement closely matched plans and descriptions that Champlain had published. For a discussion see Ganong, Champlain’s Island, 122–39, 74–77.

Many amateur digs followed in the nineteenth century, and also several projects by professional archaeologists in the twentieth century. One project, led by Wendell Hadlock, was described in his “Narrative Report on Preliminary Exploration at St. Croix Island, Dec. 4, 1950,” and see also J. C. Harrington, “Preliminary Archeological Excavations at St. Croix Island, Maine,” January 30, 1951.

Another study followed in the late 1960s. Its leader, Jacob W. Gruber, reported his results in “The French Settlement on St. Croix Island, Maine, Excavations for the National Park Service, 1968–69,” ms. report, 1970; and “Champlain’s Dead: The Cemetery at St. Croix,” Department of Anthropology, Temple University, Philadelphia, Pa.

More work was done in the 1990s. See Thomas A. J. Crist, “Biocultural Response to Scurvy: An Example from Ste. Croix Island, New France, 1604–05,” unpub. paper, 1995; and Eric S. Johnson “Archeological Overview and Assessment of the Saint Croix Island International Historic Site, Calais, Maine,” University of Massachusetts Archeological Service, Amherst, Mass., 1996.

The largest project was a set of re-excavations and analyses in 2003–05, led by Dr. Steven Pendry and Lee Terzis. Their results are in process of publication at the time of this writing. Each of these studies was progressively more refined, but the ground was also increasingly more disturbed. The reports and many physical artifacts are in the Library of Acadia National Park, Bar Harbor, Maine; and at the North Atlantic Regional Office of the National Park Service, in Boston, Massachusetts.

76. Jean Grove, The Little Ice Age (Routledge, 1988), a work of scholarship; Brian Fagan, Little Ice Age, is a lively essay; annual climate series have been constructed by Hal Fritts at the University of Arizona.

77. Thomas A. J. Crist, Marcella H. Sorg, Robert Larocque, and Molly H. Crist, “Champlain’s Cemetery: Skeletal Analysis of the First Acadians, Saint Croix Island International Historic Site, Calais, Maine,” prepared for the United States National Park Service, Acadia National Park, Bar Harbor, Maine; ms. Utica College, Utica, N.Y., 2005.

78. The most striking evidence are CT scans of a French colonist, performed by Dr. John Benson, director of medical imaging at Mount Desert Hospital, Bar Harbor, Maine, June 26, 2003. The results were reported by Dr. Benson in a paper presented to the Radiological Society of North America, Nov. 29, 2004. Films and reports are on file in the library of Acadia National Park, Mount Desert Island, Maine. The autopsied skull was reexcavated by a group led by Dr. Steven Pendry in June 2003, and analyzed by a joint Canadian-American team of forensic anthropologists led by Dr. Thomas Crist and Dr. Molly Crist of Utica College, Dr. Marcella Sorg, Maine State Forensic Anthropologist, and Physical Anthropologist Dr. Robert Larocque of Université Laval, Quebec. See Thomas A. Crist and Marcella H. Sorg, “‘We Opened several of them to determine the Causes of their Illness:’ Samuel de Champlain and the New World’s First Adult Autopsy, L’île Sainte Croix, 1604–1605,” paper presented to the annual meeting of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences, Dallas, Texas, 2004.

79. Kenneth J. Carpenter, The History of Scurvy and Vitamin C (Cambridge, 1986), 11.

80. Champlain counted thirty-five dead; Lescarbot reported thirty-six deaths. Cf. CWB 1:204–05; Lescarbot, History of New France, 2:258; Pierre Biard, Relations of 1616, Jesuit Relations, 3:52–53.

81. Kenneth J. Carpenter, The History of Scurvy and Vitamin C (Cambridge, 1986), 230–33 reviews the evidence on this question, both from experiments by polar explorers such as Stefansson, and from nutritional studies of ascorbic acid in fresh meat in Eskimo diet, as well as in other sources available in North America such as licorice root, mountain sorrel, and angelica.

82. Paul Gafferel, Histoire du Brésil français au seizième siècle (Paris, 1878), with original documents; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 1, 180–92; 2:2, 3, 31, 33.

9. NORUMBEGA

1.   Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle France (Montreal, 1963) 2:62.

2.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 1:280.

3.   CWB 1:280; for her probable length see Jean Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons (n.p., 1999), 127; also Père Fournier, Hydrographie contenant la théorie et la pratique de toutes les parties de la navigation (Paris, 1643), 11. The French text of 1628 that defined a patache as a “petit navire de guerre préposé à la surveillance des côtes” is quoted in Alain Rey et al. eds., Le Grand Robert (Paris, 2001) 5:333; Samuel Eliot Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972) defines a patache erroneously by her rig, as a square-rigged ketch. Contemporary drawings suggest that her hull design was very different from that of the larger navires and smaller shallops, which typically had bluff bows, a broad beam, a lee board, and a large degree of “tumble home” that was much favored in the early seventeenth century. For a discussion of these ship-types, see appendix M.

4.   CWB 1:428.

5.   Some drawings of these small craft show a two-masted rig, with a small foremast and a larger mainmast; others have a mainmast and mizzen. The foremast was rigged with a sail that Champlain called bourcet or lugsail, an irregular quadrilateral bent on a diagonal yard. When coming about, the leading edge of the yard would be “dipped” and brought to the lee side of the mast. Cf. CWB 1:377; Howard I. Chapelle, American Small Craft: Their Design, Development and Construction (New York, 1951), 284–85; maps and drawings in Allan Forbes and Paul Cadman, France and England (Boston: 1925–29) 3:11–12.

6.   CWB 1:280; 390.

7.   Ibid. 2:437, 276; for Champlain on spares, see his Traitté de la Marine in CWB 6:253–348.

8.   On other voyages Champlain sailed with a small barque du port of five to eight tons, in company or on a towline. See CWB 1:276–78; see appendix M on Champlain’s ships and small craft.

9.   CWB 1:280. For helpful guides that confirm the accuracy of Champlain’s account see Hank and Jan Taft with Curtis Rindlaub, A Cruising Guide to the Maine Coast 3rd edition revised and expanded (1988, Peaks Island, Maine, 1996); also James L. Bildner,A Visual Cruising Guide to the Maine Coast (New York, 2006), which usefully combines chart segments with aerial photographs. Another useful tool are satellite images of the Maine coast, easily accessible on Google mapping programs, with maps and satellite photographs linked.

10. CWB 1:281.

11. Carl O. Sauer, Seventeenth Century America (Berkeley, 1980), 78; Kenny Taylor, Puffins (Stillwater, Minn., 1999), 26.

12. Morison thought that Champlain’s Isles Rangées were Cross, Libby’s, Head Harbor, Steel Harbor, and Great Wass islands. I take them to be the small islets south of Roque Island, which are even more regular. Compare Morison, Champlain, 46, with Google Satellite maps, s.v. “Roque Island.”

13. Many writers assert that Champlain spent the night somewhere near Schoodic. Biggar believed that he slept on Heron Island on the west side of Schoodic. Morison wrote that Champlain “put in at one of the little harbors (Birch, Wonsqueak, or Prospect)” and spent the night on the east side of Schoodic. This is not what Champlain wrote, and his narrative is our only guide. Champlain’s French text tells us very plainly that he left the Sainte-Croix River on September 5, sailed southwest 25 leagues (probably about 75 nautical miles or 86 statute miles), and “this same day, ce mesme jour,” reached the island he named Mount Desert. Champlain’s account indicates that he did not stay the night on Schoodic; Morison, Biggar, and Slafter (Champlain’s Voyages [Boston, 1878–82]) are mistaken. Cf. CWB 1:282; Morison, Champlain, 46; Biggar, in CWB 1:282n.

14. CWB 2:282–83.

15. In 1608, when he explored the valley of the Saguenay River, he wrote: “Il y a quelques isles dedans icelle riuiere qui sont fort desertes, n’estas que rochers, couuertes de petits sapins & bruieres; there are several islets in this river which are very barren, nothing but rocks covered with small spruce and briars.” John Squair translates désertes here as barren; CWB 2:17.

Another example from the same passage: “Toute la terre que i’y ay veuë ne sont que montaignes & premontoires de rochers, la pluspart couuerts de sapins et boulleaux, terre fort mal plaisante, tant d’un costé que d’autre; enfin ce sont de vrais déserts, inhabités d’animaux & oyseaux; the country on both sides of the river is nothing but mountains and rocky promontories, for the most part covered with spruce and birch, a very unpleasant place, on both sides of the river, in short they are a real wilderness, uninhabited by animals and birds” CWB 2:17. Note that the French habité means “inhabited” in English; inhabité means “uninhabited.” Here is another linguistic “false friend” where the same cognate has opposite meanings in English and French—at once the despair and delight of a translator.

16. CWB 1:282.

17. For the run of twenty-five leagues, see CWB 1:281; at sea Champlain tended to use Spanish leagues of three nautical miles; see appendix N.

18. “Peregrine Falcons in Acadia,” U.S. National Park Service, 1999; Candace Savage, Peregrin Falcons (San Francisco, 1994); J. T. Harris, The Peregrine Falcon in Greenland (Columbia, Mo., 1981); A. C. Bent, Life Histories of North American Birds of Prey(1937, New York, 1961).

19. CWB 1:282.

20. Champlain does not identify the cove in his narrative. Some islanders think that he might have run into Salisbury Cove, or Cromwell Harbor, or possibly Compass Harbor, but Otter Cove would have been closer and more convenient for careening his patache and more consistent with the text. Morison agrees in Champlain, 46.

21. Today’s Frenchman Bay should not be confused with Champlain’s Baie Françoise (or Française), which was his name for the Bay of Fundy.

22. Morison’s account is mistaken, as are other works that follow him. Cf. Morison, Champlain, 47; and CWB 1:283–84.

23. Ibid. 1:286.

24. Ibid. 1:290.

25. Ibid. 1:291.

26. Ibid. 1:290.

27. Lucien Campeau, “Bonaventure, enfant montagnais,” Monumenta Novae Franciae 2:662, 120, 248, 480, 602; CWB 1:289–96, 352–61.

28. CWB 1:294; Pierre Biard, in “Relation de la Nouvelle France,” Relations des Jesuites IV; Colin Calloway, ed., Dawnland Encounters: Indians and Europeans in Northern New England (Hanover, N.H., 1991).

29. CWB 1:294–95. Champlain was not the first Christian to sail up the Penobscot River. The Portuguese explorer Estevan Gómez went there in 1525 and left an inscription on a map, “no gold.” Gómez explored the coast of North America, found nothing of value, and to turn a profit captured a shipload of Indians in hope of selling them as slaves in Europe. He acted against the explicit orders of Charles V, and Spanish authorities forced him to free the few Indians who survived his treatment. Gómez also sailed with Magellan’s squadron in another ship, organized a mutiny, murdered his captain, and deserted the expedition. Fortunately for Champlain, the Indians of the Penobscot Valley did not see much of Gómez, and appear to have forgotten about him by 1604. Cf. Morison, European Discovery of America: The Northern Voyages (New York, 1971), 326–31.

30. CWB 1:295. On the location of the meeting, most historians defer to the judgment of Fannie Eckstrom, a gifted scholar who knew the ground, and a rigorous critic with very high standards of accuracy. She wrote: “The statements of many historians and near historians are so full of errors and so contradictory that it is useless to cite them as evidence, [and] needless to demolish them as errors.” Fannie Hardy Eckstrom, Old John Neptune and other Maine Indian Shamans (1945, rpt. Portland, 1980), 76.

31. CWB 1:294–96; The Maine Atlas and Gazetteer 25th edition (Yarmouth, 2002), maps 23, 77. On the west side of the Penobscot River was the large grove of oaks that attracted Champlain. On the east bank of the river was the handsome stand of white pines in what is now the town of Brewer. Local historians believe that the meeting place took place at the junction of the two rivers, near the intersection of Oak Street and Washington Street in Bangor.

32. CWB 1:296.

33. Ibid. 1:297; cf. Maine Atlas and Gazetteer, plate 23.

34. US Route 1 runs very close to the water’s edge through this area from Moose Point to Belfast Bridge.

35. CWB 1:284n; Samuel E. Morison, Northern Voyages (New York, 1971), 67, 464–70, 488–89; Sigmund Diamond, “Norumbega: New England Xanadu,” American Neptune 11 (1951), 95–107.

36. CWB 1:297–99.

37. Ibid. 1:299.

38. Ibid. 1:300.

39. Ibid. 1:298. On the ethnic identity of these people, a helpful work of high importance is Bruce J. Bourque, “Ethnicity on the Maritime Peninsula, 1600–1759,” Ethnohistory 36 (1989), 257–84; also Dean R. Snow, “The Ethnohistoric Baseline of the Eastern Abenake,” Ethnohistory 23 (1976), 291–306. Still very helpful are the works of Fannie Eckstrom, especially “The Indians of Maine,” in Louis C. Hatch ed., Maine: A History (New York, 1919), 43–64; Jeanne Patten Whitten, Fannie Hardy Eckstrom: A Descriptive Bibliography of her Writings, Published and Unpublished (Orono, 1976), 38–52.

40. CWB 1:311–12, 362; Sauer, Seventeenth Century America, 80.

41. James L. Bildner, A Visual Cruising Guide to the Maine Coast (Camden, Me., 2006), 224–25.

42. CWB 1:312; Morison, Champlain, 56.

43. Morison asserts that he sailed from Crow Island and, “without stopping he passed outside Mount Desert and Isle au Haut and anchored in a harbor near Bedabedec.” This cannot be correct, as Champlain tells us that they were thirteen days and nights getting from Sainte-Croix to Bedabedec. In between, the only places that Champlain mentioned were Crow Island, Mount Desert and “one of the islands at the mouth of the Kennebec River.” Query: where did they spend thirteen nights along this coast from June 18 to July 1, 1605? I think it probable that they stayed at least several days at each of these places including Mount Desert Island, perhaps on the island itself. Cf. CWB 1:312; Morison, Champlain, 56.

44. Champlain always called the Penobscot the Nurembega. CWB 1:312–23; for sailing times, see Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto, 1987), 59.

45. CWB 1:314–15.

46. Edmund Slafter and the Abbé C.-H. Laverdière worked out Champlain’s route. It was mapped by Henry Biggar and confirmed by Morison, who sailed it in a small boat. CWB 1:315; Morison, Champlain, 56–59; Edmund F. Slafter, ed., Champlain’s Voyages(Boston, 1878–82).

47. CWB 1:316.

48. Ibid. 1:317–20; Taft and Rindlaub, Cruising Guide to the Maine Coast, 107–110.

49. CWB 1:325; Champlain’s Almouchiquois were Lescarbot’s and Biard’s Armouchiquois; cf. Marc Lescarbot, History of New France (Toronto, 1907) 2:308, 325, 3:144; Pierre Biard, “Relation de la Nouvelle France. Écrite en 1614,” Relations des Jesuites3:208–09; John Smith, Complete Works (Chapel Hill, 1986) 1:328, 2:407. For a general discussion of ethnic groups in this part of Maine, see Bruce J. Bourque, Twelve Thousand Years: American Indians in Maine (Lincoln, Neb., 2001), 103–26; Bruce Bourque and Ruth Whitehead, “Trade and Alliances in the Contact Period,” Norumbega: American Beginnings, ed. Emerson W. Baker et al. (Lincoln, Neb., 1994), 327–41.

50. CWB 1:327; Bourque, Twelve Thousand Years, 106; Howard S. Russell, Indian New England before the Mayflower (Hanover, 1980), 133–64.

51. CWB 1:330.

52. Ibid. 1:333.

53. Ibid. 1:335.

54. Ibid. 1:335.

55. Ibid. 1:337.

56. Ibid. 1:337–38; Lescarbot, History of New France 3:95; S. F. Cook, The Indian Population of New England in the Seventeenth Century (Berkeley, 1976), 29–35; William S. Simmons, Spirit of the New England Tribes: Indian History and Folklore (Hanover, 1986), 15–16; Kathleen Bragdon, Native People of Southern New England, 1500–1650 (Norman, Oklahoma, 1996), 20–23.

57. CWB 1:340–41.

58. Ibid. 1:345.

59. Ibid. 1:348–49.

60. Ibid. 1:341–56; Cook, The Indian Population, 40–41.

61. CWB 1:351; Sauer, Seventeenth Century America, 83.

62. Ibid. 1:351–52; Sauer, Seventeenth Century America, 80–82.

63. CWB 1:354.

64. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:277–78; CWB 1:354–55.

65. CWB 1:355.

66. Ibid. 1:357.

67. George Rosier, “The Voyage of George Waymouth, 1605,” rpt. in Charles Herbert Levermore, ed., Forerunners and Competitors of the Pilgrims and Puritans 2 vols. (New York, 1912) 1:335; CWB 1:365.

68. Levermore, ed., Forerunners of the Pilgrims and Puritans 1:63–64, 67.

69. Lescarbot, History of New France, 2:253.

70. Ibid. 2:322; CWB 1:393.

71. CWB 1:394.

72. Ibid. 1:363, 395; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:324.

73. For this custom in the Pacific Northwest see Helen Codere, Fighting with Property (New York, 1950); Gordon MacGregor, Warriors without Weapons (Chicago, 1946).

74. CWB 1:395–96; Lescarbot, History of New France, 2:323–24. Both accounts are in fundamental agreement. Lescarbot was not present, but appears to have worked from an eyewitness account by Poutrincourt.

75. CWB 1:398; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:324–25; 2:327.

76. CWB 1:399–400.

77. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:328; CWB 1:402.

78. CWB 1:413–14; Cook, The Indian Population of New England, 40–45; Frank G. Speck, Territorial Subdivisions and Boundaries of the Wampanoag, Massachusetts, and Nauset Indians, Museum of the American Indian Publications Misc. Series 7 (1928), 1–152; Bragdon, Native People of Southern New England, 24.

79. CWB 1:417.

80. Ibid. 2:416.

81. Ibid. 1:418.

82. A contrasting example of Champlain’s cross-raising later appeared in his exploration of the Upper Ottawa Valley. See below, 310.

83. CWB 1:422.

84. Ibid. 1:422; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:330–37.

85. Morison, Champlain, 82; CWB 1:421–22; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:330–37.

10. PORT-ROYAL

1.   Marc Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France third edition, 3 vols., Paris, 1617; and ed. Edwin Tross 3 vols. (Paris, 1866); tr. as The History of New France, tr. W. L. Grant, ed. H. P. Biggar, 3 vols. (Toronto, 1907), 1:32–33.

2.   Marc Lescarbot, Une lettre inédite de Lescarbot publiée avec une notice biographique sur l’auteur, ed. G. Marcel (Paris, 1885), 7; Éric Thierry, Marc Lescarbot (vers 1570–1641). Un homme de plume au service de la Nouvelle-France (Paris, 2001), 124.

3.   Lescarbot, History of New France 2:344; Champlain, in Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 1:367.

4.   CWB 1:267, 269–70.

5.   Charles Bréard and Paul Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande et à ses armements aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Rouen, 1889), 146, 200–06.

6.   Nicolas-Claude de Fabri, seigneur de Peiresc, “Observations de Peiresc sur les curiosités rapportées d’Acadie par Pierre du Gua, sieur de Mons,” Nov. 26, 1605 and March 13, 1606; Robert Le Blant and René Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque, (Ottawa, 1967), 102–06; also Journal of Jehan Herouard, royal physician, ed. A.-Léo Ley-marie, “Le Canada pendant la jeunesse de Louis XIII,” Nova Francia 1 (1925), 161–70, at 169; Guy Binot, Pierre Dugua de Mons, Gentilhomme Royannais (Royan, 2004), 110; Elizabeth Jones, Gentlemen and Jesuits: Quests for Glory and Adventure in the Early Days of New France (Toronto, 1986), 63–64, 266–67; Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France: Le comptoir, 1604–1627(Montreal, 1966) 2:50.

7.   CWB 1:277; 370; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:24, 34, 36, 50, 481, 485.

8.   CWB 1:370.

9.   M. A. MacDonald, Fortune and La Tour: The Civil War in Acadia (Halifax, 2000), 4.

10. CWB 1:373, 376; the result of early archaeology on the site appear in Ganong’s plate.

11. CWB 1:376.

12. An elaborate reconstruction was erected on a different site.

13. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:281.

14. Ibid. 2:316.

15. CWB 1:371.

16. Ibid. 1:373. On the gazebo or cabinet, see Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 72.

17. CWB 1:261–62; 169–70, 180–84.

18. CWB 1:375; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:280–85.

19. CWB 1:376.

20. Ibid. 1:375–76, 449, 303–06; 2:29–63; 3:264–65; 5:213; 6:181; Kenneth J. Carpenter, The History of Scurvy and Vitamin C (Cambridge, 1986), 229–33; Stephen R. Bown, Scurvy (New York, 2003), 32.

21. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:344.

22. Adrien Huguet, Jean de Poutrincourt, fondateur de Port-Royal en Acadie, Vice-Roi du Canada, 1557–1615): campagnes, voyages et aventures d’un colonisateur sous Henri IV (Amiens and Paris, 1932), 3–138, is a very full and helpful account of Poutrincourt’s origins and early life.

23. Huguet, Jean de Poutrincourt, 112–13, 297–98. His family had a long interest in America. One of Poutrincourt’s cousins had married into a Spanish Basque family and attempted to found a colony in America. After it failed he put his animals ashore on Sable Island, where their offspring remained for centuries.

24. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:484–86. The second passage was drawn by Lescarbot from Psalms, 45:7. The English translation of these passages by W. L. Grant in the Champlain Society’s edition of The History of New France by Marc Lescarbot, 3 vols. (Toronto, 1911) 2:286–87, is not correct; the French text appears in the same edition, 2:531. For excellent discussions see Éric Thierry, Marc Lescarbot, 71–112; and Bernard Émont, Marc Lescarbot: mythes et rêves fondateurs de La Nouvelle-France(Paris, 2002), esp. 216–56, 289–300; and Louis-Martin, Marc Lescarbot: Le Chantre de l’Acadie (Quebec, 1997).

25. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:288. The full text of “Adieu à la France” appears in idem., 2:532–35; it might be compared with subsequent works, “Adieu aux François,” August 25, 1606, and “Adieu à la Nouvelle France,” July 30, 1607, in idem., 3:470–72, 480–89.

26. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:531; 3:333; CWB 1:279; for a review of the evidence see Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:29; and Le Blant and Baudry, Nouveaux documents, 163, 237, 276, 344, 368, 242–43. Poutrincourt appeared in legal records as master of “the seigneury of Port Royal and adjacent lands.”

27. On the La Tours, for a celebration see Azarie Couillard-Després, Charles de Saint-Étienne de la Tour, gouverneur, lieutenant-général en Acadie, et son temps, 1593–1666 (Arthabaska, 1930). For an execration, see Lauvrière, “Deux Traitres d’Acadie et leur victime: les La Tour père et fils et Charles d’Aulnay-Charnisay,” Canada français 19 (1931–32), 14–33, 83–105, 168–79, 233–38, 317–43; also published in Paris, 1932. For a refutation, see Azarie Couillard-Després, Charles de Saint-Étienne de la Tour, gouverneur en Acadie, 1593–1666, au tribunal de l’histoire (n.d.). An excellent work is M. A. MacDonald, Fortune and La Tour: The Civil War in Acadia (Halifax, 2000).

28. CWB 1:422n; Jones, Gentlemen and Jesuits, 74.

29. This Captain du Boullay should not be confused with Eustache Boullé or Boulay, who would be Champlain’s future son-in-law and his comrade in Quebec, ca. 1618–29; see DCB s.v., “Eustache Boullé;” and Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle France 2:24, 26, 34, 36, 49, 273, 471, 495.

30. The journeyman carpenters were Jehan Pussot, and Simon Barguin from Rheims, and Guillaume Richard from Lusignan in Poitou. Three journeymen woodcutters signed on for one year and were paid 100 livres: Antoine Esnault from Montdidier in Picardy, Michel Destrez from Magny en Vexin, and Michel Genson from Troyes in Champagne.

31. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:289.

32. Ibid. 2:288.

33. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle France 2:63, 465, 486.

34. Lescarbot in History of New France 2:330, 333, 350; Jones, Gentlemen and Jesuits, 75; Richardson, ed., The Theatre of Neptune, xxii; Champlain CWB 1:209, 422; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle France 2:474, 486.

35. Marc Lescarbot, La Conversion des Sauvages qui one esté baptisés en la Novvelle France, avec un bref récit du voyage du Sieur De Povtrincovrt (Paris, n.d. [1610] rpt. in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (New York, 1959) 1:102–03.

36. Mercure françois 1:296; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:63; CWB 1:439–40 with a map by Biggar on its probable location. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:347, noted that it was “much admired by the Indians.” For its location today, see Brenda Dunn, A History of Port-Royal/Annapolis Royal (1605–1800), (Halifax, 2004), 6; MacDonald, Fortune and La Tour, 199.

37. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:54–56; Jones, 146.

38. Lescarbot, History of New France; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:62; Jones, Gentlemen and Jesuits, 146.

39. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:317, 3:246–49.

40. Ibid. 2:320.

41. Ibid. 2:320.

42. Ibid. 2:321.

43. Ibid. 2:320–21.

44. See above.

45. Here again we have multiple sources for this event. Champlain made brief reference to it in CWB 1:438, and Lescarbot, the author of the work, did the same in his History of New France, 2:341; Lescarbot also included the script in an appendix to his history, called “The Muses of New France,” idem 3:473–79. It was frequently reprinted in 1611, 1612, 1617, and 1618. In the twentieth century it appeared in the Champlain Society’s edition of Lescarbot’s works. Complete bilingual texts in French and English were carefully edited by Harriette Taber Richardson, ed., The Theatre of Neptune in New France (Boston, 1927). Another English translation followed in Eugene and Renate Benson, “Marc Lescarbot and the Theatre of Neptune,” Canadian Drama 15 (1989) 84–85, rpt. in Anton Wagner, Canada’s Lost Plays (Toronto, 1982). All of these texts are reproduced with a learned introduction by Jerry Wasserman, Spectacle of Empire: Marc Lescarbot’s Theatre of Neptune in New France, 400th Anniversary Edition (Vancouver, 2006).

46. Trudel in Histoire de la Nouvelle France 2:63, citing Bibliothèque nationale de France, National Archives of France, 9.269.193v.

47. Don B. Wilmeth and Christopher Bigsby, eds., The Cambridge History of American Theatre (New York, 1998) 1:22–23.

48. Compare texts by Lescarbot and Benson in Wasserman, Spectacle of Empire, 73–81. Richardson’s text is more contemptuous of the Indians. Lescarbot’s first Indian’s speech begins:

De la part des peuples sauvages
Qui environnent ces païs
Nous rendre les homages
Deuz aux sacrées Fleur de Lis

Richardson translated it thus:

In the name of peoples uncouth
Whose homeland is bound by the seas,
We come to give our vows in truth
Unto the sacred Fleur-de-lis

The Bensons rendered it more accurately and less pejoratively:

On behalf of the Indian people,
Who inhabit these countries
We come to render homage
To the sacred fleur-de-lis.

49. Wasserman, Spectacle of Empire, 23; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:344, 352; Canadian iconoclasts and debunkers have interpreted the play in the opposite way. A group in Montreal condemned the Theatre of Neptune as “an extremely racist play … designed to subjugate the First Nations through the appropriation of their identities, collective voices, and lands.” They tried to produce what they described as a “subversive, deconstructive counter-performance” called Sinking Neptune; Wasserman,Spectacle of Empire, 14.

50. Thomas E. Warner, “European Musical Activities in North America before 1620,” Musical Quarterly 70 (1984), 77–95.

51. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:346.

52. CWB 1:451; 2:353. This was not Gaston, the third son of Henri IV, but his older brother, who was born at Fontainebleau April 16, 1607, and died in 1611.

53. CWB 1:447–48; Lescarbot agreed that he was the founder. See History of New France 2:342–43; Éric Thierry, “A Creation of Champlain’s: The Order of Good Cheer,” in Raymonde Italien et Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America(Montreal, 2004), 135–42.

54. CWB 1:448.

55. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:342n. Ganong, Grant, and Biggar explain that the rue aux Ours was “the street of the rôtisseurs, or sellers of cooked meat.” It is a very old street and exists in the IIIe Arondissement, off the rue St. Martin. In medieval Paris it was called in Latin vitus ubi coquntur anseres, “the street where geese are cooked.” In the early modern era, it also became a street of pelletiers or furriers, who had strong ties to New France. Cf. Jacques Hillairet, ed., Dictionnaire historique des rues de Paris, 2 vols. (10th edition, Paris, 1957–61) and supplement (4th edition, 1972); 2:207, s.v. “Ours.”

56. History of New France 2:342–43.

57. Ibid. 2:343.

58. Michael Salter, “L’Ordre de Bon Temps: A Functional Analysis,” Journal of Sport History 3 (1976), 2.

59. This information is drawn from rosters in Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France: Le Comptoir, 1604–1627 (Montreal, 1966), 465–500, which lists settlers who wintered over in New France from 1606 to 1627. For Addenin, see Éric Thierry, “Creation of Champlain’s,” 135–42, 142n; Lescarbot, History of New France 3:231n.

60. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:344.

61. For Champlain’s perception of the Abenaquioit see CWB 1:321, 6:12, 43–45 for Canadien 2:57, 6:26, 39 for Etchemin 1:103–20, 292–98, 308–09; 4:370–76; 5:313–18; 6:42, 44; for Souriqouis 1:384, 444–58; 2:53–57, 6:307. He divided the Etchemin into smaller groups, mainly by the river valleys where they lived and traded: the Penobscot, the Kennebec (which he called the Norumbega), and the Saint John River. To observe Champlain working in the role of peacemaker is to discover more evidence of error in the writings of academic iconoclasts who argue that he tried to play off one Indian nation against another. His repeated words and acts were the reverse. Champlain always regarded continued hostilities among the Indians as a mortal threat to his design for New France, and he was more effective than any colonial leader in discouraging it.

62. Pierre Biard writes that the young man “made his confession upon the shores of the sea in the presence of all the Savages, who were greatly astonished at thus seeing him upon his knees so long before me. Then he took communion in a most exemplary manner, at which can say tears came into my eyes, and not unto mine alone. The devil was confounded at this act; so he straightaway planned trouble for us this afternoon; but thank God through the justice and goodness of M. de Poutrincourt, harmony was everywhere restored.” Cf. Biard in Jesuit Relations 1:171.

63. MacDonald, Fortune and La Tour, 6.

64. On Bessabes, see CWB 1:284, 296, 442–45, 457–58; 3:360–61; on Secoudon, CWB 1: 267, 374–75, 381–82, 393–94, 436–42; on Sasinou, CWB 1:316, 319, 364–65, 457–58; 3:366, 368.

65. Biard, Jesuit Relations 1:167.

66. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:354; Lucien Campeau in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, s.v., “Membertou, Henri.”

67. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:354.

68. Ibid. 2:350–51.

69. Ibid. 2:359.

70. Marc Lescarbot, La Conversion des Savvages 1:51–113.

71. Lescarbot, History of New France 3:37 records a baptismal register that differs in small details and order from the other list. See also Extrait dv Registre de Bapteme de l’Église dv Port Royal en la Nouvelle France Le iour Sainct Iehan Baptiste 24. de juin [1610] a record of the baptisms of Sagamore Membertou and his large family on St. John’s Day, 1610, by Jesse Fleche. The original is in the John Carter Brown library, Providence, Rhode Island. It is also published in Jesuit Relations 1:108–13; it is an interesting source for the structure of a Mi’kmaq family in the early seventeenth century.

72. Lescarbot, History of New France 3:40.

73. Champlain, CWB 1:384.

74. CWB 1:457, 458n, 451, 442. An account of this war also appears in The Relation of a Voyage to Sagadahoc, 1607; CWB 1:458n.

75. CWB 1:444.

76. Lescarbot, History of New France 3:184.

77. CWB 1:449; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:347, 571.

78. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:347.

79. CWB 1:450.

80. Ibid. 1:450.

81. Ibid. 1:454.

82. Ibid. 1:456–58.

83. Ibid. 1:466, 1:468–69; Lescarbot, History of New France 2: 364–65; Nicolas Denys, The Description and Natural History of the Coasts of North America (Acadia), ed. Willima F. Ganong (Toronto, 1908), 164.

84. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:237–38.

11. QUEBEC

1.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 3:326.

2.   Marc Lescarbot, History of New France (Toronto, 1907) 2:365–66.

3.   Ibid. 2:366–67.

4.   Champlain, CWB 2:3; De Mons’ address in Paris on October 17, 1607, appears in a “procuration de Pierre du Gua pour s’opposer à l’enlèvement par Samuel Georges des pelleteries rapportées au cours de l’année 1607,” in Robert Le Blant et René Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (Ottawa, 1967), 144–45.

5.   Samuel de Champlain, “Descr[i]psion des costs p[or]ts, rades, Illes de la nouuele france faict selon son vray meridien Avec la declinaison de le[y]ment de plussiers endrois selon que le sieur de Castelfranc le demontre en son liure de la mecometrie de le[y]mant faict et observe par le Sr de Champlain, 1607.” The date is written over 1606. Map Division, Library of Congress. Modern images rarely do it justice. The original is very delicate and refined, in a fluent and graceful style. Modern reproductions are more coarse and have a strong yellow-shift that does not appear in the original.

6.   David Buisseret, The Mapmaker’s Quest: Depicting New Worlds in Renaissance Europe (Oxford, 2003), 94–95, 106.

7.   Guillaume de Nautonier, sieur de Castelfranc, Mécometrie de Leymant, cest a dire la manière de mesurier des longitudes par le moyen de l’eyment (Toulouse, 1603). For a discussion see C. E. Heidenreich, Cartographica: Explorations and Mapping of Samuel de Champlain, 1603–1632 (Toronto, 1976), 55–59. Champlain appears to have used Nautonier’s work not to calculate longitude, but to assist him in orienting his map to true north.

8.   CWB 2:18; Henry Percival Biggar, Early Trading Companies: A Contribution to the History of Commerce and Discovery in North America (Toronto, 1901, 1937; rpt. Clifton N.J., 1972), 63–64.

9.   CWB 3:324.

10. “Interrogatoire de Pierre du Gua …” April 2, 1612, in Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents, 213–14; see also Jean Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, fondateur de Québec (Paris, 1999), 210.

11. Sully appears to have accumulated a fortune of 5 to 6 million livres, small by comparison with that of Richelieu (20 million) or Mazarin (38 million), but still very large. Cf. Liebel, Pierre Dugua sieur de Mons, 210; Bernard Barbiche and Ségolène de Dainville-Barbiche, Sully, L’homme et ses fidèles (Paris, 1997), 305–09, 397–99; Joseph Bergin, Cardinal Richelieu: Power and the Pursuit of Wealth (New Haven, 1985), 243; and Claude Dulong, La fortune de Mazarin (Paris, 1990), 133.

12. William L. Riordan, Plunkitt of Tammany Hall: A Series of Very Plain Talks on Very Practical Politics (1906; New York, 1993), chap. 1.

13. Maximilian de Béthune, duc de Sully to President Jeannin, n.d., Bibliothèque Nationale, Coll. Colbert Cinq Cents, vol. 203, folio 236; as cited in Biggar, Early Trading Companies, 64.

14. Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1966) 2:66–67; CWB 3:326; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:351.

15. Champlain’s scathing judgments of Boyer were confirmed by Lescarbot. Cf. CWB 4:343–46, 363, 366–70; 5:56; and Lescarbot, History of New France 2:318–19.

16. In the early twentieth century Biggar found these cases in the Archives Municipales of Saint-Malo, series EE 4, 138. He summarized them in Early Trading Companies, 69. Some of this material was lost in the Second World War.

17. CWB 3:325–27.

18. CWB 2:4.

19. Lescarbot, “A Samvel Champlein, Sonnet,” LNAF, 3:404.

20. CWB 2:4.

21. CWB 4:33; Champlain always believed that the revocation of the Sieur de Mons’ commission in 1607 cost the French dearly in North America. Looking back, he wrote, “Had these matters been properly directed … the English and Dutch would then not have the places that they stole from us, and where they settled at our expense.” CWB 3:328.

22. Commission from Henri IV to the Sieur de Monts, Paris, Jan. 7, 1608; rpt. in CWB 2:5–9; 4:32, Arthur Giry, Manuel de diplomatique (Paris, 1894, 1925), 628, 759, 771–74, cited in Biggar, Early Trading Companies, 51–68.

Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 214–25.

23. Robert Le Blant, “La première bataille pour Québec en 1608,” Bulletin philologique et historique (jusqu’a 1610), année 1971 (Paris, 1977), 113–25. This excellent essay has put our knowledge of the founding of Quebec on a new empirical base. Also helpful are documents in Le Blant and Baudry, Nouveaux documents, 158–80; Liebel found more materials in the Departmental Archives of Calvados, some of which are available on microfilm at Library and Archives Canada in Ottawa; see Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 221–26; also still helpful is Charles Bréard and Paul Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande … XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Rouen, 1889), 106–13.

24. The numbers are those of Le Blant in “Première bataille,” 115.

25. Le Blant, “Première bataille,” 116–17; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 232.

26. CWB 4:31; 2:24–25.

27. Ibid. 4:28.

28. Ibid. 4:31.

29. Ibid. 4:31; Similar arguments with different emphases were made to religious leaders, investors, settlers, de Mons, and the king himself.

30. Champlain in CWB 4:31–32. This dual design was missed in earlier studies, and it does not appear in Champlain’s writings. It has emerged with increasing clarity from more recent research in France by Liebel and Le Blant. See Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 222–23; Le Blant, “Première bataille,” 119–21; Lescarbot, History of New France 3:303.

31. CWB 4:32.

32. Champlain, CWB 3:1–14.

33. Le Blant and Baudry, Nouveaux documents, 154–61; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:152–53, 486–87; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 230–31; John A. Dickinson, “Champlain, Administrator,” in Litalian and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 211–17.

34. Contracts survive for Jean Duval and Antoine Notay, smiths; Robert Dieu and Antoine Audry, sawyers of planks; Lucas Louriot, Jean Pernet, and Antoine Cavallier, carpenters; Martin Béguin, gardener; Nicolas du Val, Lyevin Lefranc, François Jouan, and Marc Balleny, carpenters; Mathieu Billoteau dit La Taille, tailor; Pierre Linot, woodcutter; Clément Morel and Guillaume Morel, laborers; François Bailly and Jean Loireau, masons. The manuscripts are in the French National Archives, Minutier XV 18 (registre de Cuvillyer). Richard Cuvillier was a notary in the Châtelet at Paris who executed these documents. Four of these contracts have been reprinted in Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents 1:154–61; The surgeon Bonnerme and the boys are mentioned in Champlain’s writings, CWB 2:31–32, 59; 136–42 passim; 4:118; 5:128.

35. CWB 2:4–8, 11–14, 32–34; 4:8, 19; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:152–53, 158, 469, 479; Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents, 1:95, 151.

36. Champlain, CWB 3:327.

37. Ibid. 4:28.

38. For preparations and departures see Champlain’s accounts in CWB 2:4, 8–9; and 4:32, 37. The best study is Le Blant, “Première bataille,” part II, “Les trois navires du Lieutenant-Général de Mons,” 119–21.

39. Older works identify this ship as the Don-de-Dieu, which appears in the registres de tabellion-age for the port of Honfleur, 1574–1670, as recorded in Bréard and Bréard, eds., Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande, 112, with an entry on April 4, 1608, for the “navire nommé le Don-de-Dieu, de 160 tonneaux, icelluy navire estant présent de présent en ce port et havre prest à faire le voyage de Canada à la conduite de Henry Couillard.” It was outfitted by Gilles Beuzelin, merchant of Rouen. This conclusion appears in Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:152 and Samuel E. Morison, Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 103, but the Don-de-Dieu of circa 150, 180 or 200 tons cannot be the ship in which Champlain sailed. This Don-de-Dieu did depart from Honfleur for America in the spring of 1608, but not until the period from April 30 to May 7, 1608, and her captain, Henri Couillart or Couillard, also went to Brouage and La Rochelle in search of a cargo of salt for the fishing trade (Le Blant, “La première bataille,” 119–20). A further complication is that her captain and part owner, Henri Couillard, had been engaged in litigation with de Mons shortly before the voyage; see Le Blant et Baudry, Nouveaux documents, 69, 70, 131, 139.

40. Liebel agrees that Champlain could not have embarked in the Don-de-Dieu, and suggests that he may have sailed in little Levrette, which appeared in other records as outfitted in December 1607 for the cod fisheries off Newfoundland in 1608. She appeared again in entries of March, 1608, as bound for Canada with Pierre Chauvin, Izaac Levasseur, and François Longin (or Tongin) on board. Chauvin would be one of Champlain’s officers in Quebec, but there is no evidence of Champlain’s presence on board. If this vessel was Rossignol’s La Levrette, she was too small to carry the passengers and cargo of “the things necessary and proper for a settlement” that Champlain described. (Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 233n, citing a manuscript in the Department Archives of Calvados, 8E6521, folios 158, 169, 281, 284, 289, 318, 349, 353, 381).

41. Liepvre in some accounts.

42. Bréard and Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande, 111; Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents, 92, 94; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:152–53; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 231–33; Le Blant, “La première bataille,” 119.

43. Lescarbot, History of New France 2:367–68; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:152.

44. Le Blant, “Première bataille,” 115–16; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 232–33.

45. Paul Laramée and Marie-José Auclair, La Gaspésie: ses paysages, son histoire, ses gens, ses attraits (Montreal, 2003), 233–48.

46. Champlain called him Darache. Le Blant identified him from documents in the Departmental Archives of les Pyrénées-Atlantiques, and summarized his findings in “Première bataille,” 125.

47. Marcel Trudel writes that Pont-Gravé “made a habit of hunting contraband traders, which he did in a very aggressive way.” In 1604, he had arrested four Basque vessels in Acadia and seized their goods. He did it again in 1606. On other occasions Pont-Gravé seized furs belonging to a member of the De Mons’ Company, which compelled the sieur de Mons to pay damages. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:153n, 66–67; Lescarbot, History of New France 2:526.

48. Champlain CWB 2:12.

49. Ibid. 2:12–13.

50. Ibid. 2:13–14, with much supporting documentation in Le Blant, “Première bataille,” 122–25.

51. Champlain, CWB 2:17.

52. Le Blant, “Première bataille,” 120–21; Le Blant and Baudry, Nouveaux documents, 151, 162; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 1:86–88; Mercure François 1:297 recto; Biard, “Relation” (1616), Jesuit Relations 3:162–64; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 224, 278.

53. Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3:36.

54. Ibid. 2:325, 368–69; Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae (Quebec, 1967), 1:120, 566, 568, 604–66, 661.

55. CWB 2:22.

56. Ibid. 2:23.

57. Champlain’s measurements appear to have been inaccurate. He estimated that the island was six leagues long, with a breadth of a league and a half, smaller than its present size. Montmorency Falls appeared to him “nearly twenty-five fathoms [150 feet] high.” It is today 265 feet.

58. CWB 2:23.

59. Ibid. 2:24.

60. Ibid. 2:25.

61. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:157.

62. Gustave Lanctot, A History of Canada: From its Origins to the Royal Régime (Toronto, 1963), 1:103. Much archaeology has been done in Quebec, and here again it confirms the accuracy of Champlain’s written accounts. For excavations in what is now the Place Royale in Quebec’s old town, see Françoise Niellon and Marcel Moussette, Le site de l’habitation de Champlain à Québec: étude de la collection archéologique (1976–1980) (Quebec, 1985), 26–78. Many artifacts were discovered, including what may have been Champlain’s writing set and a rich trove of other materials, some of which are now on display in the Historical Center at the Place Royale. Other helpful works are Norman Clermont, Claude Chapdelaine, and Jacques Guimont,L’occupation historique et préhistorique de Place Royale (Quebec, 1992); and also Camille Lapointe, Béatrice Chassé, and Hélène de Carufel, Aux origines de la vie québécoise (Quebec 1983, revised edition, 1994). These are merely three of more than 100 archaeological reports of very high quality that have been published by the 62.2279 Ministry of Culture and Communications in their series “Les Publications de Québec, Collection Patrimoines.”

63. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:157.

64. Champlain, CWB 2:44.

65. Ibid. 2:52.

66. Ibid. 2:60–61.

67. Ibid. 2:52.

68. Ibid. 2:17.

69. See above, 196–97.

70. Champlain CWB 2:25–34; evidence to confirm Champlain’s account of this episode appears in Lescarbot, History of New France 2:334, 3:6, 303–04; Le Blant and Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents, xxvi, 118, 154; Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae1:90; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:157–58.

71. Champlain, CWB 2:26.

72. Ibid. 2:34.

73. Ibid. 2:34.

74. Ibid. 2:35.

75. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:157.

76. Champlain, CWB 2:45.

77. Ibid. 4:53.

78. Ibid. 2:69.

79. Ibid. 2:69.

80. Ibid. 2:52–53.

81. Ibid. 4:50; for the history and culture of the Montagnais nation, who now call themselves Innu, we learned much from Martin Gagnon, ethnographer and historian at the Innu Cultural Centre on the Essipit Reservation east of Tadoussac on the St. Lawrence River. For published materials there is Peter Armitage, The Innu (The Montagnais Nagaspi) (New York, 1991). The Innu now have a publishing program for work in their own language. A very attractive book on the cultural legends of a hunting people is An-mani Saint-Onge André and Guilaine Saint-Pierre Bertrand, An-mani utipatshimunissima, published by the Institut Culturel et Éducatif Montagnais (Sept-Iles, Quebec, 1996).

82. CWB 2:44–45; 4:50.

83. Ibid. 4:53.

84. Eleanor Leacock, The Montagnais “Hunting Territory” and the Fur Trade, American Anthropological Association Memoirs 78 (1954), 1–9.

85. CWB 4:61.

86. Ibid. 2:46.

87. Ibid. 4:57–58.

88. Ibid. 4:52, 55, 60.

89. Ibid. 2:53.

90. Ibid. 2:63; Kenneth J. Carpenter, The History of Scurvy and Vitamin C (Cambridge, 1986), 10–11, 153 passim.

12. IROQUOIA

1.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 5:74–78.

2.   Captain Claude Godet des Maretz appears as Des Marais in Champlain’s writings (CWB 2:63, 73, 78, 80, 110, 116, 143; 5:97; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:161n, 167, 473. He should not be confused with his son François Godet des Maretz, who was left at Quebec in Pont-Gravé’s place in 1629. See CWB 6:32; Trudel, idem, 2:315, 473, 499. Claude’s brother was Jean Godet du Parc, who took command at Quebec when Champlain was away. This Percheron family was important in the early history of Quebec, more so than suggested by its historiography. Champlain trusted them and they strongly supported him. (Trudel, idem, 2:103, 173, 238, 245, 487, 489. For the pilot Jean Routier (Champlain’s La Routte), see CWB 2:73; Trudel, idem, 2:161n, 169, 483.

3.   CWB 2:63.

4.   CWB 2:108, Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:485.

5.   CWB 2:64.

6.   In the mid-twentieth century, some historians explained endemic warfare among the Indians as a response to the arrival of Europeans that brought about subsequent trade rivalries, political conflicts, cultural disintegration, and demographic crisis. See George T. Hunt, The Wars of the Iroquois (Madison, 1940); and Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism and the Cant of Conquest (Chapel Hill, 1975).

Even Indian torture and scalping have been attributed to Europeans. For an incisive review of this literature see James Axtell, “The Unkindest Cut, or Who Invented Scalping? A Case Study,” and “Scalping: The Ethnohistory of a Moral Question,” inThe European and the Indian: Essays in the Ethnohistory of Colonial North America (Oxford, 1981), 16–35, 207–41. Axtell was among the first to demonstrate the value for historical scholarship of research in ethnography, archaeology, and historical linguistics. For a discussion of assumptions that Indians were “generally peaceful” before Europeans arrived, see Lawrence H. Keeley, War Before Civilization (New York, 1996) 30–31; and for a general review of the literature see William Engelbrecht,Iroquoia: The Development of a Native World (Syracuse, 2003), 6–8, 41–46, passim.

7.   James W. Bradley, Evolution of the Onondaga Iroquois: Accommodating Change, 1500–1655 (Syracuse, 1987), 108; Dean R. Snow, Charles Gehring, and William A. Starna, eds., In Mohawk Country: Early Narratives about a Native People (Syracuse, 1996); Charles T. Gehring and William A. Starna, eds., A Journey into Mohawk Country and Oneida Country, 1634–1635 (Syracuse, 1988, 1991).

8.   CWB 2:143.

9.   CWB 2:63–64, 67–70. Others suggested a different motive. Marc Lescarbot wrote in 1610, “Champlain wishing to see the country of the Iroquois, to prevent the Indians from seizing the fort in his absence, persuaded them to go with him to make war.” See Lescarbot’s La Conversion des Savvages (Paris, 1610) rpt. in Jesuit Relations, 1:49–113. There is no evidence to support this hypothesis. Champlain had good relations with the Indians who lived near the settlement, and did not express fear that they would take Quebec. His campaign left most Laurentian warriors in the valley.

10. Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada’s “Heroic Age” Reconsidered (Montreal, 1985, 1994), 186; Fenton, The Great Law and the Longhouse: A Political History of the Iroquois Fed-eracy (Norman, Okla., 1998), 245.

11. CWB 2:64.

12. Ibid. 2:64.

13. Ibid. 2:65.

14. Ibid. 2:65; 1:130–31.

15. Ibid. 2:68.

16. For Ochasteguin, see CWB 2:68–71, 186; 3:73; 4:67–70, 136–50, 260; for Iroquet, see CWB 2:69–104, 4:67–103; also Trigger, Children of Aetentsic, 246–49 passim.

17. For discussion of orenda, see William Engelbrecht, Iroquoia, 4–6, 145–46; Hope L. Isaacs, “Orenda and the Concept of Power among the Tonawanda Seneca,” in Raymond D. Fogelson and Richard Adams, eds., The Anthropology of Power: Ethnographic Studies from Asia, Oceana, and the New World (New York, 1977), 168–73.

18. The same thing happened when Dutch explorer Harmen van den Bogaert visited the Mohawk in 1634. Bogaert was asked again and again to fire his gun. A historian writes, “From the Iroquois perspective, Orenda can reside in an object, and clearly guns had power.” See Harmen Meyndertsz van den Bogaert, “A Journey into Mohawk and Oneida Country, 1634–1635,” in Dean R. Snow, Charles T. Gehring, and William Sarna, eds., In Mohawk Country: Early Narratives about a Native People (Syracuse, 1996), 1–13; Engelbrecht, Iroquoia, 4–6, 145–46.

19. CWB 2:70–71; Trigger, Natives and Newcomers, 175.

20. Ibid. 2:71–72; for canoe types see appendix M below.

21. Ibid. 2:72–73.

22. Ibid. 2:73.

23. Ibid. 2:73–74, 76–77, 1:136.

24. Champlain called his opponents the Iroquois. Scholars agree that in this campaign he was fighting one nation in the Iroquois League: the Mohawk. The French would later call them agnier. Champlain referred to other Iroquois nations by their particular names (or in most cases the names given to them by the Huron). But he used Iroquois both for the Mohawk and for the entire League.

25. CWB 2:76; Fenton, The Great Law and the Longhouse, 53, 54, 57, 473, passim; Engelbrecht, Iroquoia, 124–30. On the Mohawk see Snow, Gehring, and Starna, eds., In Mohawk Country.

26. CWB 2:76–78.

27. Ibid. 2:78–79.

28. Ibid. 2:80; Lescarbot wrote in 1612 that Champlain was “accompagné d’un homme et d’un lacquais du sieur de Monts; Champlain was accompanied by a man and by a servant of the sieur de Mons.” See Marc Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle France 2d edition, revue, corrigée et augmentée par l’auteur (Paris, 1612), 626. A copy of this very rare work is in the John Carter Brown Library, Providence. This passage appears only in the second edition, and also in the reprint of Lescarbot’s Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Tross, ed.) 3:600. Lescarbot did not include it in his first edition, and removed it from the third. This “servant of de Mons” was probably François Addenin, who was identified as a “domestique du sieur de Mons” and was also a crack shot who was a hunter of game in Port-Royal. He may also have been the French soldier who was ordered by Henri IV to accompany de Mons as a bodyguard. His name was spelled both as Addenin and Admarin. See Lescarbot, History of New France3:231; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, 2:63, 461, 486, 162. The other man cannot be identified, but was also a skilled arquebusier. Lescarbot’s reference to Addenin (who is not named by Champlain) means that he had a source other than Champlain’s works. Thus we have two accounts of the campaign against the Mohawks, one by Lescarbot, the first in print; and the other by Champlain. Lescarbot confirms Champlain’s accounts.

29. Marc Lescarbot, La Conversion des Savvages (Paris, 1610), Jesuit Relations, 1:104.

30. CWB 2:84.

31. Ibid. 2:85. For a helpful study of this campaign in the context of military history, see Fred Anderson and Andrew Cayton, The Dominion of War; Empire and Liberty in North America, 1500–2000 (New York, 2005), 1–53.

32. Dates are a problem here. Champlain tells us that he left the rapids on the River of the Iro-quois on “le 2. Juillet.” This date was an error. Close readers agree that it must have been July 12. They camped that night at “an island three miles long,” probably Sainte-Thérèse Island. The following day, July 13, they went up the river as far as the entrance to the lake. There they camped again, and “on the following day we entered the Lake.” That would be July 14, 1609. Cf. CWB 2:82–90. For the naming of the lake see Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:162.

33. Guy Omeron Coolidge, The French Occupation of the Champlain Valley from 1609 to 1759 (1938; Flieschmanns, N.Y., 1999), 8–15.

34. CWB 2:90; Coolidge, French Occupation, 11.

35. CWB 2:94. On the importance of the moon, I follow an excellent unpublished manuscript by Stephen P. Dechame, one of the best discussions of the battle that I have read. A copy is in the library at Fort Ticonderoga. This hypothesis is confirmed by NASA’s lunar calendars. See http://sunearth.gsfc.nasa.gov; also http://eclipse.gsfc.nasa.gov/phase/phasecat.html.

36. CWB 2:89, 94.

37. Ibid.

38. CWB 2:95; Engelbrecht, Iroquoia, 48; Anthony F. C. Wallace, “Dreams and the Wishes of the Soul: A Type of Psychoanalytic Theory among the Seventeenth Century Iroquoians,” American Anthropologist 60 (1958), 234–48.

39. For Champlain’s probable meaning of cap, see the definition as a “pointe de terre souvent élevée qui s’avance dans la mer” in Alain Rey et al., eds., Le Grand Robert la langue française, new expanded edition, 6 vols. (Paris, 2001) 1:1893, s.v., “cap.” The location of Champlain’s cap is the subject of controversy. Most historians agree that it was at Ticonderoga. For the evidence see appendix J below.

40. In the nineteenth century, the rivière la chute was made into a millrace. In the late twentieth part of it became an attractive park in the town of Ticonderoga.

41. Robert Louis Stevenson wrote a gothic poem about Ticonderoga and its “strange outlandish name” that “sings in the sleeping ear,” with songs of death for many a Scot and Englishman and French and Indian too. Cf. his “Ticonderoga, A Legend of the West Highlands.”

42. Much archaeology has been done on this site. See William A. Ritchie, The Archaeology of New York State (New York, 1980); John H. Bailey, “A Rock Shelter at Fort Ticonderoga,” Bulletin of the Champlain Valley Historical Society 1 (1937), 5–16; also Dechame, unpub. ms., cites other archaeological studies and Mohawk legends.

43. CWB 2:95.

44. An example of an Iroquoian elm boat survives today in the Peabody-Essex Museum, adorned with diagonal red stripes. That motif was repeated in the paddles and fishing equipment. See William N. Fenton and Ernest Dodge, “An Elm Bark Canoe in the Peabody Museum of Salem,” American Neptune 9 (1949), 185–206; for an early account, Baron de Lahontan, New Voyages to North-America, ed. Reuben G. Thwaites (1703; 2 vols., New York, 1970) 1:80; see also Engelbrecht, Iroquoia, 141–42; for canoes from five nations—Inuit, Montagnais, Têtes de Boule, Ottawa, and Algonquin—see Olive Patricia Dickason, The Myth of the Savage (Edmonton, 1984), 89, from Bécard de Granville, Les raretés des Indes, LAC C-33287.

45. Champlain, CWB 2:96; Lescarbot, History of New France 3:12–13.

46. CWB 2:96–97.

47. Ibid. 2:97n. These passages follow the original French rather than the published English translation in Biggar.

48. Iconoclasts and debunkers have asserted that our only account of the battle is from Champlain himself. This is not correct. The first account was published not by Champlain but by Marc Lescarbot in his Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Paris, 1609), and hisLa Conversion des Sauvages qui ont esté baptizés en la Nouvelle France, cette année 1610 (Paris, 1610, rpt. in Jesuit Relations 1:49–113). These works were in print three years before Champlain published his first account. They agree on most important facts, including the first shot, but also add details that are not in Champlain’s accounts. Lescarbot also published other editions of the Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (1611, 1612, and 1618), with added details that vary from one edition to the next. We were able to study these variant editions in the superb collections of the John Carter Brown Library at Providence, R. I. They also confirm the main lines of Champlain’s testimony and add details that are not in Champlain’s account. They reveal that at least one of Lescarbot’s sources other than Champlain must have been an arquebusier who was with Champlain. These accounts were published while other participants were still alive. Even after Lescarbot had his falling out with Champlain, he continued to confirm and support Champlain’s account.

49. A key to these events was Champlain’s weapon, an arquebuse à rouet or wheel lock arquebus, not a matchlock musket as many historians have mistakenly believed. For details and discussion see appendix L below.

50. Lescarbot, Conversion des Sauvages, Jesuit Relations 1:105.

51. Some scholars believe that the battle took place on the sandy beach. Champlain’s drawing and the course of events indicate that it happened on a clearing above the beach, probably near the present Pavilion at Ticonderoga. Had the battle happened on the beach, Champlain’s arquebusiers would not have had a clear shot from the woods.

52. CWB 2:98; Lescarbot, Conversion des Sauvages, Jesuit Relations 1:105.

53. CWB 2:99. Lescarbot’s account differs from Champlain’s in some details, asserting that Champlain loaded with two balls, not four as Champlain wrote. See Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Paris, 1609), and his La Conversion des Sauvages1:51–113.

Lescarbot later wrote other accounts of the battle in subsequent editions of his Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (1611, 1612, 1618). Here he added more information not in Champlain’s account about the weather, and the identity of one of the two arquebusiers who joined the fight in support of Champlain. See above, note 47.

54. CWB 2:101.

55. Ibid. 2:100.

56. The latitude of Ticonderoga is 43 degrees 50 minutes north. Crown Point is 43 degrees 55 minutes.

57. CWB 2:94; 1:284.

58. The timing is crucial to the question of whether the battle was fought at Ticonderoga or Crown Point. Champlain had only three hours for exploring after the battle. See appendix J below.

59. CWB 2:94. This problem of time and distance is decisive in determining the location of the battle at Ticonderoga. It could not have happened at Crown Point. A discussion of the evidence appears in appendix J below.

60. CWB 2:101; on Hudson, see Samuel Purchas, Purchas, His Pilgrims (1613) 3:567–609.

61. CWB 2:105.

62. Ibid. 2:101.

63. Ibid. 2:102.

64. Ibid. 2:103.

65. Ibid. 2:101–05.

66. Nathaniel Knowles, “The Torture of Captives by the Indians of Eastern North America,” American Philosophical Society Proceedings 82 (1940), 151–225; Thomas S. Abler, “Iroquoian Cannibalism: Fact not Fiction,” Ethnohistory 27 (1980), 309–16. For archaeological evidence of cannibalism see James A. Tuck, Onondaga Iroquois Prehistory: A Study in Settlement Archaeology (Syracuse, 1971), 113–14.

67. For example, Daniel Richter, The Ordeal of the Long House: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the Era of European Colonization (North Carolina, 1993); Roger M. Carpenter, The Renewed, The Destroyed, and the Remade: The Three Thought Worlds of the Iroquois and the Huron, 1609–1650 (East Lansing, Mich., 2004), 22, 25, 26.

68. CWB 2:105.

69. Ibid.

70. Ibid. 2:106.

71. New France was a family enterprise, and kin relations were complex. Jean Godet du Parc was the brother of Captain Claude Godet des Maretz, son-in-law of Pont-Gravé; and uncle of François Godet des Maretz. The Godets belonged to a noble family in Perche. See Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:167, 472.

72. “laquelle sa Majesté eut pour agréable.” CWB 2:109–10.

73. Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 231–33; Daniel Boorstin, The Image: A Guide to Pseudo-Events (New York, 1961, 1972) is a history of this intellectual revolution that separates Champlain’s world from ours. To Boorstin’s analysis one might add French materials such as the comte de Mirabeau’s writings on language which argued, ca. 1776, that words are things, with an existence independent from the other things that they purport to describe.

74. CWB 2:109.

75. Ibid. 2:110; Gustave Lanctot, A History of Canada: From its Origins to the Royal Régime (Toronto, 1963) 1:106.

76. CWB 2:110.

77. Ibid. 2:112.

78. Ibid. 2:117; Lanctot 1:106.

79. CWB 2:118.

80. Ibid. 2:121.

81. Ibid. 2:118–19.

82. Ibid. 2:123.

83. CWB 2:125. The new moon was June 21, 1610. See National Aeronautics and Space Administration, Six Millennium Catalog of Phases of the Moon, online at http://sunearth.gsfc.nasa.gov; see also http://eclipse.gsfc.nasa.gov/phase/phasecat.html, a helpful reconstruction of the lunar calendar.

84. CWB 2:126.

85. Champlain was in low swampy ground at the junction of three rivers: the St. Lawrence, the Yamaska, and the Richelieu, which he called the Rivière des Iroquois in 1610. He was moving through a huge area of wetlands that is now the Lac Saint-Pierre Biosphere Reserve. It holds 40 percent of the St. Lawrence wetlands and is home to hundreds of species of birds, including the largest heron colony in North America. It is still overrun by huge swarms of mosquitoes.

86. CWB 2:127–28; 4:105–18.

87. Ibid. 2:128. Champlain wrote that they went about “une lieue & demi” from the St. Lawrence River. The location of the Mohawk barricade was on the southeast bank of the Richelieu River, about three miles from the St. Lawrence River, at a cape which came to be called cap de victoire or the cap du massacre. The Huron called it Onthrandéen. It is now within the city of Sorel-Tracy. See Abbé A. Couillard Després, Histoire de Sorel, de ses origines à nos jours (Montreal, 1926), 12, 21–24. Biggar in CWB 4:105 was mistaken about its location, and he confused Champlain’s references to the Richelieu and the St. Lawrence rivers. Historians who have it right are Trudel in Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:171; and Morison, Champlain, 120–21.

88. CWB 2:128.

89. Ibid. 2:130.

90. Ibid. 2:130–33.

91. Ibid. 2:131.

92. Ibid. 2:132.

93. Ibid. 2:131–34; 4:112–13.

94. Ibid. 2:134.

95. Ibid. 2:136.

96. Ibid. 2:137. For a thoughtful discussion, see Elisabeth Tooker, Ethnographie des Hurons, 1615–1649 (Montreal, 1987, 1997), 32–40. This excellent work was first published in English as “An Ethnography of the Huron Indians, 1615–1649,” Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 190 (Washington, 1964).

97. William N. Fenton, The Great Law and the Long House, 243–44.

98. For the high estimate, see Léo-Paul Desrosiers, Iroquoisie (Montreal, 1947) 47; for lower ones, see Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:164, 171. For the population of the Mohawks, ca. 1600, estimates by Snow and Starna range from 8,110 to 10,570. Engelbrecht thinks that those estimates are “generous,” and Trigger reckoned the population was “probably no more than 5,000.” Cf. Dean R. Snow and William Starna, “Sixteenth-Century Depopulation: A View from the Mohawk Valley,”American Anthropologist 91 (1989), 142–49;

99. Engelbrecht, Iroquoia, 125; Bruce G. Trigger, Children of Aataentsic: A History of the Huron People to 1660 (1976, new edition, Montreal, 1987), 260. 99. Trigger, Natives and Newcomers, 176–77; Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic, 260–61. Other factors were expanding trade with the Dutch in the Hudson Valley to the south and collisions in the Ottawa Valley.

13. MARIE DE MEDICI

1.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 2:144–45; 3:15.

2.   Ibid. 2:117, 147.

3.   CWB 2:145.

4.   CWB 2:144–45.

5.   Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, vol. 2: Le Comptoir, 1604–1627 (Montreal, 1966) 2:167; CWB 4:34.

6.   CWB 2:146–48. Claude Godet des Maretz was a captain in the King’s Marine. Lescarbot described him as a “jeune gentilehomme.” He came from Perche and married Jeanne, daughter of Francois Gravé du Pont. Also active in New France were his son, François Godet des Maretz, born at Honfleur in 1616 and his brother Jean Godet du Parc. They would play important roles in Quebec for many years—in 1609, 1610, 1611, 1613, 1616–17, and 1623. Godet du Parc commanded there in 1610–11, and again in 1616–17. See CWB 2: 63, 143, 117, 146n, 305; 3:603, 182, 167, 273, 473, 486–87; 5:97; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:161, 167, 473, passim.

7.   CWB 2:154.

8.   Ibid. 2:154.

9.   Victor-L. Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII and Richelieu (Paris, 1952, 1957, tr. Cambridge, 1974, 1984), 4.

10. Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto, 1987), 268.

11. Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 65.

12. Ibid., 49; Gustave Lanctot, History of Canada, 1:107.

13. Champlain’s pension was awarded by Henri IV, canceled under the queen regent, revived by Louis XIII, canceled by Richelieu, and revived once more by Louis XIII. He also received various salaires as lieutenant, mostly paid by commercial companies. Cf. Morison, Champlain, 208; Robert Le Blant et René Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (Ottawa, 1967), 1:17, 253, 259, 316, 412.

14. CWB 3:15.

15. Ibid. 3:15.

16. Champlain’s account, ibid. 2:257; 4:156.

17. Lescarbot, History of New France 1:11, 2:335.

18. Champlain’s account, CWB 2:257; 4:156.

19. Robert Le Blant, “La Famille Boullé, 1586–1639; 1. Nicolas Boullé,” RHAF 17 (1963), 55–69; idem, “L’ascension sociale d’un huissier: Nicolas Boullé,” Bulletin philologique et historique (1969) 819–36; also Le Blant and Baudry, Nouveaux documents1:16n, 108, 330, 398, 401.

20. Le Blant, “L’ascension sociale d’un huissier;” idem, “La famille Boullé.”

21. Documents on the terms of the marriage, including the marriage contract, were brought together by E. Cathelineau in Nova Francia 5 (1930), 142–55; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:174; Abbé C.-H. Laverdière, ed., Oeuvres de Champlain publiées sous le patronage de l’Université Laval (Quebec, 1946), 372, 1445–47.

22. Marriage Contract 27 Dec. 1610, Archives nationales de France, Paris, series Y, vol. 150, 293ff. The text is published in CWB 2:315–24.

23. CWB 3:23.

24. Buisseret, Henri IV (London, 1984), 122.

25. Madame de Guercheville (ca. 1570–1632) was born Antoinette de Pons, the daughter of the comte de Marenne. She was married at a very early age to the Comte de La Roche Guyon, who left her a widow with an infant son in 1586, when she was about sixteen. After his death she withdrew to the country estate of La Roche Guyon in Normandy. In 1594 she remarried and became the wife of Charles du Plessis, marquis de Liancourt and comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise. She and her two husbands had great wealth and were figures of high eminence at court. See Lucien Campeau in Monumenta Novae Franciae 1:679–80; Trudel in Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:95–96; Adrian Huguet, Jean de Poutrincourt (fondateur de Port-Royal en Acadie …)(Amiens and Paris, 1932), 292–95; Herouard, “Journal,” in Le Canada pendant la jeunesse de Louis XIII, ed. A-Léo Leymarie, Nova Francia 1:161–65.

26. The story was told by the Abbé de Choisy and written by Francis Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World (1865, revised edition with corrections, 1885; rpt. Boston, 1901), 290–91. Parkman’s sources are given as Mémoires de l’Abbé de Choisy, book xii; Biographie générale and Biographie universelle, and Les amours du Grand Alcandre [a Catholic pejorative for Henry IV]; Collection Petitot, 63:515; Morison, Champlain, 148.

27. Parkman, Pioneers of New France, 290–91.

28. Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix, Histoire de l’établissement desprogrès et de la décadence du christianisme … (Rouen, 1713), 1:122; Parkman, Pioneers of New France, 202; primary documents appear in the Factum du procès entre Jean de Biencourt, Sr. de Poutrincourt et les Pères Biard et Massé, Jésuites (1614, ed. Gabriel Marcel [Paris, 1887]), which includes letters between Madame de Guercheville and Henri IV’s Jesuit confessor, Pierre Coton.

29. Association des Jésuites au trafique du Canada, contract dated Jan. 20, 1611, in Parkman, Pioneers of New France, 294.

30. Other islanders have located Saint-Sauveur in different places, but Jesuit Point is the most likely, in the judgment of this historian.

31. Champlain included an account of this disaster in his Voyages; CWB 4:2–34; the fullest accounts are those of Father Pierre Biard in reports to his superiors, Jesuit Relations, 2: 4–285; and in materials collected by Lucien Campeau from archives in Rome, and published in Monumenta Novae Franciae 1:3–638, which go beyond what is available in the Jesuit Relations.

32. CWB 4:28; Lescarbot, History of New France 3:47, 48–49n.

14. TRANSATLANTIC TRIALS

1.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 2:242.

2.   Elsie McLeod, “Savignon,” DCB, s.v. “Savignon;” Marcel Trudel, “Nicolas Vignau,” DCB, s.v. “Vignau;” Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1966) 2:174–75.

3.   For Thomas Le Gendre, see Charles Bréard and Paul Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande … aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Rouen, 1889), 115–16; for Lucas Le Gendre, see Robert Le Blant et René Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (Ottawa, 1967), xiii, xiv, 224, 256, 289, passim; for others aboard, see Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:274.

4.   CWB 2:157.

5.   Ibid. 2:158–59.

6.   Ibid. 2:160.

7.   Ibid. 2:161.

8.   Ibid. 2:161.

9.   Ibid. 2:167.

10. Ibid. 2:157; 168; Samuel E. Morison, Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 124–25.

11. CWB 2:171.

12. Consul Willshire Butterfield, History of Brûlé’s Discoveries and Explorations (Cleveland, 1898), 18–25.

13. CWB 2:173.

14. Ibid. 2:175.

15. Ibid. 2:176. For earlier inhabitants see Roland Tremblay, Les Iroquiens du Saint-Laurent: peuple du maïs (Montreal, 2006), 99–130.

16. CWB 2:178–79; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:174–76.

17. It appears on Champlain’s map dated 1612, reproduced in Laverdière, ed., Oeuvres de Champlain publiées sous le patronage de l’Université Laval (Quebec, 1879), 3: endpages; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:177.

18. CWB 2:179.

19. Ibid. 2:181.

20. Ibid. 2:185.

21. Ibid. 2:184–85. On the naming of the rapids compare Trudel in Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:176; it would have been typical of Champlain to have had both purposes that Trudel considers.

22. CWB 2:187–88.

23. Ibid. 2:188–89.

24. Ibid. 192.

25. Ibid. 2:196–97; compare Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada’s “Heroic Age” Reconsidered (Montreal, 1985), 195–97, which represents the Huron as strongly supportive of the traders and suspicious of Champlain. Trigger also asserted that Champlain tried to undercut the traders in his dealings with the Huron. This was the opposite of what happened. The Huron were deeply suspicious of the traders, and complained about them to Champlain. He in turn tried to defend them.

26. CWB 2:204.

27. Ibid. 2:204.

28. Ibid. 2:205.

29. Ibid. 2:206–12.

30. Ibid. 2:213

31. Ibid. 2:214.

32. Ibid. 2:242–43; N.-E. Dionne, Champlain: fondateur de Québec etpère de la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (Quebec, 1891, 1906) 1:303–05; Jean Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, fondateur de Québec (Paris, 1999), 280–85; William Inglis Morse, Pierre Du Gua, Sieur de Monts (London, 1939), 52.

33. CWB 2:215.

34. Ibid. 2:243.

35. Ibid. 2:243; for the young king in 1611–12, see A. Lloyd Moote, Louis XIII, the Just (Berkeley, 1889), 39–60; and Jehan Herouard, Journal sur l’enfance et la jeunesse de Louis XIII, 2 vols. (Paris, 1868).

36. Gustave Lanctot, A History of Canada: From its Origins to the Royal Régime (Toronto, 1963), 107.

37. CWB 2:243–44, 4:208–09; 5:143; Lanctot, History of Canada, 106.

38. For the centrality of Champlain’s role, see Henry Percival Biggar, Early Trading Companies: A Contribution to the History of Commerce and Discovery in North America (Toronto, 1901, 1937; rpt. Clifton N.J., 1972), 86; Biggar writes that Soissons was “proposed by Champlain,” and “at Champlain’s request the vice-regency and the monopoly were then transferred to Soissons’ nephew, the young Condé. Trudel agrees in Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:188.

39. Louis XIII to Condé, Nov. 13, 1612; a copy was found in the archives of the Parlement of Rouen by Biggar, Early Trading Companies, 195–96; the right to license trade appears to have been limited to the St. Lawrence and did not include Acadia; see Lescarbot, History of New France (Toronto, 1907) 3:335; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:188–89.

40. Morison, Champlain, 137.

41. Lanctot, History of Canada, 107.

42. CWB 2:244–47.

43. Little is known about Quebec in the period from the fall of 1611 to the spring of 1613. We do not know the names or numbers of those who lived there. Probably the commander continued to be Jean Godet du Parc, who had that title in 1613 and 1616. See Trudel’s reconstruction of the habitants each winter in Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:488–89.

44. CWB 2:257–58.

45. Ibid. 2:258.

46. Ibid. 2:249–50.

47. Ibid. 2:251.

48. Ibid. 2:251, 255.

49. Ibid. 2:252.

50. Ibid. 2:252.

51. Ibid. 2:252–54.

52. Ibid. 2:255.

53. Ibid. 2:255–56.

54. Ibid. 2:261.

55. Ibid. 2:263.

56. Ibid. 2:262–64.

57. These Algonquin were known also as the Kinounchepirini. They lived near the Ottawa River south of Allumette Island. See notes in Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain and also Biggar’s commentary in CWB 2:264–65.

58. CWB 2:271–72.

59. Ibid. 2:274–75. For Champlain’s astrolabe, see H. Scadding, The Astrolabe of Samuel Champlain (Toronto, 1880); C. MacNamara, “Champlain’s Astrolabe,” Canadian Field Naturalist 33 (1919), 103–09; Jean-Pierre Chrestien, “Champlain’s Astrolabe,” Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 351–53.

60. CWB 2:276.

61. Ibid. 2:274–76.

62. Ibid. 2:278.

63. Ibid. 2:297.

64. CWB 2:255–58, 287–305, 307. Other scholars have suggested that Vignau was an innocent victim of Tessoüat, and that the Kichesperini Algonquin wanted to keep Champlain from making contact with the Nipissing. This may be true, but Champlain had deep doubts about Vignau long before he talked with Tessoüat. Compare Trigger, Natives and Newcomers, 179; CWB 2:255.

65. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:206.

66. The major documents dated Nov. 14, 15, and 20, 1613, are in the Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, NAF, 9269, and are cited by Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:206n; also the Letters Patent, Dec. 14, 1613, were read ca. 1901, by Biggar in the Archives of the Parlement de Rouen, and are quoted in Early Trading Companies of New France, 94; see also Trudel, idem, 2:205–06; Morison, Champlain, 147; Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain, 3:326; Robert Le Blant and Marcel Delafosse, “Les Rochelais dans la vallée du Saint Laurent (1599–1618),” RHAF 3 (1956), 333–63.

67. CWB 3:23; Biggar, Early Trading Companies, 96–97.

68. Biggar, Early Trading Companies, 94.

69. Morison, Champlain, 133.

70. C. E. Heidenreich, Explorations and Mapping of Samuel de Champlain, 1603–1632 (Toronto, 1976), 79–82.

71. For an excellent discussion see Denis Vaugeois, “Seeking Champlain,” The Beaver, special 400th anniversary Collector’s Issue, (Winnipeg, 2008), 34; Raymonde Litalien, Jean-François Palomino, and Denis Vaugeois, Mapping a Continent: Historical Atlas of North America, 1492–1814 (Montreal, 2007), 82–89, 111–13; and Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 294, 301, 319–20.

72. CWB 2:222–23; Morison, Champlain, 134; Heidenreich, Explorations and Mapping, 104.

73. Ibid. 3:16; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:210; Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada … depuis l’an 1615 (ed. Tross, 1865) 1:24–42.

74. CWB 3:17.

75. Ibid. 3:18.

76. “furtivement absentée et desrobée,” in “Exhérédation de Hélène Boullé….” Jan. 10, 1614; “testament de Marguerite Alix,” Feb. 14, 1614; and “Revocation” May 23, 1636, in Le Blant and Baudry eds., Nouveaux documents, 330–35.

77. Champlain, “Testament,” ANF Minutier central, Minutes de Fleffé 62:138; reproduced in the Digital ArchivesCanadaFrance.com; see also Robert Le Blant, “Le Testament de Samuel Champlain,” RHAF 17 (1963), 269–86.

15. HURONIA

1.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 3:65.

2.   Ibid. 3:23.

3.   Ibid. 3:22.

4.   Alain Rey et al., eds., Le Grand Robert de la langue française (Paris, 2001) 5:977, s.v. “porteparole,” meanings 1 and especially 2: “a person who transmits words and thoughts from one group to another, and mediates among them.”

5.   CWB 3:23.

6.   Charles Bréard and Paul Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande et ses armements aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Rouen, 1889), 124, 127–28 passim; CWB 3:24.

7.   Ibid., 127–28.

8.   CWB 3:24.

9.   For further discussion, see David Hackett Fischer, Liberty and Freedom (New York and Oxford, 2006), 1–13, 712, 714, 716–24.

10. CWB 3:23–24.

11. Genesis: 39. William Tyndale’s translation in the Tyndale Bible, quoted in R. H. Tawney, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism (1926, N.Y., 1954), 164. In the King James version it becomes “And the Lord was with Joseph, and he was a prosperous man.”

12. CWB 3:24–25.

13. Ibid. 3:27.

14. Ibid. 3:26.

15. Ibid. 3:27.

16. Ibid.

17. Ibid. 3:31.

18. Ibid.

19. Ibid. 3:31–32.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. 3:32, 35.

22. Ibid. 3:34; Chrestien Le Clercq, Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (Paris, 1691) 1:62–65.

23. CWB 3:35.

24. C. E. Heidenreich, Explorations and Mapping of Samuel de Champlain, 1603–1632 (Toronto, 1976), 23.

25. CWB 3:34–36.

26. Ibid. 3:38–39.

27. Ibid. 3:45–46.

28. Ibid. 3:43–45.

29. Ibid. 3:48.

30. Ibid. 3:51.

31. Ibid. 3:48–56; Gabriel Sagard, The Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons (Paris, 1632, ed. Wrong, 1939), 76; C. E. Heidenreich, Huronia: A History and Geography of the Huron Indians (1600–1650) (Toronto, 1971), 34–36.

32. CWB 3:50–53; the fullest study is Heidenreich, Huronia, 168–99.

33. CWB 3:49–50; Sagard, Long Journey, 150; Heidenreich, Huronia, 79–80.

34. CWB 3:53.

35. The name that Champlain used—Entouhonoron or Antouhonoron—derived from Onon-taeerhonon, the Huron name for the Onondaga; CWB 3:54–55; 4:244n, 283; 5:230; 6:249–50; Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948, 1963), 356; James W. Bradley, Evolution of the Onondaga Iroquois: Accommodating Change, 1500–1650 (Syracuse, 1987); James A. Tuck, Onondaga Iroquois Prehistory: A Study in Settlement Archaeology (Syracuse, 1990); Dennis Connors,Onondaga: Portrait of a Native People (Syracuse, 1986). For another view, entirely mistaken, of the Onondaga as “a beaten people … on the defensive deep in their own forests,” see George Hunt, The Wars of the Iroquois (1940, Madison, Wisc., 1960), 24, 161.

36. Champlain and Sagard left eyewitness accounts of Cahiagué. Archaeologists have added much detail about this extraordinary place from excavations at the Warminster site, which many but not all scholars believe to have been Cahiagué. Cf. CWB 3:49, 53, 56, 94; 4:240, 244, 247; Sagard, Long Journey, 92; T. F. McIlwraith, “Archaeological Work in Huronia, 1946: Excavations near Warminster,” CHR 27 (1946), 394–401; idem, “On the Location of Cahiagué,” TRSC ser. 3, 41 (1947) ii: 99–102.11; J. N. Emerson, “Cahiagué,” mimeo (Orillia: University of Toronto Archaeological Field School, 1961); J. G. Cruickshank and C. E. Heidenreich, “Pedological Investigations at the Huron Indian Village of Cahiagué,” Canadian Geographer 13 (1969), 34–46; Bruce Trigger,Children of Aataentsic: A History of the Huron People to 1660 (Montreal, 1976, 1987 ed.), 302–5; W. R. Fitzgerald, “Is the Warminster Site Champlain’s Cahiagué?” Ontario Archaeology 45 (1986), 3–7. Some archaeologists believe that Champlain may have doubled the number of lodges, but by their estimate it was still a very large town, with as many as 3,000 inhabitants. If Champlain was right (and he may well have been), the population could have been as large as 6,000.

37. CWB 3:5; Le Jeune, “Relation” (1636), Jesuit Relations 9:260–61.

38. CWB 3:55.

39. Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1963–79) 2:219.

40. CWB 3:61.

41. Ibid. 3:61.

42. Ibid. 3:62.

43. Ibid. 3:59–62. Champlain’s account of the march is clear in a general way, but doubtful in some of its details. A reconstruction and map of Champlain’s route appears in Elizabeth Metz, Sainte Marie among the Iroquois, 3rd edition (Syracuse, 1995), 41. The best account is in Bishop, Champlain, 230–32. Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 155–57, tried to follow the route by air but was mistaken in Champlain’s destination. Still useful is O. H. Marshall, “Champlain’s Expedition of 1615,” Historical Writings of the late Orasmus H. Marshall (Albany, 1887), 101ff.

44. CWB 3:63.

45. Bishop, Champlain, 231–32; James W. Bradley, Evolution of the Onondaga Iroquois: Accommodating Change (1500–1655) (Syracuse, 1987), 113.

46. CWB 3:65.

47. Le Jeune, “Relation” (1636) 9:258–61, Champlain did not mention this episode in his account, but Le Jeune made a record of it, and observed that “they have some reason or rather excuse for treating their enemies this way, for the Iroquois are still more rabid when they get hold of them.” He added, “These proud spirits … will not submit to any yoke.”

48. On the fort’s location, historians have long disagreed. The best archaeological evidence now points to Lake Onondaga. For details and discussion see appendix K.

49. CWB 3:67.

50. Ibid. 3:73.

51. Ibid. 3:72–73; 4:260.

52. Ibid. 3:73–75; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:219, 222.

53. CWB 3:76.

54. Ibid. 3:72; O. H. Marshall, “Champlain’s Expedition of 1615,” 43–66.

55. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:222–23.

56. Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada’s “Heroic Age” Reconsidered (Montreal, 1985), 309.

57. José António Brandao, Your Fyre Shall Burn No More: Iroquois Policy toward New France and its Native Allies to 1701 (1997, Lincoln, Neb., 2000), 93–98.

58. William N. Fenton, The Great Law and the Longhouse: A Political History of the Iroquois Federacy (Norman, Okla., 1998), 243–44.

59. CWB 3:76–77.

60. Ibid. 3:78–79.

61. Ibid. 3:80–81.

62. Ibid. 3:114.

63. Elisabeth Tooker, Ethnographie des Hurons, 1615–1649 (Montreal, 1987), 4–7, and much more, in a very interesting three-way comparison with Sagard.

64. CWB 3:81–83.

65. Ibid. 3:83–91.

66. Ibid. 3:81–83, 91–95.

67. Ibid. 3:115–16.

68. Ibid. 3:106, 109.

69. Ibid. 3:47, 138–40; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 300, 367–68, 388, 718–19.

70. CWB 3:136.

71. Le Jeune, “Relation” (1634), Jesuit Relations 6:228–35.

72. CWB 3:52; 145.

73. Ibid. 3:148–49.

74. Ibid. 3:143.

75. Ibid. 3:52.

76. Ibid. 3:142.

77. Ibid. 3:137.

16. THE COURT OF LOUIS XIII

1.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 4:339.

2.   Ibid. 3:173–75; 4:338; other accounts in Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada et voyages que les Frères Mineurs recollects y ont faicts pour la conversion des infidèles depuis l’an 1615 (first edition Paris, 1636; reprint edition, Tross 1866), 1:44; Chrestien Le Clercq, Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (Paris, 1691)1:101; Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, vol. 2 (Montreal, 1966) 2:238.

3.   CWB 4:339; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:238–39; le duc d’Aumale, Histoire des princes de Condé pendant les XVIe et XVIIe siècles 8 vols. (Paris, 1855–96) 2:222–348; 3:483–664.

4.   Champlain writes that this “certain personage” applied to the sieur de Beaumont, master of requests, who was a friend of the maréchal de Thémines. Thémines advised him to ask for the post of “King’s lieutenant in New France, during the detention of my Lord the Prince [of Condé]. And this he obtained from the Queen Mother, the Regent.” Cf. CWB 4:340; and Trudel’s interpretation, HNF 2:240–41.

5.   CWB 4:340, 345.

6.   Adrian Huguet, Jean de Poutrincourt (fondateur de Port-Royal en Acadie, Vice-Roi du Canada, 1557–1615): campagnes, voyages et aventures d’un colonisateur sous Henri IV (Amiens and Paris, 1932), 427–44, with a manuscript account of the fight at Méry-sur-Seine, 513–20.

7.   Victor-Louis Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII and Richelieu (Paris, 1952, 1957, tr. Cambridge, 1974, 1984), 77.

8.   D’Aumale, Histoire des princes de Condé, 2:222–348; 3:483–664; A. Lloyd Moote, Louis 9. XIII, the Just (Berkeley, 1989), 86–87.

9.   Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 77.

10. Ibid., 91.

11. Moote, Louis XIII, 187–89, 283, 282.

12. CWB 4:345; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:241.

13. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:241; Henry Percival Biggar, The Early Trading Companies of New France: A Contribution to the History of Commerce and Discovery in North America (Toronto, 1901, 1937; rpt. Clifton, N.J., 1972), 107.

14. CWB 4:342.

15. Ibid. 4:340–41.

16. Ibid. 4:342.

17. Ibid. 4:343.

18. Ibid. 4:344.

19. Ibid.

20. Captain Morel had commanded Bonne-Renommée on the voyage of 1604; see Lescarbot, History of New France 2:227; CWB 1:234n.

21. Some historians, including Morris Bishop, doubted that Champlain went to New France at all in 1617 but missed several of Champlain’s clear statements to that effect. For primary evidence see CWB 3:209–10; 4:343–45; Le Clercq, Premier établissement de la foy, 1:104–05; Sagard, Histoire du Canada, 1:34–41; for discussion see Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:241n.

22. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:242.

23. Charles Bréard and Paul Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande et ses armements aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles pour le Canada, l’Afrique, les Antilles, le Brésil et les Indes (Rouen, 1889), 129; Le Clercq, Premier établissement de la foy, 1:105. On Hébert’s emigration with his family, Lucien Campeau makes it April 11, 1617. I think it was March 11 of the same year, but he may be correct, in which case Champlain’s departure is misdated in his Voyages. Cf. Monumenta Novae Franciae 1:670.

24. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:474, 468.

25. All this comes not only from Champlain’s account but from the Récollet fathers and from the family itself. The fullest account is Le Caron, Au Roy sur la Nouvelle France (pamphlet n.p. 1626); also Le Clerq, Premier établissement de la foy 1:104–05; and Sagard, Histoire du Canada 1:45–46.

26. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:502–03.

27. Ibid. 2:234–36, 324–27, 489–91.

28. Ibid. 2:103, 167, 173, 238, 245, 273, passim; in Champlain’s works he appears as Sieur Du Parc, 2:117, 146–47; 3:182.

29. CWB 4:344.

30. Contract for employment of Isabel Terrier signed by Samuel de Champlain, Richard Terrier, Hélène Boullé, and two others. Étienne Charavay, Documents inédits sur Samuel de Champlain (Paris, 1875), 4–5; rpt. in CWB 2:324–25.

31. CWB 2:339.

32. Ibid. 2:341.

33. Champlain to the Chamber of Commerce, n.d. ca. 1617–18; text in CWB 2:339–45.

34. CWB 2:326.

35. Ibid. 2:326–37.

36. Ibid. 2:327.

37. Ibid. 2:329.

38. Ibid. 2:329.

39. Champlain to the King and Lords of his Council, text in CWB 2:326–39.

40. CWB 4:365.

41. “De Par le Roy, March 12, 1618,” signed Louis, and below, “Potier.” CWB 4:365.

42. CWB 3:177–78.

43. Ibid. 3:203–11.

44. Ibid. 3:180, 203.

45. Ibid. 3:181–213.

46. Ibid. 3:181.

47. Ibid. 3:191.

48. Ibid. 2:201.

49. Ibid. 3:191.

50. Ibid. 3:210.

51. Ibid. 3:213.

52. Ibid. 3:208.

53. Ibid. 4:227.

54. Ibid. 4:227, 210–11.

55. Ibid. 3:229–30.

56. This new address appears in legal documents dated March 15, 1619, Feb. 23, 1620, in Robert Le Blant and René Baudry, Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (1560–1662) (Ottawa, 1967) 1:374, 397; earlier, Champlain had lived on the rue du Marché in the Marais-Temple area, which was closer to Louvre. See Moote, Louis XIII, 282; CWB 5:138.

57. François Moureau, “Les Amérindiens dans le ballets de Cour à l’époque de Champlain,” Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 43; Paul Lacroix, Ballets et mascarades de Cour sous Henri IV et Louis XIII, 6 vols. (Geneva, 1868–70) spans the period from 1581 to 1652. Wonderful images are reproduced in Litalien and Vaugeois, Champlain.

58. Moureau, “Les Amérindiens dans les Ballets de Cour,” 43–49.

59. Ibid. 43.

60. Ibid. 45.

61. Ibid. 41.

62. CWB 3:5–6.

63. Ibid. 4:3.

64. Ibid. 3:4.

65. Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 174.

66. CWB 4:350.

67. Ibid. 4:350–51.

68. Ibid. 4:351.

69. Ibid. 4:352.

70. Ibid. 4:357.

71. Ibid.

72. Ibid. 4:361.

73. Ibid. 4:363.

74. Ibid. 4:366.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid.

17. A FRAMEWORK FOR NEW FRANCE

1.   Louis [XIII] to Champlain, May 7, 1620, signed Louis and Brûlart, rpt. in Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 4:370–71.

2.   CWB 5:60, 72.

3.   For the purposes of Louis XIII, see A. Lloyd Moote, Louis XIII, the Just (Berkeley, 1989), xi, 13–15, passim.

4.   Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1966) 2:264; Mercure François (1619) 6:334–40.

5.   Champlain, CWB 4:367–68; Trudel found the record of the sale for 10,000 écus or crowns, plus another thousand for interest. Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:264; citing Bibliothèque nationale Fonds français 16738, soc 143:4. Viceroy Montmorency is not to be confused with Admiral Charles de Montmorency, to whom Champlain dedicated his first book and for whom he named Montmorency Falls.

6.   CWB 4:367.

7.   Much tertiary writing about New France variously asserts that the office of intendant was “created during the 1630s by Cardinal Richelieu,” or that “the first intendant of New France was Jean Talon, appointed in 1665.” Both these statements are mistaken. Intendants were well established in France before Richelieu, and the first intendant for New France was Jean-Jacques Dolu, in 1620. Cf. W. B. Munro, “The Office of Intendant in New France: A Study in French Colonial Policy,” AHR 12 (1906), 15–38.

8.   CWB 4:369; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:265–67, with citations to commissions and articles in the Bibliothèque nationale.

9.   CWB 4:369–70.

10. CWB 4:370.

11. Louis XIII to Champlain, May 7, 1620, signed by both the king and Brûlart, May 7, 1620; text in CWB 4:370–71.

12. On Isabelle Terrier see Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:242, 262, 267, 483n, 492–95. For Champlain’s manservant see his reference to the “Frenchman who had been my servant,” a young man who was sent to live among the Indians upriver, and died there. CWB 5:123.

13. Chrestien Le Clercq, Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (Paris, 1691), 1:162; Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada et voyages que les Frères Mineurs recollects y ont faicts pour la conversion des infidèles depuis l’an 1615(first edition Paris, 1636; reprint ed., Tross 1866), 1:68; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:267; CWB 5:1–3, 11.

14. CWB 5:1–3.

15. For Champlain’s departure and arrival in New France, see CWB 5:2; I see no reason to correct Champlain’s explicit date of departure from May to June, as Biggar does. Champlain wrote elsewhere that the king wrote him a letter dated May 7, 1620, “on my departure.” CWB 4:370. For the ship, see Charles Bréard and Paul Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande et ses armements aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles pour le Canada, l’Afrique, les Antilles, le Brésil et les Indes (Rouen, 1889), 130.

16. CWB 5:5–7.

17. John A. Dickinson, “Champlain, Administrator,” in Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 211; for the soldiers see CWB 5:11.

18. CWB 5:7.

19. Ibid. 5:5.

20. Ibid. 5:8.

21. “La meffiance est la mère de seureté.” CWB 5:90–91.

22. “Il faut porter sa considération plus avant.” CWB 5:8.

23. CWB 5:8.

24. Ibid. 5:111.

25. Ibid. 5:3.

26. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:267.

27. Francis Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World (1865, revised edition with corrections, 1885; rpt. Boston, 1901), 431; Extraits des Chroniques de l’Ordre des Ursulines, Journal de Québec, 10 March 1855.

28. Chroniques de l’Ordre des Ursulines, quoted in N.-E. Dionne, Champlain: Founder of Quebec, Father of New France (Toronto, 1962), 2:395–403, appendix I; Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948, 1963), 282; Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 179; Dominique Deslandres, “Samuel de Champlain and Religion,” in Litalien and Vaugeois, Champlain, 198.

29. Litalien and Vaugeois, Champlain, 198; Nicole Fyfe-Martel, Hélène de Champlain, 2 vols. (Quebec, 2003) 1:11–12.

30. CWB 4:368.

31. He increased Champlain’s salary to 200 Crowns. See CWB 4:368; 5:6, 7, 11, 13, 15, 37, 39, 84; 6:35a; appendix I, 5:399; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:274, 277, 283, 288, 290, 301. Much information about Dolu appears in Robert Le Blant and René Beaudry, Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (1560–1662) (Ottawa, 1967) 1:407, 415, 417, 423, 426, 427, 430, 432, 444, 464. For monetary values, see appendix O below.

32. CWB 5:9–10.

33. Ibid. 1:10.

34. Ibid. 5:127.

35. Dickinson, “Champlain, Administrator,” 215.

36. CWB 5:123, 126.

37. Ibid. 5:116, 127, 131–34.

38. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:280–81.

39. Ibid. 2:281. See also Sagard, Histoire du Canada 1:845–89; Le Clercq 1:176; in attendance were Champlain himself, commissioner Baptiste Guers, the Récollet fathers, Louis Hébert, Gilbert Courseron, Eustache Boullé, Olivier Le Tardif, and others. The company’s officers, including Champlain’s old friend Pont-Gravé and Captain Raymond de Ralde, did not attend.

40. Lanctot, Canada, 1:117–19; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:280–83. For the members of the assembly see Sagard, Histoire du Canada 1:84–89; Le Clercq, Premier établissement 1:176.

41. CWB 5:55.

42. Ibid. 5:56.

43. Dickinson, “Champlain, Administrator,” 212.

44. CWB 5:15–16, 39.

45. Ibid. 5:86.

46. Ibid. 5:207.

47. Charles Lalement to Jérôme Lalement, Aug. 1, 1626, Jesuit Relations, ed. Reuben Gold Thwaites (Cleveland, 1896–1901) 4:210; Jean-Paul de Lagrave, La liberté d’expression en Nouvelle-France (1608–1760) (Montreal, 1975).

48. CWB 5:108, 5:100–01, 108; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:481, 465–85 passim.

49. CWB 5:12, 124–25.

50. Ibid. 5:125.

51. Ibid. 5:98.

52. Ibid. 5:61; Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada’s “Heroic Age” Reconsidered (Montreal, 1985, 1994), is mistaken on this point.

53. Others knew him as Mahigan Aticq Ouche. See CWB 5:60–71, 73–80, 82, 215–45, 257, 412; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, 2:358n, 360n, 370; Sagard, Histoire du Canada, 3:623.

54. CWB 5:73, 75–80.

55. Ibid. 5:80.

56. Ibid. 5: 117, 130.

57. Ibid. 5:118.

58. Ibid. 5:131.

59. Ibid. 5:133. Others believe that there was a formal agreement for a general peace with all the Iroquois, and a solemn ceremony in 1624. The source is Le Clercq, Premier établissment de la foy 1:286. Le Clercq was writing on the basis of conversations in New France fifty years later. He also asserted that the Iroquois in thirty canoes launched a major assault on Quebec in 1622 and were beaten off. He said that he had heard this story from Guillemette Hébert many years after the fact. No other source confirms the attack or a formal peace treaty. Champlain made no mention of it, nor did Sagard or the Jesuits. Trudel wrote, correctly in my judgment, that Le Clercq’s informant “may well have confused or exaggerated the facts; the silence of Champlain and of Sagard appears to us much more convincing.” Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:369; Bruce Trigger, “The Mohawk-Mahican War (1624–28): The Establishment of a Pattern,” CHR 52 (1971), 276–86, is in error.

60. CWB 5:103.

61. Ibid. 5:23.

62. Ibid. 5:91–92.

63. Ibid. 5:110–12.

64. Ibid. 5:113–15.

65. Ibid. 5:110, 112.

66. Ibid. 5:113, 119–20.

67. This stone was found long afterward, but was lost to a fire in 1854.

68. CWB 5:120, 116; Marcel Trudel, “Champlain,” DCB.

69. CWB 5:134.

70. Ibid. 5:136.

71. Ibid. 5:136–37.

72. Ibid. 5:137; Sagard, Histoire du Canada, 38–39.

73. CWB 5:137–38.

18. THE CARDINAL’S RING

1.   Commission to Monsieur de Champlain, 1625; text reproduced in Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 5:143.

2.   Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada et voyages que les Frères Mineurs recollects y ont faicts pour la conversion des infidèles depuis l’an 1615 (Paris, 1636; reprinted by the Librarie Tross in four vols., Paris, 1866) 4:830.

3.   Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto, 1987), 213.

4.   CWB 5:138.

5.   For a discussion, see Victor-L. Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII and Richelieu (1952, tr. C. M. Lockie, Cambridge, 1974, 1988), 129.

6.   Michel Carmona, La France de Richelieu (Paris, 1984), chap. 9, “Richelieu et les femmes,” 331–36; Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 135, 119, 137, 232, 286, 425; Joseph Bergin, Cardinal Richelieu: Power and the Pursuit of Wealth (New Haven, 1985), 39, 260, 288, passim.

7.   For Richelieu’s life the two classic works are Carl Burckhardt, Richelieu, 4 vols. (Munich, 1933–67); English translation, 3 vols. (London, 1970–71); and Gabriel Hanotaux with the duc de La Force, Histoire du Cardinal de Richelieu, 6 vols. (Paris, 1893–1947). Brief biographies include C. V. Wedgwood, Richelieu and the French Monarchy (London, 1949); Michel Carmona, Richelieu: l’ambition et le pouvoir (Paris, 1983); and La France de Richelieu (Paris, 1984). For the Richelieu family see Maximin Deloche, Les Richelieu (Paris, 1923).

8.   “Il aimait les femmes et craignait le scandale.” Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 130.

9.   Richelieu made a habit of secrecy in public and private affairs. He wrote, “Secrecy is the first essential in affairs of state.” He advised others, “Never write a letter, and never destroy one.”

10. “Il faut écouter beaucoup et parler peu pour bien agir au gouvernement,” in Richelieu, “Maximes et papiers d’état,” ed. Gabriel Hanotaux, Mélanges historiques III (Paris, 1880), 705–822. See also Louis André ed., Testament politique du Cardinal de Richelieu (Paris, 1947). For Richelieu’s relations with Louis XIII see Louis Battifol, Richelieu et le roi Louis XIII: les véritables rapports du souverain et de son ministre (Paris, 1934); Richard Bonney, Political Change in France under Richelieu and Mazarin, 1624–1661 (Oxford, 1978); and Orest Ranum, Richelieu and the Councilors of Louis XIII (Oxford, 1963). For the private fortune that Richelieu extracted from public office see the excellent work of Joseph Bergin, Cardinal Richelieu: Power and the Pursuit of Wealth (New Haven, 1985), 243–63.

11. G. Fagniez, Père Joseph et Richelieu, 2 vols. (Paris, 1894); Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 130, 137–39.

12. Bergin, Cardinal Richelieu, 264; Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 137.

13. “Savoir dissimuler est le savoir des rois;” “Pour tromper un rival, l’artifice est permis; on peut tout emploier contre ses ennemis.” Richelieu, “Maximes et papiers d’état,” 705–822.

14. “Qu’on me donne six lignes écrites de la main du plus honnête homme, j’y trouverai de quoi le faire pendre.” But this is a paraphrase of Quintilian, and I can find no source closer to Richelieu than Françoise Bertaut’s Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire d’Anne d’Autriche.

15. Bergin, Cardinal Richelieu, 264; Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 137.

16. Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 140.

17. Richelieu, Testament politique, 179–99. Selections are translated in Henry Bertram Hill, The Political Testament of Cardinal Richelieu (Madison, Wisc., 1961). A more recent edition of the Testament politique is edited by Françoise Hildesheimer (Paris, 1995). See also Hanotaux, “Maximes et papiers d’état,” 705–822.

18. Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 140.

19. A. Lloyd Moote, Louis XIII, the Just, 182, 212; on Richelieu’s jealousy of Montmorency see Louis Vaunois, Vie de Louis XIII (Paris, 1961), 462–63.

20. CWB 5:139.

21. Procuration dated April 29, 1625, copy in Library and Archives Canada, MG3 series 19, 1. His name appears variously in different documents. In Champlain’s Commission it was Ventadour. Other sources make it Vantadour, Lévy-Vantadour, Lévis-Ventadour, or Lévis-Vantadour.

22. A short biography appears in Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae (Quebec, 1967) 2:839–40, s.v. “Lévis;” other materials are in Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1966) 2:291–313, 433–53, passim.

23. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:298; Campeau, Monumenta 2:839.

24. Ventadour, Commission to Samuel de Champlain, Feb. 15, 1625, full text rpt in CWB, 5:142–49.

25. Many documents are printed in Campeau, Monumenta 2:839ff.

26. Ventadour, Commission to Samuel de Champlain.

27. CWB 5:142–43.

28. On Boullé, see Robert Le Blant, “La famille Boullé, 1586–1639,” RHAF 17 (1963), 55–69; CWB 5:152, 1:247n, 5:2–3, 218–20, 317 passim; on Ensign Destouches, CWB 5:152, 135; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:299, 307, 314, 470, 498.

29. CWB 5:142.

30. Ibid. 5:139.

31. Robert Le Blant and René Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque, vol. 1 (1560–1662) (Ottawa, 1967), 75, 419n.

32. CWB 5:150–51.

33. Ibid. 5:150.

34. Ibid. 5:152; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:276.

35. Charles Lalement to Champlain, July 28, 1625; Charles Lalement to the Reverend Father Provincial of the Récollet fathers, July 28, 1625, Charles Lalement to Father Mutio Vitelleschi, General of the Society of Jesus, Rome, August 1, 1625; Charles Lalement to his brother Jerôme Lalement, August 1, 1626, published at Paris, 1627; all in Jesuit Relations 4:161–227; Joseph Le Caron, Au Roy sur La Nouvelle France (n.p. [Paris] 1626); I have used a photocopy in LAC; another copy in the Bibliothèque nationale de France is published in Campeau, Monumenta 2:99–120.

36. Jesuit Relations 4:193, 178, 179.

37. Ibid. 4:179, 199.

38. Ibid. 4:195, 199.

39. Ibid.

40. Ibid. 4:171.

41. Ibid. 4:207.

42. Joseph Le Caron, Advis Au Roy sur les Affaires de la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1626). This very rare pamphlet is in the Bibliothèque nationale de France; I used a photocopy in the Library and Archives of Canada, Ottawa. It is reprinted in Campeau,Monumenta 2:99–120. For discussion pro and con of Le Caron’s argument see Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:302–04 (con) and Father Campeau’s introduction, Monumenta 2:99–102 (pro).

43. Jesuit Relations 4:171.

44. CWB 5:142.

45. Ibid. 5:145.

46. Jesuit Relations 5:153–55; CWB 5:153–54, 194–95; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, 2:307n; Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada (1636, ed Tross, 1865) 3:791.

47. CWB 5:155.

48. Ibid. 5:156.

49. Ibid. 5:200.

50. Ibid. 5:237.

51. Ibid. 2:21; 4:45.

52. Ibid. 5:110, 202; A lively, rigorous, and graceful report by a leading historian and archaeologist is Jacques Guimont, La Petite-ferme du Cap Tourmente: de la ferme de Champlain aux grandes volées d’oies (Quebec, 1996), 31.

53. CWB 5:202–03.

54. Guimont, La Petite-ferme, 52; Léo-Guy de Repentigny, La ferme d’en bas du Cap Tourmente: La Petite-ferme et la Réserve nationale de faune du cap Tourmente: occupation humaine des origines à 1763 (Quebec, 1989); and cf. CWB 5:203.

55. Guimont, La Petite-ferme, 51–52, 56–58; CWB 5:202.

56. CWB 5:213, 236, 241; Guimont, La Petite-ferme, 51.

57. CWB 5:241; Abbé C.-H. Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain (Quebec, 1870), 1134; Sagard, Histoire du Canada 3:813–21. One of the victims was a laborer named Dumoulin; the other a servant named Henri, who served the widow Hébert.

58. For primary sources, CWB 5:257–59; confirmed by Sagard 3:813–21; for secondary analysis, Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:360n.

59. Two accounts of this event survive, by Champlain and by Sagard. Both agree in every important way, and each adds details not in the other. See CWB 5:249–50, 6:52, 60, 62, 70, 104–24, 144; Sagard, Histoire du Canada, 4:829–30, 909–11. For discussions see Marcel Trudel, “Charity, Esperance, Foi,” in BCD/DBC, s.v. “Charity,” and Trudel, Esclavage au Canada français: Histoire et conditions de l’esclavage (Quebec, 1960), 8. Champlain misdated the offer from the Montagnais as Jan. 2, 1628; it was Feb. 2, 1628.

60. For Champlain’s repeated efforts to maintain peace with the Iroquois see CWB 5:72–80, 131–32, 208–09, 214–32.

61. CWB 5:195, 308.

62. Moote, Louis XIII, 46, 57, 121.

63. CWB 5:194–95.

64. “Articles accordez par le Roy, à la Compagnie du Canada, April 29, 1627,” article 2; in Blanchet et al., Collection de documents relatifs à l’histoire de La Nouvelle France, 1:65. The operative sentence reads: “Sans toutefois qu’il soit loisible aux dits associez et aultres, faire passer aucun estranger ès dits lieux, ainsy peupler la dite colonie de naturels François Catholiques [without it, however, being permissible for the said associates and others to transport any foreigner to the said places, so as to populate the colony with native-born French Catholics].” Marcel Trudel concludes: “La situation en 1627 n’est pas différente de celle d’avant: c’est une Nouvelle-France catholique que les protestants Chauvin de Tonnetuit, Du Gua de Monts, et de Caën avaient mission d’établir, comme c’est une Nouvelle-France catholique que l’on attend des Cent-Associés, mais les huguenots n’en sont exclus [the situation in 1627 was not very different from what preceded it. Just as it was a Catholic New France that Protestants Chauvin de Tonnetuit, Du Gua de Monts and de Caën had a mission to establish, it was a Catholic New France that was expected from the Cent-Associés, but Huguenots were not excluded]” (my translation) Histoire de la Nouvelle-France3.1:13. I believe that Trudel is correct in his interpretation.

65. CWB 5:194.

66. “Qu’on ne leur deuoit oster ceste liberté.”

67. CWB 5:195.

68. Ibid. 5:194–95. Some historians have interpreted this event differently. Samuel E. Morison judged Champlain’s policy as “cynical,” a miscomprehension. Compare his Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 186.

69. Henri Percival Biggar, The Early Trading Companies of New France: A Contribution to the History of Commerce and Discovery in North America (Toronto, 1901, 1937; rpt. Clifton, N.J., 1972), 134.

70. Marcel Trudel, “La seigneurie des cent-associés,” Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 1–22; Lucien Campeau, Les finances publiques de la Nouvelle France sous les Cent-Associés, 1632–1665 (Montreal, 1975); Robert Le Blant, “Les débuts difficiles de la Compagnie de la Nouvelle-France: l’affaire Langlois,” RHAF22 (1968), 25–34. The major documents are in a large and little-used collection of photostat copies of originals in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at the Quai d’Orsay, the Ministry of Marine, and the Bibliothèque nationale, made early in the twentieth century, in manuscript Division, LC; some are published without attribution in J. Blanchet et al., eds., Collection de manuscrits contenant Lettres, mémoires et autres documents historique … recueillis aux archives de la province de Québec ou copiés à l’étranger (Quebec, 1883) 1:62–85.

71. A list of the hundred original investors and the 102 others who invested after 1628 appears in Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 415–37.

72. The powers of the company are published as “Articles accordez par le Roy, à la Compagnie de Canada, 29 April 1628,” in Blanchet et al., Collection de documents relatifs à l’histoire de la Nouvelle France, 64–72; also in the manuscript division, Library of Congress. For the composition of the Board, see Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 7–8n.

73. Trudel’s very helpful “tableau des hivernements, 1604–1628,” is in Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:428, and 485–500.

19. NEW FRANCE LOST

1.   “Il ne faut pas négliger de se loger fortement, aussi bien en temps de paix, que de guerre, pour se maintenir aux accidents qui peuvent arriver, c’est ce que ie conseille à tous entrepreneurs de rechercher lieu pour dormir en seureté; one must not neglect to situate oneself in a strong place, in times of peace and in war, to protect oneself against accidents that might occur. The advice I give to all adventurers is this: seek a place where you can sleep in safety.” Champlain, Voyages (1632), in Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB) 6:176.

2.   A book mindful of these comparisons is J. H. Elliott, The Count-Duke of Olivares: The Statesman in an Age of Decline (New Haven, 1986), 146, 181–82, 220–24, 659, passim; also Victor-L. Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII and Richelieu (1952, Cambridge, 1974, 1984), 141; Roger Lockyer, Buckingham: The Life and Political Career of George Villiers, First Duke of Buckingham, 1592–1628 (London, 1981, 1984).

3.   The text of the marriage contract is reprinted in Henri Carré, Henriette de France, reine d’Angleterre, 1609–1669 (Paris, 1947), 21–24.

4.   Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 198; F. de Vaux de Folletier, Le siège de La Rochelle (Paris, 1931).

5.   CWB 6:158.

6.   Ibid. 6:86, 130. For the Kirke family, see Maurice Duteurtre, “Jarvis Kirke et ses cinq fils,” in Pierre Ickowicz and Raymonde Litalien, eds., Dieppe-Canada: cinq cents ans d’histoire commune (Dieppe, 2004), 44–46. On the Scottish colony in Dieppe see Pope, Fish into Wine, 132–44, drawing on much new material from British archives; also Charles de la Roncière, Histoire de la Marine française (Paris, 1934), 4:634.

7.   CWB 5:272–73.

8.   Arrêt du conseil d’État, 26 Jan. 1628 Bibliothèque nationale, Fonds français, 16 738:147; see also: Archives nationales, serie E 95A:95, as cited by Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1966) 3.1: 30n.

9.   Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:30; CWB 5:287; Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada (1636, ed. Tross, 1865) 4:838, 852.

10. Champlain, CWB 5:273; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:32; Sagard, Histoire du Canada 4:832, 838; Henry Kirke, The First English Conquest of Canada (London, 1871).

11. CWB 5:267.

12. CWB 5:268.

13. La Fourière, also called La Ferrière, Forière, Fourière, and Foyrière, was a Montagnais leader, also called Erouachy or Esrouachit. Cf. CWB 5:258–266, 268, 305–17, and 3:190–91; 6:6–25; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2: 258n, 325, 356, 372, 403.

14. CWB 5:273; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:32–34.

15. CWB 5:275. See Jacques Guimont, La Petite-ferme du cap Tourmente: de la ferme de Champlain aux grandes volées d’oies. (Quebec, 1996). Guimont writes that Farmer Pivert survived to make a report to Champlain, and he appears to have returned to the site. Afterward, the farm was abandoned for a time, and then recovered. A larger farm was built there for the seminary of Quebec, and farmed for more than three centuries. It became part of the Canadian National Parks system in 1969. Today it is a wildlife refuge and a center for nature studies. No historical exhibits were available when we visited there in the summer of 2007.

16. Sagard, Histoire du Canada 4:834.

17. Ibid. 4:834.

18. CWB 5:285: Guimont, La Petite-ferme, 61–64; Guy de Repentigny, La Ferme d’en bas du cap Tourmente: La Petite-ferme et la Réserve nationale de faune du cap Tourmente: occupation humaine des origines à 1763 (Quebec, 1989).

19. CWB 6:22.

20. CWB 5:277.

21. CWB 5:277–79; Sagard, Histoire du Canada 4:837.

22. David Kirke to Champlain, July 18, 1628 O.S.; July 8, 1628 N.S. The text is reproduced by Champlain in CWB 5:279–80; and in Sagard 4:838–39 (copied from Champlain). In that year, Britain still used the old-style Julian calendar. The French had shifted to the new style of the Gregorian calendar. (See appendix P.) These and other documents are reprinted in Abbé C.-H. Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain, 3:13, 16.

23. CWB 5:282–85.

24. Ibid. 5:286; other documents are reproduced from Catholic archives in Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae (Quebec, 1967) 2:201–03.

25. CWB 5:286.

26. Ibid. 5:287.

27. Sagard, Histoire du Canada, 4:863, 852; Champlain, CWB 5:287.

28. The French commis Thierry Deschamps heard the sounds of battle when he was at St. Barnabé Island, opposite the site of today’s Rimouski. See CWB 5:291.

29. Sagard, Histoire du Canada 4:863.

30. CWB 6:131.

31. Ibid. 6:2.

32. The date of July 18 is given in Sagard 4:852; Trudel dates the meeting of the two fleets to July 17, with the battle following on July 18.

33. CWB 6:28.

34. Ibid. 6:29.

35. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:34; citing Henry Kirke, The First English Conquest of Canada, 65, 16, 206–08; also Léon Pouliot, “Que penser des frères Kirke?” BRH 44 (1938), 321–35.

36. This discovery was announced by Dr. James Tuck and archaeologist Barry Gaulton. See “Archaeologists Strike Gold,” Memorial University Research Report (2004–05), www.mun.ca/research/2005).

37. CWB 5:293.

38. Ibid. 5:236; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:428.

39. CWB 5:296.

40. Ibid. 6:48.

41. Ibid. 5:297.

42. Ibid. 5:298.

43. Ibid. 5:300–01.

44. Sagard, Histoire du Canada 4:885.

45. Sagard, Histoire du Canada 4:853; CWB 5:326.

46. Ibid. 6:40.

47. CWB 6:51, 5:300–04; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 34; Sagard, Histoire du Canada 4:885.

48. Ibid. 6:48–49; Sagard, Histoire du Canada 4:854.

49. CWB 6:50.

50. Ibid. 5:298, 321, 266; 6:48; Sagard, Histoire du Canada 4:854; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:34.

51. CWB 5:299.

52. Ibid. 6:41.

53. Ibid. 6:47.

54. Ibid. 6:45–46.

55. Ibid. 6:27–28.

56. Ibid. 6:42. Choumina’s brother was called Ouagabemat by Champlain, Neogabinat by Sagard, and Onagabemat by scholars.

57. Ibid. 6:43–45.

58. Ibid. 6:50.

59. The documents appear in the British Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 5, no. 2; rpt. Kirke, English Conquest of Canada, appendix D; Henry Percival Biggar, The Early Trading Companies of New France: A Contribution to the History of Commerce and Discovery in North America (Toronto, 1901, 1937; rpt. Clifton, N.J., 1972), 143.

60. CWB 6:53.

61. Louis and Thomas Kirke to Champlain July 19, 1629; CWB 6:53–54.

62. Champlain to Louis and Thomas Kirke, July 19, 1629; CWB 6:54–55.

63. “Articles which are to be granted by the Sieur Kirke, at present commanding the English vessels lying off Quebec, to the sieur Champlain and Dupont, 19 July 1629;” text in CWB 6:56.

64. CWB 6:59–61.

65. Ibid. 6:62.

66. Ibid. 6:63.

67. Ibid. 6:69.

68. Ibid. 6:63, 69.

69. Ibid. 6:67.

70. Ibid. 6:71.

71. Ibid. 6:70.

72. Ibid. 6:74.

73. Ibid. 6:69.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid. 6:81–82.

76. Ibid. 5: 52, 60, 62, 70, 104–24, 144; Sagard, Histoire du Canada 4:908–11.

77. CWB 6:143; Champlain, “alloüettes, pluuiers, courlieux, bécassines.” Biggar translates the first as snipes; citing Ganong, The Identity of the Animals and Plants, etc. 202, 205; I make it larks.

78. CWB 6:143.

79. Ibid. 6:86–87.

20. NEW FRANCE REGAINED

1.   Champlain, Voyages (1632), in Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 6:69.

2.   Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada (1636, ed. Tross, 1865) 4:911; CWB 4:144.

3.   CWB 6:144.

4.   Champlain, Traitté de la Marine, CWB 6:144–45.

5.   CWB 6:145; Victor-L. Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII and Richelieu (1952, tr. C. M. Lockie, Cambridge, 1974, 1988), 253–55.

6.   CWB 6:126–27; Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1966) 3.1: 41, 46, 49; Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae (Quebec, 1967) 2:58, 59.

7.   CWB 6:145.

8.   Ibid. 6:146.

9.   Ibid. 6:147–48.

10. Ibid. 6:146–49.

11. Ibid. 6:148–49.

12. Ibid. 6:147.

13. Ibid. 6:150; Henri Carré, Henriette de France, reine d’Angleterre, 1609–1669 (Paris, 1947), includes the marriage contract, 21–24; See also Charles I to Sir Isaac Wake, English ambassador in France, June 12, 1631, reprinted in N.-E. Dionne, Champlain, Founder of Quebec, Father of New France (Toronto, 1962) 2:526–30, Pièces Justificatifs, 13.

14. CWB 6:149.

15. Ibid. 6:151.

16. “Ie m’acheminay à Paris” suggests a journey by land; CWB 6:107.

17. CWB 6:69.

18. Ibid.

19. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 19–21, 50, 417, 433, 439; M. A. MacDonald, Fortune and la Tour: The Civil War in Acadia (Halifax, 2000), 66–70.

20. CWB 6:168.

21. Ibid.

22. Ibid.; documents in C.-H. Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain (Quebec, 1870).

23. CWB 6:151–522.

24. Ibid. 6:169.

25. Ibid.

26. Ibid. 6:169.

27. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:47; CWB 6:170–71.

28. Mercure François, reprinted by Campeau in his Monumenta Novae Franciae 2:350–97; 3:403–04.

29. Champlain, “carte de la nouvelle france … 1632,” legend.

30. CWB 6:224–52.

31. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 55–60; Robert Le Blant, “Les Compagnies du Cap-Breton (1629–1647) RHAF 16 (1962), 81–94.

32. Charles Daniel, “Narrative of the Voyage Made by Captain [Charles] Daniel of Dieppe to New France in the present year 1629” (1629); reprinted as Voyage à la Nouvelle France du Capitaine Charles Daniel de Dieppe (Rouen, 1881), and also in CWB 6:153–61. Daniel’s account confirms the accuracy of Champlain’s writings on this subject.

33. CWB 6:157; Daniel, “Narrative.”

34. CWB 6:159; Daniel, “Narrative.”

35. CWB 6:161; Daniel, “Narrative.”

36. “There was in 1631, a second sub-contracting company founded in Normandy and interested in Cape Breton … the expedition being directed by Samuel de Champlain.” Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:58, 62, 120; Lucien Campeau, “Le dernier voyage de Champlain, 1633,” MSRC ser. 4, 10 (1972) 81–101; Mercure François (1633), 19:806.

37. Libert, Daniel, and Desportes were all members of the Hundred Associates. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:60.

38. Campeau, “Le dernier Voyage de Champlain,” 81–101; Mercure François 19:806–08; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:58–60, 62.

39. No previous biographer of Champlain was aware of this voyage. There is no doubt that it took place, but no certainty that Champlain led it. Even so, both Campeau and Trudel make a case for its high probability. Compare Lucien Campeau, “Le dernier voyage de Champlain, 1633,” 80–101; and Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:58–60. The primary evidence appears in an anonymous relation of the voyage in 1632, published in Mercure François 19 (1633), 80. The leader who remained in the fort was the sieur de Remercier; two Jesuits in residence were Antoine Daniel and Ambrose Davost.

40. CWB 6:173; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle France 3.1:47 citing “Extrait de l’état général des dettes passives de la Compagnie de la Nouvelle-France” 5 Feb. 1642; Robert Le Blant, “La Compagnie de la Nouvelle France et la restitution de l’Acadie,” Revue d’histoire des colonies 42, 146 (1955), 77–80; Lucien Campeau, Les finances publiques de la Nouvelle-France, sous less Cent-Associés, 1632–1635 (Montreal, 1975), 31–33.

41. CWB 6:175–78, 181; Nicolas Denys, The Description and Natural History of the Coasts of North America (Acadia) ed. William F. Ganong, 131–37, 477–79.

42. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:64, 70, passim; citing documents in the archives de la Charente Maritime BB 188 30–31v; Denys, Acadia, 474, 476, 479. Trudel identifies the ships that traded with the La Tour settlements: Cheval Blanc (120 tons);Renard Noir (220 tons); Saint-Luc (90 tons); Saint-Jean (100 tons); Pigeon blanc (200 tons); Saint-Pierre; this from Delafosse in RHAF 4.4 (March 1951), 485; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:60.

43. MacDonald, Fortune and La Tour, 50–51; CWB 6:171–72, 198–99; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:428.

44. CWB 5:165, 212, 280; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:311; W. F. Ganong, “A History of Miscou,” Acadiensis 6 (1906), 79–94; idem, “The History of Miscou and Shippegan,” revised and enlarged from the author’s notes by Susan Brittain, New Brunswick Historical Studies 5 (Saint John, N.B., 1946) 42–45; Denys, Acadia, 201; Robert Le Blant, “La Premiere Compagnie de Miscou, (1635–1645),” RHAF 17 (1963), 269–81; N.-E. Dionne, “Miscou, hommes de mer et hommes de Dieu,” Le Canada Français 2 (1889), 432–77, 514–31.

45. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 60.

46. Marcel Hamelin, “Thierry Desdames,” DCB, s.v., “Desdames;” Champlain CWB 5: 88, 94–96, 322–25; 6: 40, 95; Dionne, “Miscou, hommes de mer et hommmes de Dieu” 2:445–47; Ganong, History of Miscou and Shippegan, NBHS 5 (Saint John, N.B., 1946), 44–45.

47. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:20–21, 60, 80, 388; Robert Le Blant, “Inventaire des meubles faisant partie de la communauté entre Samuel Champlain et Hélène Boullé, 21 Nov 1636,” RHAF 18 (1965), 601.

48. Trudel, “Émery de Caën,” DCB.

49. Declaration of Razilly, May 12, 1632, LAC, C11 A, 2, I:49 cited in Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:121; see also Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto, 1987), 259.

50. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:121; Champlain to Richelieu, August 15, 1633, and August 18, 1634, rpt. in CWB 6:375–78, appendices 6, 7.

21. REALIZING THE DREAM

1.   Paul Le Jeune, “Relation de ce qui s’est passé en la Nouvelle France en l’année 1633 …” (Paris, 1634), Jesuit Relations, ed. Reuben Gold Thwaites (Cleveland, 1896–1901) 5:253.

2.   Ibid. 6:103.

3.   “Mémoire et instruction baillés au Sieur de Champlain par les Directeurs de la Nouvelle-France, Paris, Feb. 4, 1633;” and “Supplément d’Instructions …, Dieppe, March 17, 1633;” Mercure François 19 (1633) 809–11; Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Nova Franciae (Quebec, 1967) 2:340–41, 359–60.

4.   This was probably the family of Jacques Panis and his wife, Marie Pouchet (or Pousset), with their daughters Isebeau and Marie. Both girls would marry in Quebec six years later, on Sept. 3 and 12, 1639. See Campeau’s note in Monumenta 2:354n.

5.   [Champlain], “Relation du voyage du sieur de Champlain en Canada,” Mercure François 19 (1636), 803–67, 803–06; rpt in Campeau, Monumenta 2:350–97; Le Jeune, “Relation” (1634) 5:220; Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1979) 3.1: 121–22.

6.   For Champlain as “nostre Gouverneur,” see Jesuit Relations 9:207.

7.   [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 19 (1636), 803–67; Campeau, Monumenta 2: 353; for Jacquinot see Campeau, Monumenta 1:671–2.

8.   [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 19:804.

9.   Ibid. 19:805; Campeau, Monumenta 2:355.

10. Campeau, Monumenta 2:805. Here is further evidence that Champlain was present at Ste. Anne in 1632.

11. Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1978), 216.

12. Le Jeune, “Relation” (1633), Jesuit Relations 5:83–85.

13. Ibid. 5:201.

14. Ibid. 5:202, 6:72–74; Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1979) 3.1:121–22; John A. Dickinson, “Champlain, Administrator,” in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain and the Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 212.

15. Le Jeune, “Relation” (1634), Jesuit Relations 6:103–05.

16. Ibid. 6:105.

17. Ibid. 5:211–13 (1632–33).

18. Champlain, Traitté de la Marine, Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 6:259–60.

19. Samuel Eliot Morison, The Founding of Harvard College (Cambridge, 1935), 416–18, includes a short history of the Jesuit College of Quebec with an argument that “the answer to this question as to which college was ‘first’ depends on one’s definition of a college.” Morison concocted a unique definition by which Harvard “may justly be called the first college” north of Mexico. By any reasonable definition, the Jesuit College was first.

20. Morison, Champlain, 216–17.

21. Le Jeune, “Relation,” 1634, Jesuit Relations 6:103.

22. Ibid.

23. Le Jeune, “Relation,” 1635, Jesuit Relations 8:18; Champlain to Richelieu, Aug. 18, 1634, CWB 6:378–79; Champlain in Mercure François 19:821, 833; rpt in Campeau, Monumenta 2:367.

24. [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 19:803–67, at 828–38; rpt in Campeau, Monumenta 2:350–97, at 372–78. The murderer was still in confinement when this account was written.

25. Ibid. 2:375.

26. Ibid. 2:378.

27. Le Jeune, “Relation,” 1633, Jesuit Relations 5:221.

28. Ibid. 5:203, 288n; Chrestien Le Clercq, Premier Établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (1691), ed. John Gilmary Shea (New York, 1881) 1:161–74; C.-H. Laver-dière, Oeuvres de Champlain (Quebec, 1870), 1042, 1113, 1228.

29. Le Jeune, “Relation” (1633), Jesuit Relations 5:144–45, 178–95.

30. Ibid. 5:123.

31. Ibid. 5:203 (May 24, 1633).

32. Morison, Champlain, 217.

33. Le Jeune, “Relation” (1633), Jesuit Relations 5:205.

34. Ibid. 5:203–05, 207, 209–11.

35. [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 18:56–73, rpt. in Campeau, Monumenta 2:380–81.

36. One chronology indicates that 500 to 700 Huron came to Quebec after Champlain had sent Louys de Saincte Foy (called by the Indians Amantacha) to the Huron to ask them to come and trade. See [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François19:893–67, rpt. in Campeau, Monumenta 2: 350–97.

37. Le Jeune, “Relation,” 1633, Jesuit Relations 5:243; [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 19:803–867, rpt. in Campeau, Monumenta 2:383. The same passage appears in the accounts of Champlain and Le Jeune, but they turned the same observation in different ways. Champlain delighted in the richness and diversity of Indian customs. Father Le Jeune complained about it. He commented: “Oh how weak is the spirit of man! For over 4,000 years he has been seeking to ornament and beautiful himself, and all the nations of the world have not yet been able to agree as to what is true beauty and adornment.” This passage was removed by Champlain.

38. Le Jeune, “Relation,” 1633, Jesuit Relations 5:247.

39. Le Jeune’s account is in Jesuit Relations 5:249; Champlain’s account appears in [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 19:803–67, rpt. in Campeau, Monumenta 2:383.

40. Le Jeune, “Relation,” 1633, Jesuit Relations 5:253.

41. Ibid.

42. Ibid.5:257.

43. Ibid. 5:107.

44. Ibid. 5: 212–15; [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 19:821, rpt in Campeau, Monumenta 3:366–69; CWB 6:376; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:126–27.

45. Champlain to Richelieu, Aug. 15, 1633, CWB 6:375–77; photocopies of these manuscripts from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs are in the manuscript division, Library of Congress.

46. Champlain, “Relation du Voyage,” 1633, rpt. in Campeau, Monumenta 2:381–82.

47. In this force of “cent hommes,” Champlain enumerated approximately 120 men. “Relation du Voyage,” 1633, Mercure François 19:841–44, rpt in Campeau, Monumenta 2:381–82.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid.

50. Champlain to Richelieu, Aug. 15, 1633; CWB 6:375–77.

51. Ibid.

52. Champlain to Richelieu Aug. 15, 1633, Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Library of Congress; original text in Champlain, CWB 6: 375–77; English translation in N.-E. Dionne, Champlain, Fondateur du Québec et père de la Nouvelle France, ed. Flenley (Quebec, 1891, 1926), 246–49.

53. Champlain to Richelieu, Aug. 18, 1634, in CWB 6: 378–79.

54. Michel Carmona, La France de Richelieu (Paris, 1984), 187.

22. THE PEOPLING OF QUEBEC

1.   Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1979) 3.1:130.

2.   “This is the only French family settled in Canada,” he wrote. Paul Le Jeune, “Relation de ce qui est passé en la Nouvelle France en l’année 1633 …” (Paris, 1634), Jesuit Relations, ed. Reuben Gold Thwaites (Cleveland, 1896–1901) 5:40–44. Champlain had helped other families to settle before 1625: Abraham Martin, his wife Marguerite Langlois, and several children; Pierre Desportes and Françoise Langlois; and Nicolas Pivert, his wife Marguerite Lesage, and an anonymous niece. They appear to have left the colony after the British conquest, and returned in 1632. A few other married couples may have been at Quebec in 1632, but if so their numbers were small and Le Jeune did not recognize them as “families.” Cf. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:491–500; 3.1:33, 53.

3.   Madeleine Jurgens, “Recherches sur Louis Hébert et sa famille,” Mémoires de la Societé généalogique canadienne-française 8 (1957), 106–12, 135–45; 11 (1960), 24–31; Azarie Couillard-Després, La premiere famille française au Canada et Louis Hébert: premier colon canadien et sa famille (Lille, 1913; Montreal, 1918); Champlain, CWB 1:402; 3:203–05; 5:326–27, 6:48, 62, 70–74, 184; Marc Lescarbot, History of New France, 3 vols. (Toronto, 1907) 2:209, 234, 328, 331; 3:246; Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada et voyages que les frères mineurs recollects y ont faicts pour la conversion des infidèles depuis l’an 1615 (first edition, Paris, 1636; reprint edition, Tross 1866) 1:53, 83, 158–59; Chrestien Le Clercq, Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (1691), ed. John Gilmary Shea (New York, 1881) 1:164–67, 281; Jesuit Relations 5:41–43.

4.   Le Jeune, “Relation” (1632), Jesuit Relations 5:41.

5.   Ibid.

6.   Ibid.

7.   Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:485; 3.1:123, 130, 141. Estimates based on Trudel’s numbers for immigrant ships.

8.   Trudel was able to identify by name nine or eleven immigrants in 1633, 46 in 1634, 43 in 1635, and 98 in 1636; Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3:123, 130, 141.

9.   Hubert Charbonneau et al., Naissance d’une population: les Français établis au Canada au XVIIe siècle (Montreal and Paris, 1987), 15; translated as The First French Canadians: Pioneers in the St. Lawrence Valley (Newark, Del., 1993), 32–37; Henri Bunle,Mouvements migratoires entre la France et l’étranger (Paris, 1943); Marcel Trudel, Catalogue des immigrants, 1632–1662 (Montreal, 1983); Lucien Campeau, Les Cent-Associés et le peuplement de la Nouvelle-France, 1633–1663 (Montreal, 1974).

Deep change is a model of historical change. It begins with the assumption that the world is always changing, but not always in the same way. To measure rates of change empirically is to find evidence of distinct “change-regimes,” which were often highly dynamic, but also stable in their dynamism, sometimes for long periods. These change regimes invariably break down sooner or later in moments of “deep change,” and are followed by another change regime, which then breaks down again, and is succeeded by a third, and so on.

For this model of deep change see David Hackett Fischer, Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History (Oxford and New York, 1996); and a work in progress, tentatively called “Deep Change: The Rhythm of American History.”

10. In 1633 Champlain brought with him the family of Jacques Panis and his wife, Marie Pouchet, (or Pusset) and their daughters Isabeau, or Isabel, and Marie, aged thirteen and six. Both would marry in Quebec within a few years. Another daughter was born to Guillemette Hébert-Couillard in 1632–33. Also back in Quebec by the fall of 1633 were: the family of Abraham Martin with his wife, Marguerite Langlois, and daughters Anne, Marguerite, and Hélène; Pierre Desportes with his wife, Françoise Langlois (sister of Marguerite), and their daughters Hélène; and Nicolas Pivert with his wife, Marguerite Lesage. They had arrived in New France as early as 1629, perhaps earlier (Champlain, CWB 5:329), but had returned to France after the English conquest. They were not in Quebec when Le Jeune arrived in 1632, but were back by the fall of 1633. See Campeau, Les Cent-Associés et le peuplement de la Nouvelle-France, 18n; Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae (Quebec, 1967) 2: 354n.

11. These generalizations derive from two generations of historical demography by the rigorous method of “family reconstitution,” which was invented in France at the Institut National d’études démographiques, founded by Louis Henri. That center sponsored a pioneering study on New France: Jacques Henripin, La population Canadienne au début du XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1954), which produced results mainly for the period from 1660 to 1760. In a much larger effort, teams of Canadian historical demographers greatly broadened the population under careful study. They extended the inquiry backward in time to the beginning of settlement with the results noted below. See Hubert Charbonneau et al., Naissance d’une population: les Français établis au Canada au XVIIe siècle(Montreal and Paris, 1987). This very important volume has appeared in an English translation as Hubert Charbonneau et al., The First French Canadians: Pioneers in the St. Lawrence Valley (Newark, Del., 1993).

12. Hubert Charbonneau et al., Naissance d’une population, table 81, pp. 107–25; also striking is the fact that this proportion changed very little from the mid-eighteenth to the mid-twentieth century.

13. Articles accordez par le Roi, à la Compagnie de Canada, April 29, 1627, article 2; in Blanchet et al., Collection de manuscripts contenant letters, mémoires et autres documents relatifs à l’histoire de La Nouvelle France, 4 vols. (Quebec, 1828–88) 1:65.

14. Henry B. M. Best, “Abraham Martin, dit L’Écossais or Master Abraham,” DCB, s.v. “Martin;” Lucien Campeau, biographical sketch of Abraham Martin in Monumenta 2:842; Trudel, in Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:263, 491–97 passim.

15. “Le premier enfant françois né en Amérique,” 1621, in Blanchet et al., Collection de Documents 1:65.

16. Campeau, Monumenta 2:842.

17. Ibid.

18. Robert Le Blant, “Le testament de Samuel de Champlain, 17 novembre 1635,” RHAF 17 (1963), 269–86.

19. J. M. LeMoine, The Scot in New France, an Ethnological Study (Montreal, 1881); R.-B. Casgrain, “La fontaine d’Abraham Martin et le site de son habitation,” RSC Transactions 2 ser 9 (1903), 145–65; B. C. Roy, “Abraham Martin dit L’Écossais et les plaines d’Abraham,” BRH 34 (1928), 568–70; Léon Roy, “La première canadienne-française,” BRH 48 (1942), 20508; idem, “Anne Martin, épouse de Jean Côté,” BRH 49 (1943), 203–04.

A revisionist argument appears in Jacques Mathieu and Eugen Kedl, The Plains of Abraham: The Search for the Ideal (Quebec, 1993), 25–32, which seeks to minimize the connection of the Plains of Abraham to Abraham Martin with “historical and geographical and moral [!] arguments.” It insists that Martin “never possessed or lived on the parcels of land that carry his name” and “did nothing remarkable that would have justified lending his name to this site,” and “died in relative dishonor for having forfeited his honor with a sixteen-year-old seductress in 1649.” I take a different view.

20. Don Thomson, Men and Meridians: The History of Surveying and Mapping in Canada (Ottawa, n.d.) 1:36–38. Notarial acts wrote of the “côte d’Abraham” at an early date. Some of Martin’s land was sold to the Ursuline Order in 1675 and is thought to have included the ground on which their convent was erected.

21. Trudel in Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:130.

22. The terms of Giffard’s grant appear in Harris, 22, 55, 108, 119; N.-E. Dionne, Champlain, Founder of Quebec, Father of New France (Toronto, 1962) 2:336–37.

23. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:131; Le Jeune, “Relation” (1634), Jesuit Relations 7:213.

24. Champlain to Richelieu, Aug. 18, 1634, photocopy in the Library of Congress, from the original in the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Paris; French text in CWB 6: 378–79.

25. “l’homme providentiel sur qui reposait la confiance de toutes les familles.” Dionne, Champlain, 2:346.

26. Grants, confirmations, and title deeds are published in Pièces et documents relatifs à la tenure seigneuriale, 2 vols. (Quebec, 1852–54); the Héberts’ confirmation is 2:373.

27. Historians have called these survey lines a rhumb de vent or rhumb line. This is an incorrect adaptation of a usage in navigation, but may have had deep roots in a culture that applied many maritime terms to terrestrial purposes.

28. Richard Colebrook Harris, The Seigneurial System in Early Canada (Madison, 1968), 23; Honorius Provost, “Robert Giffard de Moncel,” DCB; Campeau, Monumenta 2:824–25; Joseph Besnard, “Les diverses professions de Robert Giffard,” Nova Francia 4 (1929) 322–29; T. E. Giroux, Robert Giffard, seigneur colonisateur … (Quebec, 1934).

29. Peter Moogk, La Nouvelle France: The Making of French Canada: A Cultural History (East Lansing, 2000), 486.

30. Samuel Eliot Morison, The Story of Mount Desert Island (Boston, 1960, 1988), 19–21.

31. Estimates vary between 56 and 68 percent of colonists in Quebec.

32. Many studies have replicated this result. See Archange Godbout, “Nos hérédités provinciales françaises,” Les Archives de Folklore 1 (1946), 26–40; Hubert Charbonneau et al., Naissance d’une population, 46; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.2: 11–56, passim; Leslie Choquette, Frenchmen into Peasants: Modernity and Tradition in the People of French Canada (Cambridge, Mass., 1997); tr. as De Français à paysans: modernité et tradition dans le peuplement du Canada français (Quebec, 2001); Gervais Carpin, Le Réseau du Canada: étude du mode migratoire de la France vers la Nouvelle-France (1628–1662) (Quebec and Paris, 2001); Peter N. Moogk, La Nouvelle France, 87–120.

33. Sources for what follows include Philippe Barbeau, Le choc des patois en Nouvelle-France: Essai sur l’histoire de la francisation au Canada (Montreal, 1984); Raymond Mougeon and Édouard Beniak, Les origines du français québécois (Quebec, 1994); Lionel Meney, Dictionnaire québécois français (Montreal, 1999); Jean-Marcel Léard, Grammaire québécoise d’aujourd’hui—comprendre les québécismes (Montreal, 1995).

34. J. S. Tassie, “The Use of Sacrilege in the Speech of French Canada,” American Speech 36 (1961), 34–40. Statements by several linguists that this pattern of profanity first appeared in the 1830s are mistaken. For common use of blasphemy and sacrilege, including the punishment for repeated offenders in seventeenth-century France, see Philip Riley, A Lust for Virtue: Louis XlV’s Attack on Sin in Seventeenth Century France (Greenwood, 2001), 124–25. The persistence of this old speechway in modern Quebec is a theme of a hilarious bilingual comedy Bon Cop, Bad Cop (2006), which won top film honors in 2007. It is about two police detectives from the Ontario Provincial Police and the Sûreté de Quebec who are ordered to work together. Much of humor was about the meeting of two cultures, and in particular about the bewilderment of the Ontario policeman at his Quebec colleague who muttered such imprecations as “Tabarnak” and “Câlisse.”

35. Moogk, La Nouvelle France, 146.

36. Michel Lessard and Huguette Marquis, Encyclopédie de la maison Québécoise (Montreal and Brussels, 1972), 35, 70–74, 488, passim.

37. Ibid., 35.

38. For a list of all clergy in Quebec from 1604 to 1629 see Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:460–62. On the arrivals in 1633–34 see also Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:123n. For the six Jesuit missions from Cape Breton to Lake Huron see Jesuit Relations 7:3. The arrivals of a further seven Jesuits in 1636 are also documented in Trudel 3.1:134n.

39. G.-É. Giguere, Oeuvres de Champlain (Montreal, 1973) 1:409.

40. Pierre Biard, “Relation de la Nouvelle France. Écrite en 1614,” Relations des Jésuites, IV, 100), Lyon (1616); reproduced in Jesuit Relations 3:104; Bruce Trigger, Children of Aataentsic: A History of the Huron People to 1660 (1976, new edition, Montreal, 1987), 269.

41. Robert Laroque, “Les agents pathogènes, des envahisseurs clandestins,” in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Quebec, 2004), 266–75.

23. THE CRADLE OF ACADIA

1.   Denys, Acadia, 146n, 124n; for statistical data see the U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1990 Census of Population, Supplementary Reports, Detailed Ancestry Groups (1990 CP-S-1–2); Canadian estimates are diverse.

2.   M. A. MacDonald, Fortune and La Tour: The Civil War in Acadia (1983, rpt. Halifax, 2000) is a very graceful book on its subject, and a first-class work of historical scholarship. Brenda Dunn, A History of Port-Royal/Annapolis Royal, 1605–1800 (Halifax, 2004), 1–45, is an excellent history of the principal settlement, with much primary research.

3.   For the Compagnie de Razilly see Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1979) 2:52–54.

4.   Pierre Castagnos, Richelieu face à la mer (Rennes, 1989), 78–80.

5.   Joan Dawson, Isaac de Razilly, 1587–1635: Founder of LaHave (LaHave, Nova Scotia, 1982); George Macbeath, “Isaac de Razilly,” DCB (Toronto, 1966) 1:567–69; Michel-Gustave de Rasilly, Généalogie de la famille de Rasilly (Laval, 1903); Léon Deschamps, Un colonisateur au temps de Richelieu: Isaac de Razilly (Paris, 1887).

6.   CWB 6:219–20.

7.   Isaac de Razilly, Mémoire du chevalier de Razilly, Nov. 26, 1626, published by Léon Deschamps as a “memoire inédit,” in the Revue de Géographie 19 (1886) 374–83; the original is lost; a manuscript copy is in the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, Paris.

8.   Razilly was admitted to the Hundred Associates by François Bertrand as its forty-third member, on January 9, 1628; Champlain was enrolled by his wife Hélène Boullé as the fifty-second member, on January 14, 1628. See Trudel, “La Seigneurie des Cent-Associés,” appendix A, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 419–20. For Razilly and Richelieu see Castagnos, Richelieu face à la mer, 20; and Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:433; 3.1:4–6. Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Novae Francia (Quebec, 1967) 2:852–53, takes another approach, minimizing the role of Razilly’s memoir and maximizing the role of religious leaders, both Récollet and Jesuit.

9.   Razilly, Declaration, May 12, 1632, cited in Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 121; Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto: 1987), 259.

10. CWB 6:219–20.

11. See above, 161.

12. René Baudry, “Charles D’Aulnay et la Compagnie de la Nouvelle-France,” RHAF 11 (1957), 218–41; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:53.

13. René Baudry, “Quelques documents nouveaux sur Nicolas Denys,” RHAF 9 (1955), 14–30; Denys, Acadia.

14. Joan Dawson, “Colonists or Birds of Passage? A Glimpse of the Inhabitants of LaHave, 1632–1636,” NSHR 9 (1989), 42–61.

15. Robert Le Blant, “La Compagnie de la Nouvelle-France et la Restitution de l’Acadie (1627–1636),” Revue d’Histoire des Colonies, 126 (1955) 71–93; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:54.

16. Denys, Acadia, 147.

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., 149; Brenda Dunn, A History of Port-Royal/Annapolis Royal, 1605–1800 (Halifax, 2004), 13.

19. A historical museum stands today on Fort Point, with many treasures and some manuscripts that tell the story of this founding.

20. Marcel Delafosse, “La Rochelle et le Canada au XVIIe siècle,” RHAF 4 (1951), 469–511. Delafosse lists ships sailing from 1632.

21. Azarie Couillard-Després, “Aux sources de l’histoire de l’Acadie,” MSRC 3rd ser. 27 (1933) 63–81; Candide de Nant, Pages glorieuses de l’épopée: une mission Capucine en Acadie (Montreal, 1927), 91.

22. John G. Reid, Maine and New Scotland: Marginal Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Toronto, 1981); MacDonald, Fortune and la Tour: 46–47.

23. John G. Reid, “The Scots Crown and the Restitution of Port Royal, 1629–1632,” Acadiensis 6 (1977), 106–77; Dunn, Port-Royal/Annapolis Royal, 15, citing Brigitta Wallace, “The Scots Fort: A Reassessment of its Location,” mss, Parks Canada Atlantic Service Centre, 1994, not seen.

24. Dunn, Port-Royal/Annapolis Royal, 15–16; Dawson, “Colonists or Birds of Passage,” 42–61.

25. Razilly to Marc Lescarbot, Aug. 16, 1634, BN 13,343:349–50; a copy was in the Fort Port Museum, LaHave, when we visited there.

26. Denys, Acadia, 149–52.

27. George MacBeath, “Jean Thomas,” and “Bernard Marot,” DCB; René Baudry, “Nicolas Le Creux du Breuil,” DCB; Candide de Nant, Pages glorieuses (Montreal, 1927).

28. Geneviève Massignon, Les parlers français d’Acadie, 2 vols. (Paris, n.p. [1962?]) 1:19.

29. Denys, Acadia, 124, 146–52; the historian is Ganong, Acadia, 124n.

30. Massignon, Les parlers français d’Acadie 1:19; a parish study by Rameau de Saint-Père is in Une colonie féodale en Amérique: 1604–1881, 2 vols. (Paris and Montreal, 1889) 2:322.

31. The best study is a grand thèse at the Sorbonne by Geneviève Massignon, a linguistic historian who was interested in the roots of Acadian and Quebec speech. She examined the origins of the Acadian population in census data of 1671, 1707, and 1938 and compared her results with evidence for Quebec and the St. Lawrence Valley. See Massignon, Les parlers français d’Acadie, 1:42–75, with a summary on pp. 74–75.

32. Massignon, Les parlers français d’Acadie 2:741; Yves Cormier, Dictionnaire du français acadien (Quebec, 1999), with an excellent bibliography, 381–426; see also Louise Péonnet et al., Atlas linguistique du vocabulaire maritime acadien (Quebec, 1998); Pascal Poirier, Glossaire (1953, 1977, 1993); idem, Le parler franco-acadien et ses origines (Quebec, 1928).

33. Cormier, Dictionniare ue français acadien, 30.

34. These examples are drawn from Cormier, Dictionnaire du français acadien; Poirier, Glossaire; and Poirer, Le parler franco-acadien et ses origines (Quebec, 1928).

35. A comparative table comes from the careful work of Geneviève Massignon, Les Parlers Français d’Acadie 2:741.

36. Andrew Hill Clark, Acadia: The Geography of Nova Scotia to 1760 (Madison, 1968), 158; Yves Cormier, Les aboiteaux en Acadie: hier et aujourd’hui (Moncton, 1990), 19; Françoise Marie Perrot, “Relation de la Provence d’Acadie,” LAC; on tidal meadows see Denis, Acadia, 118.

37. Denys, Acadia, 138–39.

38. Dunn, Port-Royal/Annapolis Royal, 17.

39. Cormier, Les aboiteaux en Acadie, 30–31.

40. Denys, Acadia, 123.

41. Clark, Acadia, 360.

42. Bernard V. LeBlanc and Ronnie-Gilles LeBlanc, “La culture matérielle traditionelle en Acadie,” in L’Acadie des Maritimes ed. Jean Daigle (Moncton, 1993), 601–48, with an excellent essay on vernacular architecture, 627–42. For primary accounts of early Acadian buildings see Champlain, CWB 1:373; Marc Lescarbot, History of New France, 3 vols. (Toronto, 1907), 2:514; Gargas, “Mon Séjour de l’Acadie, 1687–88,” in William Inglis Morse ed., Acadiensia Nova, 1598–1779 (London, 1935) 1:179; Baron de Lahontan, New Voyages to North America ed. R. G. Thwaites (1905) 1:330–32; accounts of Meneval in 1688, Clark, Acadia, 138; Sieur de Dièreville, Relation du Voyage de Port Royal de l’Acadie, 1699–1700 (Toronto, Champlain Society, 1993).%

For archaeological evidence see Andrée Crépeau and Brenda Dunn, The Melanson Settlement: An Acadian Farming Community (ca. 1664–1755), Canadian Parks Research Bulletin 250 (Ottawa, 1986); David J. Christianson, Bellisle 1983: Excavations of a Pre-Expulsion Acadian Site, Curatorial Report 48 (Halifax, Nova Scotia Museum, 1984); Marc C. Lavoie, Bellisle Nova Scotia, 1680–1755: Acadian Material Life and Economy, Curatorial Report 65 (Halifax, Nova Scotia Museum, 1988).%

For a general discussion see Clarence Lebreton, The Acadians in the Maritimes (Moncton, 1982); Naomi Griffiths, The Acadians: Creation of a People (Toronto, 1973); Rameau de Saint-Père, Une colonie féodale; J. Rodolphe Bourque, Social and Architectural Aspects of Acadians in New Brunswick (Fredericton, 1971).

43. For the maison madrier see the description of the house of Louis Allain, in LeBlanc and LeBlanc, “La culture matérielle,” 630.

44. Peter Moogk, La Nouvelle France: The Making of French Canada: A Cultural History (East Lansing, 2000), 270.

45. On hydraulic systems and power see Karl A. Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism (New Haven, 1957, 1963).

46. Moogk, La Nouvelle France, 270.

47. Clark, Acadia, 387.

48. Massignon, Les parlers français 1:31, 36.

49. Clark, Acadia, 361, 89, 95, 128, 377, passim.

24. TROIS-RIVIÈRES

1.   Paul Le Jeune, “Relation de ce qui s’est passé en la Nouvelle France en l’année 1633 …” (Paris, 1634), Jesuit Relations, ed. Reuben Gold Thwaites (Cleveland, 1896–1901) 5:211.

2.   Alexander Ross, The Red River Settlement: Its Rise, Progress and Present State (London, 1856), 252.

3.   Le Jeune, “Relation” (1634), Jesuit Relations 5:206; [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage du Sieur de Champlain en Canada,” 1633, Mercure François 19 (1633), 803–67 at 838; rpt. in Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae (Quebec, 1967) 2: 350–97.

4.   Jesuit Relations 7:225.

5.   Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1979) 3.1:130, 136, 137, 138.

6.   DCB, “Laviolette;” Jesuit Relations 4: 261, 2:52; Benjamin Sulte, Histoire des Canadiens-Français, 1608–1880, 8 vols. (Montreal, 1882–84) 2: 48–54; idem, Histoire de la ville des Trois-Rivières (Montreal, 1870); Album de l’histoire des Trois-Rivières(Montreal, 1881); Campeau, Monumenta 2:66, 731.

7.   The word had been brought to France by soldiers in the Crusades, and later by diplomats whom Francis had sent to Suleiman the Magnificent. Its Arabic and Akkadian origins are stressed in Le Grand Robert, s.v., “truchement,” and Alain Rey et al.,Dictionnaire historique de la langue française (2006), s.v., “truchement.” For a variant theory of the Turkish root, see Jean-Benoît Nadeau and Julie Barlow, The Story of French (New York, 2006), 100.

8.   More than two dozen French truchements appear by name in this chapter, and several dozen more in other descriptions quoted below, plus many Indian interpreters.

9.   “Commençoit à se licentier en la vie des Anglois [sic].” This was Champlain’s comment on an Indian truchement, Louis le Sauvage. CWB 6:101–02.

10. Campeau, “Bruslé,” in Monumenta 2:808–09, which corrects earlier writing on the basis of new research. See also Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada’s “Heroic Age” Reconsidered (Montreal, 1985, 1994), 177, 182, 194–997, 202, 246, 320, 326, 331, along with much material on Brûlé and the Indians. Indispensable are Champlain’s accounts in CWB 2:138–42; 3:36, 213; 4:213–66; 5:100n; 6:98–102, and passim; also materials in Jesuit Relations; Consul Willshire Butterfield, History of Brulé’s Discoveries and Explorations, 1610–1626 (Cleveland, 1898), 12–19, has been superseded by new research, but its appended documents are still very useful.

11. CWB 2:139, 142; Bruce G. Trigger, Children of Aataentsic: A History of the Huron People to 1660 (Montreal, 1976, 1987), 261–62. Trigger writes, “Champlain did not explain, and probably never knew why Iroquet and Ochasteguin arranged this complicated exchange.” (262). Champlain’s account, with its explicit references to Iroquet, the “Algoumequins,” “the tribe of the Ochateguins, and the negotiations among them, suggests that he understood very well the complexity of these relationships. Cf. Trigger,Children of Aataentsic, 262; CWB 2:142.

12. CWB 2:188; 3:213. Part of this description is from Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude, 175.

13. CWB 3: 36, 53, 58, 213–26. For the trip to Lake Superior see Gabriel Sagard, Le Grand voyage au pays des Huron (Paris, 1632) and Campeau, Monumenta 2:808–09; Conrad E. Heidenreich, “Explorations and Mapping of Champlain, 1603–1632,”Cartographica (1976), 27–28; Trigger thinks that they passed through the Neutral Nation, keeping clear of the Iroquois. They had to pass through the country of the Iroquois, had a fight on the way, won it, and reached the village of Carantoüan with its eight hundred warriors well fortified with “high and strong palisades, firmly tied and joined together.” They were too late and missed Champlain by two days. They then returned and Brûlé had to stay there for the autumn and winter. He employed himself in exploring the country, visiting the tribes and territories near the place, and making his way along a river [Susquehanna?] with “many powerful and warlike tribes.” He followed the river “to the sea, past islands and coasts near them, which were inhabited by several tribes and numerous savage peoples, who nevertheless are well disposed and love the French nation above all others.”

14. CWB 3:225.

15. CWB 5: 97, 100, 132.

16. Campeau, Monumenta, 808–09.

17. CWB 5:128; André Vachon, DCB, s.v. “Marsolet;” Jesuit Relations 4:206–14; 5:112.

18. CWB 5:63; 1:108.

19. CWB 6:99–100.

20. Ibid.

21. Trigger favors the political hypothesis on very little evidence, and suspects Captain Aenons, of whom more in the appendix, Historiography. See Children of Aataentsic, 473–76.

22. Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada et voyages que les frères mineurs recollects y ont faicts pour la conversion des infidèles depuis l’an 1615 (Paris, 1636; rpt. Librairie Tross, 4 vols. Paris, 1866), 368–70, 397–404, 621–29, 1228, 1249.

23. Le Jeune, “Relation” 1633, Jesuit Relations 4:206–14, 5:112.

24. For biographies see Émile Ducharme, “Olivier le Tardif,” ASGCF Mémoires 12 (1961), 4–20; Amédée Gosselin, “Olivier le Tardif, juge-prévôt de Beaupré,” RSCT, ser. 3, 17 (1923) 1–16; Marcel Trudel, DCB, s.v. “Le Tardif;” Chrestien Le Clercq, Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (1691), ed. John Gilmary Shea (New York, 1881) 1:161–74; C.-H. Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain (Quebec, 1870), 1042, 1113, 1228; Campeau, Monumenta 2:838; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 122; Jesuit Relations 5: 288n.

25. Jesuit Relations 5:202; CWB 5: 95, 209; 6:62–63, May 10, 1623, Aug. 25, 1626.

26. Le Jeune, “Relation” (1633), Jesuit Relations 5:203, 288; Campeau, Monumenta 2:452; Campeau, “Olivier Letardif,” Monumenta 2:838; Le Clercq, Premier établissement 1:161–74.

27. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:149; 3.1:49, 117, 122, 149, 151, 160, 163, 178, 182–83, 191, 194.

28. René Blémus, Jean Nicollet en Nouvelle France: un Normand à la découverte des Grands Lacs canadiens (1598–1642) (Cherbourg, 1988), 120–25.

29. On Nicollet’s arrival in New France, conflicting dates appear in the sources. Barthélemy Vimont wrote that Nicollet came to New France in the year 1618 … was sent to winter with the island Algonquins, in order to learn their language,” and “tarried with them two years” (Jesuit Relations 23:276–78). But a legal document survives in which Jean Nicollet, son of Thomas Nicollet, was present when a piece of land was sold at Hainneville near Cherbourg on May 10, 1619 (Nicollet Mss, LAC.) Trudel concludes that Nicollet’s “definitive arrival in Canada could not have been before 1619.” It is also possible that Nicollet could have come earlier to New France and returned briefly in 1619. See also Jesuit Relations 8: 247, 257, 267, 295; 23:274–82; Sagard, Histoire du Canada (1866), 194.

30. Vimont in Jesuit Relations 23:276–78.

31. On January 18, 1642, Madeleine-Euphrosine was the godmother of an Indian at the Ursulines in Quebec. On November 21, 1642, she married Jean Leblanc, dit Lecourt, and had at least five children. On February 22, 1663, she remarried Elie Dusceau dit Lafleur, and had four more children. See Marcel Trudel, “Jean Nicollet dans le Lac Supérieur et non dans le Lac Michigan,” RHAF 34 (1980) 186n.

32. [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 19 (1633) 803–67; rpt. in Campeau, Monumenta 2:370; see Campeau’s note, 370n.

33. Champlain wrote: “On June 20, a shallop arrived from Sainte-Croix which gave us news of the arrival of forty canoes, which were the Bésérévis [his name for the Nipissing], and with them a French interpreter whom the Sieur de Caën had sent the previous year [1632] to encourage the Indians to come for trade, and he asked the sieur de Champlain to come quickly to Sainte-Croix, desiring to see him. He immediately ordered a shallop to be prepared, in which he embarked and arrived the same day at Sainte-Croix.” This text is from Champlain’s own account, in his “Relation du Voyage,” 370. The French interpreter is not named. Campeau concluded that “this interpreter was most probably Jean Nicollet,” (370n). This document has not been discussed in the controversy over Nicollet’s great journey that followed.

34. For Nicollet’s presence in Quebec see [Champlain] “Relation du Voyage,” 372, 387n; confirmed also in Le Jeune’s “Relation” (1633); also in Campeau, Monumenta, 405, 460.

35. In the Jesuit Relations they were also called Ouinipigous. The Ottawa told Champlain that the Puan could be reached by following the north shore of Lake Huron. For a discussion, see Heidenreich, Explorations and Mapping of Champlain, 95.

36. They are so labeled in a version of Champlain’s 1616 map, as completed by Pierre Duval in 1653 and reproduced in Heidenreich, Explorations and Mapping of Samuel de Champlain, plates 85, 114; plates 6, 9.

37. Champlain’s map of 1632 locates the Puan on the north shore of Lake Superior. Marcel Trudel, a Canadian historian, shares that view. See Marcel Trudel, “Jean Nicollet dans le Lac Supérieur,” 188–89.

38. Most scholars agree that Nicollet made this journey and that it was an extremely important event in the history of New France and North America. But they are not of one mind about the details of Nicollet’s trip. One interpretation was worked out by John Gilmary Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley (New York, 1953) and developed by Benjamin Sulte, Mélanges d’Histoire et de Littérature (Ottawa, 1876); and Consul W. Butterfield, History of the Discovery of the North-West by John Nicolet (Cincinnati, 1881). Shea believed that Nicollet went west to Lake Michigan, found his way to Green Bay and the Fox River, and met the Winnebago people in what is now Wisconsin. Historians with strong ties to Minnesota and Michigan insist that this account is mistaken and that Nicollet journeyed to their states. Also at issue are questions about when Nicollet made the journey, who sent him, whom he met, and what the consequences have been. See Clifford P. Wilson, “Where Did Nicollet Go?” Minnesota History 27 (1946), 216–20; and Harry Dever, “The Nicolet Myth,” Michigan History 50 (1966) 318–22; Trudel developed these ideas in “Jean Nicollet dans le Lac Supérieur et non dans le Lac Michigan,” 183–96; on line atwww.uwgb.edu/wisfrench/library/articles/nicolet.htm. A helpful overview of the subject is published in Jerrold C. Rodesch, “Jean Nicolet,” Voyageur: The Historical Review of Brown County and Northeast Wisconsin (Spring 1984), 4–8.%

Another generation of interpretation appears in Robert L. Hall, “Rethinking Jean Nicollet’s Route to the Ho-Chucks in 1634,” and Michael McCafferty, “Where did Jean Nicollet meet the Winnebago in 1634? A Critique of Robert L. Hall’s ‘Rethinking Nicollet’s Route’” Ontario History 96 (2004), 170–82; with corrections in Ontario History 96 (2005).%

My judgment is that Trudel and others are correct about the early part of Nicollet’s journey, but that linguistic evidence confirms a visit to the country of the Winnebago. It is also possible that he followed the north shore of Lake Huron to its apex, crossed by canoe to the other side of the lake at its narrow neck, visited Lake Michigan as far as the Winnebago country, and than returned north to Sault Ste. Marie and explored part of the shore of Lake Superior. This interpretation may give the optimal fit to the evidence. If so, warring local historians of Michigan, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Illinois may each have a part of the answer, and they could dwell together in peace and truth on the basis of a third hypothesis.

39. Vimont, in Jesuit Relations 23:275–79.

40. CWB 2:217.

41. Benjamin Sulte, “Les interprètes du temps de Champlain,” RSCT ser 1, 1 (1882–83), 53.

42. CWB 2: 201–3, 205–06.

43. DCB, s.v. “Hertel;” Jesuit Relations 4: 24; 8:37; 9:33.

44. Ibid. 9:33, 57, 305; C.-H. Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain (Quebec, 1870) 6:58.

45. Campeau, Monumenta 2:141.

46. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:xxxvi, 44, 160, 176, 190; Campeau, Monumenta 2:108n.

47. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:40; CWB 1: 108; 6:108.

48. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:23.

49. Campeau, Monumenta 2: 825, 168, 172, 174; Sagard, Histoire du Canada (Tross) 4:880–92; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:22.

50. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 137, 160, 176.

51. For a lively survey, see Georges-Hébert Germain, Les coureurs des bois: La saga des Indiens blancs (Quebec, 2003).

52. Alexander Ross, The Fur Hunters of the Far West (1885, Norman, Okla., 2001).

53. Jean-Benoît Nadeau and Julie Barlow, The Story of French (New York, 2006), 102–103.

54. Mitford Mathews, Dictionary of Americanisms (Chicago, 1951), s.v., “ozark.”

55. Donna Evans, “On Coexistence and Convergence of Two Phonological Systems in Michif,” (North Dakota, 1982); Peter Bakker, A Language of our Own: The Genesis of Michif, the Mixed Cree-French Language of the Canadian Métis (New York, 1997).

56. Jesuit Relations 35:213.

57. Dictionnaire historique de la langue française, s.v. “métis;” Jennifer S. H. Brown, “Métis, Half-breeds, and Other Real People: Changing Cultures and Categories,” The History Teacher 27 (1993), 20.

58. Terms such as half-breed, métis, and métif began to appear with increasing frequency in the travel literature (Jacqueline Peterson, 39). The French called them “bois-brûlé” or burned wood, from the Chippewa wisahkotewan niniwak, “men partly burned” (Verne Dusenberry, “Waiting for a Day that Never Comes: Dispossessed Métis of Montana,” in Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. Brown, The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America [n.p., Montana, 1958], 120).

59. Duke Redbird, We are Métis: A Métis View of the Development of a Native Canadian People (Willowdale, 1980), 53; quoted in Brown, “Métis, Halfbreeds,” 24.

60. Dusenberry, “Dispossessed Métis,” 121.

61. Brown, “Métis, Halfbreeds,” 24.

62. Alexander Ross, quoted in Bob Beal and Rod Macleod, Prairie Fire (Toronto, 1994), 17; Marcel Giraud, Le Métis canadien: son rôle dans l’histoire des provinces de l’ouest (1945), tr. George Woodcock (Edmonton, 1986); Jacqueline Peterson, “The People in Between: Indian-White Marriage and the Genesis of a Métis Society and Culture in the Great Lakes Region, 1680–1830,” Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Illinois, Chicago, 1980); Jennifer S. H. Brown, “People of Myth, People of History: A Look at Recent Writings on the Métis,” Acadiensis 17 (1987), 150–62; films: Christine Welsh, Women in the Shadows (NFB, 1992).

63. Peterson and Brown, The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America (Winnipeg, 1985), 7.

25. CHAMPLAIN’S LAST LABOR

1.   Paul Le Jeune, “Relation de ce qui est passé en la Nouvelle France en l’année 1635 …” (Paris, 1636), Jesuit Relations, ed. Reuben Gold Thwaites (Cleveland, 1896–1901) 9:206–09.

2.   Charles de la Morandière, Histoire de la pêche française de la morue dans l’Amérique septentrionale, 3 vols. (Paris, 1962–66) 1:277–315, 248.

3.   Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada et voyages que les frères mineurs recollects y ont faicts pour la conversion des infidèles depuis l’an 1615 (Paris, 1636; rpt. Librairie Tross, 4 vols. (Paris, 1866) 4:830.

4.   Benjamin Sulte, Histoire des Canadiens-Français, 1608–1880, 8 vols. (Montreal, 1882–84) 2:59, 107; Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1979) 3.1:142, n. 64.

5.   Ibid. 3.1:141.

6.   Le Jeune, “Relation” (1636), Jesuit Relations 9:208–09.

7.   Ibid. 9:209.

8.   Robert Le Blant, ed., “Inventaire des Meubles faisant partie de la Communauté entre Samuel Champlain et Hélène Boullé,” RHAF 18 (1965), 599.

9.   Le Jeune, “Relation” (1636), Jesuit Relations 9:208–09.

10. Ibid. 9:207–08.

11. Ibid. 9:208–09.

12. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:130, 142–46, 333, 446–47.

13. Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae (Quebec, 1967) 2:818; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 122, 141, 147, 163; R. Douvelle, DCB, s.v. “Derré de Gand.”

14. Campeau, Monumenta 2:815–16, 824–25, 835.

15. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:133n.

16. A. Godbout, “Poisson,” Mémoires de la Societé généalogique canadienne-française 3.3: 183–91.

17. Campeau, “Bonaventure, enfant montagnais,” Monumenta 2:803.

18. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: xxvii, 132.

19. What follows is from the text of the will, which was discovered in the French National Archives in 1959. It is published in Robert Le Blant, “Le Testament de Samuel Champlain, 17 novembre 1635,” RHAF 17 (1963), 269–86.

20. David Hackett Fischer, The Great Wave: Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History (Oxford and New York, 1996); data reported in figure 0.01.

21. A partial inventory appears in Robert Le Blant, ed., “Inventaire des meubles,” 594–603; see also idem, “Le triste veuvage d’Hélène Boullé,” RHAF 18 (1965), 425–37. This evidence, as M. A. MacDonald observes, “reveals a modest financial situation, attesting to the honour and integrity of the great explorer.” I agree. M. A. MacDonald, Robert Le Blant, Seminal Researcher and Historian of Early New France: A Commented Bibliography (Saint John, N.B., 1986), 23.

22. A. Ledoux, “Abraham Martin, Français ou Écossais?” Mémoires de la Societé généalogique canadienne-française, 27, 162–64.

23. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 122, 141, 147; Le Jeune, “Relation” (1635), Jesuit Relations 7:302–03; Campeau in Monumenta 2:818.

24. Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 224.

25. Jesuit Relations 9:206–07.

26. Ibid.

27. Paul Bouchart d’Orval, Le mystère du tombeau de Champlain (Quebec, 1951); Silvio Dumas, La Chapelle Champlain et Notre-Dame de la Recouvrance (Quebec, 1958). Research projects carried out in the 1980s yielded no results.

28. Le Blant, “Le Triste Veuvage d’Hélène Boullé,” 425–37.

29. Robert Le Blant, “L’Annulation du Testament de Champlain,” Revue d’Histoire des Colonies 131–32 (1950), 203–31.

30. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 142–43.

31. J. E. Roy, “M. de Montmagny,” Nouvelle-France 5 (1906), 105–21, 161–73, 417–28, 520–30; Jean Hamelin, DCB, s.v. “Charles Huault de Montmagny;” Morison, Champlain, 225.

32. Morison, Champlain, 225.

33. Alain Rey, Dictionnaire historique de la langue française, 3 vols., rev. edition, Paris, 2006), s.v., “devoir,” “service.”

CONCLUSION

1.   Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948), 341.

2.   For a biography of Black Hawk see Roger L. Nichols, Black Hawk and the Warrior’s Path (Wheeling, Ill., 1992); a history of his nation is William T. Hagan, The Sac and Fox Indians (Norman, Okla., 1958); for the Black Hawk War of 1831–32, see Ellen M. Whitney, ed., The Black Hawk War, 1831–1832, 3 vols. (Springfield, 1970) with a helpful introduction by Anthony F. C. Wallace.

3.   J. B. Patterson, Life of Ma-Ka-Tai-Me-She-Kia-Kiak or Black Hawk … Dictated by Himself (Rock Island, Ill., 1833), with certificate of authenticity by Antoine LeClaire, “U.S. Interpreter for the Sacs and Foxes.” Other editions followed in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Mobile. The first scholars’ edition was edited by Milo Milton Quaife and published in the Lakeside Classics (Chicago, 1916). The best scholarly edition is Donald Jackson, ed., Black Hawk: An Autobiography (Urbana, 1995). Two centuries later, The Autobiography of Black Hawk is still in print, and much cherished as a major work of American literature. The text of the first edition is posted on line as part of the Abraham Lincoln Historical Digitization project. Black Hawk’s warning appears on the dedication page. For a literary analysis see Mark Wallace, “Black Hawk’s An Autobiography: The Production and Use of an Indian Voice,” American Indian Quarterly 18 (1994), 481–94.%

A hostile critic named Thomas Ford alleged that the book was a fraud concocted by a “halfbreed Indian interpreter.” LeClaire was a Métis, with a French Canadian father and a Potawatomi mother. He learned French, English, and “a dozen Indian languages,” and his name appears on many Indian treaties. He became a leading citizen of Iowa with a fortune of half a million dollars, was a founder of the town of Davenport, had his portrait put on the Iowa State Bank’s five-dollar bill, and was celebrated for his character. Winfield Scott wrote that “he has been faithful to both sides, to the Americans as well as to the Sac and Fox.” See Charles Snyder, “Antoine LeClaire, the First Proprietor of Davenport,” Annals of Iowa 3rd series, 23 (1941–42) 79–117. The critic Ford appears not to have read the book. Recent study by Donald Jackson confirms its authenticity.

4.   Black Hawk: An Autobiography, ed. Jackson, dedication page.

5.   The dates are uncertain, as in much oral history. Black Hawk (1767–1838) was translated as calling his ancestor his “great grandfather,” but said that Na-Nà-Ma-Kee’s meeting with the “white father” happened “a long time” before “the British overpowered the French” in 1759, and at a time when Black Hawk’s ancestors were “people who had never yet seen a white man.” The word that LeClaire translated as “great grandfather” may have been more accurately rendered as “forefather.” Probably Na-Nà-Ma-Kee would have been Black Hawk’s great-great-great-great-grandfather, six generations removed. It is known that in the early seventeenth century the Sauk nation lived with other Algonquin people in the Upper St. Lawrence Valley, that they were at war with the French by the beginning of the eighteenth century, and moved many times to Wisconsin, then to Iowa, back to Wisconsin and to Illinois.

6.   Na-Nà-Ma-Kee’s story was an oral tradition, and it grew through the years by a process of accretion. Some of its elements were added later: for example the story mentions that among the white man’s gift to Na-nà-ma-kee were guns. Champlain did not give Indians guns, and often opposed the gift or sale of guns to Indians by Dutch and English traders. There is no evidence that Champlain gave medals to the Indians, a practice that became more common in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

But most elements of the story point directly to Champlain and only to Champlain. Among them are the assertion that this white man was a Frenchman, that he had a special relationship with the king of France, that he was in the St. Lawrence Valley, that he was the first white man Na-Nà-Ma-Kee’s people had ever seen, that he was a soldier and a “great and brave general,” that he exchanged goods and presents more to establish trust and build a relationship than for a commercial purpose, which followed later; that he was an honest and honorable man who kept his word and treated the Indians with respect. No other French explorer matched this description of an encounter that happened “a long time” before “the British overpowered the French” in the eighteenth century, and at a time when Black Hawk’s ancestors “had never yet seen a white man.”%

Champlain repeatedly mentioned that in his early travels up the St. Lawrence Valley he met nations who had never before seen a European. Further, the substance of this oral history is true to the area in which Champlain traveled, and also to the way in which he worked with the Algonquin nations of the St. Lawrence Valley.%

Two American historians have studied Black Hawk’s autobiography. Both conclude that Na-Nà-Ma-Kee’s white man was Champlain. See Donald Jackson, ed., Black Hawk: An Autobiography (Urbana, Ill., 1955, 1964, 1990), 45n; and Gordon M. Sayre, Les sauvages américaines (Chapel Hill, 1997), 64, a monograph on Indian images in American literature. No biographer of Champlain or historian of New France appears to have been familiar with Black Hawk’s autobiography.

7.   Fred Anderson and Andrew Cayton, The Dominion of War: Empire and Liberty in North America, 1500–2000 (New York, 2005), 41; for more Indian memories of first encounters, see Sylvie Vincent et al., Traditions et récits sur l’arrivée des Européens en Amérique, published in Recherches amérindiennes au Québec 22.2–3 (Automne 1992) 1–180. Especially helpful in that collection is Denys Delage, “Les Premiers Contacts,” 101–16.

8.   Perry Miller, Roger Williams: His Contribution to the American Tradition (New York, 1962), 49–73; Ola Elizabeth Winslow, John Eliot, “Apostle to the Indians” (Boston, 1968); 71–159; Henry W. Bowden and James P. Ronda, eds., John Eliot’s Indian Dialogues (Westport, Conn., 1980); Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America (1949, rpt. Boston, 1965) 20–22, passim.

9.   Ramsay Cook, ed., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (Toronto, 1993), xxv-xli, passim.

10. It is most accessible in a bilingual edition, edited by H. P. Biggar in his edition of Champlain’s major works, sponsored by the Champlain Society, CWB 6: 253–346.

11. See appendix E below.

12. CWB 6: 297, 295, 314, 279, 269–70.

13. CWB 6:257–68.

14. CWB 6:261.

MEMORIES OF CHAMPLAIN

1.   Gérard Malchelosse, Trois-Rivières d’autrefois: études éparses et inédites de Benjamin Sulte (Montreal, 1934); qtd. in Denis Martin, “Discovering the Face of Samuel de Champlain,” in Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: la naissance de l’Amérique française (Quebec, 2004); tr. as Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 358.

2.   For a short but very thoughtful survey of the literature, see Raymonde Litalien, “Historiography of Samuel Champlain,” in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 11–16. General studies of Canadian historiography include: H.-A. Scott, Nos anciens historiographes et autres études d’histoire canadienne (Quebec, 1930); Serge Gagnon, Le Québec et ses historiens (Quebec, 1978), of which portions are translated in two volumes as Quebec and Its Historians: 1840–1920 (Montreal, 1982) and Quebec and Its Historians: The Twentieth Century (Montreal, 1985); and “The Historiography of New France, 1960–1974,” Journal of Canadian Studies 13 (1978), 80–99. Also useful are D. A. Muise, Approaches to the Native History of Canada (Ottawa, 1977); Bruce G. Trigger, “The Indian Image in Canadian History,” in Natives and Newcomers: Canada’s “Heroic Age” Reconsidered (Montreal and Kingston, 1985, 1986, 1994), 3–49.

3.   Marc Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, published in Paris in 1609 with English translations in the same year and German in 1613; other French editions followed in 1611, 1612, 1617, and 1618; also, Marc Lescarbot, History of New France, 3 vols. (Toronto, Champlain Society, 1907), edited by H. P. Biggar with a translation by Oxford linguist W. L. Grant; La Conversion des Sauvages (Paris, 1610), rpt. in Jesuit Relations 1:49–113; and Relation dernière de ce qui s’est passé au voyage du sieur de Poutrincourt en la Nouvelle France depuis 20 mois ença (Paris, 1912) rpt. in Jesuit Relations 1, 119–91. See Éric Thierry, Marc Lescarbot (vers 1570–1641): un homme de plume au service de la Nouvelle-France (Paris, 2001); idem, “Champlain and Lescarbot: An Impossible Friendship,” in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 121–34; Bernard Émont, Marc Lescarbot: Mythes et rêves fondateurs de la Nouvelle France (Paris, Budapest, and Turin, 2002); Louis-Martin Tard, Marc Lescarbot: le chantre de l’Acadie(Quebec, 1997); H. P. Biggar, “The French Hakluyt: Marc Lescarbot of Vervins,” AHR 6 (1901), 671–92.

4.   Marc Lescarbot, Les Muses de la Nouvelle-France (Paris, 1618), 49. The first publication includes a note, “Fait aux iles de Câpseau en la Nouvelle-France.”

5.   W. L. Grant, in Lescarbot, New France 2:27.

6.   Champlain in Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 1:452; Lescarbot, New France 2:169–70, 172; 1:30, 104; 2: 76, 83–84, 99, 108, 110–11, 141, 168, 172–76, 179, 234, 241, 359; 3:6, 34.

7.   Lescarbot, New France 2:117, 22, 233, 342; 3: 6, 9–15, 17, 24–27, 28–29.

8.   Charles Daniel, Voyage à la Nouvelle France du Capitaine Charles Daniel de Dieppe (n.p., 1629; rpt. Rouen, 1881; CWB 6:153–61. Pierre Victor Palma Cayet, Chronologie Septenaire (Paris, 1605), 415–24, included passages from Champlain’s Des Sauvages. Jacques-Auguste de Thou’s Histoire universelle depuis 1543 jusq’en 1607 was published first in a Latin edition and later in a French translation (Paris, 1739). For an example of periodical literature see Le Mercure François 19 (1633), 802–67.

9.   Le Jeune, “Relation, 1636,” Jesuit Relations 9: 218–83; Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948), 341.

10. Gordon M. Sayre, Les sauvages américaines (Chapel Hill, 1997), 64; see Conclusion, above.

11. For some of these Montagnais stories see Sylvie Vincent, “L’arrivée des chercheurs de terres: récits et dires des Montagnais de la Moyenne et de la Basse Côte-Nord,” Recherches amérindiennes au Québec 22:2–3 (1992), 19–29.

12. Le Jeune, “Relation, 1637,” Jesuit Relations 12:86–87; 13:147; for Captain Aenon see Bruce Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic: A History of the Huron People to 1660 (1976; new edition, Montreal, 1987), 474; and Jesuit Relations 20:19.

13. Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude, 340.

14. Ibid. 341.

15. David Knowles, Great Historical Enterprises: Problems in Monastic History (London, 1963), 3–62.

16. Gabriel Sagard, Le Grand Voyage du pays des Hurons (Paris, 1632), new edition (Tross, Paris, 1865); an English translation appeared as The Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons, tr. H. H. Langton, ed., George M. Wrong (Toronto, 1939). A scholarly edition with a French text was established by Réal Ouellet, and an introduction and notes by Réal Ouellet and Jack Warwick (Quebec, 1990); idem, Histoire du Canada (Paris, 1636; rpt. Tross, Paris, 1866), in four duodecimo volumes, still the edition of choice. It has not been translated into English or reprinted in a modern scholarly edition.

17. Gilbert Chinard, L’Amérique et la rêve exotique dans la littérature française au XVIIe et XVIIIe siècle (Paris 1913); Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude, 259.

18. Chrestien Le Clercq, Nouvelle relation de la Gaspésie (Paris, 1691); and Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle-France (Paris, 1691), in at least two other editions with variant titles. Both were published in English translations as First Establishment of the Faith in New France, ed. J. G. Shea, 2 vols. (New York, 1881); and New Relation of Gaspesia with the Customs and Religions of the Gaspesian Indians, vol. 5 in the publications of the Champlain Society, ed. W. F. Ganong (Toronto, 1910).

19. Le Clercq, Premier établissement, 114–15, 129, 150–53, 158–59.

20. Champlain to Louis XIII, Sieur de Montmorency, Chancellor de Sillery and the Sieur de Villemenon, 25 August 1622, BN ms 16738, fol 143; cited in H. P. Biggar, Early Trading Companies of New France, A Contribution to the History of Commerce and Discovery in North America (Toronto, 1901, 1937; rpt. Clifton, N.J., 1972), 279–80.

21. Pierre-Francis-Xavier de Charlevoix, Histoire de l’établissement, des progrès, et de la décadence du christianisme dans l’Empire du Japon, 3 vols. (Rouen, 1713).

22. Pierre-Francis-Xavier de Charlevoix, Histoire et description générale de la Nouvelle-France with Journal historique, 3 vols, in quarto, six volumes in duodecimo (Paris, 1744); an excellent modern scholarly edition of the Travels is Charlevoix: Journal d’un voyage fait par ordre du roi dans l’Amérique septentrionale, ed. Pierre Berthiaume, 2 vols. (Montreal, 1994). English translations include History and General Description of New France, tr. John Gilmary Shea, 6 vols. (New York, 1866–1872, rpt. Chicago, 1962); and Louise Phelps Kellogg, Journal of a Voyage to North America, 2 vols. (Chicago, 1923); David M. Hayne, “Charlevoix,” DCB/DBC.

23. Charlevoix, Journal d’un Voyage, ed. Berthiaume, 1:317–18, 364–65; 2:89, passim.

24. Ibid. 2:89.

25. Ibid. 1:215, 244, 251, 453–54]; idem, History and General Description of New France, ed. Shea, 2:12, 90.

26. Charlevoix, Journal d’un Voyage, ed. Berthiaume, 2:32.

27. Cadwallader Colden, History of the Five Indian Nations (1727, 1747, rpt., 1866; Ithaca, 1958), chap. 1, 1–6.

28. Ibid., 6.

29. Jean le Rond d’Alembert and Denis Diderot, Encyclopédie ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts, et des métiers (Paris, 1751), s.v., “Québec.”

30. Portrait of Samuel de Champlain, anonymous sanguine of unknown provenance and date, Archives nationales du Québec, reproduced in Alain Beaulieu et Réal Ouellet, eds., Samuel de Champlain, Des Sauvages (Montreal, 1993), 10.

31. François-Xavier Garneau, Histoire du Canada, depuis sa découverte jusqu’à nos jours; my set is the second edition, corrected and enlarged, 3 vols. (Quebec, 1852).

32. Ibid. 1:121.

33. Ibid. 1:120.

34. Ibid. 1:121.

35. Ibid. 1:120.

36. Andrew Bell, History of Canada … translated from Histoire du Canada of F.-X. Garneau, Esq., 3 vols. (Montreal, 1860) 1:iv; 1:120, 128.

37. Marcel Trudel, Memoirs of a Less Travelled Road (translation of Mémoires d’un autre siècle) (1987, Montreal, 2002), 152.

38. Francis Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World (1865, revised edition with corrections, 1885; rpt. Boston, 1901), 186–87.

39. Ibid. xix.

40. Ibid. 280, 438.

41. Ibid. 185, 255.

42. Ibid. 243, 255.

43. Ibid. 464.

44. Ibid. xxv.

45. Parkman’s notes and collected materials are in the manuscript collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

46. Gagnon, Quebec and Its Historians, 45–66.

47. Ibid. 54–55.

48. Parkman, Pioneers, 244.

49. Abbé Auguste Gosselin, “Le vrai monument de Champlain: ses oeuvres éditées par Laverdière,” Mémoires de la Societé Royale du Canada 1 (1908), 3–23.

50. Philéas Gagnon, Essai de bibliographie canadienne (Quebec, 1895) 1:103.

51. Gosselin, “Le vrai monument de Champlain,” qtd. in Ronald Rudin, Founding Fathers: The Celebration of Champlain and Laval in the Streets of Quebec, 1878–1908 (Toronto, 2003), 56.

52. For a short biography of Ducornet, see Emmanuel Bénézit, Dictionnaire critique et documentaire des peintres, sculpteurs, dessinateurs et graveurs (Paris, 1999).

53. “Samuel de Champlain, governor general of Canada,” lithograph, 1854, attributed to Louis-César-Joseph Ducornet (1806–56); Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 356.

54. Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 357.

55. Samuel de Champlain, steel-plate engraving by J. A. O’Neil, ca. 1866; reproduced in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 357; O’Neil’s engraving appeared as the frontispiece in John Gilmary Shea’s edition of Charlevoix’s History and General Description of New France published in the United States that year.

56. Victor-Hugo Paltsits, “A Critical Examination of Champlain’s Portrait,” Acadiensis 4 (1904), 306–11; rpt. in Bulletin des Recherches Historiques 38 (1932), 755–59.

57. H. P. Biggar, “The Portrait of Champlain,” CHR 1 (1920), 379–80; Bishop, Champlain, 6n; Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto, 1987), 20–21; Jean Liebel, “Les faux portraits de Champlain,” Vie des arts 28 (1983), 112; Martin, “The Face of Champlain,” 354–62.

58. Martin, “The Face of Champlain,” 359; Trudel, Champlain, 15.

59. “What did Champlain really look like?” www.champlainsoc.ca.

60. Martin, “The Face of Champlain,” 357.

61. Narcisse-Eutrope Dionne, Champlain, fondateur de Québec et père de la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (Quebec, 1891). An abridged edition would later be published in English as Champlain, Founder of Quebec, Father of New France (Toronto, 1962); Trudel,Memoirs, 152–53, passim.

62. Abbé Henri-Raymond Casgrain, Champlain, sa vie et son caractère (Quebec, 1898); Gabriel Gravier, Vie de Samuel de Champlain, fondateur de la Nouvelle-France (Paris, 1900), 363.

63. Many of Sulte’s articles were brought together in his Mélanges littéraires and Mélanges historiques, which ran to 23 volumes (1918–34). More accessible was his Histoire populaire du Canada, d’après les documents français et américains. An excellent study of his work appears in Gagnon, Quebec and Its Historians, 67–110, 103–04.

64. John Bach McMaster, The History of the People of the United States, 9 vols. (New York, 1883–1927).

65. Gagnon, Quebec and Its Historians, 90.

66. Benjamin Sulte, Histoire des Canadiens-français, 1608–1880, 8 vols. (Montréal, 1882–84) 2:58; Gagnon, Quebec and Its Historians, 74.

67. Sulte, Histoire des Canadiens-français, 1:57, 5:35; Gagnon, Quebec and Its Historians, 74, 86, 89.

68. Trudel, Memoirs, 133.

69. The Champlain Society’s website includes essays on the history of the society and on Sir Edmund Walker; http://www.champlainsociety.ca.cs_origins-history.htm. See also Heidenreich’s monograph on the publication of Champlain’s Works.

70. H. P. Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols, and a portfolio of maps and drawings (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1922, rpt. University of Toronto Press, 1971).

71. John Squair, Autobiography of a Teacher of French, n.p. (Toronto, ca. 1928, published posthumously). Squair also left a manuscript diary and memoir; see www.chass.utoronto.ca/french/dept-of-french/history/chap3a.html.

72. Nicolas Denys, The Description and Natural History of the Coasts of North America (Acadia) (Toronto, Champlain Society, 1908); Lescarbot’s History of New France, 3 vols. (Toronto, Champlain Society, 1907); and Récollet father Gabriel Sagard’s Le Grand Voyage du pays des Hurons published as The Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons, ed., George M. Wrong and tr. by H. H. Langton, now available online in digital editions that are key-word searchable, a great tool for serious scholars: 7 volumes for Champlain himself, now the indispensable source for Champlain; three for his comrade and later enemy. A new edition of Champlain’s works is in progress at the society, edited by C. E. Heidenreich.

73. William Francis Ganong, Sainte Croix (Dochet) Island, first published in Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada in 1902, revised and enlarged by Susan Brittain Ganong (Saint John, 1945 and 1979), reprinted again with new material as Champlain’s Island(Saint John, 2003).

74. Ganong, Champlain’s Island, 20.

75. The leading study is Ronald Rudin, Founding Fathers: The Celebration of Champlain and Laval in the Streets of Quebec, 1878–1908 (Toronto, 2003), esp. 53–102.

76. Patrice Groulx, “In the Shoes of Samuel de Champlain,” Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 338; David Russell Jack, “Proposed Champlain Memorial at Saint John, N.B.,” Acadiensis 5 (1901); W. F. Ganong, “A Visitor’s Impressions of the Champlain Tercentenary,” Acadiensis 5 (1905), as cited in Groulx, 378–79.

77. Groulx, “In the Shoes of Champlain,” 338–39.

78. Henry Raymond Hill, The Champlain Tercentenary: First Report of the New York Lake Champlain Tercentenary Commissions (Albany, 1913). A full set of these materials is in the Research Center at Fort Ticonderoga.

79. The source for this paragraph is Groulx, “In the Shoes of Champlain,” 341.

80. Quoted in Gérard Malchelosse, Trois-Rivières (1934), 13–14; from Martin, “The Face of Champlain,” 358. In practice, it was looser than that. The standard formula combined the costumes of Louis XIII with the characters of Dumas père, and the hair of Napoleon III. The sculptor Hébert added one other element. For the face of Laviolette, he used the features of his friend Benjamin Sulte.

81. Rudin, Founding Fathers, 233; quoting Maurice Aguilhon, “La ‘statuomanie’ et l’histoire,” Ethnologie française (1978), 145–72.

82. Roger Motus, Maurice Constantin-Weyer, écrivain de l’Ouest et du Grand Nord (n.p., 1982).

83. Maurice Constantin-Weyer, Champlain (Paris, 1931), iv.

84. Constantine-Weyer, Champlain: 11 (courage and humanity); vii (patience); and 113–16 (perseverance).

85. Ibid. vi.

86. Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude, 87.

87. Ibid. 341.

88. Ibid. 87.

89. Hubert Deschamps, Roi de la Brousse: mémoires d’autres mondes (Paris, 1975).

90. William B. Cohen, Review, International Journal of African Historical Studies 10 (1977), 300–03; compare with a hostile review by Myro Echenberg in Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 11 (1977), 157–59, who suggests that Deschamps was not a democratic socialist but a “romantic reactionary.”

91. Hubert Deschamps, Les voyages de Samuel Champlain, saintongeais, père du Canada (Paris, 1951).

92. Ibid. 6.

93. Florian de la Horbe, L’incroyable secret de Champlain, preface by Hubert Deschamps (Paris, 1958), author’s collection.

94. Jean Bruchési, “Champlain a-t-il menti?” Cahiers des Dix 15 (1950), 39–53.

95. Claude de Bonnault, “Encore le Brief Discours: Champlain a-t-il été à Blavet en 1598?” Bulletin des recherches historiques 60 (1954), 59–64.

96. Wilson Smith, Professors and Public Ethics (Ithaca, 1955).

97. Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:xix: see full citation below (n 115).

98. Raymonde Litalien, “L’inventaire des archives françaises relatives à la Nouvelle-France: bref historique,” Archives 33 (2001–02), 53–62.

99. M. A. MacDonald, Robert Le Blant, Seminal Researcher and Historian of Early New France (Saint John, N.B., 1986).

100. Of particular value for Champlain are the first three volumes in Campeau’s great work: La première mission d’Acadie, 1602–1616; Établissement à Québec, 1616–1634 (Rome and Quebec, 1979); and Fondation de la mission Huronne, 1635–1637. Other volumes include: 4. Les grandes épreuves, 1638–1640; 5. La bonne nouvelle reçue, 1641–1643; 6. Recherche de la paix, 1644–1646; 7. Le témoignage du sang, 1647–1650; 8. Au bord de la ruine, 1651–1656.

101. The documents are reproduced in William F. Ganong, Champlain’s Island (1902, 1946, 1972, Saint John, N.B., 2003). Much unpublished material is available in the archives and library of Acadia National Park, Bar Harbor, Maine.

102. Camille Lapointe, Béatrice Chassé, Héléne de Carufel, Aux origines de la vie québécoise (Quebec, 1983, 1987, 1995), 102.

103. Yves Cormier, Les aboiteaux en acadie, hier et aujourd’hui (Moncton, 1990); Alaric Faulkner and Gretchen Faulkner, The French at Pentagoet, 1635–1674: An Archaeological Portrait of the Acadian Frontier (Saint John, N.B. and Augusta, Me., 1987, 1988); James A. Tuck and Robert Grenier, Red Bay, Labrador, World Whaling Capital, 1550–1600 (St. John’s, Nfld., 1989, 1990).

104. Gregory M. Pfitzer, Samuel Eliot Morison’s Historical World (Boston, 1991) surveys Morison’s career.

105. Samuel Eliot Morison, Samuel de Champlain, Father of New France (Boston, 1972). Other material appears in his The Story of Mount Desert Island (Boston, 1960).

106. Morison, Samuel de Champlain, 22.

107. Conrad E. Heidenreich, Huronia: A History and Geography of the Huron Indians, 1600–1650 (Toronto, 1971), 310–11.

108. Conrad E. Heidenreich, Explorations and Mapping of Samuel de Champlain, 1603–1632 (Toronto, 1976), published by the Geography Department of York University in a series of monographs called Cartographica, monograph 17 (Toronto, 1976), and also as supplement 2 to Canadian Cartographer 13 (1976). For quotations see pp. 71, 99, 100.

109. Don W. Thomson, Men and Meridians: The History of Surveying and Mapping in Canada (Ottawa, 1966), 35–47. This was an official history by the private secretary to the Minister of Mines and Technical Surveys in Canada. The first volume carried the story to 1867. Champlain was a central figure. See also Paul La Chance, “L’arpenteur-géomètre au Canada français” (Quebec, 1962).

110. Carl O. Sauer, Seventeenth Century America (Turtle Island Foundation, 1980), 89–113; Chandra Mukerji, unpublished lecture on Champlain, ecology, and social thought, presented at the College of the Atlantic, Bar Harbor, Maine, 2005.

111. Marcel Trudel, Mémoires d’un autre siècle (Montreal, 1987); translated by Jane Brierley as Memoirs of a Less Travelled Road: A Historian’s Life (Montreal, 2002), 13–32.

112. Trudel, Memoirs, 198.

113. Ibid., 205.

114. Gagnon, Quebec and Its Historians: The Twentieth Century, 20.

115. Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France: Les Vaines Tentatives (1524–1563) (Montreal and Paris, 1963); Le Comptoir, 1604–1627(Montreal, Paris, and Ottawa, 1996); La Seigneurie des Cent Associés, 1627–1663:1. Les Événements (Montreal and Paris, 1979); La Seigneurie des Cent Associés, 1627–1663:2. La Société (Montreal and Paris, 1983); and La Guerre de la Conquête, 1754–1760 (Montreal, 1975).

116. Marcel Trudel, Champlain, 2d edition revised and enlarged (Montreal and Paris, 1968).

117. Gagnon, Quebec and its Historians: The Twentieth Century, 42–43.

118. Trudel, Champlain 1:212; Gagnon, Quebec and Its Historians: The Twentieth Century, 50–51.

119. Trudel, “Champlain,” DCB.

120. Louis Henry, Fécondité des mariages: nouvelle méthode de mesure (Paris, 1953).

121. Cyprien Tanguay, Dictionnaire généalogique des familles canadiennes depuis la fondation de la colonie jusqu’à nos jours, 7 vols. (Montreal, 1871–1890); Jacques Henripin, La population canadienne au début du XVIIIe siècle: nuptualité-fécondité-mortalité infantile (Paris, 1954), 112.

122. Hubert Charbonneau, André Guillemette, Jacques Lagre, Bertrand Desjardins, Yves Landry, François Bault, Real Bates, and Mario Boleda, Naissance d’une population; les Francais établis au Canada au XVIIe siècle (Montreal and Paris, 1987); tr. by Paola Colozzo as The First French Canadians: Pioneers in the St. Lawrence Valley (Newark, Del., 1993).

123. H. P. Biggar, The Early Trading Companies of New France, 274–81, passim.

124. Harold Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History (revised edition Toronto, 1956); idem, The Cod Fisheries: The History of an International Economy (revised edition, Toronto, 1956); idem, Essays in Canadian Economic History (Toronto, 1956); Melville Watkins, “A Staple Theory of Economic Growth,” Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 29 (1963), 141–58; for its refinement and application to other economies see Marc W. Egnal, New World Economies(Oxford, 1998).

125. Egnal, New World Economies, 131, 212–13n; John Hare et al., Histoire de la Ville de Québec, 1608–1871 (Montreal, 1987), 327; Louise Dechêne, Habitants and Merchants in Seventeenth-Century Montreal (Montreal, 1992), 292.

126. Lewis Henry Morgan, League of the Ho-dé-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois (Rochester, 1851).

127. George Hunt, The Wars of the Iroquois (Chicago, 1940), 184–85.

128. Denis Delâge, Le pays renversé: Amérindiens et Européens en Amérique du Nord-est, 1600–1664 (Montreal, 1985); tr. by Jane Brierley as Bitter Feast: Amerindians and Europeans in Northeastern North America, 1600–1664 (Vancouver, 1993).

129. Ibid. 333.

130. Ibid. 96, 84, x.

131. Cf. Denys Delâge, “Uneasy Allies,” The Beaver Feb.-March 2008, 14–21.

132. Bruce Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic: A History of the Huron People to 1660 (Montreal, 1976).

133. Ibid. 246–330.

134. Bruce Trigger, “Champlain Judged by His Indian Policy: A Different View of Early Canadian History,” Anthropologica 13 (1971), 85–114; idem, Natives and Newcomers.

135. Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 274.

136. To discuss a few points at issue:%

Trigger is mistaken that Champlain and the Récollets did not understand the ways of the Indians, and that they “did not possess such knowledge or have the motivation to obtain it” (Natives and Newcomers, 317). One could debate the question of understanding, but as to motivation, the Recollets and Champlain wrote often and at great length of their deep interest in the ways of the Indians, repeatedly described their sustained efforts to learn and understand, and left long accounts of Indian ways.%

Trigger’s assertion that Champlain (increasingly through time) thought of the Indians not as individuals but as instruments of his purposes is also inaccurate. Champlain often wrote of his relations with individual Indians. This trend grew stronger through time, both in his relations with Indian leaders and his Christian caritas for three young Indian girls, the Montagnais boy Bonaventure and also many others.%

Trigger’s argument that a major change occurred in Champlain in 1612 is not supported by the evidence. Virtually all of Champlain’s attitudes and judgments were the same before and after that date, and his actions too, in regard to making alliances with the Indians, working closely with them, and establishing strong rapport. An exception is the trouble that he had later with the Montagnais, but the rule is strong and consistent.%

Trigger argues that Champlain and the Recollets “undermined relations between the French and Montagnais by their high handed ethnocentric treatment of native peoples,” and did so specifically in trying to persuade the Montagnais to “settle down and become farmers,” and even “to become French.” This was a misunderstanding of Champlain. He was moved by the sufferings of the Montagnais and their starvation in late winter and early spring. He urged that they add farming to hunting, as the Algonquin, Huron, and Iroquois did. He was not asking them to become French, but advised those in the southern end of their territory to provide for themselves much as other Indian nations did. This policy had some success.%

Champlain is accused by Trigger of imposing French ideas of justice on the Indians after several murders of Frenchmen by Montagnais. What actually happened was the opposite. Champlain worked very hard to frame processes of justice that both Indians and Europeans would accept as legitimate.%

Trigger writes that Champlain “failed completely to understand the consensual nature of native political arrangements. Because he viewed all power as being delegated from above, he did not comprehend that Indian leaders could not decide matters but had to secure individual consent from their followers” (Natives and Newcomers, 199). This statement is the reverse of what Champlain repeatedly observed—that Indian leaders had little control over their followers. He made that observation after his first meeting with the Montagnais in 1603, again with the Algonquin, and once more with the Huron, frequently commenting at length on the leaders’ lack of power and authority. When preparing his last campaign against the central Iroquois, Champlain visited almost every village in Huronia, persuading the local leaders and warriors to join him. Trigger misread the evidence as to how that happened and why. He also missed Champlain’s driving purpose.%

Trigger writes: “In general, Champlain appears to have been extremely ethnocentric and inflexible. Since neither of these characteristics would have been particularly helpful when it came to interacting with Indians, it is likely that Champlain’s early successes were the result more of the situation than of the man. It also appears that he pursued the Indian policies that he or his employers had formulated with less understanding of their ways, and less sympathy, than the majority of historians have imagined.”%

There is some truth in these statements. It is true that Champlain wrote that the Indians had neither faith nor law, and many ethnohistorians have convicted him of ethnocentrism on the basis of these passages. But it should be noted that Champlain was well aware of Indian spiritual beliefs and legal customs. He described them in detail. But he believed that Indians lived mainly by an idea of law as lex talionis, and justice as a process that punished one wrong by the commission of another. He believed that they had no idea of law as a system of universal rights and protections against wrong, and in that sense had no law.%

He also thought that Indian spiritual beliefs were not a universal religion such as Christianity. Champlain believed that nations could live in peace with one another with mutual respect and forbearance only on the basis of universal ethical and religious beliefs that recognized the humanity of all people. Secular social scientists reject this way of thinking as ethnocentric, and some ways it was so. But it transcended its ethnocentrism in its aspirations to universal justice, faith, truth, and law. In short, ethnocentric in some ways, yes, but Champlain’s attitudes were grounded in ideas of universal justice, faith, and peace. Trigger missed the heart of this man.

137. René Lévesque, Memoirs (Toronto, 1986), 65.

138. Armstrong, Champlain, xvi.

139. Pierre Berton, My Country (Toronto, 1976), 65.

140. Caroline Montel-Glénisson, Champlain au Canada; les aventures d’un gentilhomme explorateur (Quebec, 2004), with illustrations by Michel Glénisson.

141. Hundreds of essays, many of very high quality, appear in Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, ed. Champlain; la Naissance de l’Amérique française (Quebec, 2004); Champlain and the Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004); Mickaël Augeron and Dominique Guillemet, Champlain, ou les portes du Nouveau Monde: Cinq siècles d’échanges entre le Centre-Ouest français et l’Amérique du Nord, XVle—XXe siècles (Ligugé, Éditions Geste, 2004); Annie Blondel-Loisel and Raymonde Litalien, in collaboration with Jean Paul Barbiche and Claude Briot, De la Seine au Saint Laurent avec Champlain (Paris, 2005); Pierre Icowicz and Raymonde Litalien, eds., Dieppe-Canada: cinq cents ans d’Histoire commune (Paris and Dieppe, 2004); Bertrand Guillet and Louise Pothier, eds., France/Nouvelle-France: naissance d’un peuple français en Amérique (Montreal and Paris, 2005); James Kelly and Barbara Clarke Smith, eds., Jamestown-Quebec-Santa Fe: Three North American Beginnings (Washington and New York, 2007).

A. CHAMPLAIN’S BIRTH DATE

1.   Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, Les Vaines Tentatives, 1524–1603 (Montreal and Paris, 1963) 1:255; A.-L. Leymarie, “Inédit sur le fondateur de Québec,” Nova Francia 1 (1925), 80–85.

2.   Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948), 343.

3.   Laverdière, Champlain, 1:x.

4.   Ibid. 1:x—xii.

5.   Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude, 344.

6.   Narcisse-Eutrope Dionne, Champlain, Fondateur de Québec et Pére de la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols., (Quebec, 1891) 1:4; Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal and Paris, 1963), 1:255; Samuel Eliot Morison, Samuel de Champlain, Father of New France (New York, 1972), 16.

7.   Jean Liebel, “Où a vieilli Champlain,” Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique Française 32 (1978), 229–37.

8.   Ibid. 233.

9.   Ibid.

10. Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: la naissance de l’Amérique française (Quebec, 2004); tr. as Champlain and the Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 37, 121.

11. The army records are reproduced in Robert Le Blant and René Baudry, Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (Ottawa, 1967) 1:17–19; for Crozon, see above, pp. 63–65.

12. The voyages of the Sieur de Champlain of Saintonge…. (Paris, 1913), preface; CWB, 1:209–10.

13. “Après avoir passé trente huict ans de mon âge à faire plusieurs voyages sur mer.” CWB 6:255.

14. CWB 4:363.

15. John A. Williamson, Antisubmarine Warrior in the Pacific (Tuscaloosa, Al., 2005), 127.

16. Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude, 344.

B. CHAMPLAIN’S VOYAGES: A CHRONOLOGY

1.   Chronologies of Champlain’s voyages have been compiled by C.-H. Laverdière; by N.-E. Dionne in a list entitled “Affrètement de Navires, 1605–1615,” 1:288–95, and “1616–1625” 2:389–92; Samuel E. Morison, Champlain: The Founder of New France(New York, 1972), 231–33; Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 364–71; Jean Glénisson, La France d’Amérique: Voyages de Samuel Champlain (Paris, 1994), 48–53. No two of these lists are the same. Morison’s list included four voyages that never happened and missed two that did. He erroneously reported that Champlain made twenty-nine Atlantic crossings from 1599 to 1635.%

This list returns to primary sources, mainly to Champlain’s own writings, and after 1632 to materials in Marcel Trudel’s Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, Lucien Campeau’s Monumenta Novae Franciae, and the Jesuit Relations. It also incorporates specialized studies by Trudel, Campeau, and students of Champlain’s West Indian Voyages.

C. CHAMPLAIN’S BRIEF DISCOURS: PROBLEMS OF ACCURACY AND AUTHENTICITY

1.   For a discussion see Laura Giraudo, “Les manuscripts du Brief Discours,” in Raymonde Litalien et Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Quebec, 2004), 63–82; an earlier inquiry in the mid-nineteenth century that confirms this provenance appears in Francis Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World (1865, revised edition with corrections, 1885; rpt. Boston, 1901), 243.

2.   These materials appear in Champlain, Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico in the Years 1599–1602, trans. Alice Wilmere, ed. Norton Shaw (London: Hakluyt Society, 1859, 1880); Charles-Honoré Laverdière, ed., Oeuvres de Champlain, 2nd edition, 6 vols. in 4 (Quebec, 1870), 1, 10, 25, 26, 32, 35, 47, 48; H. P. Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB) (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 1: 5, 18, 46, 54, 60, 69, 77, 80.

3.   See N.-E. Dionne, Samuel de Champlain: fondateur de Québec at père de la Nouvelle France, 2 vols. (Quebec, 1891); Gabriel Gravier, Vie de Samuel de Champlain: fondateur de la Nouvelle-France (Paris, 1900); L’Abbé H. R. Casgrain, Champlain:sa vie et son caractère (Paris 1900).

4.   Parkman, Pioneers, 242–43.

5.   Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948), 22.

6.   Jean Bruchési, “Champlain a-t-il menti?” Cahiers des Dix 15 (1950), 39–53.

7.   See Claude de Bonnault, “Encore le Brief Discours: Champlain a-t-il été à Blavet en 1598?” Bulletin des recherches historiques 60 (1954), 59–64; idem, “Les archives d’Espagne et le Canada: Rapport sur une mission dans les archives d’Espagne,” Rapport de l’Archiviste de la province de Québec 1951–52, 1952–53; also idem, “Champlain et les Espagnols,” essay in the René Baudry Collection, Library and Archives Canada.

8.   Hubert Deschamps, Les voyages de Samuel Champlain, saintongeais, père du Canada (Paris, 1951), 5.

9.   See Jacques Rousseau, “Samuel de Champlain, botaniste mexicain et antillais,” Cahiers des Dix 16 (1951), 39–61.

10. CWB 1:22; L. A. Vigneras, “Le Voyage de Samuel Champlain aux Indes occidentales,” RHAF 11 (1957), 177, 187, 189.

11. See Vigneras, “Le Voyage de Samuel Champlain,” 163–200.

12. See Morris Bishop, “Champlain’s Veracity: A Defence of the Brief Discours,” Queen’s Quarterly 66 (1959), 127–34.

13. See Samuel Eliot Morison, Samuel de Champlain, Father of New France (Boston, 1972), 277.

14. Compare Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France: Les Vaines Tentatives, 1524–1603 (Montreal and Paris, 1963) 1:257–58.

15. Jean Liebel, “On a vieilli Champlain,” RHAF 32 (1978), 229–37, 232.

16. Compare Codignola, “Samuel de Champlain et les mystères de son voyage au Indes occidentales, 1599–1601: l’état de la recherche et quelques routes à suivre,” in Cecilia Rizza, ed., “La découverte de nouveaux mondes: aventure et voyages imaginaires au XVIIe siècle,” in Actes du XXIIe colloque du centre méridional de rencontres sur le XVIIe siècle, Gênes 23–25 January, 1992 (Fasano, 1993), 56–58; also Luca Codignola, “Le prétendu voyage de Samuel de Champlain aux Indes occidentales, 1599–1601,” in Madeline Frédéric et Serge Jasumain eds., Actes du séminaire de Bruxelles: la relation de voyage: un document historique et littéraire (Brussels, 1999).

17. Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto, 1987), 274–78, 32–34; CWB 1:79.

18. Armstrong, Champlain, 274–78.

19. Ibid., 32–34; cf. Champlain in CWB 1:79.

20. Laura Giraudo’s results are published as “Rapport de recherche: une mission en Espagne,” and “Les manuscrits du Brief Discours,” both in Raymonde Litalien et Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Quebec, 2004), 63–82, 93–97.

21. See François-Marc Gagnon, “Le Brief Discours est-il de Champlain?” in Litalien et Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 83–92.

22. See “Champlain’s Voyage accounts, Interview with Jean Glénisson,” interview by Raymonde Italien, revised and authorized by Jean Glénisson, in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain, 280.

23. CWB 1:1–2.

D. CHAMPLAIN’S PUBLISHED WRITINGS: A QUESTION OF AUTHORSHIP

1.   Charles-Honoré Laverdière, ed., Oeuvres de Champlain, 2nd edition, 6 vols. in 4 (Quebec, 1870) 5: v—vi; Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948), 324; and Le Blant, who agreed with Laverdière.

2.   H. P. Biggar, Early Trading Companies of New France, A Contribution to the History of Commerce and Discovery in North America (Toronto, 1901, 1937; rpt. Clifton, N.J., 1972), 279.

3.   Ibid.

4.   Ibid. 276, 179.

E. CHAMPLAIN’S TRAITTÉ DE LA MARINE: AN ESSAY ON LEADERSHIP

1.   H. P. Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB) (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 6: 253–346.

2.   Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948), 324.

3.   Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto, 1987), 253.

4.   Samuel Eliot Morison, Samuel de Champlain, Father of New France (New York, 1972), 236–67.

5.   D. W. Waters, The Art of Navigation in England in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Times (New Haven, 1958), 625–28.

6.   Ibid., 232n; CWB 6:322.

7.   That is, west of the Zuider Zee.

8.   John Smith, An Accidence, or The Path-way to Experience. Necessary for all Young Sea-men (London, 1626) and its sequel, A Sea Grammar, with the Plaine Exposition of Smith’s Accidence for Young Seamen, Enlarged (London, 1627), reprinted in Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580–1631), 3 vols. (Chapel Hill, 1986) 3: 3–121. This editor of Smith’s work observes unkindly that his Accidence is “little more than an omnium gatherum of names for the appurtenances and people that make up a ship and her crew.” Barbour 3:7.

9.   CWB 6:255–56.

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid. 6:257–58.

12. Ibid. 6:267.

13. Ibid. 6:258, 262.

14. Ibid. 6:259–60.

15. Ibid. 6: 267, 282.

16. Ibid. 6:259, 262–63.

17. Ibid. 6:297.

18. Ibid. 6:312, 264, 268.

19. Ibid. 6:269–70.

20. Ibid. 6:270.

21. Ibid. 6:268.

22. Ibid. 6:261.

23. Ibid. 4:362.

24. Alain Rey et al., eds., Le Grand Robert de la langue française, 6 vols. (Paris 2001), s.v. “honnête” II, 1.

F. ANOTHER SELF-PORTRAIT?

1.   Cf. Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France: La Seigneurie des Cent-Associés, 1627–1663 (Montreal, 1975) 3.1:35; idem, “La carte de Champlain en 1632; ses sources et son originalité,” Cartologica (1978), 51; François-Marc Gagnon, Premiers peintres de la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (Quebec, 1976) 2:25–26; Martin, “Samuel de Champlain à visage découvert,” in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 360–62.

2.   They are to be found in Samuel de Champlain, “Descr[i]psion des costs p[or]ts, rades, Illes de la nouuele france faict selon son vray meridien Avec la declinaison de le[y]ment de plussiers endrois selon que le sieur de Castelfranc le demontre en son liure de la mecometrie de le[y]mant faict et observe par le Sr de Champlain, 1607,” Map Division, Library of Congress.

G. CHAMPLAIN’S SUPERIORS: VICEROYS AND GENERALS OF NEW FRANCE

1.   Leading studies include Jean Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, fondateur de Québec (Paris, 1999); Jean-Yves Grenon, Pierre Dugua de Mons, fondateur de l’Acadie (1604–05); Co-Fondateur de Québec (1608) (Annapolis Royal, 2000); Guy Binot,Pierre Dugua de Mons (Royan, 2004); William Inglis Morse, Pierre de Gua, Sieur de Monts (London, 1939).

2.   See Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 2:243–44; 4:208–16; 5:143; Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae (Quebec, 1967) 1:665; Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, vol. 2: Le Comptoir, 1604–1627 (Montreal, 1966), 186–88; Docteur Cabanès, Les Condé: grandeur et dégénérescence d’une famille princière, 2 vols. (Paris, n.d., [1932]).

3.   For sources see CWB 2:239, 245; 3:15–20; 4:216–18, 339, 344–46; 367–70; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:18–89; 452; Lucien Campeau, Mercure François, 4:228; Cabanès, Les Condé; Robert Le Blant, “La famille Boullé, 1586–1639,” RHAF17 (1963), 55–69.

4.   See CWB 4:340–42, 344–47, 367; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2: 240–41, 452.

5.   See CWB 4:367–70; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2: 264–65, 297, 452; Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae 1:678, with a correction in 2:248.

6.   See CWB 5:139–52; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:296–99.

7.   Sources on Richelieu and New France include Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae 2:850–51 passim; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:306, 432–34; Pierre Castagnos, Richelieu face à la mer (Rennes, 1989), 72–76, 125–27; Michel Carmona, La France de Richelieu (Paris, 1984), 185–93; CWB 3:235–38, 5:288, 6:147, 153, 167–71, 214, 219–20.

H. TRADING COMPANIES AND MONOPOLIES IN NEW FRANCE DURING CHAMPLAIN’S ERA, 1588–1635

1.   Sources: H. P. Biggar, The Early Trading Companies of New France (Toronto, 1901, 1937; rpt. Clifton, N.J., 1972) is still useful for the period from 1588 to 1632. Very helpful for the later period are two monographs by Lucien Campeau, Les finances publiques de la Nouvelle-France sous les Cent-Associés, 1632–1665 (Montreal, 1975) and Les Cent-Associés et le peuplement de la Nouvelle France (1633–1663) (Montreal, 1974). For the entire period, and especially for the subsidiary companies, the best work is Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, III: La Seigneurie des Cent-Associés, 2 vols. (Montreal, 1979, 1983).

I. INDIAN NATIONS IN CHAMPLAIN’S WORLD, 1603–35

1.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 1:123; 2:18.

2.   Lescarbot wrote that “the tribes of Gaspé and of Chaleur Bay who are near the 48th parallel of latitude to the south of the great river (St. Lawrence), call themselves Canadaquoa (as they pronounce it), that is to say, Canadaquois as we say” (Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:25; Champlain called them Canadiens, and wrote that their customs were the same as those of the Etchemin and Sourquois.

3.   CWB 3:55.

4.   CWB 6:249.

J. THE BATTLE WITH THE MOHAWK IN 1609: WHERE DID IT HAPPEN?

1.   Cf. Carte de la nouvelle France, augmentée …,” 1632 in the folio of maps attached to the Biggar edition; the key is in Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 6:240.

2.   CWB 2:93.

3.   Guy Omeron Coolidge, The French Occupation of the Champlain Valley, from 1609 to 1759 (New York, 1938, 1940), 12; and in Proceedings of the Vermont Historical Society 6 (1938), 143–53; Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto, 1987), 298–99, and New York’s bicentennial leaders, who put up a monument to Champlain at Crown Point. The case for Ticonderoga appears in S. H. P. Pell, “Was Champlain a Liar?” Bulletin of the Fort Ticonderoga Museum 5 (1939) 5–8. Morris Bishop discussed the evidence in his Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948), appendix E, “The Site of the Battle of 1609,” 353–54, Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, vol. 2: Le Comptoir, 1604–1627 (Montreal, 1966), 164; Samuel Eliot Morison, Samuel de Champlain, Father of New France (New York, 1972), 110; and Robert Pell-Duchame’s excellent ms. history. A few local historians continue to support the claims of the Crown Point site, which cannot be correct.

K. THE ATTACK ON THE IROQUOIS FORT, 1615: WHICH FORT? WHAT NATION?

1.   Francis Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World (1865, revised edition with corrections, 1885; rpt. Boston, 1901), 413n.

2.   Samuel Eliot Morison, Samuel de Champlain, Father of New France (New York, 1972), 156–58; Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada’s “Heroic Age” Reconsidered (Montreal and Kingston, 1985, 1986, 1994), 309; Louise W. Murray, ed.,Selected Manuscripts of General John S. Clark relating to the Aboriginal History of the Susquehanna (Athens, Ohio, 1931); A. G. Zeller, The Champlain-Iroquois Battle of 1615 (New York, 1962).

3.   Peter Pratt, Archaeology of the Oneida Indians, Occasional Publications in Northeastern Anthropology no. 1 (Rindge, N.H., 1976), viii—ix; idem, “A Perspective on Oneida Archaeology,” in Robert E. Funk and Charles F. Hayes III, eds., Current Perspectives on Northeastern Archaeology: Essays in Honor of William A. Ritchie: Researches and Transactions of the New York State Archaeological Association 17 (1977) no. 1:51–69; Daniel H. Weiskotten, “The Real Battle of Nichols Pond,” 1998.

4.   Conversation with Peter Pratt, 2007; William Engelbrecht, Iroquoia; The Development of a Native World (Syracuse, 2003), 147; cf. O. H. Marshall, “Champlain’s Expedition of 1615,” Historical Writings of the late Orasmus H. Marshall (Albany, 1887), 43–66.

L. CHAMPLAIN’S FAVORED FIREARM: THE ARQUEBUSE À ROUET

1.   Cf. Samuel Eliot Morison, Samuel de Champlain, Father of New France (New York, 1972), 282; Fred Anderson and Andrew Cayton, Dominion of War: Empire and Liberty in North America, 1500–2000 (New York, 2005), 16.

2.   Russel Bouchard, Les armes à feu en Nouvelle-France (Sillery, Quebec, 1999), 102–06.

3.   M. A. O. Paulin-Desormeaux, Nouveau manuel complet de l’armurier du fourbisseur et de l’arquebusier, nouvelle édition, 2 vols. (Paris, 1852, rpt. Paris, 1977), 1:11–14, 184–93; author’s collection.

4.   Lisa Jardine, The Awful End of William the Silent: The First Assassination of a Head of State with a Handgun (London, 2005).

M. CHAMPLAIN’S SHIPS AND BOATS

1.   R. R. Palmer and Jacques Godechot, “Le Problème de l’Atlantique du XVIIIe et XXe siècle,” Relazione del X Congresso Internationale di Scienze Storiche, Roma 4–11 Settembre 1955 (Florence, 1955) 5: 175–239. This little-read paper, which led to the vogue for Atlantic history in the late twentieth century, is in the Library of Congress.

2.   Frederic C. Lane, “Tonnages, Medieval and Modern,” Economic History Review, n.s., 17 (1964), 213–33.

3.   William A. Baker, Colonial Vessels: Some Seventeenth Century Ship Designs (Barre, Mass., 1962), 25–27.

4.   Père Fournier, Hydrographie, contenant la théorie et la pratique de toutes les parties de la navigation (Paris, 1643), 49; Jean Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, fondateur de Québec (Paris, 1999), 99, 100; Charles Bréard and Paul Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande et à ses armements aux XXVIe et XVIIe siècles (Rouen, 1889), 2.

5.   Carla Rahn Phillips, Six Galleons for the King of Spain: Imperial Defense in the Early Seventeenth Century (Baltimore, 1986), 228.

6.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 1:6–8; Laura Giraudo, “Research Report: A Mission in Spain,” in Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 96; L. A. Vigneras, “Le voyage de Samuel de Champlain aux Indes Occidentales,” RHAF (1959–60), 167, 188; Morison, European Discovery of America, The Southern Voyages, 1492–1616 (New York, 1974), 149, 114.

7.   Carla Rahn Phillips, Six Galleons for the King of Spain: Imperial Defense in the Early Seventeenth Century (Baltimore, 1986), 33–34, 41–46, 71–72, 78–79, 229–33; Timothy Walton, The Spanish Treasure Fleets (Sarasota, 1994), 57–64; Pablo E. Pérez-Mallaína, Spain’s Men of the Sea; Daily Life on the Indies Fleets in the Sixteenth Century, 8, 30, 134–35; Angus Konstam, The Spanish Galleon, 1530–1690 (Wellingborough, 2004), 4–16.

8.   CWB 3:24; Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 98–100, found highly variable estimates of tonnage, some of which referred to different ships of the same name. For other examples and discussion see CWB 1:388n, 456n; 6:153; Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, vol. 2: Le Comptoir, 1604–1627 (Montreal, 1966), 206, 417; Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 5, 8, 10, 77, 89, 94, 97–98, 186, 214, 238; Bréard and Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande, 41–134.

9.   Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, 20; Père Fournier, S.J., Hydrographie contenant la théorie et la pratique de toutes les parties de la navigation (Paris, 1643), 16–43, 423.

10. Bréard and Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande, 2.

11. CWB 6:155.

12. Bréard and Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande, 2.

13. Ibid. 2, 153.

14. William A. Baker, “A Colonial Bark, circa 1640,” in Baker, Colonial Vessels: Some Seventeenth Century Ship Designs, 78–110.

15. CWB 1:401; Baker, Colonial Vessels, 82.

16. Ibid. 1:377.

17. Ibid. 6:61.

18. Quoted in Alain Rey et al. eds., Le Grand Robert de la langue française, 6 vols. (Paris, 2001) 5:333.

19. CWB 1:428.

20. Ibid. 6:61.

21. Ibid. 1:276–78; 3:203; Biggar mistakenly translates Champlain’s “barque” as a “long boat” or “pinnace.”

22. Google images, www.famsf.org/image.

23. See CWB 1:428.

24. CWB 3:316.

25. James Tuck and Robert Grenier, Red Bay, Labrador (St. John’s, Nfld., 1989), 36–38.

26. The best primary account is Nicolas Denys, Description and Natural History of the Coasts of North America (Acadia) (Toronto, 1908), 295–301, 273–74, 302–05 drawing facing 311.

27. Champlain CWB 4:39 also 1:104–05, 338–39, 339n; 2:14–15; 3:384–85.

28. Ibid. 3:37.

29. An early drawing of canoes used by the Montagnais, Têtes de Boule, Ottawa, and Algonquin nations appears in Olive Patricia Dickason, The Myth of the Savage (Edmonton, 1984), 89, from Bécard de Granville, Les Raretés des Indes LAC C—33287.

30. See William N. Fenton and Ernest Dodge, “An Elm Bark Canoe in the Peabody Museum of Salem,” American Neptune 9 (1949), 185–206; for an early account, Baron de Lahontan, New Voyages to North-America ed. Reuben G. Thwaites, 2 vols. (1703; New York, 1970) 1:80; see also William Engelbrecht, Iroquoia: The Development of a Native World (Syracuse, 2003), 141–42. An excellent general work is Edwin Tappan Adney and Howard I. Chapelle, The Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of North America(Washington, 1964), 7–174.

31. CWB 1:337; Carl O. Sauer, Seventeenth Century America (Berkeley, 1980), 81.

32. The leading studies are E. Y. Arima, Inuit Kayaks in Canada: A Review of Historical Records and Construction, Canadian Ethnology service paper no. 110 (Ottawa, 1987), 235 pages; and Adney and Chapelle, Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of North America, 175–211.

33. See Adney and Chapelle, Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of North America, 219–20.

N. CHAMPLAIN’S WEIGHTS AND MEASURES

1.   Marcel Trudel, Introduction to New France (Toronto and Montreal, 1968), 221.

2.   Jean Liebel, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, fondateur de Québec (Paris, 1999), 12.

3.   Conrad E. Heidenreich, Explorations and Mapping of Samuel de Champlain, 1603–1632 (Toronto, 1976), 46, and see generally, 43–50.

4.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 1:200; Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), xiii.

5.   Heidenreich, Explorations and Mapping, 43–49.

O. CHAMPLAIN’S MONEY

1.   Sources include John J. McCusker, Money and Exchange in Europe and America, 1600–1775: A Handbook (Chapel Hill, 1978), 87–97; Frank C. Spooner, The International Economy and Monetary Movements in France, 1493–1725 (Cambridge, 1972); David Hackett Fischer, The Great Wave: Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History (New York, 1996); for archaeological evidence see Françoise Niellon and Marcel Moussette, Le site de l’habitation de Champlain à Québec: étude de la collection archéologique(Quebec, 1981), 139–44.

2.   The original contracts executed by sieur de Mons, 17–22 Feb., 1608, appear in Robert Le Blant and René Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque, vol. 1 (1560–1662) (Ottawa, 1967), 154–59.

P. CHAMPLAIN’S CALENDARS

1.   Sources include Marcel Trudel, Introduction to New France (Toronto and Montreal, 1968), 221–24; Don W. Thomson, Men and Meridians: the History of Surveying and Mapping in Canada (Ottawa, 1966) 1:47; James Pritchard, In Search of Empire: The French in the Americas, 1670–1730 (Cambridge, 2004).

2.   Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 5:282.