Notes

INTRODUCTION

1. Elkanah Watson, Men and Times of The Revolution: Memoirs of Elkanah Watson including his Journals of Travels in Europe and America from the Year 1777 to 1842, ed. Winslow C. Watson (New York: Dana, 1856), 159, 33, 271.

2. Settlers’ petition in Our Children Free and Happy: Letters from Black Settlers in Africa in the 1790’s, ed. C. Fyfe (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1991), 36.

3. Gerrit Paape cited by Joost Rosendaal, “’Parce que j’aime la liberté, je retourne en France,’ Les réfugiés bataves en voyage,” in Le voyage révolutionnaire, ed. W. Frijhoff and R. Dekker (Hilversum: Verloren, 1991), 37; and Gerrit Paape, Mijne vrolijke Wijsgeerte in mijne Ballingschap, ed. Peter Altena (1792; Hilversum: Verloren, 1996).

4. Thomas Paine to George Washington, 16 October 1789, in The Papers of George Washington: Presidential Series, ed. Dorothy Twohig (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1987), 4: 198.

5. “Comme nous étions et ce que nous avons fait,” Écrits politiques, 23: 236–94, Archives générales du Royaume, Brussels.

6. On continuities and ruptures see Malick W. Ghachem, The Old Regime and the Haitian Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).

7. On entangled revolutions see Eliga Gould, “Entangled Histories, Entangled Worlds: The English-Speaking Atlantic as a Spanish Periphery,” American Historical Review 112, no. 3 (2007): 764–86.

8. Jacques-Pierre Brissot, “Discours sur un Projet de décret relatif à la révolte des noirs” (30 October 1791), vol. 8, La révolution française et l’abolition de l’esclavage (Paris: Éditions d’histoire sociale, 1968).

9. Nicolas de Condorcet, “Éloge de Franklin,” cited by Durand Echeverria, Mirage in the West: A History of the French Image of American Society to 1815 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957), 406–7.

10.“Mercure Flandrico-Latino-Gallico-Belgique,” Révolution belge, vol. 19, Bibliothèque Royale/Koniklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels.

11. Denis Diderot, Encyclopédie, ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts, et des métiers, in Lynn Hunt, The French Revolution and Human Rights: A Brief Documentary History (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 1996), 37.

12. Marquis de Lafayette, 19 April 1777, in Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790, ed. Stanley Idzerda (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1977), 1: 27.

13. Louis Sebastien Mercier, L’An 2440, ed. Alain Pons (1771; Paris: Adel, Bibliothèque des Utopies, 1977), 313.

14. Betje Wolff, Holland in ‘t jaar MMCCCCXL (1777; Rotterdam: Manteau Marginaal, 1978).

15. Gerrit Paape, De Bataafsche Republiek, zo als zij behoord te zijn, en zo als zij weezen kan: of revolutionaire droom in 1798, wegens toekomstige gebeurtinissen tot 1998, cited by Willem Frijhoff, “La société idéale des patriotes bataves,” in Le Voyage revolutionnaire, ed. Willem Frijhoff and Rudolf Dekker (Hilversum: Verloren 1991), 141. See also Peter Altena, Gerrit Paape (1752–1803): Levens en Werken (Nijmegen: UItgeverij Vantilt, 2012).

16. Louis Sebastien Mercier cited by Bronislaw Baczko, Lumières de l’utopie (Paris: Payot, 1978), 40.

17. Marquis de Condorcet cited by Raymond Trousson, Preface to Louis Sebastien Mercier, L’An Deux Mille Quatre Cent Quarante (1779; Geneva: Slatkine Reprints, 1979), xiii.

18. John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 1815, quoted by Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992), 1.

19. Historian Paul Hazard described the late eighteenth century as a time when “no one stayed in one place”; cited by Madeleine van Strien-Chardonneau, Le voyage de Hollande: Récits de voyageurs français dans les Provinces Unies 1748–1795 (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1994), 1.

20. Bernard Bailyn, Atlantic History: Concept and Contours (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005), 61.

21. Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative and Other Writings, ed. Vincent Carretta (1789; New York: Penguin, 2003), 171.

22. Helen Maria Williams cited by Lionel D. Woodward, Une anglaise amie de la révolution française: Helene Maria Williams et ses amis (Paris: H. Champion, 1930), 34.

23. Diderot, “Cosmopolite, ou Cosmopolitan,” in Encyclopédie, 19: 600, as cited by Thomas J. Schlereth, The Cosmopolitan Ideal in Enlightenment Thought: Its Form and Function in the Ideas of Franklin, Hume, and Voltaire, 1694–1790 (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1977), 47. See also Margaret C. Jacob, StrangersNowhere in the World: The Rise of Cosmopolitanism in Early Modern Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006).

24. Kurt Kersten, Ein Europäischer Revolutionär: Georg Forster, 1754–1794 (Berlin: A. Seehof, 1921), 71. On shifting claims to citizenship, see Rebecca J. Scott and Jean M. Hébrard, Freedom Papers: An Atlantic Odyssey in the Age of Emancipation (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2012).

25. See Amanda Anderson, The Way We Argue Now: A Study in the Cultures of Theory (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), esp. chapter 3, “Cosmopolitanism, Universalism, and the Divided Legacies of Modernity.”

26. See Marc Belissa and Bernard Cottret, Cosmopolitismes, Patriotismes, Europe et Amériques, 1763–1802 (Paris: Les Perséides, 2005). As an example of the literature, see Les bigarures d’un citoyen de Genève à ses Conseils républicains, dediés aux Américains (Philadelphia: L’Imprimerie du Conseil Général, 1776).

27. William Cobbett, Farewell to America, in Life and Adventures of Peter Porcupine with other Records of his Early Career in England & America, ed. G. D. H. Cole (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat, 1927), 125.

28. William Cobbett cited by Raymond Williams, Cobbett (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), 8.

29. Jean-Paul Marat, Appel à la nation (1790).

30. British historian John Brewer has called this broader debate “an alternative structure of politics”; cited by Nicolaas C. F. Van Sas, “The Patriot Revolution: New Perspectives,” in The Dutch Republic in the Eighteenth Century: Decline, Enlightenment, and Revolution, ed. Margaret C. Jacob and Wijnand W. Mijnhardt (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992), 115.

31. Abraham Bishop, “Rights of Black Men,” in Tim Matthewson, “Abraham Bishop, ‘The Rights of Black Men,’ and the American Reaction to the Haitian Revolution,” Journal of Negro History 67 (1982): 153.

32. Watson, Men and Times of The Revolution, 159, 33, 271. Moving through what sociologist Paul Gilroy describes as “the shifting spaces in between the fixed places they connected,” itinerants saw things differently than did those who stayed at home; Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), 16–17.

33. “Adresse des nouveaux citoyens,” 3 March 1793, C 7A 46, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

34. In his Letters from a Citizen of New-Heaven (Lettres d’un bourgeois de New-Heaven), the marquis de Condorcet asked Americans why they excluded women from owning property and holding public office in their new republic.

35. The terms come from Laurent Dubois, Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004), 6.

36. Historians making the case for a more expansive definition of the time period include, among many, Jeremy Adelman, Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006); François-Xavier Gabriel Guerra, Modernidad e Independencias, Ensayos sobre las revoluciones hispánica (Madrid: Editorial Mapfre, 1992); Jane Landers, Atlantic Creoles in the Age of Revolutions (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010); Claudia Rosa Lauro, ed., El Miedo en el Perù. Siglos XVI al XX (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2005); and Gabriel Paquette, Imperial Portugal in the Age of Atlantic Revolutions: The Luso-Brazilian World, c. 1770–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013).

37. The most frequently read documents, those left by the most famous of the travelers, can now be found online. Endnotes indicate the path to find them. At the other extreme, a few of the documents, hidden away at the end of the eighteenth century by reluctant revolutionaries, were discovered in the possession of nineteenth-century ancestors and cited in obscure histories, only to disappear again completely over the course of the last hundred years. They have been read, cited, and returned to their folios in provincial archives.

38. Emily Pierpont Delesdernier, Fannie St. John: A Romantic Incident of the American Revolution (New York: Hurd and Houghton, 1874), vi.

CHAPTER 1. “THE CAUSE OF ALL MANKIND” IN REVOLUTIONARY PAMPHLETS

1. J. D. Candaux, “La Révolution genevoise de 1782: Un état de la question,” in Études sur le XVIIIe siècle, L’Europe et les révolutions (1779–1800) 8 (1980): 84.

2. Thomas Paine, “Common Sense to the Public on Mr. Deane’s Affair,” Pennsylvania Packet, 31 December 1778, in Thomas Paine, The Writings of Thomas Paine, ed. Moncure Daniel Conway (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1894), 1: 409.

3. Thomas Paine, Common Sense, in Thomas Paine, Collected Writings, ed. Eric Foner (New York: Library Classics of the United States, 1995), 12.

4. Anne Thérèse Philippine d’Yve, À la nation, 10 November 1788, Goethals 210, Archives générales du Royaume/Rijksarchief, Brussels.

5. Camille Desmoulins, Révolutions de France et de Brabant (1789).

6. John Adams, Thoughts on Government, ed. George A. Peek (Indianapolis: Hackett, 2002), 82; John Adams, The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: Autobiography, ed. Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1850), 2: 507.

7. Benjamin Rush cited by Scott Liell, 46 Pages: Thomas Paine, Common Sense, and the Turning Point to American Independence (Philadelphia: Running Press, 2003), 57.

8. Thomas Paine cited by Jack Fruchtman Jr., Thomas Paine: Apostle of Freedom (New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 1994), 44.

9. Ibid., 77. Trish Loughran argues that the actual number of copies printed and sold was much less. Historians have too readily believed Paine’s exaggerated figures, she charges. Trish Loughran, The Republic in Print: Print Culture in the Age of U.S. Nation Building, 1770–1870 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007).

10.Benjamin Rush cited by Gary Nash, The Unknown American Revolution, The Unruly Birth of Democracy, and the Struggle to Create America (New York: Penguin, 2005), 189.

11. Josiah Bartlett, 13 January 1776, cited by Liell, 46 Pages, 88.

12. Samuel Ward, 19 February 1776, cited by Liell, 46 Pages, 89.

13. John Penn to James Warren cited by Harvey J. Kaye, Thomas Paine and the Promise of America (New York: Hill and Wang, 2005), 51.

14. Paine, Common Sense, 5, 10, 17. On the power of Paine’s prose, see Jill Lepore, “A World of Paine,” in Revolutionary Founders: Rebels, Radicals, and Reformers in the Making of the Nation, ed. Alfred F. Young, Gary B. Nash, and Ray Raphael (New York: Knopf, 2011), 87–96.

15. Paine, Common Sense, 25, 48, 28, 52, 14.

16. James Chalmers, Plain Truth: Addressed to the Inhabitants of America, containing Remarks on a late Pamphlet intitled Common Sense: wherein are Shewn, that the scheme of Independence is ruinous, delusive and impracticable, 2nd ed. (London: J. Almon, 1776), Gould Library, Carleton College. I am grateful to Professor Clifford Clark for calling the document housed in the rare books collection to my attention.

17. John Cartwright to Edmund Burke, in The Life and Correspondence of Major Cartwright, ed. F. D. Cartwright (London: Henry Colburn 1826), 53.

18. John Cartwright, American Independence. The Interest and Glory of Great Britain. A new Edition (London: H. S. Woodfall, 1775), 7.

19. Richard Price, Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, in Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought, ed. D. O. Thomas, http://www.constitution.org/price/price_x.htm.

20. Richard Price cited by David Oswald Thomas, Richard Price and America (1723–91) (Aberystwyth: Thomas, 1975), 11. Price replied that he hoped to be remembered by the Americans “as a zealous friend to liberty who is anxiously attentive to the great struggle in which they are engag’d.” Richard Price to Arthur Lee, 18 January 1779.

21. Richard Price, Aanmerkingen over den aart der burgerlijke Vrijheid enz, trans. Joan van der Capellen (Leiden: L. Herding, 1776). Van der Capellen also served as a conduit, sending other pamphlets to Price in what developed into a regular correspondence.

22. Johan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol, Advis door Jonkheer Johan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol, over het verzoek van zyne Majesteit den koning van Groot Brittannien, raakende het leenen der Schotsche Brigade, op den 16 December 1775, ter Staats-vergadering van Overyssel uitgebragt, en in de Notulen dier Provincie geinsereerd(n.p., n.d.). Van der Capellen’s pamphlet had originally been delivered as an address to the Estates of the eastern province of Overijssel protesting Willem V’s promise of his “Scots Brigade” to King George for use in subduing the Americans. Why, he asked, would the Dutch, who had fought their own revolution for independence in the seventeenth century, align themselves against the Americans?

23.Jonathan Trumbull to Joan Derk van der Capellen, 17 June 1777, Collectie Fagel 1.10.29, 1463, Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague.

24. Joan Derk van der Capellen to Jonathan Trumbull, Zwolle, 7 December 1778, in Brieven van en aan Joan Derck van der Capellen tot den Pol, ed. W. J. de Beaufort (Utrecht: Kemink en zoon, 1879), 85. Van der Capellen meanwhile struggled to secure his “rightful” place in the knighthood of Overijssel. He had been removed after his condemnation of Willem V.

25. Joan Derk van der Capellen to William Livingston, in de Beaufort, Brieven, 91.

26. William Livingston to van der Capellen, Trenton, 30 November 1778, in de Beaufort, Brieven, 67; and Jonathan Trumbull to Joan van der Capellen, Lebanon, 17 June 1797, Collectie Fagel 1463, Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague.

27. John Adams to Joan Derk van der Capellen, Amsterdam, 22 October 1780, in de Beaufort, Brieven, 200; and John Adams to Robert Livingston, The Hague, 4 September 1782, Papers of Charles Guillaume Fréderic Dumas, Library of Congress.

28. Edmund Burke cited by David Armitage, The Declaration of Independence: A Global History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007), 87.

29. Jacques-Pierre Brissot, Mémoires, cited by Eloise Ellery, Brissot de Warville: A Study in the History of the French Revolution (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1915), 11.

30. [J.-P. Brissot de Warville], Le Philadelphien à Genève ou Lettres d’un Américain sur la dernière révolution de Genève: sa constitution nouvelle, l’émigration en Irlande, &c. pouvant servir de tableau politique de Genève jusqu’en 1784 (Dublin, 1783), 47.

31. Ibid., 152.

32. J.-P. Brissot, New Travels in the United States, ed. Pierre de Jacques (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964), 78.

33. [Brissot], Le Philadelphien, 40, 43.

34. Jacques-Antoine du Roveray, Très humble et très-respectueuse représentation, cited by Richard Whatmore, Against War and Empire: Geneva, Britain, and France in the Eighteenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012), 156.

35. V.T.O.S., Lettre d’un Philosophe François à un Citoyen de Genève (26 April 1782), in Écrits politiques faits & imprimés à Genève en 1781, 315 39, Bibliothèque de Genève, Geneva.

36. [Brissot], Le Philadelphien, 65.

37. [Isaac Cornuaud and Jacques Mallet du Pan], Relation de la conjuration contre le gouvernment et le Majesté de Genève, qui a éclaté le 8 avril, 1782 (Geneva, 1782).

38. Jacques Mallet du Pan, Memoirs and Correspondence of Mallet du Pan Illustrative of the History of the French Revolution, ed. A. Sayous (London: Richard Bentley, 1852), 1: 7.

39. Un natif isolé à ses concitoyens, les natifs partisans des aristocrates, in Écrits politiques faits & imprimés à Genève en 1781, Gf 567 218, Bibliothèque de Genève, Geneva.

40.Micheli du Crest, Conseiler d’État de la Ville et République de Genève, 2 May 1782, cited by Édouard Chapuisat, La prise d’armes de 1782 à Genève (Geneva: A. Jullien, 1932).

41. [Brissot], Le Philadelphien, 47, 51.

42. Jean de Roget, Lettres de Jean Roget, 1753–1783, ed. F.-F. Roget (Geneva: Georg, 1911), 211–12.

43. Dernière déclaration des Genevois remise aux seigneurs sindics, le mardi 2 juillet 1782 à deux heures, après minuit par eux envoyée le même matin aux trois Généraux,” 2480a, in Émile Rivoire, “Bibliographie historique de Genève au XVIII siècle,” in Mémoires et documents publies par la société d’histoire et d’archéologie de Genève, 26–27 (Geneva and Paris, 1897).

44. [Brissot], Le Philadelphien, 54, 47. See J. Bénétruy, L’atelier de Mirabeau. Quatre proscrits génevois dans la tourmente révolutionnaire (Paris: A. et J. Picard, 1962), 38–39.

45. Mercy Otis Warren, History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution (Boston: Edward Larkin, 1805), vol. 3, chapter 22. On Warren’s history, see Rosemarie Zagarri, A Woman’s Dilemma: Mercy Otis Warren and the American Revolution (Wheeling, Ill.: Harland Davidson, 1995).

46. Précis historique de la dernière révolution de Genève, et en particulier de la réforme que le souverain de cette république a faite dans les conseils inférieurs (Geneva, 1782), GF 315 39, Bibliothèque de Genève, Geneva.

47. Relation d’un voyage fait aux Indes orientales, GF 567218, Bibliothèque de Genève, Geneva.

48. Joan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol cited by Craig Harline, Pamphlets, Printing, and Political Culture in the Early Dutch Republic (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1987), 23. The impact of the Genevan defeat in the United Provinces can be seen in the debates waged in Cérisier’s radical newspaper, the Politique hollandois, and the conservative Courrier du Bas-Rhin.

49. Benjamin Franklin to Charles Dumas, 1 August 1781, in Hella S. Haasse, Schaduwbeeld of het geheim van Appeltern. Kroniek van een leven (Amsterdam: Em. Querido’s Uitgeverij, 1989), 347.

50. Peter Ochs to Iselin, 8 September 1776, in Korrespondenz des Peter Ochs, ed. Gustav Steine (Basel: Verslag von Henning Opperman, 1927), 1: 86.

51. John Paul Jones for Anna Jacoba Dumas, cited by Jan Willem Shulte Nordholt, The Dutch Republic and American Independence, trans. Herbert H. Rowen (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 75. See also Friedrich Edler, The Dutch Republic and the American Revolution (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1911,), 62–69.

52. Franklin assured van der Capellen that “our virgin state is a jolly one & though at present not very rich, will in time be a great fortune to any suitor.” Benjamin Franklin to Joan van der Capellen, 22 September 1778, Collectie Fagel 1464, Nationaal Archief, The Hague.

53.Joan van der Capellen, An Address to the People of the Netherlands on the Present alarming and most Dangerous Situation of the Republick of Holland: showing the true motives of the most unpardonable delays of the executive power in putting republick into a proper state of Defence and the Advantages of an Alliance with Holland, France and America. Translated from the Dutch Original (London: J. Stockdale, 1782), 137, 37, 40, 137. See also John Sterk, “The Pamphlet That Woke a Nation,” M.A. thesis, University of Victoria, 2004.

54. Adriaan Kluit cited by Harline, Pamphlets, Printing, and Political Culture, 23.

55. Abigail Adams to John Adams, 23 April 1781, cited by G. C. Gibbs, “The Dutch Revolt and the American Revolution,” in Royal and Republican Sovereignty in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Memory of Ragnhild Hatton, ed. Robert Oresko, G. C. Gibbs, and H. M. Scott (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 617.

56. John Adams, Memorial to their High Mightinesses, the States General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, in The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States, ed. Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown, 1852), 7: 400.

57. Cited by Simon Schama, Patriots and Liberators (New York: Knopf, 1977), 95. See also Stephan Klein and Joost Rosendaal, “Democratie in Context. Nieuwe Perspectieve op het Leids Ontwerp (1785),” De Achttiende Eeuw 26 (1994): 71–100.

58. Lettre sur l’invasion des Provinces-Unies à M. Le comte de Mirabeau et sa réponse, publiées par la Commission que les Patriotes Hollandois ont établie à Bruxelles (Brussels: 1787).

59. Mirabeau, Aux Bataves. Sur le Stathoudérat (London, 1788), 4, 5, 71, 70. Authorship was not always straightforward at the end of the eighteenth century. The pamphlet was actually written by Brissot and others in Mirabeau’s workshop. See Whatmore, Against War and Empire, 225.

60. Van der Capellen tot den Pol, Advis door Jonkheer Johan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol, 2.

61. John Adams to John Trumbull, 13 February 1776, cited by Joseph J. Ellis, American Creation: Triumphs and Tragedies at the Founding of the Republic (New York: Knopf, 2007), 44.

62. Charles Lambert d’Outrepont, Considérations sur la Constitution des Duchés de Brabant et Limbourg (May 13, 1787), Révolution belge, vol. 35, pamphlet 13, Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels.

63. George Talker, Quelques réflexions politcopratiques, ou adieux à Bruxelles, Acquisitions récentes 4/13, Archives génerales du Royaume/Rijksarchief, Brussels.

64. d’Outrepont, Considérations sur la Constitution.

65. Jan Bicker cited by M. N. Bisselink and A. Doedens, eds., Jan Bernd Bicker: een Patriot in Ballingschap 1787–1795 (Amsterdam: VU Boekhandel, 1983), 40. See also Emillie Fijnje-Luzac, Myne beslommerde Boedel. Brieven in Ballingschap 1787–1788, ed. Jacques J. M. Baartmans (Nijmegen: Vantilt, 2003). Gerrit Paape was getting a shave at the barber in Brussels when he learned of the Belgians’ plans to attack the Austrians. The barber announced that Paape was his last client before he left to join the revolution; Peter Altena, Gerrit Paape, 1752–1803. Levens en werken (Nijmegen: Universiteit Nijmegen, 2011), 268.

66. Trompette anti-autrichienne, in Revolution belge, vol. 162, pamphlet 20, Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels.

67. Stormklok ofte rechtveerdigen Roep om Hulp, in Revolution belge, vol. 114, pamphlet 10, Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels; Liasse 611, Archives de la Ville de Bruxelles/Archief van de Stad Brussel, Brussels; Abbé de Feller, 17 September 1787, ms. 21142, Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels; andReprésentation des États, 22 October 1787, Liasse 610, Archives de la Ville de Bruxelles/Archief van de Stad Brussel, Brussels.

68. Stijn van Rossem, Politieke Prenten tijdens de Brabantse Omwenteling (1787–1792), Verhandeling aangeboden tot het behalen van de graad van licenciaat in de Geschiedenis, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, 2000, fig. 11.1 (2); and Stijn van Rossem, Revolutie op de Koper Plaat. Repertorium van politieke Prenten tijdens de Brabantse Omwenteling (Louvain: Peeters, 2012).

69. See Jan Roegiers, “De Gedaantewisseling van het zuidnederlands Ultramontanisme, 1750–1830,” De Kruistocht tegen het Liberalisme, ed. Emiel Lamberts (Louvain: Universitaire pers Leuven, 1984).

70. Trompette anti-autrichienne, in Revolution belge, vol. 162, pamphlet 20, Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels.

71. Henri van der Noot, Mémoire sur les droits du peuple brabançon, 24 April 1787, in Révolution belge, vol. 35, pamphlet 4, Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels.

72. “Peuple Belgique/cour tyranique/faisons comme l’Amérique.” Madame de Bellem, Préliminaires de la Révolution, 1787–1790, États Belgiques Unis 1, Archives Générales du Royaume/Algemene Rijksarchief, Brussels.

73. Anne Thérèse Philippine d’Yve, À la nation, 10 November 1788, Goethals 210, Archives générales du Royaume/Rijksarchief, Brussels.

74. Précis historique sur les anciennes Belges, Bibliothèque 813/2, Archives de la Ville de Bruxelles/Archief van de stad Brussel, Brussels. On women in the Brabant Revolution, see Janet Polasky, “Women in Revolutionary Brussels: ‘The Source of Our Greatest Strength,’” in Women and Politics in the Age of Democratic Revolution, ed. Darline Levy and Harriet Applewhite (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1989), 147–62.

75. Ms. 19648, Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels; and Précis historique de la Révolution des États Unis de l’Amérique, précédé de l’histoire de ces provinces jusqu’à l’époque de la Révolution et suivi du Manifeste ou de l’Acte de l’Indépendance des treize États Unis (Ghent: P. F. de Goesin, 1789).

76. Les Auteurs secrets de la Révolution présente, in Révolution belge, vol. 48, Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels.

77.Mémoire justificatif en faveur de Ph. Secrétan; Citoyen de Lausanne en Suisse (Brussels, 1790), Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels.

78. Manifeste du peuple brabançon, in Révolution belge, vol. 72, pamphlet 12, Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels. In contrast to the American Declaration of Independence, triumphantly displayed at the U.S. National Archives, the original Manifeste du Peuple Brabançon was almost passed over at auction even though it was offered for less than one thousand euros. Representatives of the Archives générales du Royaume/Algemeen Rijksarchief were finally persuaded to acquire the Manifeste. Thanks to the late Jan Roegiers, former librarian, archivist, and professor of history at Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, for sharing this story with me.

79. Mercure Flandrico-Latino-Gallico-Belgique, in Révolution belge, vol. 19, Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels.

80. Abbé de Feller, Journal historique et littéraire, 1 December 1789, États Belgiques Unis 181, Archives générales du Royaume/Rijksarchief, Brussels.

81. Journal général de l’Europe 152 (19 December 1789): 321.

82. Projet d’adresse à présenter à l’illustre assemblée des états de Brabant par plusieurs citoyens de tout rang & de tout état (Brussels, 1790).

83. Reflexions politiques et historiques sur la République des Provinces Belgiques Unies et sur les troubles qui ont filli étoufer dans sa naissance (Liège, 1790).

84. Relation d’un député de la lune qui avoit été envoyé dans la Belgique pour y prendre des informations relatives à la Révolution qui s’y opéroit & aux effets qu’y avoient produits les troupes Lunaires qui y étoient descendues (Brussels, 1790), Révolution belge, vol. 51, pamphlet 23, Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels.

85. Price, Observations on Civil Liberty.

86. Charles Lambert d’Outrepont, “Qu’allons nous devenir?” Révolution Belge, vol. 46, pamphlet 2, Bibliothèque Royale/Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels.

87. Jean-Baptiste Mailhe, Discours sur la Grandeur et l’importance de la révolution dans l’Amérique septentrional (Toulouse, 1784), 38.

88. Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Cooper, 1 May 1777, as cited by Thomas J. Schlereth, The Cosmopolitan Ideal in Enlightenment Thought: Its Form and Function in the Ideas of Franklin, Hume, and Voltaire, 1694–1790 (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1977), 106.

89. Richard Price to Benjamin Franklin cited by Thomas, Richard Price and America, 39.

90. Reflexions d’un cosmopolite demeurant à Bruxelles en janvier mdccxc (Brussels, 1790).

91. Paine, Common Sense, 53, 52.

92. Condorcet, On the Influence of the American Revolution on Europe (1786), in Condorcet: Selected Writing, ed. Keith Baker (Indianapolis: Bobbs Merrill, 1976), 76.

93. Submitted in response to a question posed by the Abbé Raynal, Condorcet’s Letters of a Citizen of the United States to a Frenchman on Present Affairs by Mr. Le M** de C** was republished two years later in French by a friend of Thomas Jefferson’s, the Tuscan merchant Filippo Mazzei, Lettres d’un Citoyen des États Unis à Un Français sur les Affaires Présentes, par Mr. Le M** de C*** (Philadelphia, 1788). See also Durand Echeverria, “Cordorcet’s The Influence of the American Revolution on Europe,” William and Mary Quarterly 25 (1968): 85–108.

94. Guillaume Raynal, L’histoire philosophique et politique des établissemens du commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes, vol. 9 (Paris: Berry, 1781), 284; and Guillaume-Thomas Raynal, Révolution de l’Amérique (London: L. Davis, 1781), 12–13, 78.

95. Thomas Paine, A Letter Addressed to the Abbé Raynal on the Affairs of North America. In which the Mistakes in the Abbe’s Account of the Revolution are Corrected and Cleared Up (London: J. Ridgway, 1792); and [Guillaume-Thomas Raynal], The Sentiments of a Foreigner on the Disputes of Great Britain with America (Philadelphia: James Humphreys, junior, 1775), 16.

96. Thomas Paine, Remarques sur les erreurs de l’Histoire philosophique et politique de Mr. Guillaume Thomas Raynal, trans. A. M. Cérisier (Amsterdam: A. Crajenschot, 1783).

97. Cited by Craig Nelson, Thomas Paine: Enlightenment, Revolution, and the Birth of Modern Nations (New York: Viking, 2006), 163. See also Frank Smith, Thomas Paine, Liberator (New York: Frederick Stokes, 1938), 100; and Jack Fruchtman Jr., “Thomas Paine’s Early Radicalism,” in Paine and Jefferson in the Age of Revolutions, ed. Simon P. Newman and Peter S. Onuf (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2013), 60–64.

98. Richard Price to Benjamin Franklin cited by Thomas, Richard Price and America, 39.

99. Desmoulins, Révolutions de France et de Brabant, 3: 131.

100. Paine, Letter Addressed to the Abbé Raynal on the Affairs of North America.

101. Peter Ochs, 9 October 1789, Korrespondenz des Peter Ochs 1752–1821, 1: 218.

CHAPTER 2. JOURNALS RELATING “A SHARE IN TWO REVOLUTIONS”

1. Étienne Dumont to Samuel Romilly cited by J. Bénétruy, L’atelier de Mirabeau. Quatre proscrits génevois dans la tourmente révolutionnaire (Paris: A. et J. Picard, 1962), 187.

2. Madeleine Van Strien-Chardonneau, Le voyage de Hollande: récits de voyageurs français dans les Provinces-Unies 1748–1795 (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1994), 183.

3. Count Leopold Berchtold (1789) discussed by Justin Stagl, A History of Curiosity: The Theory of Travel, 1550–1800 (Australia: Harwood Academic, 1995), 223–25.

4.Elkanah Watson, A Tour in Holland in 1784 by an American (Worcester, Mass.: Isaiah Thomas, 1790), 25.

5. Ralph Griffiths cited by Charles L. Batten Jr., Pleasurable Instruction: Form and Convention in Eighteenth-Century Travel Literature (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), 1.

6. Guillaume-Thomas Raynal, ed., Histoire philosophique et politique, des établissemens & du commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes (Amsterdam, 1770).

7. Georg Förster, Voyage philosophique et pittoresque (Paris: F. Buisson, 1794), 1: 286. Published originally as Ansichten vom Niederrhein, von Brabant, Flandern, Holland, England und Frankreich im April, Mai und Junius 1790 (Berlin: Voss, 1794).

8. Elkanah Watson, Men and Times of The Revolution. Memoirs of Elkanah Watson including his Journals of Travels in Europe and America from the Year 1777 to 1842, ed. Winslow C. Watson (New York: Dana, 1856), 32 and 271.

9. Elkanah Watson, “Travels in France 1779 & 1780,” GB 12579, box 1, vol. 3, New York State Library, Albany.

10. Ibid.

11. Watson, Men and Times of The Revolution, 96.

12. Watson, “Travels in France 1779 & 1780.”

13. François Barbé-Marbois, Our Revolutionary Forefathers: The Letters of François, Marquis de Barbé-Marbois during his Residence in the United States as Secretary of the French Legation 1779–1785, ed. Eugene P. Chase (New York: Duffield, 1929), 54.

14. Watson, “Travels in France 1779 & 1780.”

15. Ibid.

16. Watson, Men and Times of The Revolution, 103, 79; and Elkanah Watson, Journal A, 1758–1781, GB 12579, box 2, folio 2, New York State Library, Albany.

17. Watson, Journal A.

18. Watson, Men and Times of The Revolution, 95, 115, 158.

19. Elkanah Watson to John Adams, 10 March 1780; and John Adams to Elkanah Watson, and Elkanah Watson to John Adams, 4 May 1780, in Watson, “Travels in France 1779 & 1780.”

20. Watson, Men and Times of The Revolution, 159, 126, 169.

21. Ibid., 127. Watson’s account was possibly colored in hindsight by subsequent hostile press coverage of Paine’s travels in France.

22. Thomas Paine cited by Jack Fruchtman Jr., Thomas Paine: Apostle of Freedom (New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 1994), 133.

23. Watson, Men and Times of The Revolution, 32.

24. John Adams to Abigail Adams cited by Jan Willem Shulte Nordholt, The Dutch Republic and American Independence, trans. Herbert H. Rowe (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 226.

25. Watson, Men and Times of The Revolution, 267, 268.

26. Watson, A Tour in Holland, 49.

27.Jacques-Pierre de Brissot and Étienne de Clavière, De la France et des États Unis, ou de l’importance de la révolution de l’Amérique pour le bonheur de la France, des rapports de ce Royaume et des États-Unis, des avantages réciproques qu’ils peuvent retirer de leurs liaisons de commerce, et enfin de la situation actuelle des États Unis(1787; Paris: Éditions du CTHS, 1996), xxxi.

28. J. Hector Saint John de Crèvecoeur, Letters from an American Farmer (1782; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 45.

29. Procès-Verbaux de la Société Gallo-Américaine, Séance du 9 janvier 1787, in J.-P. Brissot, Correspondance et papiers, ed. Cl. Perroud (Paris: Librairie Alphonse Picard, n.d.), 108.

30. J.-P. Brissot, New Travels in the United States, ed. Pierre de Jacques (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964), 78, 84.

31. Ibid., 19, 21.

32. Ibid., 84, 21.

33. Ibid., 145.

34. The Quakers could do little to reassure him about an end to slavery in America, leaving Brissot to propose sending American blacks back to Africa; ibid., 222.

35. Barbé-Marbois, Our Revolutionary Forefathers, 48.

36. Carel de Vos Van Steenwijk, Een grand Tour naar de nieuwe Republiek: Journaal van een Reis door Amerika, 1783–84, ed. Wayne te Brake (Hilversum: Verloren, 1999), 113.

37. Philip Mazzei, Recherches historiques et politiques sur les États Unis de l’Amérique Septentrionale (Paris: Chez Froulie, 1788), 4: 127.

38. Crèvecoeur, Letters from an American Farmer, 154.

39. Barbé-Marbois, Our Revolutionary Forefathers, 78.

40. Brissot, New Travels in the United States, 6.

41. Étienne Dumont, The Great Frenchman and the little Genevese. Translated from Étienne Dumont’s Souvenir sur Mirabeau, ed. Elizabeth Seymour (London: Duckworth, 1904), 19.

42. Étienne Dumont to Samuel Romilly cited by Bénétruy, L’atelier de Mirabeau, 187. On Dumont’s role in the workshop, see also Jefferson P. Seth, Firm Heart and Capacious Mind: The Life and Friends of Étienne Dumont (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1997), 57–80; and Richard Whatmore, Against War and Empire: Geneva, Britain, and France in the Eighteenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012), 228–43.

43. Dumont, The Great Frenchman, 7.

44. Ibid., 21.

45. Étienne Dumont, Versailles, 18 June 1789, Letters, containing an account of the late revolution in France, and observations on the constitution, laws, manners, and institutions of the English; written during the author’s residence at Paris, Versailles, and London, in the years 1789 and 1790 (London: J. Johnson, 1792), 15.

46.Ibid., Versailles, 26 June 1789, 90, and 18 June 1789, 53.

47. Ibid., Versailles, 24 July 1789, 153.

48. Ibid., Versailles, 24 July 1789, 122.

49. Dumont, The Great Frenchman, 85.

50. Jean Baptiste Salle cited by David Andress, 1789: The Threshold of the Modern Age (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2008), 332.

51. Étienne Dumont cited by Seth, Firm Heart and Capacious Mind, 53.

52. Dumont, The Great Frenchman, 3.

53. On the reception of English constitutional ideas on the Continent, see Whatmore, Against War and Empire.

54. Étienne Dumont to Samuel Romilly, Versailles, 13 November 1793, in Samuel Romilly, Memoirs of the Life of Sir Samuel Romilly, Written by Himself; with a Selection from his Correspondence (London: John Murray, 1840), 2: 31–32.

55. Dumont, The Great Frenchman, xviii.

56. Dumont, Paris, 15 August 1789, Letters, 225. Richard Whatmore, “Étienne Dumont, the British Constitution, and the French Revolution,” Historical Journal 30 (2007): 23–47.

57. Letters, containing an account of the late revolution in France.

58. J. L. Duval, Preface to Dumont, The Great Frenchman, xix.

59. Helen Maria Williams, Letters Written in France 1790 (1790, Oxford: Woodstock, 1989), 5. On Williams’s response to the festival, see the editors’ introduction to Helen Maria Williams, Letters Written in France in the Summer 1790, to a Friend in England; Containing Various Anecdotes Relative to the French Revolution, ed. Neil Fraistat and Susan S. Lanser (Peterborough, Ont.: Broadview, 2001).

60. Helen Maria Williams cited by Woodward, Une anglaise amie de la révolution française, 34.

61. Williams, Letters Written in France, 37.

62. Ibid., 50.

63. Helen Maria Williams, Letters from France (London: G. G. J. and J. Robinson, 1792), 2: 52, 76.

64. Williams, Letters Written in France, 48–49.

65. Ibid., 91.

66. Elizabeth Montagu cited by Brian Dolan, Ladies of the Grand Tour (London: HarperCollins, 2002), 277.

67. Mary Wollstonecraft to Everina Wollstonecraft, Paris, 24 December 1792, cited by Ray Adams, “Helen Maria Williams and the French Revolution,” in Wordsworth and Coleridge: Studies in Honor of George Mclean Harper, ed. Earl Leslie Griggs (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1939), 92.

68. [Laetitia Matilda Hawkins,] Letters on the Female Mind, Its Powers and Pursuits, Addressed to Miss H. M. Williams, with Particular Reference to Her Letters from France (London: Hookham and Carpenter, 1793), 1: 128, 6–8; 2: 90.

69.Williams cited by Woodward, Une anglaise amie de la révolution française, 46.

70. Helen Maria Williams cited by Gary Kelly, Women, Writing, and Revolution (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993), 36; and Helen Maria Williams, Nouveau voyage en Suisse (Paris: Charles Pougens, 1798), 18.

71. Williams cited by Woodward, Une anglaise amie de la révolution française, 45.

72. Anna Seward cited by Adams, “Helen Maria Williams and the French Revolution,” 104.

73. Williams, Letters Written in France, 82.

74. Williams, Letters from France, 2: 103.

75. Helen Maria Williams cited by Chris Jones, “Helen Maria Williams and Radical Sensibility,” Prose Studies 12 (May 1989): 13.

76. Brissot, New Travels in the United States, 20.

77. Thomas Paine to George Washington, London, 16 October 1789, in Thomas Paine, Collected Writings (New York: Library Classics of the United States, 1995), 370.

78. Thomas Paine to George Washington, London, 1 May 1790, ibid., 374.

79. Thomas Jefferson to Richard Price, Paris, 8 January 1789, The Letters of Thomas Jefferson 1743–1826, http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/presidents/thomas-jefferson/letters-of-thomas-jefferson/.

80. Edward Thornton cited by Gordon S. Wood, “The Radicalism of Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Paine,” in Paine and Jefferson in the Age of Revolutions, ed. Simon P. Newman and Peter S. Onuf (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2013), 14.

81. Gouverneur Morris to the Comte de Moustier, 23 February 1789, cited by Philip Ziesche, Cosmopolitan Patriots: Americans in Paris in the Age of Revolution (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010), 20.

82. William Short to Thomas Jefferson, 29 June 1791, cited by ibid., 47.

83. Gouverneur Morris to William Short, 29 November 1790, cited ibid., 44.

84. Roger G. Kennedy, Orders from France: The Americans and the French in a Revolutionary World, 1780–1820 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990), 88.

CHAPTER 3. THE REVOLUTIONARY NARRATIVES OF BLACK “CITIZENS OF THE WORLD”

1. Carl Wadström and August Nordenskiold, Plan for a Free Community upon the Coast of Africa, under the Protection of Great Britain, but intirely independent of all European Laws and Governments (London: R. Hindmarsh, 1789).

2. See James Sidbury, Becoming African in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 39.

3. Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative and Other Writings, ed. Vincent Carretta (1789; New York: Penguin, 2003), 71. On reception, see David Richardson, “Through a Looking Glass: Olaudah Equiano and African Experiences of the British Atlantic Slave Trade,” in Black Experience and the Empire, ed. Philip D. Morgan and Sean Hawkins (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 58–85.

4. Anna Falconbridge, Bance Island, 10 February 1791, in Maiden Voyages and Infant Colonies: Two Women’s Travel Narratives of the 1790s, ed. Deirdre Coleman (London: Leicester University Press, 1999), 65. Anna Falconbridge’s published journal, Narrative of Two Voyages to the River Sierra Leone, was one of very few books about Africa written by a woman before 1850. For another modern edition see Anna Maria Falconbridge, Narrative of Two Voyages to the River Sierra Leone During the Years 1791–1792–1793. An Account of the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa, ed. Christopher Fyfe (1793; Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000).

5. John Clarkson, “Diary of Lieutenant Clarkson R.N.,” Sierra Leone Studies 8 (March 1927): 1–114.

6. On imperialism and abolition see Deidre Coleman, Romantic Colonization and British Anti-Slavery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 5; Christopher L. Brown, “Envisioning an Empire without Slavery, 1772–1834,” in Morgan and Hawkins, Black Experience and the Empire, 111–40; and Cassandra Pybus, “’A Less Favourable Specimen’: The Abolitionist Response to Self-Emancipated Slaves in Sierra Leone, 1793–1808,” Parliamentary History 26, Supplement (2007): 97–112.

7. “Understanding the foundations of abolitionism, then, means understanding human choices,” historian Christopher Brown explains as he advocates looking to sources other than Clarkson’s journal because it is so intimately tied to Clarkson’s personal cause; Christopher Brown, Moral Capital: Foundations of British Abolitionism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 20.

8. See Ismail Rashid, “Escape, Revolt, and Marronage in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Sierra Leone Hinterland,” Canadian Journal of African Studies/Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 34 (2000): 656–83; and Bruce Mouser, “Rebellion, Marronage, and Jihad: Strategies of Resistance to Slavery on the Sierra Leone Coast, c. 1763–1796,” Journal of African History 48 (2007): 27–44. Their history, too, is based on the testimony of travelers.

9. Equiano, Interesting Narrative, 221, 77.

10. Ibid., 31

11. Equiano to the Rev. Mr. Raymund Harris, Public Advertiser, 28 April 1788, ibid., 137.

12. Ibid., 36.

13. Vincent Carretta, “Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa? New Light on an Eighteenth-Century Question of Identity,” Slavery and Abolition 20 (1999): 95–105; Vincent Carretta, Equiano the African: Biography of a Self-Made Man (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2005); Paul Lovejoy, “Autobiography and Memory: Gustavus Vassa, alias Olaudah Equiano, the African,” Slavery and Abolition 27 (2006): 317–47; and Vincent Carretta, “Response to Paul Lovejoy’s ‘Autobiography and Memory: Gustavus Vassa, alias Olaudah Equiano, the African,” Slavery and Abolition 28 (2007): 115–19. I will draw upon the narrative as an account of his life, because that is how it was read in the eighteenth century.

14. Douglas R. Egerton, Death or Liberty: African Americans and Revolutionary America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 15–16; James Sidbury, Becoming African in America: Race and Nation in the Early Black Atlantic (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007); and James H. Sweet, “Mistaken Identities? Olaudah Equiano, Domingos Alvares, and the Methodological Challenges of Studying the African Diaspora,” American Historical Review 114 (2009): 279–306. Egerton cautions: “After all he remained a man of color in an Atlantic world dominated by slavery. … In the end, Equiano’s mysterious story serves as a reminder of the unreliability of the words of Africans and African Americans filtered through the pens of whites.”

15. Equiano, Interesting Narrative, 31.

16. Ottobah Cugoano, Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil and Wicked Traffic of the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, ed. Vincent Carretta (1787; New York: Penguin, 1999).

17. Equiano, Interesting Narrative, 55, 61.

18. Ibid., 138.

19. Ibid., 137, 138; and Carretta, Equiano the African, xiii.

20. Olaudah Equiano to Parliament, London, 14 May 1792, in Equiano, Interesting Narrative, 7. See also Brown, Moral Capital, 5.

21. Cugoano, Thoughts and Sentiments, 66.

22. Equiano, Interesting Narrative, 233.

23. Ibid., 164.

24. Ibid., 193.

25. Boston King, “Memoirs of the Life of Boston King, a Black Preacher. Written by Himself, during his residence at Kingswood School,” in The Life of Boston King, ed. Ruth Holmes Whitehead and Carmelita A. M. Robertson (Halifax: Nimbus, 2003), 351.

26. Ibid., 15, 16–17.

27. David George cited by Kathleen Tudor, “David George: Black Loyalist,” Nova Scotia Historical Review 3, no. 1 (1983): 72.

28. King, “Memoirs,” 21, 20.

29. Anthony Kirk-Greene, “David George, the Nova Scotia Experience,” Sierra Leone Studies 14 (December 1960): 98.

30. “Petition to Governor Parr” cited by Maya Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary World (New York: Knopf, 2011), 280.

31. King, “Memoirs,” 22, 23, 24.

32. David George, “An Account of the Life of Mr. David George, from Sierra Leone in Africa,” in Unchained Voices: An Anthology of Black Authors in the English-Speaking World of the 18th Century, ed. Vincent Carretta (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1996), 337.

33. Jacob Bailey cited by Ellen Wilson, The Loyal Blacks (New York: Putnam, 1976), 120.

34. George, “Account of the Life,” 339.

35. Thomas Clarkson, The History of the Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the Slave-Trade by the British Parliament (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1808), 2: 286.

36. Granville Sharp, Memoirs of Granville Sharp, Esq., ed. Prince Hoare (London: Henry Colburn, 1820), 114.

37. Granville Sharp cited by Brown, Moral Capital, 164.

38. Sharp, Memoirs, 121.

39. “At a Committee of the Society, instituted in 1787, for effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade,” British Library. On the Quaker network of communications that spanned the Atlantic, see David Bryon Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1770–1823 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).

40. Clarkson, Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment, 2: 23.

41. Cited by Claire Midgley, Women against Slavery: The British Campaigns, 1780–1870 (London: Routledge, 1992), 22.

42. Cited by Seymour Drescher, “Women’s Mobilization in the Era of Slave Emancipation: Some Anglo-French Comparisons,” in Women’s Rights and Transatlantic Antislavery in the Era of Emancipation, ed. Kathryn Kish Sklar and James Brewer Stewart (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), 100.

43. “At a Committee of the Society.”

44. Clarkson, Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment, 1: 267.

45. Ibid., 1: 555.

46. Discours sur la nécessité d’établir à Paris une Société pour concourir, avec celle de Londres, à l’abolition de la traite & de l’esclavage des Nègres (Paris, 1788), British Library, London.

47. C. B. Wadström, Additions aux règlements de la Société des Amis des Noirs, in La Révolution française et l’abolition de l’esclavage (Paris: Éditions d’histoire sociale, 1968), vol. 7.

48. Marcel Dorigny, “Mirabeau et la Société des amis des noirs: Quelles voies pour l’abolition de l’esclavage,” in Les abolitions de l’esclavage de L. F. Sonthonax à V. Schoelcher, 1793, 1794, 1848 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de Vincennes, 1995), 154.

49. Société des Amis des Noirs, “Seconde Adresse à l’Assemblée Nationale, par la Société des Amis des Noirs, établie à Paris,” in La Révolution française et l’abolition de l’esclavage, 7: 2.

50. Étienne Clavière, Adresse de la Société des Amis des Noirs à l’Assemblée Nationale, à toutes les Villes de Commerce ... (Paris: Desenne, 1791), in La Révolution française et l’abolition de l’esclavage, vol. 9.

51.Étienne Dumont, Letters, containing an account of the late revolution in France, and observations on the constitution, laws, manners, and institutions of the English; written during the author’s residence at Paris, Versailles, and London, in the years 1789 and 1790. Translated from the German of Henry Frederic Groenvelt. London, 1792, Eighteenth Century Collections Online, Gale Group, 32.

52. Thomas Jefferson to Brissot, 1788, in J.-P. Brissot, Correspondance et papiers, ed. Cl. Perroud (Paris: Librairie Alphonse Picard, n.d.), 165–66.

53. Clarkson, Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment, 2: 122.

54. Cited by Robert Forster, “The French Revolution, People of Color and Slavery,” in The Global Ramifications of the French Revolution, ed. Joseph Klaits and Michael H. Haltzel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 90. See also Découverte d’une conspiration contre les intérêts de la France” (1790), British Library, London. On the threat international connections posed to the abolition movement, see J. R. Oldfield, Transtlantic Abolitionism in the Age of Revolution: An International History of Anti-slavery, c. 1787–1820 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013).

55. Clarkson, Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment, 2: 125.

56. Ibid., 2: 132, 131. See also Appendix, Charles Mackenzie, Notes on Haiti (1830; New York: Frank Cass, 1971), 2: 246–59.

57. Ogé’s wealth and transatlantic connections have made it difficult for historians to categorize him; he seems at the time to have moved with ease in white society. John D. Garrigus, “’Thy coming Fame, Ogé! Is Sure’: New Evidence on Ogé’s 1790 Revolt and the Beginnings of the Haitian Revolution,” in Assumed Identities. The Meanings of Race in the Atlantic World, ed. John D. Garrigus and Christopher Morris (College Station: Texas A and M Press, 2010), 19–45.

58. Il est encore des Aristocrates ou réponse à l’infâme auteur d’un écrit intitulé: Découverte d’une conspiration contre les intérêts de la France (1790), British Library, London; and Clavière, Adresse de la Société des Amis des Noirs.

59. Vincent Ogé cited by Clarkson, Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment, 2: 149–50.

60. Thomas Clarkson, 15 August 1828, in Mackenzie, Notes on Haiti, 2: 251.

61. See Garrigus, “’Thy Coming Fame,’” 31–33; and Jeremy Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution: Eyewitness Accounts of the Haitian Insurrection (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 43–48.

62. Louis François-René Verneuil, in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 43–48.

63. See Garrigus, “’Thy Coming Fame,’” 33–34.

64. Joseph Antonio Vrizar to Porlier, Santo Domingo, 25 November 1790, AGI, Santo Domingo, leg 1027 cited by Julius Scott, “The Common Wind: Currents of Afro-American Communication in the Era of the Haitian Revolution,” Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1986, 180.

65. Adam Williamson to Lord Grenville, 4 July 1791, C.O. 137/89, Public Records Office cited by Scott, “The Common Wind,” 181.

66.Leading antislavery activists in France, including Helen Maria Williams, John Hurford Stone, Carl Wadström, and the Abbé Gregoire, discussed projects with French foreign minister, Charles Talleyrand, for colonial expansion in Africa and the Near East, but these went nowhere. See Marcel Dorigny and Bernard Gainot, La Société des Amis des Noirs, 1788–1799 (Paris: Éditions Unesco, 1998).

67. On the British uncertainty and imperialism, see Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles. On the conflicting motives involved in the colonization of Sierra Leone, see Isaac Land and Andrew M. Schochet, “New Approaches to the Founding of the Sierra Leone Colony, 1768–1808,” Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 9, no. 3 (2008).

68. Lamin Sahhen, Abolitionists Abroad: American Blacks and the Making of Modern West Africa (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), 26. See also Christopher X. Byrd, Captives and Voyageurs: Black Migrants across the Eighteenth-Century British Atlantic World (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008).

69. Henry Smeathman, Substance of a Plan of a Settlement, to be Made near Sierra Leone, on the Grain Coast of Africa, Intended More Particularly for the Service and Happy Establishment of Blacks and People of Colour to be Shipped as Freemen …,” cited by Brown, Moral Capital, 315. On race as a determining factor in the Sierra Leone settlement schemes see Emma Christopher, “A ‘Disgrace to the very Colour’: Perceptions of Blackness and Whiteness in the Founding of Sierra Leone and Botany Bay,” Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 9, no. 3 (2008). On the plethora of schemes for resettlement see Deidre Coleman, “Afterword: Rough Crossings to New Beginnings,”Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 9, no. 3 (2008); and Coleman, Romantic Colonization and British Anti-Slavery.

70. George Cumberland cited by Stephen J. Braidwood, Black Poor and White Philanthropists: London’s Blacks and the Foundation of the Sierra Leone Settlement, 1786–1791 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1994), 7.

71. Granville Sharp, 19 October 1788, Clarkson Papers, Reel 1.

72. Ibid. Here was colonization understood, historian Deidre Coleman suggests, as Michel Foucault saw it: “a leap of the imagination as well as a leap in geographical space and time”; Coleman, Romantic Colonization and British Anti-Slavery, 2, 109.

73. Clarkson, Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment, 1: 488.

74. Wadström and Nordenskiold, Plan for a Free Community upon the Coast of Africa, xiv, 60.

75. Gretchen Holbrook Gerzina, Black London: Life before Emancipation (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1995), 145–46.

76. Granville Sharp to Dr. J. Sharp, 31 October 1787, cited by Sharp, Memoirs, 2: 83.

77. Substance of a Report of the Court of Directors, (19 October 1791) Sierra Leone Company (London, 1792). On the free trade of Freetown, see Philip Misevich, “The Sierra Leone Hinterland and the Provisioning of Early Freetown, 1792–1803,” in Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 9, no. 3 (2003).

78.Henry Thornton to Thomas Clarkson, 14 September 1792, cited by Coleman, Romantic Colonization, 115.

79. Anna Maria Falconbridge, London, 5 January 1791, Narrative of Two Voyages to the River Sierra Leone During the Years 1791–1792–1793, 11. See also Deirdre Coleman, “Sierra Leone, Slavery, and Sexual Politics: Anna Maria Falconbridge and the ‘Swarthy Daughter’ of Late 18th Century Abolitionism,” in Women’s Writing 2, no. 1 (1995): 12.

80. Falconbridge, Granville Town, 13 May 1791, Narrative, 43.

81. Falconbridge, Bance Island, 10 February 1791, Narrative, 18. See also Coleman, Maiden Voyages and Infant Colonies, 24–25.

82. Falconbridge, London, 30 September 1791, Narrative, 69.

83. Petition cited by Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 180.

84. James Walker, Black Loyalists (London: Africana, 1976), 95.

85. Henry Clinton cited by Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles, 287.

86. William Wilberforce cited ibid., 289.

87. John Clarkson, 19 October 1791, in Clarkson’s Mission to America, 1791–1792, ed. Charles Bruce Ferguson (Halifax: Public Archives of Nova Scotia, 1971), 45.

88. See Byrd, Captives and Voyageurs.

89. John Clarkson, 19 October 1791, in Ferguson, Clarkson’s Mission to America, 43, 45.

90. Carl Wadström, An Essay on Colonialization, Particularly Applied to the Western Coast of Africa (London: Darton and Harvey, 1794).

91. Anna Falconbridge, Freetown, 24 January 1793, Narrative, 111.

92. John Clarkson, cited by Ellen Gibson Wilson, John Clarkson and the African Adventure (London: Macmillan, 1980), 95.

93. Anna Falconbridge, Freetown, 1 July 1792, Narrative, 82.

94. Johnson Asiegbu, Slavery and the Politics of Liberation, 1787–1861 (London: Longman, 1969), 13.

95. Anna Falconbridge, Freetown, 10 April 1792, Narrative, 74.

96. John Clarkson, Journal, cited by Cassandra Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom: Runaway Slaves of the American Revolution and Their Global Quest for Liberty (Boston: Beacon, 2006), 170.

97. Directors, Sierra Leone Company, cited by Carl Wadström, An Essay on Colonization, Particularly Applied to the Western Coast of Africa (London: Darton and Harvery, 1794), 43.

98. Petition, 25 June 1792, cited by Wilson, John Clarkson, 97.

99. John Clarkson cited ibid., 79.

100. On the vote for women see Schama, Rough Crossings, 374. On the layout of Freetown see Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom, 183.

101. John Clarkson to Isaac Dubois, 1 July 1793, Clarkson Papers, Add MS 41263, British Library, cited by Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom, 177.

102.Zachary Macaulay, 1 October 1793, in Zachary Macaulay, Zachary Macaulay and the Development of the Sierra Leone Company, 1793–94. Journal, ed. Suzanne Schwarz (Leipzig: Institut für Afrikanistik, Universität Leipzig, 2000), 67.

103. Ibid., 17 September 1793, in Journal, 62.

104. Zachary Macaulay, Journal, 1793–1799, microfilm, Abolition and Emancipation, Papers of Zachary Macaulay, part 1, reel 2.

105. Ibid., Journal, 1793–1799, microfilm, part 1, reel 6. See also Kevin G. Lowther, The African American Odyssey of John Kizell: A South Carolina Slave Returns to Fight the Slave Trade in His African Homeland (Charleston: University of South Carolina Press, 2011), 136.

106. King, “Memoirs,” 33.

107. Ibid.; and David George to Messrs. Grigg and Rodway, Free Town, 19 April 1796, in Carretta, Unchained Voices, 346.

108. Falconbridge, “Preface,” Narrative, 10; and Falconbridge, Freetown, 1 July 1792, Narrative, 83.

109. Ibid., London, October 1793, 135. Over Clarkson’s protests, her husband, Isaac Dubois, was ultimately dismissed, faulted by the company for siding with the Nova Scotians in their demands and for traveling aboard a slave ship.

110. Ibid., “Preface,” 10.

111. Wadström, Essay, cited by Christopher Fyfe, “Editor’s Comment,” Falconbridge, Narrative, 164.

112. John Clarkson, 30 August 1792, “Diary of Lieutenant Clarkson R.N,” Sierra Leone Studies 8 (1927): 31.

113. Cato Perkins and Isaac Anderson, London, 26 October 1993, in Our Children Free and Happy: Letters from Black Settlers in Africa in the 1790s, ed. Christopher Fyfe (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1991), 38.

114. Luke Jordan and Isaac Anderson, Freetown, 28 June 1794, ibid., 42–43.

115. Luke Jordan et al., Sierra Leone, 19 November 1794, ibid., 44.

116. Zachary Macaulay, Journal of Zachary Macaulay, 8 September 1794, in Life and Letters of Zachary Macaulay, ed. Viscountess Knutsford (London: Edward Arnold, 1900), 63.

117. Sierra Leone Company, Substance of Report of the Sierra Leone Company to the General Court of Proprietors on Thursday the 27th of May, 1794 (London: James Phillips, 1794), 65.

118. John Clarkson to the Marquis de Lafayette, 2 July 1792, cited by Coleman, Romantic Colonization, 127.

119. Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles, 301; and Simon Schama, Rough Crossings: Britain, the Slaves, and the American Revolution (New York: HarperCollins, 2006), 380–83.

120. Macaulay, Journal, 28 September 1794, 66.

121. For more on Mary Perth, see Cassandra Pybus, “’One Militant Saint’: The Much Traveled Life of Mary Perth,” Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 9, no. 3 (2008).

122.Moses Wilkinson, Luke Jordan, Jn Jordan, Rubin Simmons, America Tolbert, Isaac Anderson, Stephen Peters, Jas. Hutcherson, Luke Jordan, and “A great many More the Paper wont afford” to John Clarkson, Sierra Leone, 19 November 1794, in Fyfe, Our Children, 43.

123. Sharp, Memoirs, 372; and Henri Grégoire, Notice sur la Sierra-Leona, et sur une colomnie répandice à son sujet contre le gouvernement français (Paris, 1794).

124. Marcel Dorigny, “Intégration républicaine des colonies et projets de colonisation de l’Afrique: Civiliser pour émanciper?” in Grégoire et la cause des Noirs (1789–1831). Combats et projets, ed. Yves Bénot and Marcel Dorigny (Paris: Société française d’histoire d’outre-mer, 2000), 103; and Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, The Abbé Grégoire and the French Revolution: The Making of Modern Universalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 154.

125. Macaulay, Journal, 26 August, 30 September, 2 October 1797, as cited by Pybus, “’A Less Favourable Specimen,’” 106–7.

126. See Egerton, Death or Liberty, 219.

127. Bruce L. Mouser, “The 1805 Forékariah Conference: A Case of Political Intrigue, Economic Advantage, Network Building,” History in Africa 25 (1998): 226.

128. Thomas Ludlam cited by Schama, Rough Crossings, 393.

129. George Ross cited by Mavis C. Campbell, ed., Back to Africa: George Ross and the Maroons: From Nova Scotia to Sierra Leone (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World, 1993), 17.

130. R. C. Dallas, The History of the Maroons, from their Origin to the Establishment of their Chief Tribe at Sierra Leone (London, 1803), 2: 285, cited by Srinivas Aravamudan, Tropicopolitans: Colonialism and Agency, 1688–1804 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999), 267.

131. Ross, Back to Africa, 17.

132. Wilberforce cited by Schama, Rough Crossings, 390.

CHAPTER 4. THE PRESS AND CLUBS

1. Les Révolutions de Paris 73 (1790): 401–6, in Jack R. Censer and Lynn Hunt, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: Exploring the French Revolution (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2001), 69.

2. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract (1762; New York: Penguin, 1968), 140.

3. Johann Nikolas Bischoff cited by Eckhart Hellmath and Wolfgang Piereth, “German 1760–1815,” in Press, Politics, and the Public Sphere in Europe and North America, 1760–1820, ed. Hannah Barker and Simon Burrows (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 70.

4. Historian John Brewer coined the phrase “an alternative structure of politics” to delineate this new political space that opened at the end of the eighteenth century. John Brewer cited by Nicolaas C. F. Van Sas, “The Patriot Revolution: New Perspectives,” in The Dutch Republic in the Eighteenth Century: Decline, Enlightenment, and Revolution, ed. Margaret C. Jacob and Wijnand W. Mijnhardt (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992), 115.

5. Duc de Choiseul cited by Hugh Gough, The Newspaper Press in the French Revolution (Chicago: Dorsey, 1988), 4–5.

6. John Adams to Robert Livingston, The Hague, 4 September 1782, in the Papers of Charles Guillaume Frederic Dumas, Library of Congress; and “A Harvard Student” quoted by Stephen Botein, “’Meer Mechanics’ and an Open Press: The Business and Political Strategies of Colonial American Printers,” Perspectives in American History 9 (1975): 158.

7. John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 16 May 1782, in The Adams Papers, ed. Gregg L. Lint (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), 13: 48.

8. Antoine Cérisier to John Adams, 15 April 1781, cited by Jeremy D. Popkin, “From Dutch Republican to French Monarchist: Antoine-Marie Cérisier and the Age of Revolution,” in Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 102 (1989): 534.

9. Le Politique hollandois, 12 February 1781, 1: 1.

10. Le Patriote français, 1 April 1789, cited by J. Gilchrist and W. J. Murray, eds., The Press in the French Revolution: A Selection of Documents from the Press of the Revolution for the Years 1789–1794 (New York: St. Martin’s, 1971), 46.

11. Comte de Mirabeau, Première lettre du comte de Mirabeau à ses commettants, 1, cited by Gough, The Newspaper Press in the French Revolution, 22.

12. J. F. Bertaud, “Histoire de la presse et révolution,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française 285 (1991): 283.

13. Gérard Walter, La Révolution française vue par ses journaux (Paris: Tardy, 1948), 8.

14. Bertaud, “Histoire de la presse et révolution,” 287.

15. Antoine de Rivarol, Journal politique national 1, 6, cited by Walter, La Révolution française vue par ses journaux, 28.

16. Révolutions de Paris, 2–8 August 1789, 1.

17. Antoine de Rivarol, Journal politique national, ed. Willy de Spons (Paris: Editions du Rocher, 1989), 71.

18. L’Ami du Peuple, 7 May 1791, cited by Jack Censer, Prelude to Power: The Parisian Radical Press, 1789–1791 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976), 39.

19. Révolutions de Paris, 18–25 July 1789, 2.

20. Pennsylvania Mercury, 3 December 1789, 478: 2, America’s Historical Newspapers, www.infoweb.newsbank.com.

21. Marat, L’Ami du Peuple, 23 September 1789, 116.

22. Michael L. Kennedy, The Jacobin Clubs in the French Revolution: The First Years (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 56.

23. Ibid., 59.

24.Cited by Patrice Higonnet, Goodness beyond Virtue: Jacobins during the French Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), 211.

25. Camille Desmoulins cited by Kennedy, Jacobin Clubs in the French Revolution, 14.

26. Cited by Jean Boutier, Philippe Boutry, and Serge Bonin, Atlas de la Révolution française, vol. 6, Les sociétés politiques (Paris: Éditions de l’École ds Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 1992), 9.

27. Higonnet, Goodness beyond Virtue, 211.

28. Cited by Boutier, Boutry, and Bonin, Atlas de la Révolution française, 6: 44.

29. “Organisation intérieure de la société des Jacobins,” in Alphonse Aulard, La société des Jacobins. Recueil de documents pour l’histoire du Club des Jacobins de Paris (Paris: Librairie Jouaust, 1889–97), 1: xxix.

30. Boutier, Boutry, and Bonin, Atlas de la Révolution française, 6: 9.

31. Étienne Dumont, Souvenirs sur Mirabeau et sur les deux premières assemblées législatives (Paris: Charles Gosselin, 1832), 100.

32. Anacharsis Cloots, 18 March 1790, “Motion,” in La Société des Jacobins. Recueil de documents pour l’histoire du club des Jacobins de Paris, ed. F.-A Aulard (Paris: Librairie Jouaust, 1889), 1: 41.

33. Maximilien Robespierre cited by Higonnet, Goodness beyond Virtue, 252.

34. Cited by Simon Schama, Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution (New York: Knopf, 1989), 529.

35. Etta Palm d’Aelders, “Adresse des citoyens françaises à l’Assemblée nationale,” in Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795, ed. Darline Levy, Harriet Applewhite, and Mary Johnson (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1979), 75.

36. Etta Palm d’Aelders, Adresse des citoyens françaises à l’Assemblée nationale, ibid., 75–76.

37. Etta Palm d’Aelders, Lettre d’une amie de la vérité, 23 March 1791, ibid., 71. See also Gary Kates, The Cercle Social, the Girondins, and the French Revolution (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985).

38. Madame Roland cited by Albert Mathiez, Le Club des Cordeliers pendant la crise de Varennes et le massacre du Champ de Mars (Paris: Librairie Aneienne H. Champion, 1910), ii.

39. Thomas Paine, Aux étrangers sur la révolution françoise; and Thomas Paine, Suite des observations sur le memoire du roi, both in Le républicain. Aux origines de la République (Paris: Courier de Provence, 1791). Dumont had tried to dissuade Chastellet from acting without approval from the National Assembly, and refused to translate the address for Paine.

40. “Pétition de la Société des Amis des Droits de l’homme et du citoyen aux Représentants de la Nation,” in Mathiez, Le Club des Cordeliers, 33.

41. François Robert cited by Hugh Gough, The Newspaper Press in the French Revolution (Chicago: Dorsey, 1988), 112.

42.Cited by H. Hardenberg, Etta Palm, een hollandse Parisienne, 1743–1799 (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1962), 87.

43. Etta Palm d’Aelders, cited by Judith Vega, “Feminist Republicanism: Etta Palm d’Aelders on Justice, Virtue and Men,” History of European Ideas 10 (1989): 344. On the “republic of brothers,” see Lynn Hunt, The Family Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

44. “Règlement de la Société des citoyennes républicaines révolutionnaires de Paris,” in Levy, Applewhite, and Johnson, Women in Revolutionary Paris, 161.

45. Minutes of the Jacobin Society, 16 September 1793, ibid., 182–85.

46. Procès-verbal, Revolutionary Republican Women, ibid., 209–12.

47. The club-based politics that “the Revolution created in France overnight,” social theorist Jürgen Habermas explains, had evolved in England over the course of a century. Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991), 69–70.

48. Political Tracts of the Society for Constitutional Information (London: W. Richardson, 1783), British Library, London.

49. Sheffield Society for Constitutional Information, 14 March 1792, in Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 11/962, National Archives, London.

50. Thomas Hardy, Memoirs of Thomas Hardy (London: James Ridgeway, 1832), 13.

51. John Horne Tooke, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 11/951, National Archives, London.

52. Vassa the African to Thomas Hardy, 28 May 1792, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 24/12, National Archives, London.

53. Calling cards in Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 11/951, National Archives, London; Society for Constitutional Information, 25 May 1792, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 11/962, National Archives, London.

54. Society for Constitutional Information, 25 May 1792, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 11/962, National Archives, London.

55. Edmund Burke cited by Thomas Hardy, A Short History of the London Corresponding Society, Place Additional Manuscripts 27814, British Library, London.

56. New York Journal, 4 January 1792, cited by Seth Cotlar, Tom Paine’s America: The Rise and Fall of Transatlantic Radicalism in the Early Republic (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2011), 73.

57. Cited by Ian Dyck, “Thomas Paine: World Citizen in the Age of Nationalism,” in Thomas Paine: In Search of the Common Good, ed. Joyce Chumbley and Leo Zonneveld (Nottingham: Spokesman, 2009), 34.

58. London Corresponding Society cited by Jack Fruchtman Jr., “Two Doubting Thomases: The British Progressive Enlightenment and the French Revolution,” in Radicalism and Revolution in Britain, 1775–1848: Essays in Honour of Malcolm I. Thomas, ed. Michael T. Davis (New York: St. Martin’s, 2000), 35; and Stuart Andrews, The British Periodical Press and the French Revolution, 1789–1799 (New York: Palgrave, 2000), 47.

59. Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 24/10, National Archives, London.

60. Joel Barlow, Advice to the Privileged Orders in the Several States of Europe, Resulting from the Necessity and Propriety of a General Revolution in the Principle of Government (London: J. Johnson, 1793–95), 107.

61. Richard Buel Jr., Joel Barlow: American Citizen in a Revolutionary World (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011), 148.

62. Address from the Revolution Society in London, November 5, 1792, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 24/3/117, National Archives, London.

63. Mr. Groves, 21 May 1794, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 11/954, National Archives, London.

64. Mr. Groves, 13 February 1794, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 11/952, National Archives, London.

65. Thomas Cooper, A Reply to Mr. Burke’s Invective against Mr. Cooper, and Mr. Watt in the House of Commons (London: J. Johnson, 1792).

66. A Defense of the Constitution of England against the libels that have lately published on it; particularly in Paine’s pamphlet on the Rights of Man (Dublin, 1791) in Political Writings of the 1790’s, ed. Gregory Claeys (London: William Pickering, 1995), vol. 5.

67. Hardy, Memoirs, 21.

68. Joel Barlow cited by Yvon Bizardel, The First Expatriates: Americans in Paris during the French Revoution, trans. June P. Wilson and Cornelia Higginson (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1975), 143. See also Joel Barlow and John Frost, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 24/3/117, National Archives, London.

69. Pétition, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers 11/951, National Archives, London.

70. Edward Royle and James Walvin, English Radicals and Reformers, 1760–1848 (Brighton: Harvester, 1982), 65.

71. Thomas Hardy to John Horne Tooke, 15 September 1792, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 11/951, National Archives, London.

72. Petition, Nottingham, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 11/951, National Archives, London.

73. London Corresponding Society, 8 July 1793, Tracts of the London Corresponding Society, British Library, London.

74. Minutes of the London Corresponding Society, 24 October 1793, Place 27814, British Library, London.

75. Regalus, 3 June 1793, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 11/951, National Archives, London.

76. John Thelwell, Universal Society of the Friends of the People, Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 24/3/08, National Archives, London.

77.Revolutions without Bloodshed: or Reformation preferable to Revolt (1794), Treasurer Solicitor’s papers, 24/3/153, National Archives, London.

78. William Fox, On Jacobinism (1794).

79. Cited by Royle and Walvin, English Radicals and Reformers, 71.

80. King Stanislas to Filippo Mazzei, 22 September 1790, Warsaw, in Philip Mazzei: Selected Writings and Correspondence, ed. Margherita Marchione (Prato: Cassa di Risparmi e Depositi di Prato, 1983), 2: 431.

81. St. James Chronicle, 2 January 1790, 1.

82. Bogusław Leśnodorski, Les Jacobins polonais (Paris: Société des études robespierristes, 1965), 60–62.

83. Stanisław Małachowski cited by Zofia Libiszowska, “The Impact of the American Constitution on Polish Political Opinion in the Late Eighteenth Century,” in Constitution and Reform in Eighteenth-Century Poland, ed. Samuel Fiszman (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 233.

84. King Stanislas to Filippo Mazzei, 11 June 1791, cited by Jerzy Kowecki, “The Kościuszko Insurrection,” in Fiszman, Constitution and Reform, 499.

85. Gazeta Warsawska, January 1791, cited by J. Grossbart, “La presse polonaise et la révolution française,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française 14 (1937): 144.

86. Kennedy, Jacobin Clubs in the French Revolution, 228. The Parisian Société de 1789 had proposed the publication of many of the king’s speeches, but Stanislas refused out of fear that they could be misinterpreted in France; King Stanislas to Filippo Mazzei, 29 September 1790, Warsaw, in Marchione, Philip Mazzei, 2: 438.

87. Filippo Mazzei to King Stanislas, 23 May 1791, Paris, ibid., 2: 553.

88. Anacharsis Cloots, L’Orateur du genre humain à la nation polonaise, in Écrits revolutionnaires, 1790–1794, ed. Michèle Duval (Paris: Éditions Champ Libre, 1979), 186.

89. Joel Barlow to King Stanislas, 22 March 1791, Paris, cited by Richard Butterwick, Poland’s Last King and English Culture: Stanisław August Poniatowski, 1732–1798 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998), 141.

90. Pennsylvania Gazette, 18 August 1790.

91. “Interview between the Emperor and the King of Prussia,” Public Advertiser, 2 September 1791.

92. Gazeta Narodowa i Obca, 1 January 1791, cited by Grossbart, “La presse polonaise,” 146.

93. Leśnodorski, Les Jacobins polonais, 7.

94. Hiacynthe Malachowski to Bucholz cited ibid., 11.

95. Public Advertiser, 13 August 1792.

96. Hugo Kollataj, [Ignacy Potocki, Franciszek K. Dmochowski], O ustanowieniu I upadku Konstytucji polskiej 3 Maja 1791 roku, cited by Kowecki, “The Kościuszko Insurrection,” 499.

97.Pierre Lebrun cited by William Fiddian Reddaway, The Cambridge History of Poland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971) 2: 150.

98. Act of Insurrection, in Miecislaus Haimon, Kościuszko: Leader and Exile (New York: Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences in America, 1946), 131.

99. Kościuszko cited by Leśnodorski, Les Jacobins polonais, 89.

100. Catherine II to Marshal Suvorov, cited by R. R. Palmer, Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760–1800 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), 2: 155.

101. J. Pawlekowski, Journal, 71, cited by Leśnodorski, Les Jacobins polonais, 168.

102. W. Kalinka cited ibid., 168.

103. De Omwenteling in Polen onder den Burger-Generaal. Thaddaeus Kosciuszko, Vercierd met het welgelijkend portrait van dien onstervellijken Vrijheids-Vriend (Amsterdam), Universiteitsbibliotheek, Leiden.

104. Nouvelles politiques, 21 May 1794, cited by Higonnet, Goodness without Virtue, 179.

105. Annales politiques civiles et littéraires, 3: 349.

106. Révolutions de France et de Brabant, 3: 131.

107. Ibid., 1: 27, 3: 131.

108. Courrier de l’Europe, 29 (7 January 1791): 14.

109. André Chénier, Le Journal de Paris, 26 February 1792, in Gilcrest and Murray, The Press in the French Revolution, 175–77.

110. La Politique Hollandois, 5 November 1781, 1.

111. Joel Barlow, Advice to the Privileged Orders (1792), cited by Cotlar, Tom Paine’s America, 41.

112. Cocarde nationale cited by J. F. Bertaud, “Histoire de la presse et revolution,” Annales historiques de la révolution française 285 (1991): 285.

113. London Corresponding Society cited by Ian Dyck, “Thomas Paine: World Citizen in the Age of Nationalism,” in Thomas Paine: In Search of the Common Good, ed. Joyce Chumbley and Leo Zonneveld (Nottingham: Spokesman, 2009), 34.

114. Marat, L’Ami du Peuple, 23 September 1789, 116.

115. Edmund Burke, 28 December 1792, cited by Boyd Hilton, A Mad, Bad, and Dangerous People? England, 1783–1846 (Oxford: Clarendon, 2006), 62.

116. Republican Society of South Carolina, Charleston, Declaration of the Friends of Liberty and National Justice, 13 July 1793, cited by Philip Foner, The Democratic Republican Societies, 1790–1800 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1976), 379.

117. William Cooper, Massachusetts Constitutional Society, Boston, 13 January 1794, Evans Early American Imprints.

CHAPTER 5. RUMORS OF FREEDOM IN THE CARIBBEAN

1. Unsigned letter, Saint Lucia, 22 October 1789, C 10 C 5, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

2. George Pinckard, Notes on the West Indies (London, 1816), 1: 229, cited by Julius Sherrard Scott III, “The Common Wind: Currents of Afro-American Communication in the Era of the Haitian Revolution,” Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1986, 129.

3. César Henri de la Lucerne cited by Julius S. Scott, “’Negroes in Foreign Bottoms’: Sailors, Slaves, and Communication,” in Origins of the Black Atlantic, ed. Laurent Dubois and Julius S. Scott (New York: Routledge, 2010), 72.

4. Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1770–1848 (New York: Verso, 1988), 163.

5. “Notes sur la situation,” 20 October 1792, CC 9A 16, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

6. Sue Peabody, “Négresse, Mulâtresse, Citoyenne: Gender and Emancipation in the French Caribbean, 1650–1848,” in Gender and Slave Emancipation in the Atlantic World, ed. Pamela Scully and Diana Paton (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005), 61.

7. James Eyma cited by Anne Pérotin-Dumon, “Les Jacobins des Antilles ou l’esprit de liberté dans les Iles du Vent,” Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 35 (1988): 284.

8. Nicolas-Robert Cocherel, “Observations sur la demande des mulâtres,” AD XVIIIc 118, no. 13, Archives Nationales, Paris, cited by Florence Gauthier, “Comment la nouvelle de l’insurrection des esclaves de Saint Domingue fut-elle reçue en France,” in L’insurrection des esclaves de Saint-Domingue, ed. Laennec Hurbon (Paris: Editions Karthala, 2000), 19.

9. Georges Danton cited by Laurent Dubois, “’The Price of Liberty’: Victor Hugues and the Administration of Freedom in Guadeloupe, 1794–1798,” William and Mary Quarterly 56 (1999): 379.

10. Malick Ghachem, The Old Regime and the Haitian Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 273–76; and Wim Klooster, “Le décret d’émancipation imaginaire: Monarchisme et esclavage en Amérique du Nord et dans la Caraïbe au temps des revolutions,” Annales historiques de la révolution française 1 (2011): 111–28. On royalism in the Iberian Atlantic, see Jane Landers, Atlantic Creoles in the Age of Revolutions (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010); and Gabriel Paquette, Imperial Portugal in the Age of Atlantic Revolutions: The Luso-Brazilian World, c. 1770–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013).

11. Yves Benot, La Guyane sous la Révolution française (Paris: Ibis Rouge Éditions, 1997).

12. Unsigned Letter, Saint Lucia, 14 October 1790, C 10 C 5, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence; and Report, 6 September 1790, C 10 C 5, Saint Lucia, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

13.Michael Craton, Testing the Chains: Resistance to Slavery in the British West Indies (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1982), 175.

14. Governor Keith to Lord Germaine, 6 August 1776, cited by Richard B. Sheridan, “The Jamaican Slave Insurrection Scare of 1776 and the American Revolution,” Journal of Negro History 61, no. 3 (1976): 298.

15. General John Grizell to General Palmer, 19 July 1776, cited ibid., 296.

16. Andrew Jackson O’Shaughnessy, An Empire Divided: The American Revolution and the British Caribbean (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000), 56; and W. J. Gardner, A History of Jamaica: From Its Discovery by Christopher Columbus to the Year 1872 (London: Frank Cass, 1971), 144.

17. Five hundred fifty Trelawney Maroons were sent to Halifax in 1796, a measure intended by the Jamaican Assembly “to dispose of the body of people who had given them so much uneasiness.” From there they sailed to Sierra Leone and put down the insurrection of the black residents of Freetown. R. C. Dallas, The History of the Maroons, from their Origin to the Establishment of their Chief Tribe at Sierra Leone (London: T. N. Longman and O. Rees, 1803), 2: 196.

18. Dr. John Lindsay to Dr. William Robertson, 6 August 1776, St. Jago de la Vega, Jamaica, cited by Sheridan, “Jamaican Slave Insurrection Scare,” 301.

19. Rev. John Lindsay cited by Craton, Testing the Chains, 172.

20. Selwyn H. H. Carrington, “The American Revolution and the British West Indies’ Economy,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1987): 827.

21. Lord Effingham to Henry Dundas, 17 September 1791, Colonial Office Records 137/89, National Archives, cited by Scott, “The Common Wind,” 143.

22. John Whittaker to J. L. Winn, 11 January 1792, Colonial Office Records 137/90, National Archives, cited ibid., 19–20.

23. Luckey, “Examinations of sundry Slaves in the Parish of St. Ann Jamaica respecting an intention to revolt,” 31 December 1791, 11 January 1792, and the examinations of Duke and Glamorgan, “Examinations of sundry Slaves in the Parish of Trelawny Jamaica,” 5 January 1792, Colonial Office Records 137/90, National Archives, cited ibid., 19.

24. Report of Robert Parker in “Minutes of the proceedings of the Committee of Secrecy and Safety in the Parish of St. James’s, Jamaica,” Colonial Office Records 137/90, National Archives, London, cited ibid., 20.

25. On the black loyalists in Jamaica, see Maya Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary World (New York: Knopf, 2011), especially chapter 8. On support for the king among slaves and creoles, see also Landers, Atlantic Creoles in the Age of Revolutions, 235.

26. Clarke to Sydney, 22 April 1788, Colonial Office Papers 137/87, National Archives, London, cited by Scott, “The Common Wind,” 131.

27.Dallas, History of the Maroons, 1: 167. On those harsh conditions see Vincent Brown, The Reaper’s Garden: Death and Power in the World of Atlantic Slavery (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008).

28. Williamson to Dundas, 6 November 1791, C.O. 137/89 cited by Scott, “The Common Wind,” 211.

29. Cited by David Geggus, “The Enigma of Jamaica in the 1790s: New Light on the Causes of Slave Rebellions,” William and Mary Quarterly 44 (1987): 277.

30. The causes of the Second Maroon War had more to do with the shortage of land and grievances related to the treaty with the British than with the French Revolution. Even if French agents did not directly instigate the rebellion, as colonial officials suspected, rumors in Jamaica among slaves as well as the Maroons that in France “all are Citizens and upon a footing” may have contributed. Historian Michael Craton concludes that by the time the messages of revolution reached the British islands, they were so convoluted and confused that they did little to inspire insurrection; Craton, Testing the Chains, 213.

31. Savanna-la Mar Gazette, 9 September 1788, cited by Scott, “The Common Wind,” 159.

32. Yves Benot, “La chaine des insurrections d’esclaves aux Caraïbes,” in Les abolitions de l’esclavage 1793, 1794, 1848, de L. F. Sonthonax à V. Schoelcher, ed. Marcel Dorigny (Vincennes: Presses Universitaires de Vincennes, 1995), 179–86.

33. [Felix Carteau], Soirées bermudiennes, ou entretiens sur les événemens qui ont opéré la ruine de la partie française de l’isle Saint-Domingue (Bordeaux, 1802), 75–78, cited by Scott, “The Common Wind,” 170.

34. Baron de Wimpffen, Saint Domingue à la veille de la Révolution, ed. Albert Savinne (Paris: Louis Michaud, 1911), 19.

35. The largest of the Antilles after Cuba, in 1777 Saint-Domingue was split between Spain and France; the French territory was divided into Northern, Southern, and Western provinces, separated by mountain ranges. Until 1787, when slaves carved a stairway up the mountains, travel between the two major cities, Le Cap in the Northern Province and Port au Prince in the Western Province, was possible only by sea.

36. Wimpffen, Saint Domingue, 28.

37. John Garrigus contrasts this biological definition of race in Saint-Domingue with the social categories that continued to define race in Jamaica. There, Raimond would have been considered part of the slaveowning elite. John D. Garrigus, Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue (New York: Palgrave, 2006). See also Ghachem, The Old Regime and the Haitian Revolution, 239–43.

38. “Lettre des députés de Saint Domingue à messieurs les rédacteurs du Journal de Paris” (1789), discussed by Malick W. Ghachem, “The Coming of the Haitian Revolution 1789–1791,” work paper no. 01–05, International Seminar on the History of the Atlantic World, 1500–1800, Harvard University.

39. Ghachem, The Old Regime and the French Revolution, 205.

40.M. le comte de Peiner, 10 August 1789, C 9A 163, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

41. Vincent, Port au Prince, 3 July 1789, C 9A 162, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

42. Vincent and Durant, 14 August 1789, C 9A 162, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

43. Nouvelles de Saint Domingue, D/XXV/115, Archives Nationales, Paris; Carolyn E. Fick, The Making of Haiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1990), 82–84; Laurent Dubois, Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004), 86–88; and Blanche Maurel, Saint Domingue et la Revolution francaise (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France 1943).

44. Maximilien Robespierre cited by Carolyn E. Fick, “The French Revolution in Saint Domingue,” in A Turbulent Time: The French Revolution and the Greater Caribbean, ed. David Barry Gaspar and David Patrick Geggus (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 58–59. On Robespierre’s position that the free people of color already enjoyed the rights of active citizens under the terms of the Code Noir, see Ghachem, The Old Regime and the French Revolution, 245.

45. Camille Desmoulins cited by Benot, La Guyane sous la Révolution française, 76.

46. Benot, “Chaine des insurrections,” 180. Rumors coming from all different directions, in the words of historian Julius Scott, “intertwined and reinforced one another” in Saint-Domingue; Scott, “The Common Wind,” 193. On the king’s role in mitigating torture based on provisions of the Code Noir, see Ghachem, The Old Regime and the Haitian Revolution, especially chapter 5.

47. According to Carolyn Fick, insurrection in the south of the island “originated in a rumor the slaves believed to be true, expected to be implemented, and for which they were determined to risk their lives”; Fick, “The French Revolution in Saint Domingue,” 63.

48. Boukman Dutty cited by Carolyn E. Fick, “The Saint Domingue Slave Insurrection of 1791: A Socio-Political and Cultural Analysis,” Journal of Caribbean History 25 (1991): 4. On the ceremony see Robin Law, “La cérémonie du Bois Caïman et le ‘pacte de sang’ dahoméen,” in Hurbon, L’insurrection des esclaves de Saint-Domingue, 131–48; and David Geggus, “La cérémonie du Bois Caïmen,” ibid., 149–70. The timing of the insurrection is not certain. Different sources contradict one another.

49. No contemporary sources mention this ceremony, now popularly celebrated as the beginning of the insurrection of 1791. The historian David Geggus believes the details of the ceremony have been embellished with poetic license by generations of historians, beginning with the imagination of Moreau de Saint Méry; Geggus, “La cérémonie du Bois Caïmen,” 163.

50.Accounts of the insurrection are many, including Fick, “The Saint Domingue Slave Insurrection of 1791”; Fick, The Making of Haiti, 91–117; Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 91–114; and Hurbon, L’insurrection des esclaves de Saint-Domingue.

51. “A letter from James Perkins Esq, resident at Cape François 9 Sept 1791,” in the Boston, Independent Chronicle and universal Advertiser, 20 October 1791, cited by Fick, “The Saint Domingue Slave Insurrection of 1791,” 8. For a study of fear, see Mariselle Meléndez, “Fear as a Political Construct: Imagining the Revolution and the Nation in Peruvian Newspapers, 1791–1824,” in Liberty! Égalité! Independencia! Print Culture, Enlightenment, and Revolution in the Americas, 1776–1838 (Worcester, Mass.: American Antiquarian Society, 2007), 41–56.

52. See John K. Thornton, “African Soldiers in the Haitian Revolution,” in Dubois and Scott, Origins of the Black Atlantic, 195–213; John Thornton, “African Soldiers in the Haitian Revolution,” Journal of Caribbean History 25 (1991): 59–80; and John Thornton, “’I am the Subject of the King of Kongo’: African Political Ideology and the Haitian Revolution,” Journal of World History 4 (1993): 181–214.

53. Cited by Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 94.

54. Deposition, Le Cap 27 Sept 1791, AN DXXV 78 722. AA 183, French National Archives, cited by Fick, “The Saint Domingue Slave Insurrection of 1791,” 18.

55. Cited by Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 96.

56. “La Révolution de Saint Domingue,” cited by Jeremy Popkin, You Are All Free: The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of Slavery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 75.

57. Michael Duffy, “The French Revolution and British Attitudes to the West Indian Colonies,” in Gaspar and Geggus, A Turbulent Time, 82–83.

58. “Indeed, the fear of slave uprisings was as contagious as was the lure to invest in more slaves,” historian Jeremy Adelman writes; Adelman, Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), 84. See also Peter Blanchard, Under the Flags of Freedom: Slave Soldiers and the Wars of Independence in Spanish South America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2008), 10; François Xavier Guerra, Modernidad E independencies, Ensayos sobre la revoluciones hispánicas (Madrid: Ediotrial Mapfre, 1992), 38; Lyman L. Johnson, Workshop of Revolution: Plebian Buenos Aires and the Atlantic World, 1776–1810 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011), 151, 154–58; Landers, Atlantic Creoles in the Age of Revolutions, 51; Claudia Rosas Lauro, “El Miedo a la revolución. Rumores y temores desatados por la Revolución Francesa en el Perú,” in El Miedo en el Perú. Siglos XVI al XX, ed. Claudia Rosas Lauro (Lima: Pontificia Universidadad Católica del Perú, 2005), 139–66; and Gabriel Paquettte, Imperial Portugal in the Age of Atlantic Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 104.

59. Aline Helg, Liberty and Equality in Caribbean Colombia, 1770–1835 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 118.

60.AHU, DA, Caisa 157, doc. 53 cited by Adelman, Sovereignty and Revolution, 91.

61. Jacques-Pierre Brissot, “Discours sur un projet de décret relatif à la révolte des noirs,” 30 October 1791, 2.

62. Philadelphia General Advertiser, 10–11 October 1791, cited by Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 105.

63. See David Geggus, “Print Culture and the Haitian Revolution: The Written and the Spoken Word,” Liberty! Égalité! Independencia! 79–96; and David Geggus, “Slave Resistance and Emancipation: The Case of Saint-Domingue,” in Who Abolished Slavery: Slave Revolts and Abolitionism, A Debate with João Pedro Marques, ed. Seymour Drescher and Pieter C. Emmer (New York: Berghahn, 2010): 112–19.

64. M. L. E. Moreau de Saint Méry, Considérations présentées aux vrais amis du repos et du bonheur de la France, a l’occasion de nouveaux mouvemens de quelques soi-disant Amis des Noirs (Paris: L’Imprimerie Nationale, 1791).

65. Jean-Paul Marat cited by Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 129.

66. Olympe de Gouges cited ibid., 129. See also Gregory S. Brown, “The Self-Fashionings of Olympe de Gouges, 1784–1789,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 34 (2001): 383–40.

67. Governor Blanchelande cited by Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 139.

68. Blanchelande, 23 January 1792, C9A 166, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence; and Blanchelande, 25 January 1792, C 9A 166, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

69. Corréspondance d’Assemblées provinciales. Les commerçants et colons de St. Domingue ci devant à Nantes, CC 9A 6, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

70. Cited by Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 105.

71. Cited ibid., 130.

72. Anne Pérotin-Dumon, “Free Coloreds and Slaves in Revolutionary Guadeloupe,” in The Lesser Antilles in the Age of European Expansion, ed. Robert Paquette and Stanley Engerman (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1996), 259–60.

73. Baron de Clugny, 20 July 1790, C 7A 44, number 36, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

74. Cited by Anne Pérotin-Dumon, “The Emergence of Politics among Free-Coloureds and Slaves in Revolutionary Guadeloupe,” Journal of Caribbean History 25 (1991): 115.

75. Baron de Clugny, 30 November 1790, C 7A 44, number 47, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

76. Baron de Clugny, 3 June 1791, C 7A 45, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

77. “Relation des événements qui se sont passés de l’insurrection de la compagnie,” Point à Pitre, CC 9A 16, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

78.Jean-Baptiste Lacrosse cited by Anne Pérotin-Dumon, Être patriote sous les tropiques: la Guadeloupe, la colonisation et la Révolution (Basse-terre, Guadeloupe: Société d’histoire de la Guadeloupe, 1985), 169.

79. “Adresse des nouveaux citoyens,” 3 March 1793, C 7A 46, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

80. Lacrosse, Capitaine de Vaisseaux de la Republique Française, Commandant la Frigate La Felicité, “Le Dernier Moyen de Conciliation entre la Mère Patrie et les Colonies revoltées,” C 10 C 6, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

81. Pierre-Claude Gerlain, “Mémoire sur la Guadeloupe,” cited by Anne Pérotin-Dumon, “Les Jacobins des Antilles ou l’esprit de liberté dans les Iles du Vent,” Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 35 (1988): 286.

82. Historian Laurent Dubois documents the “links between plantations of different regions and between slaves and free [that] provided the channels through which plans, ideas, and rumors could travel”; Laurent Dubois, A Colony of Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French Caribbean, 1787–1804 (Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 134.

83. General Advertiser (Philadelphia), 31 May 1793, cited ibid., 130.

84. “Rapport du comité,” 8 May 1793, in AN D XXV, 129, 1008, nos. 7–13, cited ibid., 134; and Pérotin-Dumon, “Emergence of Politics,” 118.

85. “Extrait des régistres de la Société des amis de la République française,” 5 February 1794, AN, AD VII, 21 C, no. 45, cited by Dubois, A Colony of Citizens, 150.

86. Report of the Sainte-Anne municipal bureau on August 26, AN DXXV/121, 959, Archives Nationales, Paris, cited by Pérotin-Dumon, “Emergence of Politics,” 123.

87. Cited by Pérotin-Dumon, “Free Coloreds and Slaves in Revolutionary Guadeloupe,” 272.

88. Deputé de la Guadeloupe, C 7A 49, 122, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence. French military officials specified alarms to be raised in case of attack—two shots from the cannon followed by the raising of a red flag—to prevent the myriad of false alarms from inciting unrest. Only official couriers, or dragons, were authorized to carry the message from one part of the island to another.

89. Victor Hugues to Comité du Salut public, 10 December 1794, C 7A, 47, 37, in Archives d’Outre Mer cited by Dubois, A Colony of Citizens, 211.

90. Victor Hugues, “Arrête,” C 7A 48, 41, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

91. Victor Hugues, “Bref détail de ce qui s’est passé à Marie Galante,” C 7A 48, 235, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

92. “Les Commissaires Délégués aux Ministre de la Marine et des Colonies,” 9 August 1796, ANSOM C7A 49, 43–45 cited by Dubois, “’The Price of Liberty,’” 387.

93. Blanchelande to MM. Les commissaires civiles avant leur arrivée, 15 September 1792, CC 9A 6, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

94.The Charibbean Register, or Ancient and Original Dominica Gazette, 26 March 1791 in C.O. 71/20, National Archives, cited by Scott, “The Common Wind,” 200.

95. “Mémoire du Roy pour servir d’instruction aux Polverel, Sonthonax, et Ailhard,” D XXV 4, Archives Nationales de France, Paris.

96. On the efforts by whites to discredit the commissioners see Ashli White, Encountering Revolution: Haiti and the Making of the Early Republic (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), 99–100.

97. Jean-Antoine Ailhaud, Étienne Polverel, and Léger Félicité Sonthonax, 25 August 1792, D XXV 4, Archives Nationales de France, Paris.

98. Jean-Antoine Ailhaud, Étienne Polverel, and Léger Félicité Sonthonax, 23 August 1792, D XXV 4, Archives Nationales de France, Paris.

99. “Lettre de la Paroisse d’Ouananminthe à l’Assemblée du Cap,” 27 August 1790 in Nouvelles de Saint Domingue, 1, D XXV 115, Archives Nationales de France, Paris.

100. Rapport de Guadeloupe, C 7A 47, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence; see also CC 9A 16, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

101. Léger Félicité Sonthonax cited by Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 154.

102. “Détail des événements qui se sont passés au Cap dans les journées des 20, 21, 22 et 23 juin 1793,” cited by Popkin, You Are All Free, 185.

103. Declaration of Lefebvre, Brest, 26 mess. II cited ibid., 193.

104. My Odyssey, cited ibid., 203.

105. Étienne Polverel and Léger Félicité Sonthonax cited by Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 159.

106. Jeremy Popkin defines the offer as “a turning point in the struggle over slavery.” This was no military expedient, Popkin argues, contrasting the commissioner’s proclamation of freedom for soldiers to Lord Dunmore’s offer to slaves on patriots’ plantations in America; Popkin, You Are All Free, 213.

107. “Historic Narrative,” cited ibid., 221. See Popkin for a detailed narrative and analysis of the events of 20 and 21 June 1793.

108. François Laplace, Histoire des desastres de Saint-Domingue, cited ibid., 242.

109. J. Garnier cited by Florence Gaulthier, “Le rôle de la députation de Saint-Domingue dans l’abolition de l’esclavage,” in Dorigny, Les abolitions de l’esclavage, 203.

110. Bramante Lazzary cited by Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 163.

111. Archives parlementaires cited ibid., 170.

112. Geggus, “Slave Resistance and Emancipation,” 113. The insurrections in Saint-Domingue, the largest slave rebellion in the Americas, constituted a necessary, if not a sufficient cause of the abolition of slavery, historian David Geggus argues. Legal historian Malick Ghachem understands the events of 1793–94 as part of a longer process of transforming the Code Noir; Ghachem, The Old Regime and the Haitian Revolution, 255–57.

113. Abbé Grégoire cited by Popkin, You Are All Free, 365.

114. Toussaint Louverture cited by Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 182. See also Srinivas Aravamudan, Tropicopolitans: Colonialism and Agency, 1688–1804 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1990).

115. Cited by Geggus, “Print Culture and the Haitian Revolution,” 85.

116. General Victor Collot, 23 May 1792, C 7A 46, 233, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

117. “Extrait de la dépêche de l’Assemblée Coloniale de Sainte-Lucie le Fidèle, à la Convention Nationale, du 9 Juillet 1793, l’an 21ème de la Republique Française,” C 10 C 6, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

118. The idea of reading against the grain comes from Laurent Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 6.

119. Ada Ferrer, “Talk about Haiti: The Archive and the Atlantic’s Revolution,” in Tree of Liberty: Cultural Legacies of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, ed. Doris L. Garraway (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008), 30. On revolts in Cuba in the 1790s, see David Patrick Geggus, “Slave Resistance in the Spanish Caribbean in the Mid–1790s,” in Gaspar and Geggus, A Turbulent Time, 131–55.

120. Sue Peabody, “A Dangerous Zeal: Catholic Missions to Slaves in the French Antilles, 1635–1800,” French Historical Studies 25 (2002): 89.

121. Jorge Biassou and Captain General Joaquín, cited by Landers, Atlantic Creoles in the Age of Revolutions, 78–81.

122. C 7A 47, 35, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

123. General Victor Collot, C 7A 46, 8, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

124. Sonthonax cited by Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 207.

125. General Collot, C 7A 46, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence. Collot went on to explore the Illinois and Louisiana territories, seeking economic opportunities before being arrested by the Spanish in New Orleans in 1796.

126. Leonora Sansay, The Secret History; or, The Horrors of St. Domingo in a Series of Letters Written by a Lady at Cape Francois, to Colonel Burr, Late Vice-President of the United States, Principally during the Command of General Rochambeau (Philadelphia: Bradford and Inskeep, 1808), 3, Early American Imprints, series 2, no. 15201.

127. Ibid., 34.

CHAPTER 6. THE REVOLUTIONARY HOUSEHOLD IN FICTION

1. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Émile, or On Eduation (1762; New York: Basic, 1979), 358. See Susan Moller Okin, Women in Western Political Thought (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), 116–18.

2.Rousseau, Émile, 365. Annie Smart argues that Rousseau’s ideal wife was a thinking being, a civic mother. That interpretation lends itself more readily to his adoption by all of the novelists considered in this chapter; Annie K. Smart, Citoyennes: Women and the Ideal of Citizenship in Eighteenth-Century France (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2011).

3. Mary Wollstonecraft, Maria, or The Wrongs of Woman, in Mary and Maria, Matilda, ed. Janet Todd (1798: London: Penguin Classics, 1992), 59.

4. Ibid., 59. Nicola Watson explains that sentimental novels “typically dramatized subjectivity as fragmentary, passionate to the point of irrationality and peculiarly unfitted to do more than sympathize with, and occasionally relieve, local distress.” Nicola J. Watson, Revolution and the Form of the British Novel, 1790–1825: Intercepted Letters, Interrupted Seductions (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 24.

5. Countess Flahaut, Adéle de Senange ou Lettres de Lord Sydenham en Deux Volumes (London: Debrett, 1794), i.

6. Lynn Hunt, The Family Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).

7. Sarah Knott, Sensibility and the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 12.

8. Hunt, The Family Romance, 4.

9. Knott, Sensibility and the American Revolution, 21.

10. Carla Hesse, The Other Enlightenment: How French Women Became Modern (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 147. For a discussion of American novels in this context, see Cathy N. Davidson, Revolution and the Word: The Rise of the Novel in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).

11. Mary Wollstonecraft cited by Barbara Taylor, Mary Wollstonecraft and the Feminist Imagination (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 148.

12. Mary Hays, Letters and Essays, Moral, and Miscellaneous (London: T. Knott, 1793), 17.

13. Lieve van Ollefen, Het riete Kluisje van mejuffrouw Elizabeth Wolff (Amsterdam: Elwe, 1784), 7.

14. Karin Westerink, “Het Interieur van het Kluisje van Betje Wolff in Beverwijk (1782–1788),” in O Laage Hut! Meer grootsch dan vorstelyke Hoven. Het Kluisje van Betje Wolff en Aagje Deken in Beverwijk (Beverwijk: De Stichting tot Behoud van het Tuinshuisje van de Dames Betje Wolff en Aagje Deken te Beverwijk, nd).

15. Eve Tavor Bannet, Empire of Letters: Letter Manuals and Transatlantic Correspondence, 1680–1820 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 1.

16. Betje Wolff to Govert Jan van Rijswij, n.d., in Betje Wolff and Aagje Deken, Briefwisseling van Betje Wolff en Aagje Deken, ed. P. J. Buijnsters (Utrecht: HES Uitgevers, 1987) 2: 505.

17. Betje Wolff, Proeve over de Opvoeding aan de Nederlandsche Moeders, door E. Bekker, wed. A Wolff (Amsterdam: Johannes Allart, 1779), 3, vii, 32–33.

18.Betje Wolff cited by Marijke Meijer Drees, “Bekker, Elisabeth,” Instituut voor Nederlands Geschiedenis, Digitaal Vrouwenlexicon van Nederland, http:/www.inghist.nl/Onderzoek/Projecten/DVN/lemmata/data/Bekker.

19. Betje Wolff to Maaraten Houttuyn cited by P. J. Buijnsters, Wolff en Deken. Een Biografie (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 1984), 33.

20. Betje Wolff cited ibid., 71.

21. Sarah Knott has called it a “marriage rewritten in friendship’s light.” Usually this marriage of friends is described, as Knott does, in America. Visitors from Europe idealized the companionate marriage they imagined from travelers’ glimpses into American homes; Knott, Sensibility and the American Revolution, 22.

22. Betje Wolff and Aagje Deken, De Historie van Mejuffrouw Sara Burgerhart (1782; Amsterdam: Wereldbibliotheek, 1905), 19.

23. See April Alliston, Virtue’s Faults: Correspondences in Eighteenth-Century British and French Women’s Fiction (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), chapter 4, for a discussion of the spectral mother.

24. Wolff and Deken, Sara Burgerhart, 135, 74.

25. Ibid., 181, 115, 135.

26. Ibid., 290.

27. Ibid., 308.

28. Ibid., 345, 325.

29. Mary Wollstonecraft, Vindication of the Rights of Woman, with Strictures on Moral and Political Subjects (1792; New York: Norton, 1988), 10.

30. Mary Wollstonecraft, Thoughts on the Education of Daughters with Reflections on Female Conduct in the more Important Duties of Life (London: J. Johnson, 1787), 54.

31. Mary Wollstonecraft cited by Taylor, Mary Wollstonecraft and the Feminist Imagination, 1.

32. Mary Wollstonecraft, Mary, in Todd, Mary and Maria, Matilda, 17.

33. Ibid., 2, 33, 31.

34. Ibid., 49, 53; italics in original.

35. Mary Wollstonecraft cited by Mary A. Waters, “’The First of a New Genus’: Mary Wollstonecraft as a Literary Critic and Mentor to Mary Hays,” Eighteenth Century Studies 37 (2004): 415.

36. Mary Hays to William Godwin, 11 May 1796, cited by Gina M. Luria, “Mary Hays’s Letters and Manuscripts,” in Signs 3 (1977): 528.

37. Mary Hays, Memoirs of Emma Courtney (1794; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996).

38. Ibid., 124, 161.

39. Ibid., 39.

40. Ibid., 4, 139, 117; italics in original. Initially, Hays’s novel was well reviewed, especially by such liberal magazines as the Analytical Review. It was only later, after the publication of Godwin’s Memoirs of the Author of a Vindication of the Rights of Woman and the discrediting of Mary Wollstonecraft as the mother of an illegitimate child and the author of letters to her lover Gilbert Imlay, that critics attacked Hays’s protagonist, Emma. Reverend Richard Polwhele caricatured her in his poem The Unsex’d Females.

41. Historian Michael Rapport describes “’cosmopolitanism’ in the old sense” as “fitting chameleon-like into élite society across Europe”; Rapport, Nationality and Citizenship in Revolutionary France: The Treatment of Foreigners, 1789–1799 (Oxford: Clarendon, 2000), 139.

42. Isabelle de Charrière cited in Une Européenne. Isabelle de Charrière en son siècle. Actes du colloque de Neuchâtel, 11–13 novembre 1993, ed. Doris Jakubec and Jean-Daniel Candaux (Hauterive-Neuchâtel: Gilles Attinger, 1994), 60.

43. Belle van Zuylen cited by W. H. de Beaufort, “De Meisjesjaren van Mevrouw de Charrière,” De Gids 72 (1908): 112. See also Aimé Guedj, “Isabelle de Charrière et le sentiment national dans l’Europe des Lumières,” in Expansions, ruptures et continuités de l’idée européenne, ed. Daniel Minary (Besançon: Les Belles Lettres, 1993), 69–109; and Margriet Lacy, “Belle van Zuylen—Isabelle de Charrière (1740–1805). Tradition and Defiance,” Canadian Journal of Netherlandic Studies—Revue canadienne d’études néerlandaises 11, no. 2 (1990): 35.

44. Charles Emmanuel de Charrière to Mme. Charrière de Mex cited by William and Clara Sévery, La vie de société dans le pays de Vaud à la fin du dix-huitième siècle (Lausanne: Georges Bridel, 1911–12), 2: 103.

45. Isabelle de Charrière, Lettres de Mistriss Henley publiées par son amie (Geneva: 1784), 102.

46. Ibid., 104.

47. De Charrière turns Samuel Constant’s novel Le Mari sentimental ou le marriage comme il y en a quelques-uns on its head “by giving voice not to the upright husband but to the restless wife, who is represented as the victim of her husband’s very righteousness through a dissociation of ‘right’ (raison) from ‘reason’ (raison)”; Susan Sniader Lanser,Fictions of Authority: Women Writers and Narrative Voice (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992), 144.

48. Isabelle de Charrière, Lettres écrites de Lausanne, cited by Joan Hinde Stewart, Gynographs: French Novels by Women of the Late Eighteenth Century (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), 112–13.

49. Wollstonecraft, Maria, 68, 121.

50. Ibid., 145, 114.

51. Their fictive but realistic protagonists struggled valiantly within what literary critic Ruth Perry identifies as “the refracted reality” of their societies; Ruth Perry, Novel Relations: The Transformation of Kinship in English Literature and Culture, 1748–1818 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 314.

52. Wollstonecraft, Maria, 68, 61, 115, 64, 93, 83.

53.Betje Wolff to Jan Everhard Grave, 13 October 1776, cited by Wies Roosenchoon, Leven & Werk van Betje Wolff & Aagje Deken (Beemester: Historisch Genootschap J. A. Leeghwater, 1986), 25. That Wolff and Deken alone of the novelists not only imagine a happy household but create one for themselves suggests, as Susan Lanser advises, “that we scrutinize what passes for the heteronormative to see where it might already carry the seeds of its own resistance or critique”; Susan Lanser, “Of Closed Doors and Open Hatches: Heternormative Plots in Eighteenth-Century (Women’s) Studies,” Eighteenth Century: Theory and Interpretation (ECTI) 53 (2012): 283.

54. Mary Wollstonecraft to Gilbert Imlay, 31 December 1793, in Memoirs of Mary Wollstonecraft, ed. William Godwin (London: Constable, 1927), xlv.

55. Ibid., 65.

56. Wollstonecraft, Vindication of the Rights of Woman, 118.

57. Ibid., 140.

58. Ibid., 21.

59. Mary Wollstonecraft, Thoughts on the Education of Daughters (1787; Bristol: Thoemmes, 1995), 99–100. Wollstonecraft is not alone in making this argument. Catharine Macaulay had argued against the training of girls “to lisp with their tongues, to totter in their walk, and to counterfeit more weakness and sickness than they really have, in order to attract the notice of the male”; Macaulay, Letters on Education (1790), cited by Lyndall Gordon, Vindication: A Life of Mary Wollstonecraft (New York: Harper Perennial, 2005), 151.

60. Hays, Memoirs of Emma Courtney, 90.

61. Cited by Eleanor Ty, Introduction, to Hays, Memoirs of Emma Courtney, xxxvii.

62. Mary Wollstonecraft cited by Taylor, Mary Wollstonecraft, 2.

63. Mary Wollstonecraft cited ibid., 195.

64. Isabelle de Charrière to Mlle. Hardy, 26 September 1794, cited by Hesse, The Other Enlightenment, 129.

65. Margriet Bruijn Lacy, “Noblesse Oblige: Belle van Zuylen and Social Responsability,” in The Great Emporium: The Low Countries as a Cultural Crossroads in the Renaissance and the Eighteenth Century, ed. C. C. Barfoot and R. Todd (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1992), 252.

66. Mary Wollstonecraft to Imlay cited by Taylor, Mary Wollstonecraft, 195.

67. Mary Wollstonecraft, Introduction to “Letters on the French Nation,” in Posthumous Works by the Author of a Vindication of the Rights of Woman in Four Volumes (London: J. Johnson, 1798), 4: 43

68. Aagje Deken and Betje Wolff to Chr. A. Nissen and Magdalena Nissen-Greeger, in Betje Wolff and Aagje Deken, Briefwisseling van Betje Wolff en Aagje Deken, ed. P. J. Buijnsters (Utrecht: HES Uitgevers, 1987), 2: 562. See also Myriam Everard, “’Twee dames hollandoises’ in Trevoux. De politieke ballingschap van Elisabeth Wolff en Agatha Deken, 1788–1797,” De Achttiende Eeuw 38 (2006): 147–67.

69. Aagje Deken en Betje Wolff to Chr. A. Nissen and Magdalena Nissen-Greeger, in Wolff and Deken, Briefwisseling, 2: 562.

70. Liewe Van Ollefen, Het revolutionaire Huishouden (Amsterdam: Cornelius Romyn, 1798). Van Ollefen’s fellow Dutchman Gerritt Paape, back from his years of exile in France, also envisioned a family of equal partners in his play De Bataafsche Republiek, zo als zij behoord te zijn, en zo als zij weezen kan: of Revolutionnaire Droom in 1798 wegens toekomstige Gebeurtenissen tot 1998. Vrolyk en Ernstig (Amsterdam: V.d. Burg, Craijenschot, 1798).

CHAPTER 7. CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN A “VIRTUOUS SPOUSE, CHARMING FRIEND!”

1. Dena Goodman, Becoming a Woman in the Age of Letters (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2009).

2. Konstantin Dierks, In My Power: Letter Writing and Communication in Early America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009).

3. Comtesse de Damas to St. John de Crèvecoeur, 28 January [1788?], Crèvecoeur papers, Library of Congress.

4. See Diercks, In My Power, especially chapter 3.

5. Louis Otto to Nancy Shippen, reel 3, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

6. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 9 March 1790, Paris, AM MS 1448 (181), Houghton Library, Harvard University. Historian Sarah Pearsall calls these claims on sentiment “the coercive language of affection”; Pearsall, “’After All These Revolutions’: Epistolary Identities in an Atlantic World, 1760/1815,” Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2001, 94.

7. The Complete Letter-Writer, 11th ed. (1767), 333, cited by Pearsall, “’After All These Revolutions,’” 45.

8. See Sarah Knott, Sensibility and the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009).

9. Sarah M. S. Pearsall, Atlantic Families: Lives and Letters in the Later Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).

10. For this wider definition of politics, see Rosemarie Zagarri, Revolutionary Backlash: Women and Politics in the Early American Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007).

11. François Barbé-Marbois in Our Revolutionary Forefathers: The Letters of François, Marquis de Barbé-Marbois during his Residence in the United States as Secretary of the French Legation 1779–1785, ed. Eugene P. Chase (New York: Duffield, 1929), 92.

12. “I was assured that such an extreme and intimate familiarity did not detract from the innocence of the virgin,” Barbé-Marbois wrote in his journal. Barbé-Marbois noted that mothers soon forbade the practice with French officers, who apparently did not respect the innocence of their daughters. Ibid., 103.

13. Ibid., 65.

14. Ibid., 78.

15. Marquis de Chastellux, Travels in North America in the Years 1780, 1781, and 1782 (1787; New York: New York Times and Arno Press, 1968).

16. Martha Bland to Frances Bland Tucker cited by Ethel Armes, Nancy Shippen, Her Journal Book: The International Romance of a Young Lady of Fashion of Colonial Philadelphia with Letters to her and about her (1935; New York: Benjamin Blom, 1968), 102.

17. Barbé-Marbois cited by Chase, Our Revolutionary Forefathers, 162.

18. Based on Shippen’s journal, Sarah Knott uses the name Anne. I had come to know her as Nancy from her correspondence. See Knott, Sensibility and the American Revolution.

19. “A Female Education,” New York Magazine, September 1794, 590, cited by Jan Lewis, “The Republican Wife,” William and Mary Quarterly 3rd ser. 44 (1987): 702.

20. Alice Shippen to Nancy Shippen, reel 3, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress. On female education in the early republic, see Mary Kelley, Learning to Stand and Speak: Women, Education, and Public Life in America’s Republic (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006).

21. Louis Otto cited by Armes, Nancy Shippen, 82.

22. Louis Otto to Nancy Shippen, reel 3, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

23. Louis Otto cited by Armes, Nancy Shippen, 85.

24. Louis Otto to Nancy Shippen, reel 3, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

25. Ibid.

26. Henry Beekman Livingston to Nancy Shippen cited by Armes, Nancy Shippen, 19.

27. Louis Otto to Nancy Shippen, cited ibid., 96–97.

28. William Shippen to Thomas Lee Shippen, Philadelphia, 27 January 1781, cited ibid., 101.

29. Louis Otto to Nancy Shippen cited ibid., 104.

30. Louis Otto cited ibid., 80.

31. Louis Otto to Nancy Shippen, Tuesday evening, reel 3, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

32. Louis Otto to Nancy Shippen, reel 3, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

33. Louis Otto to Nancy Shippen, Tuesday evening, reel 3, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

34.Louis Otto to Nancy Shippen, 10 May, reel 2, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

35. Ibid.

36. Louis Otto to Nancy Shippen, reel 3, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

37. Frances Brooke, The History of Emily Montague (London: J Dodsley, 1769). I am grateful to Laurel Ulrich for passing along this passage found by Elaine Crane.

38. Thomas Shippen to Nancy Shippen, Philadelphia, 24 July 1781, reel 4, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

39. Nancy Shippen, Journal, reel 2, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

40. Knott, Sensibility and the American Revolution, 134–35. This moment in American history has been described by historian Sarah Knott as “between the apex of imperial crisis and the moment just before the public articulation of the American sentimental project”; ibid., 113.

41. Margaret Livingston to Nancy Shippen, 29 October 1792, reel 3, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress. On Henry Livingston’s liaisons and the “staggering number of bastard Livingston babies of a variety of hues, religious persuasions and social classes,” see Clare Brandt, An American Aristocracy: The Livingstons (New York: Doubleday, 1986), 139.

42. Nancy Shippen to Margaret Livingston, 1783, Philadelphia, reel 3, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

43. Nancy Shippen to Margaret Livingston, September 1794, reel 4, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

44. Margaret Livingston to Nancy Shippen, reel 3, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

45. Nancy Shippen to Peggy Livingston, reel 4, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

46. Nancy Shippen, Journal, 6 September 1785, in Armes, Nancy Shippen, 233.

47. Nancy Shippen, “A Journal,” ibid., 140–41.

48. Louis Otto to Nancy Shippen, 26 August [1789], cited ibid., 259.

49. Nancy Shippen cited ibid., 130.

50. Nancy Shippen, Journal, 11 May 1783, cited by Sarah Knott, Sensibility and the American Revolution, 136.

51. Nancy Shippen, Journal, reel 2, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress.

52. Brooke, Emily Montague, Letter 116. Elaine Crane has traced the letters from Adams and Shippen and the novel. On the meaning of the Declaration for Adams, see Woody Holton, “The Battle against Patriarchy that Abigail Adams Won,” in Revolutionary Founders: Rebels, Radicals, and Reformers in the Making of the Nation, ed. Alfred F. Young, Gary B. Nash, and Ray Raphael (New York: Knopf, 2011): 273–88.

53. Nancy Shippen, Journal, 19 May 1783, in Armes, Nancy Shippen, 146.

54.Louis Otto to Ministre des Affaires Étrangères, New York, 19 May 1787, cited by Peter Hill, French Perceptions of the Early American Republic, 1783–1793 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1988), 11.

55. Manasseh Cutler cited by Julia Post Mitchell, St. Jean de Crèvecoeur (New York: Columbia University Press, 1916), 280.

56. Her daughter, Eliza Otto, lived and was raised by Louis Otto. She traveled to France with Louis Otto and his second wife, América Francès (St. John) Otto, and grew up alongside their daughter, Sophie.

57. Louis Otto to Nancy Shippen, cited by Armes, Nancy Shippen, 257.

58. Ethel Armes, her biographer, writes, “The end of Nancy’s long death-in-life came in the summer of 1841. For the greater part of forty years she had been immersed in hopeless melancholy. … She took a morbid interest in composing epitaphs and hymns and in writing long confused letters of condolence, which are chiefly accounts of her dreams of the dead. Her daughter lived after her for twenty-three years. … Peggy too became a religious fanatic. … Peggy Livingston was literally buried alive. She who was the accomplished daughter of one of the first families of the United States, the most historic figure among American children in the days of the nation’s making—the pet of President Washington, of her uncle Chancellor Livingston, of her great-uncle, Richard Henry Lee, and of other statesmen of the First Congress—this gifted child strangely, terribly dropped from sight”; Armes, Nancy Shippen, 300–301.

59. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 4 June 1792, Paris, AM MS 1448 (192), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

60. Ruth Barlow to Joel Barlow, 18 January 1796, Paris, AM MS 1448 (545), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

61. Ruth Barlow to Joel Barlow, 30 Nivôse (20 January) 1796, Paris, AM MS 1448 (551), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

62. Ruth Barlow to Joel Barlow, 18 January 1796, Paris, AM MS 1448 (545), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

63. Elizabeth Whitman to Joel Barlow cited by James Woodress, A Yankee’s Odyssey (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1958), 63.

64. Elizabeth Whitman to Joel Barlow, 29 March 1779, cited by Richard Buel Jr., Joel Barlow: American Citizen in a Revolutionary World (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011), 32.

65. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 6 April 1779, New Haven, AM MS 1448 (108), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

66. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 17 April 1781, Hartford, AM MS 1448 (140), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

67. Joel Barlow to Michael Baldwin cited by Woodress, A Yankee’s Odyssey, 69.

68. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow cited ibid., 77.

69. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 11 June 1784, Hartford, AM MS 1448 (176), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

70.William Duer, a former secretary of the treasury, had acquired the right to buy four million acres in Ohio, and expected to sell them to Frenchmen with savings to invest or a reason to leave France. Barlow was teamed up with the unscrupulous English promoter William Playfair.

71. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 1 January 1790, Paris, AM MS 1448 (178), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

72. The French minister, the comte de Moustier, blamed Crèvecoeur’s idyllic depictions in Letters from an American Farmer for luring Frenchmen across the ocean in search of a fortune; Hill, French Perceptions, 161.

73. Historian Suzanne Desan characterizes the émigrés as “nervous aristocrats, restless youths with blocked careers, out-of-work servants, and artisans specializing in the luxury trades”; Desan, “Transatlantic Spaces of Revolution: The French Revolution, Sciotomanie, and American Lands,” Journal of Early Modern History 12 (2008): 468.

74. Joel Barlow cited by Woodress, A Yankee’s Odyssey, 101.

75. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow cited by Woodress, A Yankee’s Odyssey, 104–5.

76. Ruth Barlow to Mary Woolsey, 3 October 1790, AM MS 1448 (650), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

77. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 9 Janaury 1796, Marseille, AM MS 1448 (229), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

78. Joel Barlow cited by Yvon Bizardel, The First Expatriates: Americans in Paris during the French Revolution, trans. June P. Wilson and Cornelia Higginson (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1975), 143.

79. Charles Burr Todd, Life and Letters of Joel Barlow, LLD, Poet, Statesman, Philosopher (New York: Putnam, 1886).

80. Thomas Jefferson to Joel Barlow, cited by ibid., 89; and Ruth Barlow to Joel Barlow, 9 January 1793, London AM MS 1448 (539), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

81. Ruth Barlow to Joel Barlow, 28 January 1793, AM MS 1448 (540), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

82. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 16 January 1796, AM MS 1448 (236), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

83. Eight thousand dollars had been appropriated by Congress for a tribute to be paid to the dey in Algiers, in addition to twenty-seven thousand dollars’ worth of carpets, jeweled snuffboxes, robes of state, and linen, extravagant even by the diplomatic standards of the Old World.

84. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 11 February 1796, AM MS 1448 (248), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

85. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 14 March 1796, AM MS 1448 (258), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

86. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 8 July 1796, Algiers, AM MS 1448 (271), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

87.Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 3 April 1797, Algiers, AM MS 1448 (296), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

88. Ruth Barlow to Joel Barlow, 28 January 1793, London AM MS 1448 (540), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

89. “Character of a Good Husband,” Massachusetts Magazine, March 1789, 177, cited by Lewis, “The Republican Wife,” 696.

90. “On Matrimonial Felicity,” Gentleman and Lady’s Magazine, September 1784, 194; and “The Felicity of Matrimony,” Gentleman and Lady’s Magazine, August 1789, 375–76, both cited ibid., 706.

91. Ruth Barlow to Joel Barlow, 1 February 1793, London, AM MS 1448 (541), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

92. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 9 January 1796, Marseille, AM MS 1448 (229), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

93. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 2 January 1796, AM MS 1448 (232), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

94. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 13 January 1796, AM MS 1448 (233), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

95. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 15 January 1796, AM MS 1448 (235), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

96. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 21 Janaury 1796, AM MS 1448 (241), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

97. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 15 December 1792, Chambéry, AM MS 1448 (197), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

98. Joel Barlow to Ruth Barlow, 13 April 1796, Algiers, AM MS 1448 (261), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

99. Ruth Barlow to Joel Barlow, 9 April 1796, Paris, AM MS 1448 (554), Houghton Library, Harvard University.

100. Mary Wollstonecraft cited by Woodress, A Yankee’s Odyssey, 127. Wollstonecraft hoped the Barlows would take her younger brother with them to America, but realized from Joel’s letters, as did Ruth, that Joel was unlikely to abandon the French Revolution before it ended.

101. Mary Wollstonecraft to Everina Wollstonecraft, 14 September 1792, in Buel, Joel Barlow, 153.

102. Thomas Jefferson to Anne Bingham, Paris, 11 May 1788, cited by Edward Dumbauld, Thomas Jefferson: American Tourist (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1946), 210.

103. Thomas Jefferson to Anne Bingham, 7 February 1787, Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955), 11: 392–93.

104. Anne Bingham to Thomas Jefferson, 1 June 1787, in Sarah Nicholas Randolph, The Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson (New York: Harper, 1871), 98.

105.Thomas Jefferson to Bannister, 15 October 1785, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 5: 186–87, cited by George Green Shackelford, Jefferson’s Adoptive Son: The Life of William Short, 1759–1848 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1993), 111.

106. St. John de Crèvecoeur to Thomas Jefferson, 15 July 1784, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 8: 376–77, cited ibid., 20.

107. Thomas Jefferson expounded his views of the French Revolution in detailed letters to Thomas Paine, Richard Price, Abigail Adams, James Madison, and George Washington. See, among others, Dumbauld, Thomas Jefferson; Lloyd Kramer, Paine and Jefferson on Liberty (New York: Continuum, 1988); Conor Cruise O’Brien, The Long Affair: Thomas Jefferson and the French Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996); and R. R. Palmer, “The Dubious Democrat: Thomas Jefferson in Bourbon France,” Political Science Quarterly 72 (1957): 388–404.

108. Thomas Jefferson to William Short, 24 March 1789, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 14: 694–97.

109. William Short to Thomas Jefferson, 3 April 1789, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 25: 27–30, cited by Shackelford, Jefferson’s Adoptive Son, 43.

110. Duchesse de la Rochefoucauld to William Short, 20 November 1794, Lettres de la duchesse de La Rochefoucauld à William Short. Texte inédit, ed. Doina Pasca Harsanyi (Paris: Mercure de France, 2001), 193.

111. Suzanne Desan, The Family on Trial in Revolutionary France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), 48.

112. Duchesse de la Rochefoucauld to William Short, 1 October 1791, in Harsanyi, Lettres de la duchesse de La Rochefoucauld à William Short, 57.

113. Duchesse de la Rochefoucauld to William Short, 7 November 1791, ibid., 64.

114. Duchesse de la Rochefoucauld to William Short, 6 January 1791, ibid., 23.

115. William Short to Rutledge, 17 September 1792, Papers of William Short, cited by Shackelford, Jefferson’s Adoptive Son, 61.

116. Thomas Jefferson to William Short, Philadelphia, 3 January 1793, Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.

117. “He seems to have come from the backwoods of America and to have had little business with civilized people,” the duchess complained of Monroe’s moral scruples to Short; Duchesse de la Rochefoucauld to William Short, 14 December 1794, in Harsanyi, Lettres de la duchesse de La Rochefoucauld à William Short, 197.

118. William Short to Duchesse de la Rochefoucauld, 19 November 1794, ibid., 188.

119. Duchesse de la Rochefoucauld to William Short, 5 November 1791, ibid., 62.

120. Duchesse de la Rochefoucauld to William Short, 22 September 1791, ibid., 53.

121.William Short to duchesse de la Rochefoucauld, 30 September 1794, ibid., 184; and William Short to Jefferson, 6 August 1798, Papers of William Short, cited by Shackelford, Jefferson’s Adoptive Son, 135.

122. As retold in tales handed down in the family, cannibalistic “Redskins” burned down the farm, but a family friend had saved the children and taken them to Boston, where Crèvecoeur entrusted them to the eminent teachers of the time to break the influence of the Indians. In the tale, elephants roamed the forests of America; Paul F. Mealy,La Comtesse Pelet de la Lozère. Souvenirs 1793–1874 (Dijon: Imprimerie Victor Darantière, nd).

123. J. Hector St. John de Crèvecoeur, Lettres d’un cultivateur américain écrites à Wm. S[et]on, Esqr. depuis l’année 1770, jusqu’en 1786. Greatly enlarged from the edition of 1784 (Paris: Cuchet, 1787), 3: 11.

124. Ibid., 3: 13.

125. “The Sassafras and the Vine,” Crèvecoeur Papers, Library of Congress.

126. Comtesse de Damas to St. John de Crèvecoeur, 24 October [1787], in Crèvecoeur Papers, Manuscripts, Library of Congress.

127. Comtesse de Damas to St. John de Crèvecoeur, August 1789, in Crèvecoeur Papers, Manuscripts, Library of Congress.

128. Emily Pierpont Delesdernier, Fannie St. John: A Romantic Incident of the American Revolution (New York: Hurd and Houghton, 1874), 44.

129. Comtesse de Damas to St. John de Crèvecoeur, 24 October [1789], in Crèvecoeur Papers, Manuscripts, Library of Congress. Crèvecoeur had stayed, while in Paris, with the comtesse de Houdetot, the model for Rousseau’s Julie.

130. Tardieu to St. John de Crèvecoeur, 7 October 1789, Danville, Crèvecoeur Papers, Manuscripts, Library of Congress.

131. Comtesse de Damas to St. John de Crèvecoeur, 24 October [1789], in Crèvecoeur Papers, Manuscripts, Library of Congress.

132. Louis Otto cited by Gay Wilson Allen and Roger Asselineau, St. John de Crèvecoeur: The Life of an American Farmer (New York: Viking, 1987), 92.

133. América Francès Otto to Louis Otto, Lesche, 30 Messidor, An 6 (18 July 1798), Acquisitions Extraordinaires 135, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

134. América Francès Otto to Louis Otto, Lesche, 16 Thermidor, An 6 (3 August 1798), Acquisitions Extraordinaires 135, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

135. América Francès Otto to Louis Otto, Lesche, 30 Brumaire, An 7 (20 November 1798), Acquisitions Extraordinaires 135, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

136. América Francès Otto to Louis Otto, Lesche, 17 Nivôse, An 7 (6 January 1799), Acquisitions Extraordinaires 135, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

137.América Francès Otto to Louis Otto, Lesche, 20 Germinal, An 7 (9 April 1799), Acquisitions Extraordinaires 135, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

138. América Francès Otto to Louis Otto, Lesche, 30 Messidor, An 6 (18 July 1798), Acquisitions Extraordinaires 135, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

139. América Francès Otto to Louis Otto, Lesche, 20 Brumaire, An 7 (10 November 1798), Acquisitions Extraordinaires 135, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris; and América Francès Otto to Louis Otto, Lesche, 30 Messidor, An 6 (18 July 1798), Acquisitions Extraordinaires 135, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

140. América Francès Otto to Louis Otto, Lesche, 20 Brumaire, An 7 (10 November 1798), Acquisitions Extraordinaires 135, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

141. Desan, The Family on Trial in Revolutionary France, 83.

142. América Francès Otto to Louis Otto, Lesche, 17 Nivôse, An 7 (6 January 1799), Acquisitions Extraordinaires 135, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

143. Ally Crèvecoeur to Louis Otto, Lesche, 16 Brumaire, An 7 (6 November 1798), Acquistions Extraordinaires 135, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

144. Letter to Louis Otto, Paris, 19 Thermidor, An 8 (7 August 1800), Acquisitions Extraordinaires 135, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

145. Louis Otto to his mother, 21 October 1803, Munich, in Raymonde Dunan, L’Ambassadeur Otto de Mosloy, d’après des lettres inédites (Paris: A. Pedone, 1955), 3.

146. “Une feuille volante,” 18 January 1811, cited in Marcel Dunan, Napoléon et l’Allemagne, Le système continental et les débuts du royaume de Bavière 1806–1810 (Paris: Plon, 1942), 455.

147. Louis Otto to Fanny Otto, 22 May [1795], Acquisitions Extraordinaires 188, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris. Otto turned down a diplomatic posting to the United States, citing his wife’s health. In fact, his diplomatic career may have had more to do with his rejection of the post.

148. Stadion, 25 March 1807, cited in Dunan, Napoléon et l’Allemagne, 455.

149. Louis Otto to América Francès Otto, 29 June 1809, Munich, in Dunan, L’Ambassadeur Otto de Mosloy.

150. Mealy, La Comtesse Pelet de la Lozère.

151. Not so Otto’s diplomatic career. In addition to his diplomatic correspondence and dispatches that are the subject of the next chapter, catalogued and filed in the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Paris, his grandson compiled a biography of Louis Otto in 1820. “When a man has occupied high posts in the service of his country, when he has represented it abroad and signed important treaties, his life belongs to history,” the grandson writes on the opening page. In contrast, América Francès de Crèvecoeur Otto has all but disappeared from the historical record.

152. Louis Otto, “Mémoire remise par le Sr. Otto,” cited by Hill, French Perceptions, 162. Long before the French revolutionaries set out to remake the world on their own terms, historian Sarah Knott argues, social generation was an American project; Knott, Sensibility and the American Revolution.

153. Duke de la Rochefoucauld Liancourt cited by Armes, Nancy Shippen, 91.

CHAPTER 8. DECREES “IN THE NAME OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC”

1. François Lanthenas cited by Yves Benot, La Révolution française et la fin des colonies 1789–1794 (Paris: La Découverte, 1987), 197.

2. Nicolas de Condorcet cited by Michel Vovelle, Les Républiques-soeurs sous le regard de la Grande Nation 1795–1803 (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2000), 13. See also Marc Belissa, “Du droit des gens à la guerre de conquête (Septembre 92–Vendémiaire an IV), in Révolution et république: l’exception française: Actes du colloque de Paris I Sorbonne, 21–26 septembre 1992, ed. Michel Vovelle (Paris: Kimé, 1994), 457–66.

3. Maximilien Robespierre, 2 January 1792, cited by Annie Jourdan, La Révolution, une exception française? (Paris: Flammarion, 2004), 220.

4. Joachim Heinrich Campe cited by Simon Schama, Citizens (New York: Vintage, 1990), 513.

5. The National Assembly had debated at length, in May 1790, who in revolutionary France had the right to declare war and peace. Constantin-François Volney claimed power for legislators to “deliberate for the universe and in the universe,” resolving “that the National Assembly considers the entire human race as forming but a single and same society, whose object is the peace and happiness of each and all of its members”; Volney cited by David Bell, The First Total War, Napoleon’s Europe, and the Birth of Warfare as We Know It (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2007), 103–4.

6. Bartolomeo Boccardi, 23 December 1794, Paris, Correspondance politique Genes 164, Archives des Affaires Étrangères, Paris; and d’Ange-Marie Eymar, January 1794, Mémoires et Documents, Italie 12, Archives des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

7. Barthélemy Joubert to Garrau cited by Bell, The First Total War, 1: 45.

8. Eighty percent of French consuls kept the posts they had held under the Old Regime into the revolution. Stéphane Bégaud, Marc Belissa, and Joseph Visser, Aux origines d’une alliance improbable: le réseau consulaire français aux États-Unis, 1776–1815 (Paris: Direction des Archives, Ministère des affaires étrangères: 2005), 29. See also Anne Mezin, Les consuls de France au siècle des Lumières 1715–1792 (Paris: Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, 1997).

9. Charles Dumouriez to François Barthélemy, 27 March 1792, in Papiers de Barthélemy, ed. Jean Kaulek (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1886), 57.

10.François Barthélemy cited by Marc Peter, Genève et la Révolution. Les Comités provisoires, 28 decembre 1792–13 avril 1794 (Geneva: Albert Kundig, 1921), 16; and François Barthélemy to Pierre Lebrun, 11 September 1792, Baden, in Kaulek, Papiers de Barthélemy, 1: 286.

11. Wolfgang von Goethe cited by Owen Connelly, The Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon, 1792–1815 (New York: Routledge, 2006), 31.

12. Charles Dumouriez, Moniteur 14 (1 November 1792): 367.

13. Charles Dumouriez, Moniteur 14 (21 November 1792): 21.

14. Alexandre Balza, Moniteur 14 (28 November 1792): 580. See Janet Polasky, Revolution in Brussels, 1787–1793 (Brussels: Académie Royale de Belgique, 1986).

15. Charles Dumouriez to Jean Nicolas Pache, 6 December 1792, in A. Chuquet, Lettres de 1792 (Paris: H. Champion, 1911).

16. Alexandre Balza and J. J. Torfs cited by Suzanne Tassier, Histoire de la Belgique sous l’occupation française en 1792 et 1793 (Brussels: Falk, 1934), 136–37.

17. Charles Dumouriez, Mémoires (London: C. and G. Kearsley, 1794), 1: 89. The general subsequently suffered a defeat at the Battle of Neerwinden in the United Provinces in March 1793 and defected to the Austrians. He spent the next decade wandering through Europe, spawning intrigue, before he settled in England to advise the government in its war against Bonaparte.

18. P. J. Cambon, Moniteur 14 (18 December 1792): 759.

19. “Les Français aux Belges et les Belges aux Français,” Écrits politiques, vol. 157, 173–74, Archives générales du Royaume/Algemeen Rijksarchief, Brussels.

20. Lettre de SMJ au Corps helvétiques, 19 September 1792, Registres du Conseil 300, Archives d’État de Genève, Geneva; and De Rochemont and the Conseil des Deux Cents, 21 September 1792, Registres du Conseil 300, Archives d’État de Genève, Geneva.

21. Anne-Pierre Montesquiou to Premier syndic de Geneva, Carouge, 10 October 1792, in Kaulek, Papiers de Barthélemy, 1: 337.

22. Anne-Pierre Montesquiou, 6 November 1792, in Albert Sorel, L’Europe et la Révolution française (Paris: E. Plon, 1887), 3: 125.

23. Convention, 8 November 1792, ibid, 3: 197.

24. Pierre Lebrun to Châteauneuf, 8 October 1792, Paris, in Kaulek, Papiers de Barthélemy, 1: 326.

25. Pierre Lebrun, 7 December 1792, cited by Eric Golay, Quand le peuple devint roi (Geneva: Slatkine, 2001), 91.

26. Merlin de Thionville, 8 January 1794, Paris, in Joseph Hansen, Quellen zur Geschichte des Rheinlandes im Zeitalter der franzosischen Revolution (Bonn: Peter Hanstein Verslagsbuchhandlung, 1931–38), 3: 7–8.

27. Einnahme der Stadt Trier durch die Franzosische Armee, 8 August 1794, Trier, ibid., 3: 173–75.

28. Proklamation der Zentralverwaltung des bestezten Gebiets zwischen Maaas und Roer an ihre Mitbürger, 4 November 1794, ibid., 3: 286–87.

29.Der Volksrepräsentant Gillet bei der Sambre und Maasarmee an den Magistrat der Stadt Köln, 10 October 1794, Cologne, ibid., 3: 259.

30. Bürgermeister J. N. Dumont an den Volksrepräsentanten Frécine, 17 January 1795; and Der Rat der Stadt Köln an den Nationalkonvent in Paris, 18 January 1795, ibid., 3: 354–58.

31. Der Volkspräsentant Bourbotte, 1 September 1794, Trier, ibid., 3: 213.

32. Abbé Sieyès, Traité de Paix, An 3, Mémoires et Documents, Allemagne 117, Archives des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

33. Denkschrift von A. J. Dorsch uber die Länder am linken Rehinufer, in Hansen, Quellen zur Geschichte des Rheinlandes im Zeitalter der franzosischen Revolution, 3: 557.

34. Moniteur 21, 324: 433–34, cited by Marc Belissa, Fraternité universelle et intérêt national (1713–1795) (Paris: Éditions Kimé, 1998), 410.

35. Directory cited by Sorel, L’Europe et la Révolution française, 5: 70.

36. Napoléon Bonaparte cited ibid.

37. Napoléon Bonaparte cited ibid., 5: 76.

38. Delacroix cited ibid., 5: 74.

39. Lettres et instructions du Directoire executif relatives aux operations diplomatiques et militaires depuis le 23 prairial au 4 jusqu’au 28 thermidor, Mémoires et Documents, Italie 12, Archives des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

40. Delacroix cited by Vovelle, Républiques-soeurs, 31; and Citizen Miot, 26 prairial, an 4, Florence, Mémoires et Documents, Italie 12, Archives des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

41. Extrait du dépeche du C. Miot, Mémoires et Documents, Italie 12, Archives des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

42. Axel von Fersen, Dagbok, cited by R. R. Palmer, Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760–1800 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), 2: 331.

43. Die Mittelkommission to General Augereau in Strasbourg, 18 October 1797, Bonn, in Hansen, Quellen zur Geschichte des Rheinlandes im Zeitalter der franzosischen Revolution, 4: 229.

44. Der Kommissär to the Mittelkommission in Bonn, 13 August 1797, ibid., 3: 1112.

45. A. G. F. Rebmann cited by Marita Gilli, “La République de Mayence et les mouvements en rhénanie à la suite de l’occupation française,” in La Révolution française vue des deux côtés du Rhin/textes rassemblés, ed. Andre Dabezies (Aix-en-Provence: Université de Provence, Aix-Marseille 1, 1990), 27.

46. Cited by Palmer, Age of the Democratic Revolution, 2: 440.

47. Leonard McNally cited by Nancy J. Curtin, The United Irishmen: Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791–1798 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 180. See also Ultán Gillen, “Constructing Democratic Thought in Ireland in the Age of Revolution, 1775–1800,” in Re-imagining Democracy in the Age of Revolutions: America, France, Britain, Ireland, 1750–1850, ed. Joanna Innes and Mark Philp (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 149–61.

48. Rowan traveled to the United States as private secretary to the governor of South Carolina. He complained of his rough passage home, which found “my raccoon dead, my bear washed overboard, and my opossum lost in the cable tier”; Archibald Hamilton Rowan, The Autobiography of Archibald Hamilton Rowan, Esq. (Dublin: Thomas Tegg, 1840), 35, 191.

49. A.D.S.M I Mi 62/157/2095 cited by Marianne Elliott, Partners in Revolution: The United Irishmen and France (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), 155–56.

50. Napoléon Bonaparte to Charles Talleyrand cited by Thomas Pakenham, The Year of Liberty: The Story of the Great Irish Rebellion of 1798 (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1969), 29.

51. Earl Camden cited by Elliott, Partners in Revolution, 216.

52. Cited by Pakenham, Year of Liberty, 296, 299.

53. Cited ibid., 332.

54. To historian Marianne Elliott, the French invasions of Ireland definitively demonstrated that revolutionary France was less “the dispassionate saviour of popular tradition” than “a pragmatic European power fighting a bitter war at home and abroad”; Elliott, “The Role of Ireland in French War Strategy, 1796–1798,” in Ireland and the French Revolution, ed. Hugh Gough and David Dickson (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1990), 220.

55. Sorel, L’Europe et la Révolution française, 5: 318. See also Theda Skocpol and Meyer Kestenbaum, “Mars Unshackled: The French Revolution in World Historical Perspective,” in The French Revolution and the Birth of Modernity, ed. Ferenc Fehér (Berkeley: California University Press, 1990).

56. François Barthélemy to François Deforgues, 27 July 1793, Baden, in Kaulek, Papiers de Barthélemy, 2: 396.

57. Bacher to François Deforgues, 22 September 1793, Basel, ibid., 3: 76.

58. François Barthélemy, Baden, 3 November 1792, Correspondance politique Suisse 430, 18082, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.

59. Brillat Savarin to Sam Hopkins, 1798, in “Unpublished Letters Written in English by Brillat Savarin and Benjamin Constant,” Modern Language Notes 45, no. 1 (January 1930): 4.

60. Frédéric-César de La Harpe, 9 March 1798, in Correspondance de Fréderic-César De la Harpe sous la République helvétique, ed. J. C. Biaudet and M. C. Jéquier (Neuchâtel: Baconnière, 1982–1985), 2: 61.

61. Ibid.; and Frédéric-César de La Harpe to Talleyrand, 15 April 1798, ibid., 2: 285.

62. Frédéric-César de La Harpe to Reubell, 6 July 1798, ibid., 2: 468.

63. Frédéric-César de La Harpe to Corps législatif helvétique, 9 July 1798; and Frédéric-César de La Harpe to Reubell, 6 July 1798, ibid., 2: 475.

64.Registres du Conseil 313, Archives d’État de Genève, Geneva.

65. Sauter, cited by A. Rufer, La Suisse et la Révolution française (Paris: Société des études robespierristes, 1973), 104.

66. Napoléon Bonaparte cited by J.-R, Suratteau, “Ochs, Pierre,” in Dictionnaire historique de la révolution française, ed. Albert Soboul (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1989), 795.

67. Henry Dundas cited by David Geggus, “The Enigma of Jamaica in the 1790s: New Light on the Causes of Slave Rebellions,” William and Mary Quarterly 44 (1987): 279.

68. “Discours préliminaire de la constitution de Saint Domingue,” in Joseph Élysée-Ferry, Journal des opérations militaires de l’armée à Saint-Domingue, ed. Jacques Dussart (Paris: Éditions de Paris, 2006), 245.

69. Louverture did not bother to wait for Bonaparte’s approval before he promulgated the new constitution, in what Srinivas Aravamudan calls “an exceptional coda to the eighteenth century”; Aravamudan, Tropicopolitans: Colonialism and Agency, 1688–1804 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1990), 23. See also C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins: Toussaint Louverture and the San Domingo Revolution (New York: Dial, 1938).

70. Bonaparte, Premier Consul de la République Française, to Citoyen Toussaint Louverture, général en chef de l’armée de Saint Domingue, 27 Brumaire, An 10 (16 November 1801), in Élysée-Ferry, Journal des opérations militaires, 257.

71. General Leclerc to General Christophe, 3 February 1802, in Lettres du Général Leclerc, commandant en chef de l’armée de Saint-Domingue en 1802, ed. Paul Roussier (Paris: Société de l’histoire des colonies françaises et Librairie Ernest Leroux, 1937), 61.

72. Bonaparte, “Proclamation. Les Consuls de la République aux habitants de Saint Domingue,” 17 Brumaire, An 10 (8 November 1801), ibid., 63.

73. General Christophe cited by Carolyn E. Fick, The Making of Haiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1990), 216.

74. General Leclerc, 25 August 1802, cited ibid., 226.

75. General Leclerc to Bonaparte, 6 August 1802, in Lettres du Général Leclerc, 202.

76. See Ashli White, Encountering Revolution: Haiti and the Making of the Early Republic (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), 164–65.

CHAPTER 9. REVOLUTIONARIES BETWEEN NATIONS

1. Benjamin Franklin to David Hartley, Philadelphia, 4 December 1789, in Richard N. Rosenfeld, American Aurora: A Democratic-Republican Returns; The Suppressed History of Our Nation’s Beginnings and the Heroic Newspaper That Tried to Report It (New York: St. Martin’s Griffin, 1997), 496.

2.Thomas Jefferson to Thomas Paine, Paris, 11 July 1789, The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Albert Ellery Bergh (Washington, D.C.: Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association, 1903), 7: 405.

3. Gazette of the United States, 29 July 1789, cited by Beatrice Hyslop, “The American Press and the French Revolution of 1789,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 104, no. 1 (1960): 65.

4. “Mr Robespierre’s Speech on the National Assembly of France,” Pennsylvania Mercury 478 (December 3, 1789): 2.

5. Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 14 April 1794, cited by Lloyd Kramer, “The French Revolution and the Creation of American Political Culture,” in The Global Remifications of the French Revolution, ed. Joseph Klaints and Michael H. Haltzel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 31.

6. Gazette of the United States, 16 January 1793, cited by Rachel Hope Cleves, The Reign of Terror in America: Visions of Violence from Anti-Jacobinism to Antislavery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 80. See also Seth Cotlar, Tom Paine’s America: The Rise and Fall of Transatlantic Radicalism in the Early Republic(Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2011).

7. L. E. Moreau de Saint Méry, “Rapport du Voyage aux États Unis,” F3 123, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence.

8. Porcupine’s Gazette, 12 March 1798, cited by Carol Sue Humphrey, The Press of the Young Republic, 1783–1833 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1996), 59.

9. Thomas Paine, Common Sense in Thomas Paine: Collected Writings, ed. Eric Foner (New York: Library of America, 1995), 36.

10. William Cobbett, cited by David Wilson, William Cobbett, Peter Porcupine in America: Pamphlets on Republicanism and Revolution (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1994), 3; and William Cobbett cited by Cotlar, Tom Paine’s America, 101.

11. Thomas Paine, Letters to the Citizens of the United States Upon his arrival from France (Washington City: Duane, 1802). Paine laid the blame for the rise of partisan politics in America on “the clamours of anonymous scribblers” and “the fury of newspaper writers” who incited public opinion. Rather than applauding the freedom of the press, he placed his faith directly in the “large body of people who attend quietly to their farms, or follow their several occupations”; Thomas Paine, Aurora, 831 (19 November 1792): 2.

12. The Herald: A Gazette for the Country, 266 (12 December 1796): 3; and “From the Virginia Gazette,” The Republican, Baltimore, 17 November 1802, 1.

13. Louis-Guillaume Otto, Comte de Mosloy, Considérations sur la conduite du gouvernement américain envers la France depuis le commencement de la Révolution jusqu’en 1797 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1945), 23. These stories were picked up and reported up and down the East Coast. Paine, living in an apartment in the house of Nicolas Bonneville, a radical French journalist, rarely went out, preferring to receive guests including the Polish revolutionary, Thaddeus Kościuszko, the Marquis de Lafayette, and Joel Barlow. He still did not speak French, so his contacts with French revolutionaries were limited. He did dine with Louis Sebastien Mercier, the author of the legendary utopian novel L’An 2440.

14. James Perhouse to John Perhouse, cited by Cotlar, Tom Paine’s America, 1. Cotlar points to the irony “that two years after America had supposedly witnessed its democratic revolution with the election of 1800, the man who had spent his life articulating and popularizing some of the Atlantic world’s most democratic principles had a hard time finding a drink in a town full of sailors”; ibid., 3. Many historians attribute his cold reception to his religious irreverence, while others point to the more radical politics of The Rights of Man. On Paine’s homelessness, see Gordon S. Wood, “The Radicalism of Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Paine Considered,” in Paine and Jefferson in the Age of Revolutions, ed. Simon P. Newman and Peter S. Onuf (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2013), 13–25.

15. Cited by Jack Fruchtman Jr., The Political Philosophy of Thomas Paine (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), 153.

16. Thomas Paine to George Washington in The Political and Miscellaneous Works of Thomas Paine (London: R. Carlile, 1819), 2:16. Paine accused Washington of having abandoned his principles. Joel Barlow added a private poem entitled, “Thomas Paine’s direction to the Sculptor who should make the statue of Washington”; Jack Fruchtman Jr., Thomas Paine: Apostle of Freedom (New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 1994), 318.

17. Cited by James Pula, Thaddeus Kościosko: The Purest Son of Liberty (New York: Hippocrene, 1999), 240.

18. The Diary, 21 August 1797, 1723; and Aurora General Advertiser, 19 August 1791, 3.

19. New Jersey Journal, 27 September 1797, 3. See also Della Durahadda, “Address to Kosciusko, Late Commander in Chief of the Armies of Poland, and Defender of the Rights of Man,” in The Bee, New London, Conn., 20 September 1797, 4.

20. Cited by Pula, Thaddeus Kościosko, 240–41.

21. Porcupine’s Gazette, 8 November 1798, 2. As if in response to the charge, Kościuszko directed in his will that his estate be used to set Thomas Jefferson’s slaves free.

22. Aurora General Advertiser, 20 June 1798, in Rosenfeld, American Aurora, 159.

23. Anacharsis Cloots, in Écrits révolutionnaires 1790–1794, ed. Michéle Duval (Paris: Éditions Champ Libre, 1979), 458.

24. Anacharsis Cloots cited by Michael Rapport, Nationality and Citizenship in Revolutionary France: The Treatment of Foreigners, 1789–1799 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 2.

25. Among others, see Peter Sahlins, Unnaturally French (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2004).

26. Elkanah Watson, April 1780, Journal A, 1758–1781, GB 12579, box 2, folio 2, New York State Archives, Albany.

27.Joel Barlow, John Trumbull, David Humphreys, and Lemuel Hopkins, The Anarchiad, discussed in David Waldstreicher, In the Midst of Perpetual Fetes: The Making of American Nationalism, 1776–1820 (Chapel Hill: Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1996), 59–61.

28. Washington Irving, “Rip Van Winkle,” http://www.bartleby.com/195/4.html.

29. Martin Luther King Jr., “Remaining Awake through a Great Revolution,” Martin Luther King, Jr., Research and Education Institute, http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/kingpapers/article/remaining_awake_through_a_great_revolution/.

30. Naimbanna, The Black Prince, A True Story: Being An Account of the Life and Death of Naimbanna, an African King’s Son, who arrived in England in the year 1791, and set sail on his return in June (Philadelphia: Benjamin Johnson, 1813), 6.

31. Ibid., 12.

32. Zachary Macaulay, 18 July 1793, Journal, 1793–1799, Papers of Zachary Macaulay, Microfilm, Abolition & Emancipation. Zachary Macaulay, the hated British overseer of Sierra Leone, published a narration of his trip after the death of “the Black Prince” to convince readers that the English had not poisoned him. In his will, reprinted in Macaulay’s journal, John Frederick allegedly avowed his faith in the Sierra Leone Company and his opposition to the slave trade. His Temne family claimed, to the contrary, that on a paper found in his pocket book, John Frederick declared his faith that the Lord would deliver him from the “wickedness” and “filthy” oaths of the English ship’s crew transporting him back to his homeland.

33. Noah Webster cited by Cotlar, Tom Paine’s America, 101.

34. See Sophie Wahnich, L’impossible citoyen. L’étranger dans le discours de la Révolution Française (Paris: Albin Michel, 1997), 339.

35. Richard Price, A Discourse on the Love of our Country (London: R. Cadell, 1790). See also Mark Philp, “Revolutionaries in Paris,” in Newman and Onuf, Paine and Jefferson, 137.

36. Miliscent, Le Creuset, 21 September 1791, cited in Yves Benot, La Révolution française et la fin des colonies 1789–1794 (Paris: La Découverte, 1987), 196.

37. Thomas Paine, Letter Addressed to the Abbe Raynal on the Affairs of North America: in which the mistakes of the abbe’s account of the Revolution of America are corrected and cleared up (London: J. Ridgeway, 1792).

38. Thomas Paine, Maritime Compact (1800), cited by Bernard Vincent, “From Social to International Peace: The Realistic Utopias of Thomas Paine,” in Thomas Paine: In Search of the Common Good, ed. Joyce Chumbley and Leo Zonneveld (Nottingham: Spokesman, 2009), 66.

39. See Marc Belissa, Fraternité universel et intérêt national (1913–1795) (Paris: Éditions Kimé, 1998).

40. Independent Gazetteer, 5 January 1793, cited by Cotlar, Tom Paine’s America, 50–51.

41.Immanuel Kant, Idee zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte in welbügerlicher Absicht (1784), cited by Jonathan Rée, “Cosmopolitanism and the Experience of Nationality,” in Cosmopolitics: Thinking and Feeling beyond the Nation, ed. Pheng Cheah and Bruce Robbins (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), 78. See also Seyla Benhabib, Another Cosmpolitanism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 147–53.

42. Philipp Ziesche makes a convincing argument for the coherence and mutual dependence of nationalism and cosmopolitanism; Ziesche, Cosmopolitan Patriots: Americans in Paris in the Age of Revolution (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010).

43. Peter Ochs cited by R. R. Palmer, Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760–1800 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959), 1: 364.

44. Amanda Anderson affiliates cosmopolitanism with “a vivid spectrum of diverse dialectics of detachment, displacement and affiliation.” It simultaneously evokes the local and the global and is ever shifting; Anderson, The Way We Argue Now: A Study in the Cultures of Theory (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), 78–79.

45. Mary Wollstonecraft, Letters during a short residence in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark (London: J. Johnson, 1796), letter 12.

46. Wollstonecraft, Letters during a short residence in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, letter 12.